Defining residential graves
Nicola Laneri
To cite this version:
Nicola Laneri. : The case of Titriş Höyük in southeastern Anatolia during the late IIIrd
millennium BC. Olivier Henry. 2èmes Rencontres d’archéologie de l’IFEA : Le Mort dans
la ville Pratiques, contextes et impacts des inhumations intra-muros en Anatolie, du début
de l’Age du Bronze à l’époque romaine., Nov 2011, Istanbul, Turkey. IFEA - Ege yayınları,
pp.43-52, 2013, Rencontres d’Archéologie de l’IFEA. <halshs-00808197>
HAL Id: halshs-00808197
https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00808197
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DEFINING RESIDENTIAL GRAVES
The case of Titri Höyük in southeastern Anatolia during the
late IIIrd millennium BC
Nicola Laneri
University of Catania, Italy
[email protected]
Abstract
Since prehistoric times, the use of graves built within private houses has
been a common burial custom of both Old and New World societies.
Although e orts have been made by scholars to interpret the role these
graves had in constructing the social, cultural and economic organization
of ancient societies there has been no attempt to clearly de ne the use
of basic terminology such as intramural for this category of funerary
depositions.
The paper here presented will thus aim at de ning a more coherent
typology of residential graves i e a built tomb embedded within
a dwelling and contemporary with it and distinguish it from other
types of funerary depositions that were part of the settlement
i e cists pits pithoi but that are di cult to connect with the collective
memory of the community Such an epistemological exercise will
facilitate interpretations carried out by scholars interested in mortuary
archaeology and will also de ne the socio economic value of residential
graves as part of the construction of the familial memory Moreover to
further elucidate the de nition of residential graves I will also present a
speci c case study i e Titriş Höyük during the late IIIrd millennium BC in
which the use of such funerary depositions was pivotal for framing the
emergence of a new social class.
Introduction
Historically speaking the study of intramural funerary depositions has not
been a popular subject of research in the eld of archaeology During the last
ve years however the topic has been the subject of some long overdue
43
Nicola Laneri
attention in the form of conferences and other
research that explores various aspects of intramural
funerary depositions in ancient societies as
with for example the
symposium Sepolti
tra i vivi held in Rome and the recently released
volume on residential burials edited by Ron
Adams and Stacey King1 However as correctly
pointed out by Edgar Peltenburg at the ICAANE
conference in London , much confusion still remains
regarding the de nitions of the di erent types
of intramural funerary depositions and especially
the di erentiation between residential graves and
other types of intramural funerary depositions
For example the term intramural has sometimes
been used to describe funerary depositions
located both within the city walls and within the
walls of a building 3. This has created confusion
in distinguishing between graves located within
the city walls as is the case of the mausolea
and those embedded within the architecture
of a speci c building as is the case of sub adult
inhumations in pottery vessels underneath walls
or oors depositions in pits jars pithoi under the
oor tombs in abandoned houses and residential
graves It now appears important to determine
speci c terminology in order to de ne the type
of relationship that occurs between graves,
architecture and the overall settlement topography
when investigating tombs that are located in an
urban context For example the establishment of
clear parameters can be useful when dealing with
tombs that have the purpose of becoming funerary
crypts embedded within residential architecture
In particular we should consider residential
graves as funerary depositions that were
planned as part of the domestic architecture
and, thus, could have functioned as a clear point
of reference for the living family in the process
of revising the memory of their ancestors This
phenomenon served the purpose of emphasizing
the socio economic role played by the ancestors
in strengthening familial lineages and reinforcing
a sense of belonging among the family s members
1 Adams King
Bartoloni Benedettini
2 Peltenburg personal communication
3 According to the English dictionary the adjective intramural
means situated or done within the walls of the buildings In Italian
the conundrum has been solved through the use of the term intra
muros for the tombs built within the walls of the building and intra
moenia for those built in a more generic position within the city
walls.
De ning residential graves
44
during the performance of their daily activities as
well as in the process of confrontation with groups
that present a di erent social religious or ethnic
identity Thus the identi cation of residential graves
appears as a fundamental step in understanding
the rules governing the social organization of
the investigated groups More speci cally the
di erent burial locations can also be indicative of a
diverse way of conceiving social links among group
members for example while extramural funerary
depositions in large cemeteries can indicate a
centralized control on how the living interact with
the world of the dead the use of residential graves
built within the private dwellings can signify a desire
by emerging groups to di erentiate their position
from central authorities.
