United States History Common Core Lesson #4 STUDENT NAME: ________________________________________ PERIOD: _____ TEACHER’S NAME: __________________________________________________________ CLASS/GRADE: __8th Grade / American History_____________________________________ TEXT TOPICS: ___ The Legacy of John Brown_ SOURCES: _____ _________________ (Primary) Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln (June 16, 1858)_ __ (Primary) Negro Insurrection at Harper’s Ferry (October 18, 1859) ___ ___ (Primary) An Abolitionist View of John Brown’s Raid (October 18, 1859)____ _ (Primary) The Harper’s Ferry Insurrection (October 19, 1859)__ __ COMMON CORE STANDARDS COVERED: L.A.6.8.R.H.1.1, L.A.6.8.R.H.1.2, L.A.6.8.R.H.2.4, L.A.6.8.R.H.2.5, L.A.6.8.R.H.2.6, L.A.6.8.R.H.3.8, L.A.6.8.R.H.4.10, L.A.6.8.W.H.1.1, L.A.6.8.W.H.1.2, L.A.6.8.W.H.2.4, L.A.6.8.W.H.3.9 1. PREDICTIVE QUESTION: Answer the following question in the space below. How do you think the actions of abolitionist John Brown impacted the nation prior to the Civil War? _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ 2. VOCABULARY INSTRUCTION: WORD MEANINGS 1. whither 1. 2. avowed 2. 3. augmented 3. 4. insurrectionist 4. 5. levied 5. 6. sovereignty 6. 7. abettor 7. 8. desperado 8. 9. exasperation 9. 10. glut 10. 11. foray 11. 12. rankled 12. 13. preponderate 13. 14. menaces 14. SUPPORTIVE QUESTION #1: Answer the following question in the space below. How do you interpret the phrase “A house divided against itself cannot stand,” by then Senator Abraham Lincoln in 1858? _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ SUPPORTIVE QUESTION #2: Answer the following question in the space below. When the Harper’s Ferry incident occurred and was reported by the New York Herald in October of 1859, what was the attitude of the editor regarding the attack? _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ SUPPORTIVE QUESTION #3: Answer the following question in the space below. After reading documents three and four, what do you notice about the bias in each document? _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ ESSENTIAL QUESTION: Answer the following question in the space below. Frederick Douglass once said, “…I could live for the slave, but he (John Brown) could die for him.” After reading these documents, what do you think was the overall impact of John Brown on U.S. History leading to the Civil War? Make an argument to support your answer using details from the four primary documents. _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ DOCUMENT #1 TEXT TITLE: Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln at the State Republican Convention (primary document) AUTHOR: Abraham Lincoln (June16, 1858) Excerpt of the Speech of Sen. Abraham Lincoln At the Republican State Convention, June 16, 1858 If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated, with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to Slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I don’t expect the house to fall— but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new—North as well as South. DOCUMENT #2 TEXT TITLE: Negro Insurrection at Harper’s Ferry (primary document) AUTHOR: New York Herald (October 18, 1859) Startling News from Virginia and Maryland Negro Insurrection at Harper’s Ferry Strange and Exciting Intelligence A most strange and almost incredible piece of information comes to us by telegraph from Baltimore. It represents that a mob of negro insurrectionists, numbering several hundred, and led on by white men, had seized on Sunday night upon the United States Arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, possessed themselves of the arms of the government there deposited, sent wagon loads of rifles into the interior, stopped and fired into passing trains, planted cannon upon the bridge over the Potomac, cut the telegraph wires, seized and kept in custody the peaceable and orderly citizens of the place, levied contributions upon the hotels and provision stores, shot several persons, and otherwise committed dreadful havoc and onslaughts, all against the peace and sovereignty of the people of the United States….. /continued on next page/ Our Baltimore dispatches leave us altogether at sea in regard to the origin and cause of the outbreak, but our special dispatch from Washington gives more particulars. From this, we learn that the Secretary of War has been officially informed of the dangerous extent of the movement. It appears to be a regular negro conspiracy or insurrection, planned and organized for some time past, and led on and directed by white men. The Secretary had information months since of the existence of such a conspiracy, and on the intention of the negro plotters to seize upon the Arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, possess themselves of arms wherewith to arm the slaves of Virginia and the neighboring states, establish themselves at Wheeling and other points, and regain their freedom. He seems to have given no credence to the story when he first heard it, but it now becomes fearfully verified. It is difficult to understand how such a movement could have had any success, particularly in a section of the country where the slaves are but few in number, and we are especially at a loss to conceive how they could have gained possession of the Arsenal against the officers and workmen of the government. But it seems too true that the blacks have actually gained the upper hand at Harper’s Ferry. At all events, troops have been sent against them from Washington and Baltimore, and tomorrow will probably bring us news of a terrible conflict, in which the negroes and their white abettors will be made to pay dearly for their temerity. DOCUMENT #3 TEXT TITLE: Opinions of the Black Republican Abolitionists (primary document) AUTHOR: New York Evening Post (October 18, 1859) Opinions of the Black Republican Abolitionists (From the New York Evening Post, Oct. 18.) The stories connecting the name of “Old Brown of Osawatomie,” as he is called, with the leadership of this fanatical enterprise, are, we are induced to think, well founded; and in that event the whole affair may be regarded as a late fruit of the violence which the slaveholders introduced into Kansas. Brown was one of the early settlers in that new