KING DAVID AND EL CID:
TWO ‘APIRU IN MYTH AND HISTORY
Lester L. Grabbe
University of Hull, England
One of the main problems we have with extracting history from the biblical text is that
many personages and events are attested in no other source. This applies to the seminal period of
the Israelite monarchy’s beginnings, with the reigns of David and Solomon. Not only are there
no other written sources, but the archaeology is currently disputed. Without other reliable
sources we are thrown back on trying to evaluate the biblical account, with all its problematic
features. I propose here to use the story of the medieval Spanish hero known as El Cid to
illumine the historical process involved.
The Story of Rodrigo Díaz (El Cid)
We have some sources for the life and deeds of Rodrigo that were written during his
lifetime or shortly afterward. This makes them primary sources. The earliest is probably the
Latin poem, Carmen Campi Doctoris.1 It has not a lot of information, but it was probably
________________________
1
The text and a translation, with discussion, are published in Roger Wright, “The
First Poem on the Cid--the Carmen Campi Doctoris”, in Roger Wright, Early Ibero-Romance:
Twenty-one Studies on Language and Texts from the Iberian Peninsula between the Roman
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-2written even while the Cid was still alive. The most important source is the Latin chronicle
called the Historia Roderici.2 The dating is debated, some thinking it was written by 1125 or
even earlier, not long after Rodrigo’s death in 1099. There are also some Muslim accounts in
Arabic that provide some valuable data, especially the writings of Ibn ’Alqama and Ibn Bassam.3
The most famous source is probably the Cantar de mio Cid (or Poema de mio Cid), but
this is accepted by modern scholars to be quite unreliable.4 It was composed at the latest by 1204
but is probably several decades older. The relationship of this work to history and the historical
________________________
Empire and the Thirteenth Century (Newark, DE: Juan de la Cuesta, 1994), 221-64.
2
The text was given by Ramón Menéndez Pidal, La España del Cid (vols 1-2; 7th
edition, edited by Pedro Muguruza; Obras de R. Menéndez Pidal, vols 6-7; Madrid: EspasaCalpe, 1969), 2.921-71. A better text is now available in Emma Falque Rey (ed.), Historia
Roderici vel Gesta Roderici Campidocti (Chronica Hispana saeculi 12, part I, CCM 71;
Turnhout: Brepols, 1990), 1-98. For an English translation, see Simon Barton and Richard
Fletcher, The World of El Cid: Chronicles of the Spanish Reconquest (Manchester Medieval
Sources Series; Manchester University Press, 2000), 98-147.
3
Not available to me, except for excerpts found in Colin Smith (ed.), Christians
and Moors in Spain, Volume 1: 711-1150 (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1988). A few short
quotes are also found in some of the secondary sources used here (see note 5).
4
Medieval Spanish text and English translation (along with an introduction and
notes) can be conveniently accessed in Rita Hamilton, Janet Perry, and Ian Michael, The Poem of
the Cid (Manchester University Press, 1975; reprinted London: Penguin Books, 1984).
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-3sources will be discussed at some length in the rest of this paper (referred to hereafter simply as
Cantar).
Rodrigo’s Life as Reconstructed by a Historian5
Rodrigo was born about 1045. He is associated with the town of Vivar, though it is not
clear that this is an early datum. He seems to have been of noble origins, though not in the
forefront of aristocratic families, even though the Cantar makes him the son of a miller (par. 148,
lines 3377-81). He was thus brought up to be a soldier, which was his life’s work. We do not
have the details of his training or early experiences, but as a young man he had established a
reputation as a military leader and fighter. Sources mention success in a number of single
combats. At this time Spain was divided between the Christian north (the old Visigothic
kingdom) and the Muslim south, or al-Andalus. The Muslim area had been controlled by an
Umayyad dynasty, centering on Córdoba, for 250 years from the mid-eight century. But the
Umayyad caliphate declined and collapsed by 1031, and al-Andalus split into a number of small
independent states or principalities. Originally perhaps more like city-states (since they were
________________________
5
For this I have consulted especially the Historia Roderici, but for judgment about
what data are historical, I am mainly dependent on Richard Fletcher, The Quest for El Cid (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990). Also useful were Gonzalo Martínez Diez, El Cid Histórico
(Divulgación: Biografías y Memorías; Barcelona: Planeta, 1999), Antonio Ubieto Aretata, El
“Cantar de Mio Cid” y algunos problemas históricos (Valencia: Anurar Ediciones, 1973),
Bernard F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VI 1065-1109 (Princeton
University Press, 1988), and Colin Smith, The Making of the Poema de mio Cid (Cambridge
University Press, 1983), especially ch. 5.