Thus, it appears of fundamental importance to
clearly distinguish residential graves when analyzing
funerary customs of ancient societies and thus
in order to better identify this type of funerary
deposition when confronting archaeological
contexts we should look at the following elements
tombs that are embedded in the architecture,
tombs that have a high visibility within the
house,
tombs that have a direct and continuous
relationship with residential architecture e g
through the use of altars or drains located in
other rooms
After outlining these preliminary elements
on the identi cation of residential graves in the
archaeological record I would like now to turn
my attention to the main aim of this paper the
investigation of the social value of the appearance
of residential funerary chambers at the site of Titriş
Höyük in southeastern Anatolia during the late
IIIrd millennium BC.
The transformation of funerary
practices at Titri Höyük during
the Late IIIrd Millennium BC
During the IIIrd millennium BC Mesopotamia is
marked by an impressive increase in archaeological
data directly connected to the practice of ancient
funerary rituals The abundance of this type of
material culture emphasizes the importance of
funerary ritual enactments for these ancient
societies, who used them as tools for strengthening
societal structure at a moment in which social,
Nicola Laneri
Fig
Map of southeastern Anatolia showing the location of
Titriş Höyük
cultural and economic habits were experiencing a
transformative shift.
As part of this socio economic and political
landscape the ancient settlement of Titriş Höyük
serves as an excellent case study for understanding
the important role played by funerary practices in
establishing forms of societal organization within
a northern Mesopotamian medium sized urban
center in this speci c historical period4. The site is
located in the Urfa region southeastern Turkey
near a tributary of the Euphrates River g
Its
geographical location was suited to both pastoral
and agricultural activities, and from a strategic point
of view also enabled control over long distance
commercial networks from the Urfa Harran South
and East and the Lidar Samsat North and West
areas. The connection between Lidar and Samsat
was in fact one of the only available fords for
crossing the Euphrates River in ancient times5.
The earliest documented occupation at Titriş
Höyük is during the Early Early Bronze Age ca
BC when probably only the acropolis and
part of the Lower Town were occupied In terms
of evidence for burial practices during this speci c
period, archaeologists discovered three cist graves
4 Algaze Matney
5 Algaze Pournelle
6 Matney Algaze
in the Lower Town that probably belonged to a
larger extramural cemetery .
Even though the Early Early Bronze Age
represents the rst period of occupation at the
site it is during the Middle Early Bronze Age ca
BC and the Late Early Bronze Age
ca
BC that Titriş Höyük acquired
an important status in the political landscape of
northern Mesopotamia It is during this phase that
the settlement grew in extension both in the Lower
and Outer sections of the town .
More speci cally during the Middle EBA
the main settlement occupied an area of ca.
hectares and had nine extramural suburban
settlements, adding another 11 hectares to the
total occupation of the site at this time . These
extramural settlement areas were probably used
for specialized craft production, as demonstrated
by the discovery of a int workshop situated in one
of these areas located approximately
m east of
the Outer Town limits11. At this time, the total area
occupied by the main site and the nine suburban
areas should have thus totaled about 43 hectares,
as recognizable from both excavation and survey
data In terms of the urban fabric massive
foundation walls associated with a ritual deposit
i e a decapitated dog were partially uncovered
in the Outer Town13, leading the archaeologists
to interpret these structures as possible public
buildings Instead the architecture uncovered in the
Lower Town suggests the presence of elite private
dwellings in this part of the Middle EBA town14.
Extramural cemeteries were also in use outside
of the town and on the fringes of both the Outer
and Lower Towns. Among these, the largest one
was located
m west of the ancient settlement15.
At this locale, a total of 41 cist graves and 3 pithoi
have been excavated by both the German and
American expeditions . Although the tombs of this
large burial ground were poorly preserved due to
7 Algaze et al.
g
8 A total of
sqm of Middle EBA architecture and
sqm of
Late EBA architecture have been uncovered Algaze Matney
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
Algaze et al.
Algaze Matney
Ibid
Algaze Pournelle
Algaze Matney
Algaze et al.
