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U N E S C O
INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL
PUBLISHED
VOL.
QUARTERLY
X V , N O . 2,
TABLE
OF
I963
CONTENTS
PART O N E
COMPROMISE A N D THE SETTLEMENT OF CONFLICTS
In m e m o r i a m , Alfred Métraux
Introduction, by Alfred Métraux
167
169
STUDIES
Compromise in primitive society, by Robert H . Lowie
T h e settlement of conflicts in Western cultures, by Charles Morazé
182
. 230
PART T W O
T H E W O R L D OF T H E SOCIAL SCIENCES
I. CURRENT STUDIES A N D RESEARCH
CENTRES
The new sources of the law of international trade, by Clive M . Schmitthoff
The teaching of sociology in universities and other institutions of higher
education, Princeton University, 10 to 13 September 1962 by
F. J. Stendenbach
Latin American Center for Research in the Social Sciences, Programme
for 1963-64
T h e Barcelona Institute of Social Sciences
T h e Canadian Peace Research Institute
Laboratory of Personality Assessment and Group Behavior, Psychology
Department, Champaign, University of Illinois
259
265
280
284
285
286
II. REVIEWS OF DOCUMENTS A N D BOOKS
Documents and publications of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies 288
Book reviews
305
Books received
313
III. N E W S A N D ANNOUNCEMENTS
Fifth World Congress of Sociology, Washington, D . C . , 2 to 8 September 1962 322
T h e Twelfth International Course in Criminology, by Israel Drapkin .
327
T h e Fourteenth Meeting of the American Orthopsychiatric Association.
. 329
The Sixth Session of the Economics Institute sponsored by the American
Economic Association at the University of Colorado, 27 June to 28 August,
1963
_
33 1
Publications of the Groupe d'Ethnologie Sociale
331
The Twentieth Congress of the International Institute of Sociology .
. 333
CONTRIBUTORS
TO THE PRESENT
ISSUE
ISRAEL D R A P K I N , Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel.
f R O B E R T H . L O W I E , University of California, Berkeley.
t A L F R E D M É T R A U X , École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris.
C H A R L E S M O R A Z É , École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris.
C L I V E M . SCHMITTHOFF, The City of London College, London.
F. J. S T E N D E N B A C H , University of Cologne.
t
P A R T
O N E
COMPROMISE AND THE SETTLEMENT
OF CONFLICTS
ALFRED
MÉTRAUX
— IN
MEMORIAM
1902-1963
This issue of the International Social Science Journal, the theme of which was suggested
by Alfred Métraux and which contains one of his last studies, c a m e off the press a
few days after his death. M a y it serve as a modest tribute to the m e m o r y of this
eminent scholar so prematurely taken from us.
Alfred Métraux was at once a great ethnologist, an experienced international
administrator and a m a n of w a r m h u m a n sympathy w h o was loved and esteemed by
all w h o approached and k n e w him, especially on this Journal, which owes so m u c h to
him and in which he took an affectionate interest.
Others will describe the exemplary work of this brilliant ethnologist and incomparablefield-workerendowed with the researcher's enthusiasm and a naive freshness
of inspiration which enabled him to establish close and direct contact with people of
the most varied kinds, and to discern the eternally h u m a n element c o m m o n to them
all. T h e y will recount the intellectual adventure which led h i m from the TupiGuarani to the Chipayas and to Easter Island, marking the beginning of his fame,
and then to the Aymarás and the Quechuas, Haitian V o o d o o and the Incas—-an
adventure signposted by master-works some of which are already recognized as
classics: his 1928 essay on the Tupi-Guarani; his permanent contribution to the
Handbook of the American Indians; his Haitian Voodoo (1958) ; and, only very recently,
his vividly h u m a n book about the Incas (1962). All I wish to do here is to mention
some of the outstanding landmarks of his career in the Unesco Secretariat, where
from 1947 to 1961, he inspired a series of activities in which the Organization can
take just pride, including the Amazonian studies, in 1947, and the anthropological
mission to the Marbial Valley, Haiti, from 1948 to 1950. T h e studies he m a d e not
only had considerable theoretical significance but also prefigured activities which
later, under the n a m e of technical assistance or participation programme activities,
were to m a k e such a m a r k in international relations.
In the Department of Social Sciences, Alfred Métraux's n a m e will remain inseparably linked with the defence of h u m a n rights and the struggle against racialism in
all its forms. Unesco is indebted to him, in the latter connexion, for upwards ot
a score of monographs of high scientific calibre in the three series which he so
authoritatively directed: Race and Society, The Race Question and Modern Science and
The Race Question and Modern Thought—works which have w o n and retained favour
a m o n g scientists, educators, m e n of action and thinkers, throughout the world.
N o w w e are left with the m e m o r y of this m a n w h o was truly outstanding, tireless,
conscientious, and deeply discerning in all he undertook, to w h o m no perspective of
the mind was closed. H e was full of understanding and courtesy for those with
w h o m he worked, delicately sensitive, and with a fine sense of irony more often
turned u p o n himself than u p o n others, kindly and considerate in all circumstances.
His colleagues, Americanists, and his friends the world over will feel his passing as an
irreparable loss, and in the minds of all those w h o had the privilege of his personal
acquaintance his m e m o r y will remain as something rare and precious.
S. Friedman
Editor
INTRODUCTION
ALFRED M É T R A U X
A m o n g the international inquiries undertaken by Unesco are those included
in several of its programmes under the heading of 'tensions'. This series of
research projects concerning various aspects of the tensions which are at
the root of conflicts between individuals and societies, is particularly
suitable for an organization whose primary purpose is to contribute to the
maintenance of peace.
T w o of the articles published in this volume are the outcome of one of
these inquiries, focused not o n the conflicts themselves but on methods of
avoiding or settling them. T h e planning and conduct of this inquiry was
entrusted to the International Social Science Council, whose SecretaryGeneral, at that time, was Professor Claude Lévi-Strauss. T h e problem
consisted in defining and analysing the often subtle and obscure means
employed in various civilizations to attenuate the virulence of the manifold
divergencies of opinions and interests inherent in social life. Compromise
solutions are a m o n g the devices to which h u m a n communities resort in
order to preserve their unity, and it was the purpose of the inquiry to single
out examples of compromise and to assess the importance attached by
various societies to arbitration or a conciliatory attitude.
At the invitation of Professor Claude Lévi-Strauss, Professor R . H .
Lowie, of California University, undertook to assemble the material for
the inquiry. It had been agreed that the problem of compromise would
be considered in the context of so-called 'primitive' society, in that of the
M o s l e m , Indian and Chinese civilizations and also in that of our o w n industrial civilization. In conformity with Unesco's practice, Professor Lowie
sought the co-operation of specialists in the study of those civilizations,
with the exception of the primitive cultures which he had naturally reserved
for himself. His assistants were as follows: for Islam, Messrs. Pedro Dib and
Emile T y a n (University of Beirut); for India, M r . N . K . Bose (University
of Calcutta); for China, M r . Kung-chuan Hsiao (Far East Department,
Washington University, Seattle, U . S . A . ) ; and, lastly, for the Western
world, M r . Charles Morazé (École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris).