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-4based on the old provinces of the caliphate), a number engulfed others until only a half dozen
larger kingdoms remained. These were referred to by the Arabic term t.ā’ifa “faction”.6
According to the Historia Roderici, Rodrigo Díaz was made chief military commander of
the forces of King Sancho of the Christian kingdom of Castile in the 1060s. This is no doubt an
exaggeration of his status at this time: he was a military commander but only one of several and
was not over all of Sancho’s forces. Sancho died in 1072, and his realm came under the control
of his brother Alfonso VI. Rodrigo transferred his allegiance (even though he had fought against
Alfonso in some of the struggles between the kingdoms of the two brothers) and was accepted
into his service. Alfonso respected him, as indicated by his marriage to an alleged relative of the
king, Jimena. There are some difficulties as to her ancestry, but the king evidently arranged the
marriage and was a witness to the marriage contract.7 Over the decade after Rodrigo came into
Alfonzo’s service, we have a number of documents to which he was a witness, and he even made
representations in court on behalf of clients supported by the king. He also undertook many
military activities.
________________________
6
Federico Corriente, A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic (HdO 1/29; Leiden: Brill,
1997), 336-37: T.WF: t.ā’ifah “group, sect”.
7
Reilly, King Alfonso VI, 83, 130-31; Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, 121-23; Barton
and Fletcher, The World of El Cid, 101-2 n. 13; Martínez Diez, El Cid Histórico, 76-87. There
are difficulties with this identification (we have no record of her alleged father, Count Diego of
Oviedo), but it seems reasonable that he married “into an Asturian family of noble rank”
(Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, 121-22).
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-5The title we know that Rodrigo bore was the Spanish title, Campeador (derived from
Latin campi doctus “regimental drill instructor”), which is found in many documents from his
own lifetime (either as the Spanish Campeador or a Latin version Campiator, Campiductor, or
Campidoctus).8 At some point, however, Arabic speakers apparently gave him an Arabic title,
el-Sayyid “the lord”. Who gave him this epithet is not clear, because the title was not used in any
contemporary document, whether Spanish, Latin, or Arabic. Perhaps it was his Muslim soldiers
or possibly even his Arabic-speaking opponents. This entered Spanish as El Cid and is the title
that eventually became the signature one in the traditions about him and his life.9
Rodrigo was sent into exile in 1081 by Alfonso VI. The exact reason is not completely
clear, but there seem to be two causes. One was the jealousy of certain figures at Alfonso’s court
who undermined Rodrigo in the king’s eyes. In 1079 he was sent by the king to collect tribute
from the taifa kingdom of Seville. While he was there, the king of Granada (also a Muslim)
attacked Seville. Rodrigo confronted and defeated the Granada army at Capra; unfortunately,
Capra may have belonged to Granada at this time rather than Seville. This suggests that Rodrigo
________________________
8
Cf. J. F. Niermeyer and C. van de Kieft, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus
(Leiden: Brill, 1976), 123: campiductor: “1. army instructor. 2. army commander”; Ramón
Menéndez Pidal, Cantar de mio Cid: Texto, Gramática y Vocabulario (vols 1-3; 4th edition;
Obras de R. Menéndez Pidal, vols 3-5; Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1969), vol. 2, 524-30.
9
Corriente, Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic, 266 (under SWD): sayyid or sīd “lord,
master”; sīdī “my lord”; Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, 3; Barton and Fletcher, The World of El Cid,
98 n. 1; Menéndez Pidal, Cantar, vol. 2, 574-77.
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-6“may have been invading Granada rather than defending Seville”.10 Perhaps more important,
fighting with the Granadans were some Christian nobles, including García Ordóñez, whom
Rodrigo took captive, thus making a powerful enemy.
The other cause was Rodrigo’s own misguided actions a couple of years later, perhaps
instigated by a certain arrogance or rashness on his part, in dealing with a raid on Castile. The
raiders were probably from the Toledo area, though hardly sponsored by the king of Toledo. The
king was away on a campaign, and Rodrigo decided to punish those responsible by undertaking a
pillaging expedition into Toledan territory. The trouble is that the ruler of Toledo was a tributary
of Alfonso! It was a diplomatic fiasco. As a result of El Cid’s actions, the king was compelled
to banish him, perhaps as an example to others. This action on the king’s part may have been
less drastic than it seems at first. He would have been aware that Rodrigo might deal with both
Barcelona and Valencia, without himself being blamed; at least, this is what happened.
Likewise, Rodrigo took a private army into the Spanish Levante where he could act as he chose;
the result for El Cid was to gain riches and prestige.11 First, he journeyed to the court of
Barcelona but was turned away.12 Eventually, he ended up in the service of al-Muqtadir, the
Muslim ruler of the taifa kingdom of Zaragoza. Shortly after Rodrigo had arrived there, alMuqtadir died and was succeeded by his son al-Mu’tamin.