Honça Algaze
Hauptmann
Honça Algaze
gs
De ning residential graves
45
Nicola Laneri
modern plowing activities and looting, a comparison
with the contemporaneous
graves found at the
nearby site of Lidar Höyük can help in reconstructing
the overall extension of the cemetery The tombs of
this period are mostly rectangular cists constructed
from limestone with single and/or multiple
depositions of articulated skeletons . The presence
of an entrance dromos additionally characterizes
the largest tombs around which smaller cist graves
were clustered In terms of the funerary goods
recovered inside the graves, these are composed
of pottery vessels typical of a mid IIIrd millennium
Syro Anatolian repertoire as well as jewelry bronze
pins and a few violin shaped stone gurines that
recall those found in the Aegean, western Anatolia,
and Cilicia thus testifying to a cultural and probably
commercial link between Titriş Höyük and the
western regions .
At Titriş Höyük during the following
archaeological phase Late EBA instead
experiences a complete transformation of the
settlement and the whole region surrounding it,
where numerous villages and hamlets of the Middle
EBA were abandoned . The site also undergoes
a contraction in settlement size, now totaling
about 33 hectares after the abandonment of the
suburban areas It is also during this phase that a
forti cation system was built surrounding the Lower
and Outer Towns This consisted of thick mud brick
forti cation walls over a stone foundation and an
external moat system built of sloping layers of
densely packed clay earth and crushed limestone .
The construction of the wall was intended to better
protect the city from external enemies re ected
in an increase in perimortem trauma during this
phase as compared to the Middle EBA Moreover
the construction of forti cation walls appears to
be a typical marker of mid to late IIIrd millennium
city states likely linked to the extensive increase in
warfare between regional powers also testi ed by
written sources .
However the major changes are visible in the
urban fabric of the city which is now characterized
by the presence of private dwellings connected and
separated by a complex road system in both the
17
18
19
20
21
22
Ibid.
Laneri
Algaze Matney
Ibid.
Erdal
Archi Biga
De ning residential graves
46
Outer and Lower Towns Due to the fact that the
whole city shows a precise and impressive urban
regularity comprised of wide streets and alleyways
to connect the di erent neighborhoods in the
Outer and Lower Towns, it can be assumed that
the Late EBA town was planned by a centralized
authority who allotted land for the construction
of large private dwellings in the neighborhoods of
both sectors of the city . These domestic structures
were built following standardized measurements
and an architectural style typical of a second half
of the IIIrd millennium BC Mesopotamian tradition
in which the main courtyard was linked to both
the residential rooms and the cooking storage
and craft production areas . As mentioned before,
during this Late EBA phase the suburbs dedicated
to specialized production in the earlier period were
abandoned , while other specialized activities
were probably transferred from the outer area to
the main site and more speci cally within private
dwellings It is in this speci c household context
that the archaeologists also found important
working features and tools related to specialized
production still in situ, such as plastered basins
for processing grapes, looms and spindle whorls
for making textiles a stone trinket mold for
casting metal objects, stone tools for procuring
and processing food, and large storage jars for
storing food products Within this scenario i e
a transformation of both urban fabric and craft
production between the Middle and Late EBA it is
also important to highlight the abandonment of the
Middle EBA public architecture in the Outer Town
marked by massive stone foundations that during
the following Late EBA phase was substituted by
private dwellings built on top of it.
Of particular note within the urban fabric is the
evidence related to burial customs, which highlight
other major transformations in the Late EBA This
period is characterized by the presence of funerary
depositions within private dwellings in funerary
chambers, pithoi and cooking pots g
an
element that is directly related to an apparent lack
of extramural cemeteries Among these intramural
23 As pointed out by Algaze Matney
the reorganization
of the settlement during the Late EBA period can be described as a
massive and well planned urban renewal program
24 Matney
25 Algaze et al.
Lebeau
Matney et al.