Professor Lowie was to die before having had time to complete the
project. H e had, however, received the principal contributions requested
and drawn up the part of the work which was his o w n responsibility. Unesco
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was in two minds as to whether to publish this material, which was not yet
incorporated in a coherent whole. It nevertheless wished to pay tribute
to the work of a great ethnologist, the late Professor Lowie, b y publishing
the chapter o n 'primitive society'. A t the present stage of anthropology,
it is unlikely that another scientist will be able, without years of effort,
to single out examples of compromise from the tremendous volume of
ethnographic literature. T h e publication of A Treatise on Primitive Sociology
—a classic in thefieldof social anthropology—had shown just h o w familiar
Lowie was with primitive institutions in the most diverse societies. H e had
the advantage not only of having read widely but also of possessing a very
incisive, analytical mind, combined with a thorough understanding of the
living conditions of archaic peoples. T h e subject he had to deal with was
a difficult one, for it seldom corresponded to clearly defined institutions.
T o diagnose the meaning of conciliation and compromise, he had to resort
to a general interpretation of certain customs and, more frequently still,
to particular cases reflecting traditional attitudes. It is often through the
ethos of a culture—in other words, its scale of values—that desire for appeasem e n t and anxiety to keep the balance are expressed.
In order to give its true significance to Professor Lowie's study, which
was intended to be the first chapter of a joint work, it w a s considered
appropriate to publish with it the final chapter, written by M r . Charles
Morazé, a distinguished French sociologist and historian. T h e problem of
compromise is thus treated simultaneously, in the form of a diptych, in
'primitive society' and modern Western civilization. There can be n o doubt
that in contrasting primitive society with the contemporary world, w e
arrive at a solution of one of the hypotheses justifying the entire project.
For it is indeed legitimate to wonder, as those w h o thought out the project
did, whether the examples of compromise to be found in the most widely
differing civilizations can be classified under the same head or whether
phenomena considered as expressions of a conciliatory attitude really
belong to identical categories. If, in primitive cultures, as also in our o w n ,
w e recognize, despite the diversity of appearances, similar attitudes and
phenomena, n e w prospects will be opened u p for the interpretation of
social data.
In this preface, w e have tried to reconstitute the general pattern of the
proposed work b y summarizing and commenting on the chapters dealing
with Islam, India and China.
A m o n g the general reflections which Professor Lowie left us on the whole
group of studies submitted to h i m , w e found observations o n the principle
of reciprocity in primitive societies which, in his opinion, cannot be dissociated from the concept of compromise. A n analysis of social structures,
particularly a m o n g 'primitive peoples', reveals a very definite dual trend.
Relations between members of the same family are not the only ones
governed b y cultural tradition, but also those between 'moieties'. Even
there, where w e are dealing with a complex clan system, w e note the existence of groupings in pairs. Dualistic organization is so firmly anchored
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A N D THE SETTLEMENT
OF CONFLICTS
in the habits of certain peoples that even w h e n they renounce their exogamic
'moieties', they re-establish the relationship in some other form.
These dyadic relations are the result of the principle of reciprocity and
their role in the interplay of social institutions has been brought out b y
M a u s s , Thurnwald and Lévi-Strauss, the latter having m a d e it the actual
basis of his interpretation of kinship systems. This primitive w a y of thinking,
which informs m a n y institutions, is essential to social h a r m o n y and it is
in this capacity that it can be invoked in a sociological analysis of compromise.
S o m e have tried to limit the scope of the principle of reciprocity by
pointing out that autocracy or power held by an individual or a social
class is in a sense a negation of it, for are not individuals obliged to render
services for which they receive nothing in return? Such situations are,
however, unusual. Even in cases which appear to be typical examples
of exploitation, w e can discern the law of exchange. Often those w h o slave
for a master expect help a n d protection a n d feel resentment w h e n they
realize that they are getting nothing in return. Taxes a n d irksome tasks
become oppressive only w h e n they are not offset by specific advantages.
T h e gods themselves are worshipped only o n the understanding that they
will bestow special favours on the faithful. Exchange, as M a u s s so brilliantly
demonstrated, takes the form, not of a transaction, but of reciprocal gifts
which lead to good social relations in all sorts offields.' T h e skilful art of
exchanges', writes Lévi-Strauss in Les structures élémentaires de la parenté
(p. 69), 'consists of a whole complicated series of conscious or unconscious
manoeuvres in order to win assurances and forearm oneself against possible
dangers on the dual plane of alliances and rivalries'. O n e might also speak
of the 'art of exchanges' in connexion with methods of compromising.
T h e inclusion of 'primitive peoples' in a special category has always
been an arbitrary measure, since this term applies to societies with very
different ways of life whose c o m m o n characteristics are generally only
negative ones. Professor Lowie was aware of this fact and therefore sought
to justify the use of the term. W e can leave aside the infinite diversity of
techniques and usages which divide the so-called primitive societies and
consider only the most striking contrasts between their world and ours.
Primitive thought has long been contrasted with our logic, because it is
often strongly tinged with emotion and mysticism. In the famous book in
which he tried to define this mentality, Lévy-Bruhl was at pains to point
out that, in everyday life, 'primitive peoples' reason exactly as w e do, since
they are capable of solving practical problems similar to those which w e
ourselves have to face. H a d they not been capable of rational thought,
they would have been unable to survive b y adapting themselves to the most
varied geographical environments. Moreover, it is unfair to draw a parallel
between the collective opinions of archaic societies and the keen logic of the
scientists and philosophers of the Western world. M o d e r n m a n is far from
being a constantly and completely logical creature w h o never gives w a y
to irrationalism. T h e strict logic of scientific thought is applied only in
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restricted fields and in the conduct of specific activities. It is certainly
not typical of our contemporaries. Between the so-called primitive peoples
and ourselves there is no gap and, from the point of view of intelligence,
our superiority over the 'savages' is not due to any genetic characteristics.
In their behaviour and in their reasoning, the latter display rationalism
and irrationalism in turn and to varying degrees. Nevertheless, the range
of situations which, in our industrial society, are responsive to treatment
on rational lines is wider than in primitive groups.
Although progress is infinitely slower in archaic societies, it would not
be right to speak of complete stagnation. Changes, often imperceptible,
are constantly occurring and most 'primitive' cultures are the outcome of
a long period of evolution. Admittedly, 'savages' m a k e no conscious or
systematic efforts to improve their technical equipment, nor do they
constantly endeavour to modify their manufacturing methods in order to
secure a higher output. W e never find in their world the equivalent of the
institutions which, in our Western civilization, encourage and speed u p
inventions. In primitive communities, innovations lead to profound disturbances and their introduction generally calls for a period of readjustment.
In this respect, they are not different from us, but they lack the various
mechanisms, mentioned by M r . Morazé, which are used to restore harmony.