________________________
10
Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, 129.
11
Reilly, King Alfonso VI, 129-30.
12
Historia 12. Reilly (King Alfonso VI, 162 n. 4) rejects this event as “fabulous”.
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-7Rodrigo’s activities on behalf of his Muslim overlord are interesting, in the light of his
clear Christian affiliation. According to the Historia Roderici (12-24), al-Mu’tamin’s brother alH.āyib, who ruled in Denia, was his rival. On al-H.āyib’s side were the Christians Sancho, the
king of Aragon, and Berenguer Ramón II, the count of Barcelona. Thus, Rodrigo ended up
engaging militarily against Christian forces on behalf of his Muslim lord. One of the first
engagements was at the castle of Almenar which Rodrigo had restored and used as a base. In
1082 a siege against Almenar, led by al-H.āyib with his Christian allies, brought Rodrigo onto the
scene. Not only did he win the fight, but he also captured the count of Barcelona and a number
of other Christian nobles. His share of their ransom made him wealthy.
About the beginning of 1083, Alfonzo sent an army into Zaragozan territory at the request
of a rebel against al-Mu’tamin. The leaders of this military force were slain while entering a
fortress under a flag of truce. Rodrigo had nothing to do with this, since he was quite far away at
the time. But he hastened to Alfonzo’s court. Although we have no official knowledge of what
transpired, it looks as if he was reassuring the king of his innocence with regard to the murder of
his military commanders. In subsequent years Rodrigo won further battles and increased his
fame and fortune. When al-Mu’tamin died in 1085, he continued to serve his son and successor,
al-Musta’in. The next year, Alfonzo brought an army to besiege Zaragosa, with Rodrigo
presumably an important figure in defense of the city. But then the Almoravids invaded Spain.13
Alfonzo took an army to meet them toward the end of 1086 but was badly defeated. Shortly
________________________
13
On the Almoravids, see Bernard F. Reilly, The Contest of Christian and Muslim
Spain: 1031-1157 (A History of Spain; Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), especially 99-125, 205-30;
Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, especially 144-64, 194-95.
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-8afterward, the king and Rodrigo were reconciled, an outcome for which the appearance of the
Almoravid threat does not seem to have been a coincidence.
The Almoravids is a Hispanizing of the Arabic al-Murābit..14 They established a Berber
empire in North Africa on the basis of Islamic fundamentalism in the mid-eleventh century.
Marrakesh was founded in 1062 as their capital. Their rule was relatively short lived, and they
were replaced by the Almohads (al-Muwāhhid) about 1150. The Muslims of al-Andalus, not
surprisingly, saw them as an ally in their struggle with the Christian rulers of the north. Yet as
having a long history of culture and education, the Andalucians regarded the Almoravids as
ignorant, uncultured, and religious fanatics. This meant that even as they called on the
Almoravids for assistance, they had an uneasy relationship with them.
Rodrigo seems to have made very favorable arrangements for recompense with Alfonso,
but for the next two years we know nothing about his activities. The next we hear is early in
1089 when he took an army into the Spanish Levante. He collected tribute from the governor of
Valencia that Alfonzo had placed there. But Valencia was threatened by the ruler of Játiva who
assembled various allies to assist him, including al-Hayib, ruler of Lérida and Denia. Rodrigo
was able to see off the threat temporarily, but then a second Almoravid invasion intervened.
Alfonzo raised an army and called for Rodrigo and his force to meet him near Aledo which was
under siege from the invaders. Apparently because of miscommunication Rodrigo did not meet
________________________
14
Corriente, Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic, 198: RBT.: “murābit. Almoravid”; the
name is derived from the root meaning “tie”. Reilly (The Contest of Christian and Muslim
Spain, 101) states, “More recent scholarship prefers to trace the word to a root meaning of jihād,
or holy war.” Unfortunately, he gives no source for this statement.
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-9up with the king until after he had relieved Aledo. The king was very angry, encouraged by
Rodrigo’s enemies at court. Apparently, even some of Rodrigo’s followers began to desert him.
But he returned north and made raids in the Levante against al-Hayib, who finally came to an
arrangement with him. Rodrigo also received “gifts” from the ruler of Valencia.
Al-Hayib was a subject of Count Berenguer Ramón II of Barcelona, and the ruler of
Valencia was a subject of Alfonzo. It is uncertain what sort of game Rodrigo was playing,
though it may have been nothing more than making his living--and fortune--by raiding, plunder,
and “protection”. The count of Barcelona tried to put together a group of allies, but no one was
willing to join him. Berenguer advanced against him, nevertheless, and he took refuge in a place
in the mountains called Iber. Rodrigo won the battle decisively, taking not only Berenguer
captive but also a number of other nobles who supported him. The ransom and plunder enriched
him enormously, and he also came to an arrangement with Berenguer. But he had been wounded
in the battle and took time to recover. Al-Hayib also died about this time. Rodrigo was now the
de facto governor of the Spanish Levante (1090).