Pfalzner
26 Algaze et al.
27 Algaze Pournelle
28 Matney et al.
Nicola Laneri
Fig
Map of a section of the Outer Town of the Late Early
Bronze Age settlement of Titriş Höyük highlighting three
intramural tombs A B
BB
and C B
Fig
Plan of a residential grave B
of the Late Early
Bronze Age showing the stone slabs used as roo ng
funerary depositions the creation of funerary
chambers embedded in the residential architecture
appears as a distinguishing marker of the Late EBA
societies at this site These funerary chambers
represent a clear example of what I considered
at the beginning of this article to be a residential
grave because they were directly connected to
the dwellings In fact a stepped entrance dromos
served as a passageway from the dwelling into
the underlying chamber while several large stone
slabs were used to cover each chamber In some
cases these slabs were visible on the oors of the
rooms to clearly mark the presence of a residential
grave within the daily life of the community In
particular a typical private dwelling of this period
usually contained at least one funerary chamber
constructed in a single room located in the back
of the house or inside the main courtyard g
The residential graves were built using medium
sized stones for the walls while the oor consists
of the natural virgin soil In terms of size the main
chamber ranges from
x
m for the smallest
examples to
x
m for the largest one and
recall the architectural features of the Middle EBA
extramural funerary chambers
Regarding the burial of the dead, most of
Titriş Höyük s residential graves show a multiple
deposition custom The skeletons were buried
inside the funerary chamber either in an articulated
primary deposition and or in the manner of a
disarticulated secondary deposition Based on the
archaeological data it appears that the practice of
a secondary deposition is commonly used in the
Outer Town tombs, where the remains of the buried
are usually represented by skulls and a few other
bones concentrated along the side or center of
the chamber and/or in small pits dug into the main
oor of the tomb . The Lower Town tombs instead
present the last buried skeleton in an articulated
and exed position31 In such cases the number
of bones associated with each skull does not form
a complete skeleton This information provides
an opportunity to formulate a funerary custom
in which during the act of burying the last corpse
inside the tomb members of the living community
removed many bones belonging to earlier buried
corpses in order to enlarge the space inside the
29 Laneri
gs
30 Honça Algaze
Laneri
31 A di erence between the Outer and Lower Town is also visible in
the layout of the urban settlement Matney Algaze
De ning residential graves
47
Nicola Laneri
chamber but always and purposely leaving the
skulls inside of the grave The analysis of the
skeletal remains has not generally furnished any
relevant sex and or age distinctions among the
dead placed within the intramural tombs Only in
one case tomb B
was it possible to identify
individuals old female young adult male
young adult females and other young adults of
unclear sex who were buried inside the funerary
chamber and two pot graves with sub adults
B
and B
placed within the chamber
in which the residential grave was built33 It is also
interesting to notice that one residential funerary
chamber B
discovered within a private
dwelling in the Outer Town is distinguished by
the presence of only the disarticulated bones of
a child
years old and an infant suggesting
the possibility of an acquired hereditary system of
lineal descent34 In terms of paleo demography the
changes that occurred between the Middle EBA and
the Late EBA probably a ected the life expectancy
of the population as demonstrated by an increase
in the mortality rate of young adults during the Late
EBA as compared to the data available from the
Middle EBA extramural cemeteries35.
For the funerary goods discovered within the
residential graves of the Late EBA the highest
number of objects is represented by pottery vessels
with standardized forms, with a predominance of
bowls and cups belonging to a Syro Anatolian mid
to late IIIrd millennium BC cultural horizon It is also
important to highlight the high number of metal
objects found among the furnishing goods i e
bronze toggle pins earrings rings and weapons
some of which e g rings were made in silver as
well as beads in semiprecious stone necklaces .
Individual bronze weapons such as a dagger and
a large spearhead, both placed underneath male
skulls were found only in the tombs of the Lower
Town that also contained richer funerary goods
32 It appears clear from the archaeological data that only selected
dead were buried in the residential graves of the Late EBA This
assumption is based on the fact that the corpses and skulls found
inside of the chambers ranging from to do not correspond to
the possible average population of the households during their use,
a span of about
years Honça Algaze
33 Ibid
g
34 Laneri
35 Honça Algaze
tab
36 Akkermans Schwartz
Algaze Matney
Carter Parker
37 Laneri
tav
De ning residential graves
48
as compared to those found in the Outer Town .
All these elements testify to the direct access to
precious commodities e g silver by the inhabitants
of the private dwellings and, therefore to a higher
social status of the members of the families
inhabiting these houses.
In addition among the funerary goods it is
important to emphasize the presence of two
distinctive vessels of the late IIIrd millennium BC
cultural horizon These are the Syrian bottles that
are alabastra of di erent sizes with ring burnished
surfaces restricted necks and everted double rims
and the depa amphikypella that are tall double
handled cups with a red burnished decoration on
the outer surface . Specimens of these groups of
objects are distributed in a wide geographical area
including the Aegean, western and central Anatolia
as well as northern Mesopotamian contexts their
presence inside some of Titriş Höyük s residential
graves should thus further reinforce the pivotal
role of commercial exchange enacted by emerging
private families at this northern Mesopotamian site
with western and central Anatolian communities .