Primitive peoples never reconsider their conception of the universe,
although most primitive communities comprise individuals w h o deserve
to be called thinkers and philosophers and devise original solutions to the
mysteries of nature or introduce n e w elements into rites and myths.
T h e pursuit of a single truth, whether religious or scientific, is a thing
u n k n o w n to primitive peoples. Here again, they stand in contrast to the
West, where the quest for doctrinal unity preoccupied m e n for m a n y centuries. With the Africans or Indians, cosmogony lends itself to several
interpretations and no one is obliged to choose between them. If certain
individuals in a group believe that they possess profounder knowledge than
the uninitiated, they tend to m a k e a mystery of it. O n the other hand, strict
observance of ritual is imperative and the slightest deviation is considered
criminal as militating against the c o m m o n good. Yet differences of opinion
on questions of faith or mystic theory are accepted or rejected as mere
eccentricities. While conformity to rule is very marked in the matter of
behaviour, individuals are allowed a m a x i m u m of freedom in expressing
their opinions.
H o w e v e r different primitive civilizations m a y be from the civilization
of the industrialized West, they are, like the latter, exposed to the tensions
and conflicts which constantly threaten the unity of social groups. Recourse
to violence m a y , of course, oblige one of the parties to give in, but this
extreme solution is not without its disadvantages. T h e resentment of those
whose claims have been dismissed is likely, in the long run, to d a m a g e the
group's unity. T h e discontented parties sometimes withdraw altogether
from the community, but such a secession is disastrous alike for those w h o go
and those w h o remain, since both are equally weakened.
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A N DT H ES E T T L E M E N T
OF
CONFLICTS
T h e Plains Indians of the United States were aware of the dangers
inherent in internal strife for the tribe as a whole. T h e y therefore established
a tradition of having mediators to intervene and appease both sides. B y
appealing to the goodwill of the individuals concerned, the mediators tried
to arrive at a genuine compromise. Thus, even in a community where
respect for individual freedom was carried to the m a x i m u m , fear of any
act which might h a r m the group as a whole led to immediate intervention
by a third party. Without machinery for reaching compromise solutions,
it is hard to imagine community life. It is therefore natural that all societies
should have devised traditional means of restoring the social balance w h e n ever it is upset b y internal feuds.
Such are the comments suggested by a comparison of Professor Lowie's
and M r . Morazé's articles. W h a t remains for us n o w is to discover from the
unprinted articles of the rest of the people taking part in the inquiry what
importance is attributed to compromise b y other civilizations. W e shall
begin with the very complete picture of the history and sociology of Islam
given by Messrs. P . Dib and E . T y a n of the University of Beirut. Assuming,
therefore, that all societies are obliged to count, to some extent, on compromise, they nevertheless differ in the degree to which their institutions and
ideology leave individuals free to settle their affairs amicably. In other
words, the value which societies attribute to conciliation and flexibility
of customs and laws varies in degree from one cultural tradition to another.
If this particular aspect of social relations h a d been m o r e thoroughly
studied, w e could divide civilizations into several categories according to
their tendency to favour mutual concessions and their adaptability to
events. In such a classification, Islam's place would af first sight appear
to be a m o n g the civilizations which have not greatly favoured the concept
of compromise. This is probably because of the religious origin of the majority of its institutions. O n e of the most striking features of Islamic civilization is itsfidelityto the principle of unicity. Not merely is there only one
G o d , but there is also only one Umma, or community of believers. T h e
power proceeding from M a h o m e t , Islam, is at once the State and the religion. T h e Prophet is the source of all religious c o m m a n d m e n t s , of all civil
or military law. Apart from him, n o other authority has legal status of its
o w n . H e represents the legislature, since it is through him that divine revelation is conveyed to the mass of the faithful. T h e relations between individuals and between the latter and the State are prescribed, in minutest
detail, in the Sacred Books (the Koran and the Sunna, or Tradition) and
are also governed by the ijma (that is, the unanimous decisions of the
community). Legislation reflecting the will of G o d was, for a long time,
interpreted very strictly. It is evident that religious scruples hindered the
masters of M a h o m m e d a n law. Theoretically at least, there could be no
doubt as to the correct solution in every legal case. Such was the sacred
nature of the laws dictated by G o d that even the Caliphs could not alter
them and therefore, in principle, had no legislative power. A t most, they
were allowed to interpret the texts and issue certain regulations. Their
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decisions were of a doctrinal order and, in theory at least, were not binding.
T h e community of believers is conceived of as a religious and political
entity whose function is to spread the faith. T h e consensus of this c o m m u nity has the force of law, since the Prophet said: ' M y people does not agree
to an error.' In order to ensure the cohesion of this community, articles so
regulating the lives of Moslems as to minimize the chances of conflict,
even between individuals, have constantly been added to Islamic legislation. T h e feeling of belonging to the community is still sustained by m a n y
practices and, furthermore, cemented by the strict control of social
conscience. Within the Umma
(community), the faithful must remain
united and organized to combat incredulity. T h e holy war against unbelievers—an obligation not incumbent on other peoples—strengthens this
community still further.
T h e sacred nature of the legislation and the exaltation of the community
are two factors which might have produced an adamant attitude, yet that
is not one of the distinguishing features of M o s l e m civilization, as seen in
the light of its history. T h e Prophet himself, as a great statesman, k n e w h o w
to reach a compromise whenever he thought it necessary and, even in
religious matters, showed himself conciliatory towards the oldest traditions
of the Arab peoples. His spirit of tolerance towards the Christian and Jewish
religions was reflected in the attitude of Islam towards the customs of
African peoples w h o had become converted. T h e ease with which he accepted
the idea that n e w converts should retain the customs which they cherished
did m u c h to ensure the success of his propaganda.
T h e implantation of Islam on the territories of Byzantine and Persian
civilizations naturally led to the introduction of important innovations in
the administration and even in the legislation. T h e institutions of nomadic
tribes were bound to be unsuitable for sedentary, urbanized peoples.
Mahomet's successors transformed the authority which they received from
G o d and through election into hereditary power.
Just as M a h o m e t had borrowed a great deal from Judaism and Christianity, so his successors c a m e under the influence of the Byzantine and Persian Empires and based the organization of their States on the bureaucratic,
despotic traditions of their neighbours. But however powerful the Caliphs
and however arbitrary their decisions m a y often have been, they did not
consider that they could dispense with the advice ofjurisconsults. T h e latter
always claimed a m i n i m u m of independence vis-à-vis the sovereign, w h o
could himself be sued by private individuals without being at once judge
and party. Moreover, the contradictions and obscurities in the K o r a n m a d e
the intervention of legal experts increasingly necessary.