The Almoravids had withdrawn back to Morocco after defeating Alfonzo in 1089, but
now in the summer of 1090 they invaded again. They began forceful actions to take control of
the various taifa kingdoms. Alfonzo tried twice to block their northward advance in 1091 but
was defeated both times. Finally the queen appealed to Rodrigo to join her husband and fight
with him against the Berber invaders. Rodrigo did just that, but he and Alfonzo soon fell out
again. The ostensible reason was how Rodrigo had the tents of his followers pitched in relation
to the king. He claimed it was to help protect the monarch, but there was a protocol about
placement of tents, and this was seen as challenging Alfonzo’s authority. Alfonzo’s anger with
the Cid may ultimately have resulted from a litany of alleged sins. But the essential point was
that Alfonzo was not able to control him. He even attempted to have him arrested, but Rodrigo
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-10escaped. His protests of innocence fell on deaf ears, but the king returned to Toledo, leaving
Rodrigo free to pursue his own interests.
Rodrigo could not expect Alfonzo to forget his failure to toe the line, however, and he
sought out his old employer, al-Musta’in of Zaragoza, and made an ally of him. He then made
another ally of the king of Aragon by effecting a settlement between him and Zaragoza. It was
1092 by this time, and Alfonzo decided to besiege Valencia. But during the siege he received
news that Rodrigo was raiding Castile. The territory attacked was mainly that of Rodrigo’s old
enemy, García Ordóñez, but it forced Alfonzo to break off the siege of Valencia. A rebellion in
Valencia put a new ruler in power in the principality, and the Almoravid threat also remained.
Rodrigo himself began a siege of Valencia in the summer of 1092. The city appealed to the
Almoravids, and they send some supplies but no army to relieve those besieged. Finally, after a
year the city fell to Rodrigo in the summer of 1093. He had almost exactly six years to live after
this.
Although the Cantar makes Rodrigo a loyal subject of Alfonzo VI at this time, it appears
that he was acting as an independent ruler of Valencia.15 This is strongly indicated by the charter
of endowment for the Valencia cathedral.16 In it a preamble refers to Rodrigo as princeps
(“prince”), and no reference of any kind is made to Alfonzo. Yet relations between the two seem
to have warmed up. This is suggested by several small pointers, though perhaps one of the
________________________
15
Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, 179.
16
Latin text and English translation of the first part is found in Smith (ed.),
Christians and Moors in Spain: Volume 1, 130-33.
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-11clearest is that the Cid’s only known son, Diego, was killed fighting for Alfonzo in 1098. The
Almoravids had not accepted Rodrigo’s rule, and he had to fight several battles to defend the
city. The first was already a few months after taking Valencia, when a large Almoravid force
besieged the city. However, although outnumbered, El Cid enacted a clever stratagem that let
him attack the undefended camp of the enemy. They evidently panicked, and Rodrigo won a
considerable victory, the first defeat of the Almoravids in their Spanish adventures. In 1097
Rodrigo was in the company of the king of Aragon, on their way to Benicadell, when they were
attacked by an Almoravid force. After attempting unsuccessfully to out-maneuver the Muslim
force and return to Valencia, they were forced to fight. Again, the Almoravids were defeated by
El Cid. Finally, he took the fortress of Murviedro that was viewed as impregnable, after a long
siege. The defenders attempted to call in supporters, including the Almoravids, without success
and finally agreed to give up the fortress to Rodrigo.
El Cid died in July 1099--on his bed and not on the battlefield. With his son dead and his
daughters married off, it fell to his widow Jimena to defend Valencia against a determined
Almoravid intent to take the city back under Muslim control. She called on Alfonzo for help,
and he came, driving off temporarily a besieging Muslim force. But he evaluated the situation
and decided that it would take too many resources to hold the city, when it lay well into Muslim
territory, and Castile was so far away. He took Jimena, the body of Rodrigo, the spoils of his
conquests, the remaining troops and settlers, and abandoned the city. In 1102 Valencia once
more came under Muslim control.
Development of the El Cid Legend
As already noted above, the famous Cantar de mio Cid (or Poema de mio Cid) is already
a legendary work, though probably written within a century of Rodrigo’s death. It has been
characterized as follows:
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-12-
The poem is important to us because in it for the first time there steps forth a Cid who has
moved some way from the Rodrigo Díaz of history. He is not unrecognizably different.