Both the Syrian bottles and the depa have been
correctly interpreted as vessels used for containing
liquids that must have had important symbolic
meanings when deposited inside the funerary
chamber In addition the depa must have also
had a double symbolic meaning related to both
the liquid it contained most probably wine 41 and
the presence of two large handles that were not
necessarily functional in the traditional way of
drinking from a handled vessel but rather supports
the possibility that it was used by two people in the
performance of ritual convivial acts The symbolic
and ritual elements embodied by the depa are
further emphasized by its wide distribution from
the western Anatolian regions to sites in the upper
Euphrates as well as by the presence of similar
double handled vessels depicted as war booty in
the hands of Akkadian soldiers in an Old Akkadian
victory stele .
38 Laneri
g
39 Matthews
Rahmstorf
40 As seen before with some of the artifacts found in the tombs
of the Middle EBA the cultural and commercial exchange between
this area and western/central Anatolian regions appears as a sign of
continuity during the second half of the IIIrd millennium BC.
41 This particular vessel has generally been associated with the
distribution and consumption of wine throughout contemporary
Anatolia and northern Syria Korfmann
abb
42 Postgate
g
Nicola Laneri
As mentioned in previous works43, it is
important to emphasize the symbolic relationship
between the production of wine, the performance
of funerary rituals and the emergence of newly
founded families at Titriş Höyük during the
late IIIrd millennium BC It is in fact through the
connection of these three elements that also
correspond to the economic, ritual and social
dimensions that we can envision the reasons
behind the dramatic transformation that occurred
between the Middle and Late EBA
One element that can better support the
intermingling of these three dimensions is the
unique funerary deposition dated to the nal phase
of the Late EBA discovered inside a room of a
private dwelling in Titriş Höyük s Outer Town This
deposition consists of human bones placed on top
of a circular shaped plaster basin with a diameter
of ca
cm44. The deposition is located in a room
that was accessible directly from the street leading
towards the forti cation walls The position of
this building as well as the clear visibility of this
feature from the street makes an important point
of reference for framing the ritual practices of
the communities inhabiting the site in this speci c
chronological period45 In relation to the above
mentioned issue of connecting the economic, ritual,
and social dimensions of the communities inhabiting
Titriş Höyük during the Late EBA it is important to
mention that other plaster basins were found within
the private dwellings, and, in one case, the chemical
analysis enacted on the residues recognizable
on the basin s surface suggest the use of these
features for the purpose of processing grapes for
the production of wine.
Regarding the funerary deposition found in
the Outer Town plaster basin, the bones disposed
on top of the basin correspond to disarticulated
individuals i e a secondary interment Of these
bones
are skulls placed around the perimeter
of the basin The skulls and bones are mostly of
young adult males In fact only one skull belongs
to an adult female one to a young female and a
few bones represent two infants. According to the
analysis performed by the physical anthropologist
Dr Dilek Erdal of the individuals are male
adult all with cranial trauma
are female adult
43 Laneri
44 Algaze et al.
g
45 Laneri
Laneri
g
one with cranial trauma unspeci ed adult with
cranial trauma
children with no skull and
infant with no skull
of adult crania show
clear signs of cranial trauma a total of unhealed
perimortem trauma Wounds were made by sharp
edged and projectile weapons i e battle axe and
or spear . All these elements suggest the possible
massacre of a group of people from the community
of Titriş Höyük as demonstrated by a comparison
of the DNA of the individuals buried on the plaster
basin to those buried in the residential graves by
either local enemies or foreign groups that came
with the purpose of destroying the settlement The
fact that the settlement was not destroyed and
the remains of the dead individuals were put on
display on top of the plaster basin suggests the rst
possibility
In any case an increasing level of belligerency
during the Late EBA period is recognizable in
the construction of the thick forti cation wall as
well as in the transformation of the urban fabric
between the Middle EBA and the Late EBA with the
incorporation of the suburban areas inside the city
walls as well as the abandonment of the extramural
cemetery and the use of residential graves as well as
other forms of intramural funerary depositions
Violent encounters between groups inhabiting
the region might have been partially related to
disputes over resources and commercial routes
among new families or social groups The
increasing power of families is clearly visible in the
reorganization of the Late EBA urban fabric the
period in which the whole city was planned by a
centralized authority but giving more importance
to the construction of large multi roomed private
dwellings Within this transforming socio
economic strategy the production of wine and oil
as part of the so called Mediterranean polyculture
might have increased the investment risk taken by
these private families, since this crop would have
required between ve and six years of cultivation
before yielding a return Such a risky investment
was justi ed by a corresponding increase in
the returning bene ts related to the exchange
of secondary products connected with grape
processing, as is the case of the production of
wine that during the second half of the IIIrd and the
beginning of the IInd millennia BC became a precious
commodity among Mesopotamian elites and that
Matney et al.