T h e attitude of M a h o m e t himself towards unbelievers is indicative of
a desire for compromise, since he was careful to distinguish between the
heathens and the people of the Book—Jews and Christians—who were
entitled to certain concessions. T h e latter, the Scripturarians, could keep
their religion, provided that they accepted M o s l e m domination and paid
poll tax. For their conversion, the Koran recommends the exercise of
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SETTLEMENT
OF CONFLICTS
persuasion. In the light of a modernist interpretation of the Koran, the
Jihad does not necessarily imply a w a r involving bloodshed; it does impose
the obligation tofight,but by peaceful means, the principal weapon being
persuasion. T h e soldier gives way to the missionary. N o n - M o s l e m groups
were allowed to live in the State of Islam and were guaranteed personal
protection and the safeguarding of their property.
T h e strictness of Koranic law is tempered by various clauses inspired
by a genuine spirit of conciliation. T h e treatment of the relations between
individuals is such as to maintain a certain reciprocity, enabling the most
flagrant injustices to be avoided. This approach is evident even in the
clauses concerning the status of w o m e n , which has always been considered
as extremely unfavourable compared with that of m e n . While the Koran
undoubtedly gives preferential treatment to m e n , it bestows certain rights
on w o m e n and acknowledges their equality with m e n on the metaphysical
plane. In the event of disagreement, a married couple can have recourse
to two arbitrators, one chosen from the husband's family, and the other
from that of the wife. T h e relations between the couple must be 'seemly'
and, although the wife is required to obey her husband, he for his part must
treat her with affection and gentleness. T h e power which the Koran gives
the husband to rid himself of his wife b y simply reciting a short statement
repudiating her, m a y appear to be the clearest condonement of inequality
between the sexes, but in this case, as in m a n y others, any abuses of the law
are strongly discouraged b y a passage in the Koran where it is stated most
specifically that, a m o n g the things permitted, divorce is the most abhorrent
in the eyes of G o d . Moreover, a three months' respite is allowed in case
the husband wishes to change his mind, and, during that time, his obligations towards his repudiated wife remain intact. Despite the absolute supremacy enjoyed by m e n under the law, w o m e n ' s lives have not been so hard
and humiliating as a mere reading of the texts might lead one to suppose.
A m o n g the poorer classes, m o n o g a m y is the rule and w o m e n have always
had a certain amount of freedom. Their influence has not been negligible
in the whole of Islamic society. S o m e modern casuists have tried to prove
that certain passages of the Koran can be interpreted as a discrete invitation
to practise m o n o g a m y , but however unconvincing their arguments m a y
be, they are none the less interesting, in so far as they show a spirit of
compromise.
M o s l e m legislation includes a great m a n y provisions testifying to a n
obvious anxiety to prevent conflicts and ensure concord a m o n g the m e m bers of a community. It contains meticulous stipulations concerning the
details of everyday life. O n the other hand, the national and supranational
trends prevailing in Islam are the cause of certain hesitations which are
visible w h e n it comes to determining the two fundamental h u m a n rights
of freedom and equality. Often, too, Islam confines itself to preparing the
ground for the organization of an institution, such as the State, for example,
or merely making a preliminary study of certain questions. This, combined
with the fact that there are no regulations at all in somefields,leaves room
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for the introduction of n e w elements, even n e w concepts. Thus, contemporary trends of thought have been able to penetrate and these, combined
with the unifying forces inherent in Islam, will undoubtedly m a k e a valuable
contribution to the work of building u p international understanding.
In the long history of the civilization—or, rather, civilizations—of India,
it is easy to single out facts bearing witness to an innate preference for
compromise solutions. This can be attributed, to some extent, to the fact
that peoples of diverse languages and cultures were compelled to m a k e an
effort to adjust themselves, in order to be able to live side by side without
too m a n y clashes. For indeed, since the remotest times, Indian society
has always appeared to us to be clearly stratified and composed of the
most widely differing elements. It is therefore not at all surprising that
m a n y methods of conciliation should have been devised in order to settle
the feuds, great and small, which were liable to break out on such dangerous
ground. Although this propensity to seek means of appeasement and
compromise solutions w a s so strong, it did not exclude aggressiveness
and the desire for conquest. India has had her warriors and her kings
athirst for military glory, but she also has a very ancient tradition requiring
acceptance of radically different points of view, and calling for a very
definite effort to discover any c o m m o n ground that might m a k e conciliation
possible. Faced with trends so diametrically opposed, it cannot be claimed
that any particular one is more specifically Indian than another. W e can,
at most, observe to what extent each trend has prospered. In their simple
wisdom, the people had long realized that every m a n perceives a fraction
of the truth, but that to arrive at the whole truth, one must seek, in a
clash between two different attitudes or points of view, for that which is
not open to question.
T h e prestige of the Brahman—that is, the wise m a n — h a s always been
greater than that of the chief or warrior. T h e early kings were not legislators. T h e law was contained in the Sacred Books and it fell, precisely,
to the B r a h m a n s — w h o , in this respect, can be compared with the A r a b
jurisconsults—to interpret the texts. Justice was administered in conformity
with c o m m o n law, as transmitted through the decisions taken by the
village councils or trade guilds. T h e desire to reach a compromise was the
keynote of all legal proceedings. T h e Marathas, w h o ruled over India in
the eighteenth century, were like patriarchs w h o , in meting out justice,
were less concerned with keeping to the letter of the law than with seeing
if it w a s possible to settle disputes amicably. They showed patience in
presenting a case and allowed the parties concerned the necessary time
to put their respective points of view. O f particular interest to us here is
the care which they took not to give the losing parties such a feeling of
bitterness that any subsequent reconciliation would be out of the question.
Fines were proportionate to the means of those on w h o m they were imposed.
In the villages, justice w a s in the hands of some sort of local councils,
k n o w n as panchayats. Such councils also existed for castes and trade guilds.
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Their main function was to settle local affairs and, above all, to appease
the antagonists in clashes between m e m b e r s of a community, caste or
guild. T h e villagers generally sought arbitration in the case of boundary
disputes. W h e n the rights of the contending parties were in doubt, the
disputed land w a s divided between them or confiscated by the king.
Whatever the organization of the caste, it w a s always based on the principle
of close solidarity a m o n g its members, to b e maintained at all costs. T h e
caste's council intervened in the event of feuds between its members and,
if its verdict was not accepted, the matter w a s brought before the head of
the caste, against whose decision there w a s n o appeal. If the affair w a s a
tricky one the opinion of the Brahmans w a s sought, but this was not
compulsory. A n individual refusing to submit to the caste's verdict w a s
excommunicated.
T h e clemency of these councils is n o w , apparently, a thing of the past.
T o d a y , the village authorities tend to deal more severely with offenders.
T h e hardening of their attitude is attributed to the fact that the panchayats
have lost a great deal of the authority with which they were once vested.
T h e spirit of conciliation and tolerance which w e have noted in the
various institutions has been strengthened by certain religious trends
which, though very old, have lost none of their influence today. T h e
tradition most firmly anchored in Indian civilization is that of salvation
through purification, which is achieved b y means of steadfast efforts
involving suffering—the source of purity. Mortification is not an expiation
of sins, but a means of securing the goodwill of the gods or of reaching a
state of inner purification and thus escaping the ascendency of the flesh.