Yet the fact remains that in the epic the first and most decisive step--judged only of
course on the evidence of surviving texts--from history into myth has been taken. This,
its principal historical interest, pales into insignificance besides [sic] its literary interest:
the Poema de Mio Cid is one of the masterpieces of European literature. . . . The
independent, insubordinate, arrogant Rodrigo Díaz of history has been wrapped in a cloak
of royalist pieties.17
Although Rodrigo is an unconquered military hero, the focus is not on his actions as a
statesman and administrator but on the romantic element of the unwise marriage of his daughters,
their subsequent mistreatment by their husbands, and how the Cid took revenge. Although the
writer is quite happy to use historical sources and historical facts, he does not hesitate to change
them for literary reasons. For example, the names of his daughters were in fact Christina and
María, yet the Cantar calls them Elvira and Sol. Colin Smith has suggested that the change was
primarily for metrical reasons.18
In the following centuries, though, the legend developed further.19 For example, toward
________________________
17
Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, 190, 194.
18
Smith, The Making of the Poema de mio, 142.
19
Unfortunately, I have not had access to the primary sources for the examples of
legends given here. They come mostly from Fletcher, Quest for El Cid, 88, and Colin Smith,
“The Diffusion of the Cid Cult: a Survey and a Little-known Document”, Journal of Medieval
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-13the end of his life Rodrigo was supposed to have taken myrrh and balsam that preserved his body
after death. Thus, although Rodrigo had died in bed, the story eventually developed that his body
(so embalmed) dressed in armor, with the eyes open, was mounted on his horse, Babieca. This
was no doubt the inspiration of the final scene of the film, El Cid (directed by Anthony Mann and
produced by Samuel Bronston), that had his dead body, clad for battle and mounted on his
charger, leading his army in a final charge and victory. Another story was that he met a leper
who turned out to be St Lazarus in disguise (hence, the scene in the film where he gives a leper
drink from his own water flask), likely a development of the account (also late and probably
unhistorical) that he endowed or founded the Hospital de San Lázaro in Palencia.20
Thus, surprising as it may seem, a number of the scenes in the El Cid movie that look like
pure Hollywood were in fact based on the Cid legend, but a legend that had developed a
considerable distance from the actual history that we know something about.
Further examples of how the author has transmogrified history for literary purposes are
discussed below. Yet in spite of its distortions the Cantar has some of the main outlines of
Rodrigo’s career correct. It begins with his exile, though it seems to telescope the two exiles into
one. It knows of his success in a number of battles but especially of his conquest of Valencia.
His loyalty to Alfonzo seems to be exaggerated, but he did evidently seek to become reconciled
to the king in real life--at least, up to a point.
________________________
History 6 (1980): 37-60.
20
Smith, “The Diffusion of the Cid Cult”, 48-49.
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-14The Story of King David
The story of David is primarily known from 1 and 2 Samuel, plus 1 Kings 1. Much work
has been spent on analyzing the text, but there is probably more disagreement now about how the
text relates to history than there was a generation ago. Scholars as different as Martin Noth and
John Bright seemed to accept--more or less--the biblical account of the United Monarchy. For
about two decades now a number of scholars have rejected (or at least questioned) the existence
of a united monarchy and the historicity of the reign of David.
The story of David is basically equivalent to the Cantar de mio Cid; i.e., it is a legendary
version, though there are no doubt some historical data within it. The problem is trying to
evaluate what historical details can be extracted from the account. In the case of El Cid, we have
some primary sources (roughly contemporary literary and documentary--and evidently
trustworthy-- sources) for his deeds (especially the Historia Roderici) that help us to confirm or
deny historicity at any point. With the story of David, we are left to judge what might be
historical from internal analysis alone, except for some brief help from archaeology. This means
that we have few means of external evaluation of what might be legendary and what might be
historical. This of course is why we are so keen to find some means of penetrating the hardy
shell of this problem.
Comparison of the Stories of David and Rodrigo Díaz21
________________________
21
I had chosen my topic for this paper and was well into the research for it when I
came across a reference to the article, Russell P. Sebold, “Un David Español, O ‘Galán Divino’:
El Cid contrarreformista de Guillen de Castro”, in Homage to John M. Hill in Memoriam
(Indiana University Press, 1968), 217-42. Thus, I was anticipated in the thought of comparing
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-15-
David
Rodrigo Díaz
Allegedly born a shepherd, but probably of
Allegedly born a miller, but evidently a
minor nobility, as indicated by his position
member of a minor noble family.
at Saul’s court.
David makes his name by his military
Although his youthful military exploits are
exploits (whatever these might be, though
probably exaggerated, they appear to begin
in the present context they are associated
his reputation.
with his killing of Goliath).
David has to flee Saul who is set on killing
him.
Probably partly from court intrigue but also
his own refusal to be controlled, he is
exiled.
David sets himself up as a mercenary captain
Rodrigo is essentially head of a mercenary
of a private army, and lives by plundering
army, which engages in plunder but then
and selling his services to the Philistines.
attaches itself to al-Mu’tamin, the prince of
the Muslim taifa of Zaragoza.