46 Erdal
47 Algaze Matney
Matney Algaze
De ning residential graves
49
Nicola Laneri
according to the written sources, was produced
exactly in this region .
Within this context the use of residential graves
and other forms of intramural funerary depositions
as is the case of the deposition in the plaster basin
of the Outer Town might have served as a point
of reference for reinforcing both the collective
memory of the family and its lineal descent .
Conclusions
To better understand the type of social
transformation which occurred at Titriş Höyük
during the mid to late IIIrd millennium BC, we need
to consider this event as directly linked to a change
in the patterns of economic subsistence of the
local communities, an increase in the economic
power gained by powerful private households and
consequently a higher level of belligerency among
the groups inhabiting this region .
The e ects of the changes in the social fabric
of the communities inhabiting the site during the
Late EBA can be clearly understood through a
detailed analysis of the available archaeological
data that shows a modi cation of the city planning
with a division between an outer city dedicated
to the habitation of private households, and
an inner city where the public buildings were
located as well as the construction of forti cation
systems the shifting from an extramural to an
intramural funerary custom and the reorganization
of the subsistence methods51 In particular this
transformation is clearly evident in the change in
production and consumption patterns from the
Middle EBA to the Late EBA with an increase in
the role of the private households in producing
and trading specialized goods through the use of
innovative productive techniques e g the intensive
use of the Mediterranean polyculture for cultivating
vineyards and olive trees in association with a
traditional agricultural production of cereals and
legumes during the Late EBA as compared to the
previous Middle EBA period when specialized craft
production was clustered outside of the main city
and probably controlled by central authorities .
Furthermore this type of transformation could have
48
49
50
51
52
Laneri
Laneri
Algaze Matney
Erdal
Laneri
Hartenberger in Algaze et al.
Laneri
De ning residential graves
50
created tensions both within the settlement and
between neighboring centers, due to the fact that
the labor invested in innovative activities required
protection from competing groups in the acquisition
of these precious means of production53.
With this perspective in mind, it is possible
to interpret the shift of the burial practices from
extramural in the Middle EBA to intramural
deposition during the Late EBA at Titriş Höyük as a
way of reinforcing the status of speci c segments
of the society In particular the use of residential
graves during the Late EBA was directly linked to
the consolidation of the economic and social power
gained by each private household through the use
of an ancestral gure who would have helped to
reinforce the lineage of the whole household54.
The important role played by the ancestors in
framing the socio economic organization of
Mesopotamian societies during the IIIrd and IInd
millennia BC is clearly demonstrated in both the
archaeological data as in the case of the use of
residential graves and written sources as is evident
from the Mesopotamian kispu ritual 55 More
speci cally the fact that the human depositions
found in the residential graves at Titriş Höyük do
not show di erences of age and sex and in some
circumstances are characterized by the presence
of the skeletal remains of only infants and children
indicates the existence of an ascribed social status
and consequently of a reinforcement of hereditary
forms of leadership embedded in the familial
lineage probably founded by ancestral gures .
In conclusion the importance of a clear
de nition of types of funerary depositions within
a settlement appears pivotal for constructing
stronger links between burial customs and systems
of socio economic organization among ancient
societies. Such a distinction is fundamental in
the process of analyzing the transformation that
occurred at Titriş Höyük between the mid and late
IIIrd millennium BC and interpreting the role played
by residential funerary crypts in strengthening
the social structure of emerging powerful families
in a transforming landscape that was marked by
innovative forms of economic subsistence as well as
an increasing level of belligerency
53 Gilman
54 Davies
55 Jonker
56 Gilman
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