T h u s w e see asceticism transformed into a means of obtaining justice.
A creditor w h o could not secure repayment would sit on the debtor's
doorstep and fast. Such an act immediately drew a crowd, which w a s
naturally ready to sympathize with anyone inflicting such suffering on
himself, without even going into the merits of the case. This method,
k n o w n as dhartna, has been vitiated by abuses and, on various occasions,
has been adopted as a means of coercion.
T h e idea of saintliness which has grown u p in Indian civilization has
served the cause of conciliation. Does not he w h o matches hatred with
love and anger with serenity m a k e any quarrel impossible? Such an ideal
is of course difficult to attain, but those w h o m a n a g e it win universal
respect and their conduct is held u p as a n example to others.
T h e doctrine of non-violence and asceticism had originally been
designed to ensure the spiritual salvation of the individual. It w a s to
acquire a n e w meaning at the beginning of this century through the action
and influence of Gandhi. Drawing inspiration from an ancient tradition,
M a h a t m a Gandhi had become convinced that the best w a y of affirming
a truth in which one believes implicitly is to suffer for it personally, rather
than to m a k e others suffer.
Every m a n is entitled to his o w n conception of the truth, but it is
pointless to impose it on others by force. Yet this attitude should not lead
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to indifference or neutrality. Evil must be combated, not only by refusing
to have any truck with it, but also by non-violent means. Falsehood and
injustice can prevail only if m e n accept them actively or passively. H e
w h o wishes to walk in the w a y of truth must give to those w h o deny it an
example of tapsya, or voluntary suffering. T h e wise m a n does not seek to
impose his point of view on others, but tries to m a k e them recognize the
c o m m o n ground on which even the most adamant opponents can end b y
reaching agreement. T h e truth can be arrived at only by discovering, in
contradictory opinions, that which is uncontested by either side.
Passive resistance—satyagraha—has been applied in various spheres, in
connexion with political, social or economic conflict. However, the employment of this method has not always met with success, for public opinion
has sometimes remained divided as to the degree of truth inherent in the
cause for which recourse w a s had to satyagraha. Gandhi even tried to
introduce this principle into international affairs. H e hoped that peace
a m o n g the nations might be obtainable by the methods on which he h a d
based his social and political action. Even in the case of aggression, nonviolence might prevail over a conqueror with w h o m the people refused to
co-operate. T o his dying day, Gandhi never ceased to proclaim that any
international conflict could be resolved by satyagraha, provided that those
practising it could show greater courage than those wishing to fight.
With her religious traditions and division into rural communities, India
seemed to h i m to be in a better position than any other country to achieve
this ideal.
Ancient China, rich in long experience, had devised various methods of
preventing internal conflicts from growing acrimonious to the point of
endangering the proper functioning of institutions and disturbing public
order. In this vast empire, where great distances m a d e administration
difficult, there were plenty of causes of strife. Clashes arose as a result of
racial differences and rivalries between 'residents' and 'foreigners', between
representatives of different ethnic groups and between villages. Chronicles
and historical documents contain constant allusions to disputes between
villages which found themselves at loggerheads not only about irrigation
or property rights, but also out of pure jealousy or pride. T h e clans w h o
succeeded in keeping the peace between their o w n m e m b e r s were on a
war footing with other clans. In addition to these inter-group clashes, there
were those which broke out, for a variety of reasons, between individuals.
Discussions between landowners and tenant-farmers were particularly
frequent and bitter. T h e peasants, forced to get themselves into debt,
harboured considerable resentment against the tradesmen. T h e prerogatives
and abuses of the privileged classes, as well as the arbitrary attitude of the
mandarins, gave rise to protests and stirred u p revolts. T h e most c o m m o n
cause of such rebellions w a s the levying of taxes, w h e n senior officials
indulged in regular extortions. Yet such w a s the Emperor's authority
that even the very people w h o rebelled against his representatives protested
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their loyalty to him. It w a s of course impossible, in the case of m a n y
conflicts, to reach a compromise. If a m a n was killed or two communities
c a m e to blows, the government was obliged to intervene and deal severely
with the offenders, without it having been possible to arrange for arbitration or a compromise solution. There was, however, a whole series of
conflicts in which it was considered that peace could be restored through
mediation; mutual friends or influential persons might intervene, as
appropriate. These voluntary go-betweens then engaged in complicated
manoeuvres, trying to persuade the two parties to meet each other half
way. These negotiators were so skilful that they were sometimes required
to deal with situations considered as coming under the sole jurisdiction of
the authorities. W h e n the local notables were powerless to settle a quarrel,
the heads of other communities, whose impartiality was fully recognized,
were called upon to intervene. In m a n y cases, officials in high positions
acted as arbitrators in disputes between one of the lower-ranking mandarins
and his subordinates. T h e y then endeavoured to restore the peace by
persuading both parties to m a k e substantial concessions. Mandarins guilty
of extortion were transferred elsewhere and the taxes reduced, but the
rebel leaders were severely punished. T h e tradition of compromising
was therefore very old in China, since m a n y traces of it were found in the
feudal period.
T h e imperial government w a s ever inspired b y a clearly expressed
desire to keep the peace a m o n g its subjects. There were decrees enjoining
the inhabitants of the empire to maintain cordial relations. Measures
taken to inculcate in the people a taste and desire for harmony included
lectures o n the theme of concord, organized in the towns and villages. T h e
lecturers, w h o informed the public of the content of the imperial decrees,
were often government agents chosen as arbitrators and go-betweens.
In the Constitution of C h o u (twelfth century), it is stipulated that the
reconciliation of adversaries is a duty incumbent upon the government.
Mention is also m a d e of officials responsible for restoring peace. A n u m b e r
of disputes could, of course, be settled only by the official courts, but as the
judges' decisions did not always put an end to the quarrels, and even
helped to increase bad feeling, the government tended to dissuade the
litigants from bringing their case before the courts. T h e emperors established posts for mediators and arbitrators outside the ordinary administrative machinery. T h e magistrates were assisted by colleagues w h o did
not occupy official posts but carried out activities supplementary to those
of the judges and relieved them of part of their work. These 'unofficial
colleagues' included the 'veterans' or heads of communities. Although
they did not belong to the bureaucracy of the State, they were appointed
by civil servants. They were called upon to take action whenever a quarrel
seemed likely to degenerate into a conflict or to disturb public order.
T h e object of the arbitration procedure was not to establish the rights
and wrongs of any particular case, but simply to try to effect a reconciliation.
W h e n a case was examined, it was not in order to define the respective
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responsibilities of either side and to see that the innocent party c a m e out
victorious, but simply to reach a friendly settlement. T h e mediator set out
to re-establish good relations between the litigants b y persuading them to
mitigate their claims and trying to soothe the ruffled feelings of those w h o ,
rightly or wrongly, considered themselves as the injured parties. It w a s
therefore not a question of compensation but simply of reconciliation. T h e
only punishment sometimes inflicted o n the party too blatantly at fault
was that of having to meet the expenses of the reconciliation celebrations.