The story is that David pretended to raid
Rodrigo fights the enemies of Zaragoza,
Israel but actually attacked Philistine
which includes Christian opponents, and
villages; it is more likely that he would
even his old boss Alfonso VI.
________________________
David and Rodrigo, but at least my idea was conceived independently.
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-16have taken booty and tribute wherever he
could.
David takes Jerusalem after a siege.
Rodrigo takes Valencia after a siege.
David rules, first as king of Judah then as
Rodrigo acts as de facto independent ruler of
king over all Israel, for a total of 40 years.
Valencia for the final 6 years of his life.
Comparing Historicities
We are now in a position to make some judgments with regard to the story of David in
comparison with the life of Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar. The problem with lack of primary sources
was noted above. Another important point is how quickly El Cid’s story metamorphosed into
legend. The Cantar or Poema de mio Cid is no later than a century after the death of Rodrigo
and perhaps only 75 years or so later. Yet the amount of legend that had already accumulated is
remarkable. As we follow the Spanish chronicles over the next few centuries, the
transformation becomes greater and grander. This is an eloquent reminder of the speed with
which a historical account can become distorted in popular memory. As time goes on, the
tendency is for the story to be assimilated to the conventional stereotypes. We see that
assimilation clearly with the David story, in which he becomes the model of the ideal king who
is wise, brave, pious, and leads his people well (even if there are elements that seem to go
contrary to this tendency).
In the present form of the story of David, the first episode is the choice of David who
functions as a shepherd for the family sheep (1 Sam 16:1-13). This is kept secret, but David is
then chosen to play the lyre for Saul (1 Sam 16:14-23). At this point, David is already
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-17described as a “warrior” (‫)איׁש מלחמה‬, which indicates that David began his career at court and
in military training, thus probably being of the minor nobility. It is only after this that the
Goliath episode is given (1 Sam 17), and in it Saul suddenly does not know David (neither does
the general of the army, Abner), and David has had no military experience. Yet the women
proclaim, “Saul has slain his thousands; David, his tens of thousands” (1 Sam 18:7). This
seems a strange thing to sing when David has slain only one person, albeit the Philistine
champion Goliath. On the other hand, it makes a lot of sense if David was by this time an upand-coming officer in Saul’s army who was distinguishing himself in battle.
As is well known, the Goliath story was originally about the Israelite champion, Elhanan
son of Jaareoregim the Bethlehemite, and only later transferred to David (cf. 2 Sam 21:19).
The Goliath story thus looks like a later addition to the narrative. With that episode omitted
from the narrative, David does not get his start as a shepherd boy with a sling, unable even to
wear armor because of its unfamiliarity. His arising from a lowly family and herding the family
sheep is, of course, already in the story of his anointing [1 Sam 16:1-13), but this part of that
story also does not fit: since when does the king suddenly summon an unknown lad from an
unknown family to live at court and play the lyre in the king’s presence? Rather, like El Cid,
the David of the main narrative seems to be of the noble or warrior class in Israel who comes to
court and makes his name from his military prowess over a period of time (rather than just the
one event of slaying a Philistine champion). He was put over the soldiers (‫ )אנשי המלחמה‬and
succeeds in a variety of commissions from the king (1 Sam 18:5). He was so successful that he
caught the attention of the general populace and came to be seen as a rival to the old Israelite
champion, Saul (1 Sam 18:6-8).
Saul promised David his daughter to David, in return for his fighting battles for him.
Rodrigo married Jimena, who was not the daughter of the king, but she does seem to have been
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-18a relative of Alfonso VI (see above). Saul went on to ask for a hundred Philistine foreskins as
the mōhar for the bride. All of this, we are told, was aimed toward seeing David killed by the
Philistines, but it did not work, for David brought double the requested foreskins and took his
wife. The result was that Saul became jealous (1 Sam 18:9), attempted unsuccessfully to get rid
of David by various stratagems, and finally forced him to flee for his life (1 Sam 19:10-18).
With Rodrigo we have no indication that the king was jealous of him, but it is evident that some
of the nobles were. Neither did Rodrigo’s lord try to kill him, but it seems that Rodrigo caused
some of his own problems, as already related above, and was exiled by the king. The exile of
Rodrigo from the royal court has a number of interesting parallels with the narrative of David’s
activities when in exile from the court (1 Sam 20-31).