Territory; he was a conspicuous object of persecution all through the troubles; his property was destroyed; he and his family were cruelly treated on several occasions; three or four of his sons were killed by Southern desperadoes; and these many exasperations drove him to madness. He has not been regarded since, we are told, as a perfectly sane man. He has been known to vow vengeance against the whole class of slaveholders for the outrages perpetrated by their representatives in Kansas, and this insurrection, if he is at the head of it, is the manner in which he gluts his resentments. Frenzied by the remembrance of his wrongs, his whole nature turned into gall by the bitter hatreds stirred up in Kansas, and reckless of consequences, he has plunged into the work of blood… /continued on next page/ Passion does not reason; but if Brown reasoned and desired to give a public motive to his personal rancors, he probably said to himself that “the slave drivers had tried to put down freedom in Kansas by force of arms, and he would try to put down slavery in Virginia by the same means.” Thus the bloody instructions which they taught return to plague the inventors. They gave, for the first time in the history of the United States, an example of the resort to arms to carry out political schemes, and, dreadful as the retaliation is which Brown has initiated, must take their share of the responsibility. They must remember that they accustomed men, in their Kansas forays, to the idea of using arms against political opponents, that by their crimes and outrages they drove hundreds to madness, and that the feelings of bitterness and revenge thus generated have since rankled in the heart. Brown has made himself an organ of these in a fearfully significant way. No one can think of the possible results of an outbreak of this kind, should it become general, without shuddering, without calling up to his imagination the most terrible scenes of incendiarism, carnage and rape. In nearly all the Southern States the negroes greatly preponderate in number, many of them, it is true, are too ignorant and stupid to take any effective part in an insurrection; others, too, are profoundly attached to their masters or their families; but these excepted, there are yet thousands able and willing to strike for their emancipation. It has been impossible to keep them in entire ignorance of the blessings of freedom, and of the possibility of attaining it by force of arms; the fugitive slaves of the North have found means of communicating with their old comrades; the abolitionists have spoken to them by pictures, if not by language; democratic orators have told them falsely that the entire North was engaged in a crusade against the South for the sake of the slaves; and as servants in the cities they have heard the talk of the parlor and the barrooms, and in innumerable other ways have been made to think and to desire. When the hour comes, therefore, they will not be found either so incapable or so docile as the slaveholders seem to suppose. But what a condition of society is that in which one half the population constantly menaces the other half with civil war and murder—in which the leading classes go to sleep every night, carelessly, it may be, over the crater of a volcano, and in which the dangers do not lessen, as in other societies, with time, but grow with its growth, until an explosion becomes as inevitable as the eruptions of Etna or Vesuvius! What a condition of society, to be extended over the virgin territories of the West—the seat of our future empire—and for which politicians should clamor and sear their conscience and desperadoes should fight! How insane the policy which would recruit and extend this form of social existence, even while it is becoming unmanageable as it is. Open the gates to the slave trade, cry the Southerners, who are as great fanatics as Brown; tap the copious resources of Africa, let new millions of blacks be added to the enormous number that now cultivate our fields, let the alarming disproportion between them and the whites be increased; it is a blessed institution; and we cannot have too much of it! But while they speak the tocsin sounds, the blacks are in arms, their houses are in flames, their wives and children driven into exile or killed, and a furious servile war stretches its horrors over years. That is the blessed institution you ask us to foster, and spread, and worship, and for the sake of which you even spout your impotent threats against the grand edifice of the Union. DOCUMENT #4 TEXT TITLE: The Harper’s Ferry Insurrection (primary document) AUTHOR: Charleston Mercury (October 19, 1859) The Harper’s Ferry Insurrection The telegraph has informed us that this bloody outbreak is, by confession of its northern ringleaders, a concerted movement of abolitionists and their black victims in southern States, and has its ramifications in Washington, Alexandria, and in Baltimore. It is stated that apprehension and excitement exist. We are satisfied there is exaggeration. While we can see no cause for present alarm, none can blind their eyes to the audacity of the attempt, or fail to regard it as a pregnant sign of the times—a prelude to what must and will recur again and again, as the progress of sectional hate and Black Republican success advances to their consummation. And what will be the effect? Are occurrences like these calculated to strengthen the institution of slavery in the border States, by adding to its advantages and value in the appreciation of the public there? Is not the condition of things to which we submit inevitably tending to render slave property in the neighborhood of Mason and Dixon’s line a dangerous and troublesome nuisance? Slaves can neither be kept nor managed. By our tame and passive policy, the Cotton States, which are vitally interested in the institution, are actually allowing slavery to be carried out of the border States. The continuance of this policy will slowly but surely build up an Abolition party in States that now are strongly pro-slavery, and ready to back us in resistance to the ever recurring aggressions of the North and of her people. The march of events is onwards. Let the signs of the times be read and interpreted aright.
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