But it was easier to put a n end to a quarrel than to restore cordial relations
between individuals or groups w h o h a d c o m e u p against one another.
Chinese society, particularly in country districts, suffered from an internal
disease—the latent animosity between individuals or groups and a general
state of discord, barely controlled superficially. Compromise techniques
proved useful in preventing disputes from degenerating into open conflicts
which would have disturbed public order and therefore given rise to
situations dangerous to society as a whole, but true harmony—spiritual
and mental—was b y n o means achieved. Agreement at all costs could be
secured only through denials of justice, since the latter was a secondary
consideration compared with the anxiety to preserve good relations, even
though they were entirely superficial. T h e mediators therefore h a d to
establish a compromise between absolute justice and contingencies, but
this they managed to d o only if their impartiality was above all suspicion.
A s far as possible, they took public opinion, as well as the wishes and
feelings of the contending parties, into consideration. It should not be
forgotten, however, that conciliation was only possible w h e n the dissension
was not particularly serious. Compromise formed part and parcel of
Chinese civilization and, whatever its deficiencies, it did help to relieve
tensions which might otherwise have rent the society of that vast empire
from top to bottom.
In contrast with the methods employed by Indian society to avoid
disputes, the Chinese tradition is distinguished b y a sense of reality a n d
determination to solve problems at the purely secular level. N o metaphysical principle was invoked and there was n o question of idealism or
altruism. In olden times, in China as in India, wisdom born of long experience h a d taught people not to a i m at absolute justice, but to be content
with compromise solutions which safeguarded public order.
F r o m this brief survey of manifestations of the spirit of compromise, w e
m a y conclude that all societies, ancient and m o d e r n alike, are primarily
concerned with self-preservation and that they consider that this depends
u p o n their ability to maintain the unity and harmony of the community
as a whole. Although m e n do not go so far as to prefer injustice to disorder,
they are certainly quite prepared not to enforce the law too strictly, if it
means that society as a whole would thereby suffer. Even primitive peoples
k n o w that it is difficult to distinguish between truth and falsehood and that
all the wrongs are seldom on one side. Following the example of ancient
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China, our Western civilization has succeeded in setting u p conciliation
bodies. In order that labour conflicts m a y not upset economic and political
life, most modern States have recourse to special legal authorities a n d
institutions. Indeed, in several countries, conciliation is compulsory for
certain cases in civil law. A lawsuit cannot be started without a preliminary
attempt at conciliation. T h e terrible consequences which the slightest
conflict m a y have today for the community of nations are constantly, a n d
on an increasingly wide scale, lending added force to the concept of mediation and compromise. T h e peoples of the world seem to have recognized
the wisdom of Grotius' point of view, expressed in his De jure belli ac pacts
(1625), that it is far better to waive one's rights than to w a g e a just w a r .
181
COMPROMISE IN PRIMITIVE SOCIETY
ROBERT H . LOWIE
INTRODUCTION
Interpersonal and group relations within any given society are subject to
disturbances, which, if left unchecked, might easily destroy the whole
society. In the interest of self-preservation, then, societies have evolved
compensatory adjustments, standardizing techniques for preventing
catastrophe. Such adjustment m a y assume different forms according to the
extent to which it is carried. T o adopt current sociological terminology,
the contestants m a y merely c o m e to 'tolerate' each other without making
concessions, but they m a y also reach a 'compromise', each renouncing
part of his abstract claims and thus paving the w a y for fruitful co-operation.1 In the present essay w e shall examine these distinct processes as
they have been observed in 'primitive' societies. T h e term 'primitive' is
far from ideal since in this context it bears no chronological meaning;
and the substitute 'savage' m a y be challenged on the ground that m a n y
populations so designated are conspicuously gentle. But, lacking any
semantically preferable word in c o m m o n use, w e shall employ both expressions interchangeably for illiterate groups living at a relatively simple
technological level.
It has long been a commonplace of ethnography that savage societies
differ too widely from one another to be brought under a c o m m o n head.
If illiteracy is taken as the convenient differentia of 'primitiveness', it
soon becomes clear that the totality of h u m a n societies presents not a
sharp dichotomy into 'primitive' versus 'civilized' conditions, but a continuum within which the technically literate peoples not infrequently fall
far below the standards usually associated with civilization, while not a few
illiterate peoples approach, if they do not attain, those standards. In both
political complexity and integration, for instance, various African m o n archies stand higher than the G h e g communities of northern Albania.
i. See Wiese, von, Vol. i, p. 135-41; also Ogburn and Nimkoff, p. 369-91. For
full references see bibliography, p. 327.
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SOME PRIMITIVE DIFFERENTIAE
Nevertheless, as it is permissible to state that w o m e n are shorter than m e n
despite the existence of circus giantesses, so w e m a y , with corresponding
qualifications, draw a composite picture of the illiterate as contrasted with
the civilized societies. While not attempting to present a full list of the
criteria at this point, w e shall direct attention to some characteristics that,
as a rule, m a r k primitive societies to a far greater degree than civilized ones.
Kinship
T h e classical expression of the theory that kinship bonds alone give cohesion
to earlier and simpler societies occurs in Maine's Ancient Law (1861):
' T h e history of political ideas begins . . . with the assumption that kinship
in blood is the sole possible ground of community in political functions;
nor is there any of those subversions of feeling, which w e term emphatically
revolutions, so startling and so complete as the change which is accomplished
w h e n some other principle—such as that, for instance, of local contiguity—
establishes itself for thefirsttime as the basis of c o m m o n political action.'
Again: 'the idea that a number of persons should exercise political rights
in c o m m o n simply because they happened to live within the same topographical limits was utterly strange and monstrous to primitive antiquity'.1
In the light of present knowledge w e still recognize the validity of
the conceptual distinction here d r a w n by Maine; but an important qualification has become necessary. T h o u g h the kinship tie is often dominant
in primitive groups, that of local contiguity is probably never wholly
absent. This appears with special force in thefinalpronouncements of two
excellent observers w h o had atfirstreported p h e n o m e n a precisely in line
with Maine's theory, but w h o were subsequently obliged to revise their
statements.
In his earlier description of the Yurok Indians (north-western California) Professor Kroeber declared that 'there was n o definite community
sense within a village'; only, 'wherever kinship existed, it formed a definite
bond between towns or within them'. 'There is n o offence against the
community, no duty owing it, no right or power of any sort inhering in it.'
Basically, even 'all so-called wars were only feuds that happened to involve
large groups of kinsmen'. But supplementary research brought deeper
insight, so that seventeen years later w e learn that ' T h e bonds of coresidence were evidently fairly strong, though they did not transcend those
of kinship'.2
T h e original picture presented b y the late D r . Barton of conditions
a m o n g the Ifugao (Luzon, Philippines) is likewise extreme: no tie would
1. Maine, p. 124, 126.
2. Kroeber 1925, p . 14; also Spott and Kroeber, p . 12, 20, 49.
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seem to bind together unrelated residents of a village or district. Yet a
close reading of the concrete data so amply furnished by this author
proves that the generalization is at fault. Overshadowed by the personal
bonds between kindred, the territorial tie exists nevertheless: 'Neighbours
and co-villagers do not want to see their neighbourhood torn b y internal
dissension and thus weakened as to the conduct of warfare against enemies'.