Both David and Rodrigo were adventurers--’apiru chieftains in ancient Near Eastern
terminology--who enriched themselves and rewarded their supporters by raiding and
plundering, as well as by fighting on behalf of whoever would pay them. Rodrigo had his own
private army, probably already built up well before his exile, with which he obtained
employment with the Muslim leader of Zaragoza, who was named al-Mu’tamin. His chief rival
was his brother al-Hayib, who ruled in Denia. Al-Hayib’s allies were the Christians Sancho,
the king of Aragon, and Berenguer Ramón II, the count of Barcelona. Also interested in
bringing Zaragoza under his control was Alfonzo VI of León-Castile. Thus, Rodrigo ended up
engaging militarily against Christian forces on behalf of his Muslim lord and even against his
own lord, King Alfonzo. Similarly, David headed a band of mercenaries who sold their
services, including to the Philistine enemies of Saul (1 Sam 27:1-28:2).
One of the interesting elements within the story of David is the series of vignettes about
his “mighty men” (mainly in 2 Samuel 23:8-39; cf. 21:15-22). It seems clear that this is a
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-19separate tradition that has become secondarily attached to the David narrative.22 One might
argue that the fact of an independent tradition makes it more likely to be early and to possess a
higher degree of believability. That is very possible, but does that demonstrate that the
individuals named were historically associated with David? Consider the situation with the
Rodrigo Díaz tradition. We likewise find names of individuals said to be some of the
companions of the Cid in the legendary account of the Cantar (e.g., 37, lines 733-43; 104, lines
1990-2001; 137, lines 3061-3072). However, one of the mistakes made in considering
historicity is to assume that correct knowledge of contemporary persons, geography, and similar
data shows authenticity. Of course, correct information of this sort might be one indication of
authenticity, but if correct portrayal of known figures was proof of historicity, Forrest Gump
would be a work of history. As Colin Smith states with regard to the Cantar,
. . . the poet used as personages many who can be shown to have lived in the time of the
historical Cid, with correct names and places of origin; but it is uncertain whether in
history any of these persons was associated with the Cid, or acted as the poet makes them,
and in one important case--that of Alvar Fáñez--it is sure that the action is wholly
poetical.23
Alvar Fáñez is a good example. He was a general of Alfonzo and a popular figure in local
legend. The Cantar makes him a regular companion of the Cid, influenced apparently by the
________________________
22
For example, see Anthony F. Campbell, 2 Samuel (Forms of the Old Testament
Literature 8; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005), 184-220.
23
Smith, The Making of the Poema de mio, 138.
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-20Chanson de Roland.24 As another example, consider the individual named Diego Téllez who
was supposed to have helped Rodrigo’s daughters after they were abused by their husbands and
left for dead (Cantar 131, lines 2813-19). We know he was a historical person, a fact which was
used as an argument that there might be some truth in the episode concerning the Cid’s
daughters. But we have no evidence of any connection with Rodrigo, and the whole episode
relating to his daughters is judged to be unhistorical by the consensus of modern historians, since
it has no support in any reliable sources. Similarly, with the “mighty men” of David: even if the
lists are early and authentic (which is by no means demonstrated at the present time), they could
still be lists added to give verisimilitude to the narrative rather than lists of men who actually
fought for David.
The same applies to telling details in the narrative that are “not to be confused with
fidelity to historical truth”.25 For example, a girl who gives information to El Cid is said to be
nine years old (Cantar 4, line 40); five noble ladies are praying in company with Rodrigo’s wife
Jimena when he arrives at San Pedro (Cantar 14, line 239); and so on. One might ask, “Would a
writer invent such information? Is not this an indication of a historical narrative?” The answer
is, such details--which in most cases cannot be checked--can be invented to give the narrative the
atmosphere of truth. There are many interesting details in the David story, but they may or may
not be an indication of historicity.
________________________
24
Ibid., 61-63, 174.
25
Ibid., 138.
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-21A related area of historical method has to do with personal details: personal activities,
domestic arrangements and interactions, episodes that are only personal rather than having
political implications. With regard to El Cid, much of the Cantar is taken up with the story
about his two daughters. For none of this is there any evidence: his two daughters seem to have
been well and successfully married the first and only time to Prince Ramiro of Navarre and the
count of Barcelona, respectively, and not to the“Infantes de Carrión”. Thus, the legendary
aspects of Rodrigo’s life evidently developed most strongly in more personal areas, whereas his
public life is more realistically presented (even if his success and stature are evidently grossly
inflated). As for the David story, one should probably discount some of the personal accounts
from a historical perspective as being less likely than some other episodes (though such could be
seen as giving some of the best theological instances): for example, events like the Bathsheba
incident (2 Sam 11) or David’s interaction with Nabal and his marriage to Abigail (1 Sam 25).