Again, a thief from another district is almost sure to be killed w h e n caught
in the act, but the unrelated neighbour is only subjected to a fine. Indeed,
in a later treatise D r . Barton, too, unequivocally recants. H e there recognizes the local unit as 'extremely important', even though vaguely defined;
in rare cases territorial ties m a y even take precedence of consanguineal
ones.1
Notwithstanding these qualifications, it remains true that kinship is of
enormous importance at the primitive level. This appears, for example,
in the widespread acceptance of collective responsibility ascribed to the
body of kindred. A Lobi (upper Volta River, West Africa) sufferer from
theft, possibly because of the individual miscreant's poverty, requests an
indemnity from the culprit's relatives. ' O n s'adresse donc à ceux qui
possèdent et sont tenus pour responsables des méfaits de l'individu ayant
commis l'infraction.' In the same district a sharp distinction is drawn
between wrongs within and without the kindred. Within the extended
family 'le d o m m a g e n'existe pas quand il est c o m m i s par u n parent.' At all
events, an erring relative receives differential treatment. If he has stolen
goods, the victims require only restitution, whereas of a stranger they
d e m a n d twice the value of the purloined articles; if a m a n , by chance or
design, kills a relative, the act merely calls forth an admonition by the
patriarch of the group and there is no secular penalty, though sacrifices
must be offered to the Earth deity.2 In other spheres of life the significance
of kinship is equally prominent; innumerable tribes insist that a m a n must
marry a particular type of relative, say the daughter of a maternal uncle.
T h e blood-tie, 'the w e b of kinship', must then be constantly kept in mind
w h e n investigating disruptive phenomena and the traditional techniques
of restoring h a r m o n y in savage groups. But w e must keep in m i n d the
competing factors that temper the potency of the kinship tie by the very
fact of their existence even if they do not attain to the preponderance of
the State in Western civilization.
'Primitive fusion'3
This convenient phrase epitomizes the widespread p h e n o m e n o n found
a m o n g primitive peoples, that is, the extraordinary degree to which they
mingle departments of life that, on rational grounds, are quite unconnected.
1. Barton 1919; id. 1938, p. 8, 31, 33 f.
2. Labouret, p. 380 et seq.
3. Maclver, p. 479 et seq.; Boss 1938, p. 226.
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W e , too, m a y pray for prosperous crops, but w e do not, at every stage in
agricultural procedure, perform rites in order to ensure success, nor do
w e m u r m u r incantations during the construction of a boat to m a k e it
seaworthy. This, however, w a s the established practice of the Maori
( N e w Zealand) ; and comparable fusion of disparate aspects of culture can
be cited for any savage group. Technical procedures are linked with
spells and prayer; war raids m a y be undertaken only after a prompting in
a dream; decorative designs are revealed in visions; folk-tales purport to
explain biological phenomena; tribal history merges in the genealogy of
gods or other records of a mythic past. It is not contended—and such an
assertion would in fact be quite indefensible—that every instance of such
fusion is primeval; m a n y of the associations are demonstrably secondary.
W h a t concerns us at present is not the antiquity of such associations, but
their ubiquitousness and their incomparably greater scope a m o n g savages.
T h e study of the origin of disruptive occurrences a m o n g them, as well as
the patching u p of social differences, will thus constantly require consideration of what to us seem wholly irrelevant p h e n o m e n a .
Public opinion
Powerful as Grundyism m a y be in the M a i n Streets of our small towns, its
influence does not compare with that of public opinion in savage society,
where it frequently figures as a major deterrent from misconduct. If a
Blackfoot Indian (north-western M o n t a n a and adjacent Alberta) persisted
in defying the proprieties, the headmen of the c a m p arranged for a public
grilling in the form of 'a general conversation between the m a n y tipis,
in which all the grotesque and hideous features of M r . A's acts are held up
to general ridicule amid shrieks of laughter. . . . T h e mortification of the
victim is extreme and usually drives h i m into temporary exile or, as formerly, upon the warpath to do desperate deed'. 1 Even so simple a people as
the Y a h g a n (Tierra del Fuego) exhibit the force of mass judgements.
A thief, for example, is exposed to general contempt and is hardly ever
able to live d o w n his shame. His victim rarely resorts to corporal punishment, but the general ostracism to which the offender is liable affects him
more painfully than would vituperation or blows. Generalizing, Gusinde
declares that not even the penalties for misdeeds laid d o w n by the Supreme
Being provide so strong a motive for proper behaviour as the ambition
to be reckoned a faithful exemplar of the tribal mores.2
Demographic conditions
T h o u g h primitive peoples, especially in Africa, sometimes live in very
large political units representing a population of hundreds of thousands
i. Wissler 1911, p. 24.
2. Gusinde, p. 983 f., 1005 f.
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and even in some cases of over a million, the m o r e usual situation is very
different. W e find small communities whose people have face-to-face
contacts and are largely bound together by blood kinship, affinity, a n d
neighbourliness. T h u s , the territorial units of the Murngin ( A r n h e m
L a n d , northern Australia) average only forty to fifty individuals.1 This
fact gives a distinctiveflavourto the phenomena that at present concern us.
A s Professor Srinivas has said, writing about a caste in the Deccan, ' S o
w h e n a dispute breaks out, it disturbs the existing harmony of social
relations a m o n g a closely-knit body of people. Existing cleavages deepen,
n e w ones occur, a n d alliances are formed between individuals and groups.'
Father and son m a y be on opposite sides. 'In short, the existing configurations of relationships breaks d o w n and a n e w one takes time to form. In
the meanwhile there is disharmony and confusion.'2
Abstract justice
O n e of the most striking aspects of primitive customary law is the indifference to abstract justice. This is a n obvious corollary to the obligation
of relatives to protect a wrongdoer from condign punishment, irrespective
of right or wrong. But primitive m a n goes m u c h further in that even the
neutral spectator m a y deliberately ignore the plain merits of the case for
the sake of what to h i m seems the more vital matter of preserving the
peace, often the paramount consideration. African and American illustrations will m a k e this clearer.