Yet in spite of its distortions the Cantar has some of the main outlines of Rodrigo’s
career correct. It begins with his exile, though it seems to telescope the two exiles into one. It
knows of his success in a number of battles but especially of his conquest of Valencia. His
loyalty to Alfonzo seems to be exaggerated, but he did appear to seek to become reconciled to the
king in real life--at least, up to a point. It is difficult to judge this specifically with regard to
David. Yet comparison with El Cid would suggest that where we are more likely to see reliable
information is in the general outline of David’s life: his connection with Saul’s court, his breach
with Saul, his alliance with the Philistines, his taking of Jerusalem, his wars with the Philistines.
Conclusions
This examination of the story of El Cid has been an interesting exercise with substantial
historical implications. Colin Smith made the following statement about the author of the
Cantar de mio Cid:
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-22-
He created a drama with a plot, a series of climaxes artistically disposed, and personages
who live a literary life speaking words invented for them by the poet. His drama has,
beyond the immediate entertainment and excitement, a moral and exemplary aim, and is
by no means devoid of actively ideological and contemporary references. The poet felt
no special duty to record or respect or even to use the facts of history. If he knew them,
he used them only when it suited his entirely literary purpose to do so, and he invented
freely, though conscious of limitations imposed by existing traditions and memories
about his comparatively recent subject . . . .26
This could have been written about the author(s)/writer(s)/shaper(s) of the David story--except
that the phrase “comparatively recent” would have to be dropped, since the David story was far
from being recent when it finally reached the form in which we now have it.
What we found concerning El Cid was a historical figure, the outlines of whose life can
be reconstructed in considerable detail from reliable near-contemporary sources. Yet in no more
than a century after Rodrigo Díaz’s death, his life has been transformed into a legendary account,
in the Cantar. This literary account was based on historical sources, and there are historical
details scattered throughout it, but the historical data have been skewed and twisted and mixed
with a large dollop of invention. The author’s purpose was not to write history (however much
historical material he included) but a narrative of strong nationalistic and patriotic character and
also considerable literary artistry and appeal. Yet for the next centuries the legend continued to
develop, culminating in some sense in the Mann/Bronston film, El Cid, of 1961.
________________________
26
Ibid., 137.
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-23-
One can see the benefit of comparing the David story with this similar but better-attested
story of El Cid: many questions and possibilities relating to history and the David story
immediately come to mind. Unfortunately, without contemporary records it is ultimately
impossible to be certain how many of the details of the David narrative relate to historical reality,
unlike with Rodrigo. Here is a summary of some of the main points arising from the study:
1. Verisimilitude should not be confused with history. While plausibility is the first
criterion that must be satisfied, it is not the guarantee of historicity. It seems clear that the author
of the Cantar sought to create a plausible account--but not a historical one. An account can be
plausible without being true, as countless forensic examples demonstrate on a daily basis. Many
of us know stories about an older generation of scholars that we have no way of verifying. One
often hears, “I knew so-and-so. They said that s/he said/did so-and-so, though the story may be
apocryphal . . . .” If we cannot verify stories of those who are basically our contemporaries, it is
so vastly more difficult to confirm the lives of those who lived thousands of years ago, especially
when there is nothing like a contemporary reference.
2. Verisimilitude can be the intent of a story whose aim is not to write history. Many of
the names and other details of the Cantar are known from history, yet it is clear that some of the
personages had nothing to do with El Cid or are unlikely to have done what is alleged. The
composer of the poem was willing to use historical details to further his aims which were literary.
It is more difficult to determine what happened with the David story, but we must consider the
possibility that the tradents, compilers, or editors aimed for a certain verisimilitude without
intending to write history.
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-243. We have to reckon with the speed with which a historical account becomes distorted
in popular memory. Already a legendary account (Cantar) was created within a century of
Rodrigo’s death. As time goes on, the tendency is for the story to be assimilated to the
conventional stereotypes. We see that assimilation clearly with the David story, in which he
becomes the model of the ideal king who is wise, brave, pious, and leads his people well (even if
there are elements that seem to go contrary to this tendency).
4. Even a legendary account can preserve some of the main outlines of an originally
historical narrative. In spite of its distortions the Cantar has some of the main outlines of
Rodrigo’s career correct. Yet later accounts are less true to history. The difficulty with the story
of David is that it seems to be several centuries removed from the actual events. Most scholars
accept that there was literary shaping of the narrative, though how much developed by oral
tradition before this redaction is a large question. Yet comparison with El Cid would suggest
that this is justified, and that where we are more likely to see reliable information is in the
general outline of David’s life: his connection with Saul’s court, his breach with Saul, his
alliance with the Philistines, his taking of Jerusalem, his wars with the Philistines as ruler.
It is with great pleasure that I dedicate this essay to Hans Barstad. We both have a
common interest in the history of ancient Israel and have had many conversations on the subject.
I hope he will find this an intriguing perspective on the subject.
Bibliography
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-25Barton, Simon, and Richard Fletcher, The World of El Cid: Chronicles of the Spanish
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