T h e foremost duty of a D o g o n (West Africa) priest-chief is precisely to
forestall strife. H e interposes even in a n ordinary domestic squabble, either
appearing in person or dispatching through a messenger a cane symbolic
of chiefly authority. A t sight of either, the disputants stop quarrelling and
a hearing is held. T h e older litigant pleadsfirst,followed by the younger,
'mais ces explications ne présentent guère d'importance en elles-mêmes, car
la sentence . . . serait invariable'. Whatever the arguments m a y be, the priest
bids the older m a n to forgive the younger, w h o has erred in forgetting the
respect due to his senior. T h e essential issue, however, is the disturbance
caused by both m e n in upsetting the peace of the village. T h e controversial
points are of little consequence; if, subsequently, people discuss them
at all this is from sheer love of debating. Invariably, the verdict rests o n
no serious examination of evidence or of motives, but is a foregone conclusion. A single, public consideration dominates, before which 'les intérêts
particuliers s'effacent: le maintien de l'ordre dans le pays'. T h e same
philosophy rules in dealing with troubles on market days, w h e n the site is
watched by the priest-chief's deputies, before w h o m any quarrellers are
brought. 'Personne ne cherche à savoir qui avait tort ou raison.' A single
fact matters: the peace has been disturbed, and each delinquent has to
1. Warner, p. 16.
2. Srinivas.
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pay a fine of 1,000 cowries.1 Very similar in essence is the gist of a recently
reported inquest in an Idoma Village (Nigeria). T h e discussion revolved
about whether a recently deceased h e a d m a n had died from witchcraft
by an official or in consequence of ancestral disapproval. A t the gathering
all sorts of accusations were levelled, but the judges had already reached
a decision before hearing these charges. T h e y felt that 'the interest of the
whole society requires the defence of its officials'; they m a d e no attempt
to disprove the accusations, but recognized them 'as a threat to the social
order', and set them aside.1
Hardly less repugnant to modern ways of thinking is the frequent,
though by no means universal, failure to take into account the motives
of an act. In the 1930's a Dogon m a n was accidentally killed by a shot,
and the person w h o had discharged the g u n was banished to another
village, precisely like the wanton murderer of a child some time previously.
People took a more genial attitude towards the accidental slayer, but the
penalty was the same. At the other extreme on this point stand the Ifugao,
w h o excuse homicide provided that there was neither malice prepense nor
carelessness.2
CAUSES OF DISTURBANCE A N D SOCIAL THERAPY
Having indicated several outstanding features that mark savage as compared
with civilized societies, w e must turn to the principal sources of dissension
and to the methods evolved to restore peace. In this context w e are concerned with internal strife rather than with warfare between distinct political
units. It must, however, be noted that the lines of demarcation are not
always easily drawn. A s explained, Yurok wars and internecine feuds at
times seem qualitatively alike. T o take an egregious but not unique West
African instance, the Tallensi (Northern Territories of the Gold Coast)
have neither sharply definable territorial boundaries nor can they otherwise be precisely demarcated in comparison with adjacent groups.3
A certain fluidity also characterizes the disruptive factors themselves
and precludes a clear-cut logical classification. Tranquillity is probably
most frequently threatened by witchcraft, homicide, disputes over property
or over w o m e n , questions of prestige, and antithetical ideologies. But in
practice these causes cannot always be kept apart. Whether a cultural
innovation is to be adopted or spurned m a y hinge not on abstract ideological
principles, but on the disputants lust for asserting their social standing.
A n d though it is true enough that African natives do not confound w o m e n
with chattels, it is equally true that quarrels over w o m e n involve disputes
over property. O u r classification, then, is avowedly a rough-and-ready
1. Paulme, p. 219, 229-32; also Armstrong.
2. Paulme, p . 123; also Barton 1919, p. 65.
3. Fortes 1945; id. 1949.
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one; and each instance must be subjected to analysis if its true nature is
to be revealed.
Witchcraft
T h o u g h witchcraft looms large a m o n g m a n y primitive tribes, it does not
require extensive treatment here because it hardly ever leads to compromise. Typically, aborigines look upon the malevolent wielder of supernatural power as a peculiarly sinister, clandestine, hence dastardly, assassin
whose acts merit s u m m a r y punishment. It is noteworthy that the Ifugao
w h o otherwise act on the principle that 'a family m a y not proceed against
one of its members' waive this legal axiom if a person has bewitched a
kinsman. T h e notoriously non-aggressive Pueblo Indians (Arizona; N e w
Mexico) authorized their w a r captains to torture a suspected sorcerer into
confession by hanging h i m u p by his arms over a b e a m ; since a witch
caused disease and death, destroyed the crops, precipitated droughts and
landslides, to kill him was the officials' unquestioned privilege. A m o n g the
Timbira (north-eastern Brazil) the men's council promptly decreed the
death of a m a n seriously suspected of sorcery; and the Brazilian government's outlawing of such judgements aroused moral indignation. ' W h a t is to
become of us then?' a chief complained. ' T h e evil sorcerers will kill us all.'
In Africa the widespread juridical procedure of subjecting a defendant to
an ordeal was generally applied in the cases of sorcery too, but w h e n guilt
was once held as established, the penalty was no less drastic then elsewhere.
T h e Lango (Uganda), for instance, clubbed the sorcerer to death and
burned his corpse, even his kin concurring in the verdict. With the crude
tribes of California and the adjacent Basin area self-help took the place of
legal formalities; a suspected sorcerer—and this included a curer w h o had
successively lost several patients and hence was regarded as having malevolently perverted his supernatural powers—was often slain by the enraged
mourners. 1
T h e obsessive character of relevant delusions appears w h e n they override
the sentiments of kinship. In N e w Zealand and the Marquesas Islands a
novice in black magic was expected to prove his competence precisely by
supernaturally murdering one of his closest relatives, say his o w n father or
grandfather. T h e N a v a h o (Arizona) are not so extreme in their dread of
potential witchcraft on the part of kinsfolk as the neighbouring Hopi, yet it is
quite conceivable for them that evil magic might invade the intimate
family circle and anyone w h o failed to give appropriate aid to a sibling
in need would fall under suspicion. T h e Pueblos, notwithstanding their love
of serenity and social h a r m o n y , show the feeling in pathological form. A
Hopi whose autobiography was published about twelve years ago held
that sorcery caused most tribulations of mankind and that one could not
i. Barton 1919, p. 70; also Parsons, p. 63-7; Nimuendaju 1941, p. 239 f.; Driberg,
p. 241; and Kroeber 1925, p. 853.
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trust even one's 'very close relative' or ceremonial brother. Consistently
with this view, he suspected his o w n mother, w h o m he professed to adore as
'the smartest and kindest person' he had ever k n o w n , of having been a
witch. In parts of West Africa these feelings attain even greater intensity.
A chief of the Ekoi (Nigeria; Cameroon) again and again forced his o w n
children and his wives to undergo the ordeal of drinking a poisonous potion;
an old w o m a n w a s accused of having killed her grandchildren; and suggestible tribesmen freely confessed having transformed themselves into snakes
or crocodiles in order to destroy their kind.1
Not all savages are equally haunted by the fear of black magic. Even in
Africa w e find tribes like the Tallensi where the phobia assumes a comparatively genial form, being overshadowed by mystical notions of a different
order. In this society almost every recorded case ofwitchcraft—a rare p h e n o m enon—springs from tension a m o n g co-wives: a mother grieving over her
offsping's irremediable malady will charge another wife of her husband
with having bewitched the child. In former days the defendant might
have to undergo the test of stabbing herself publicly with a poisoned arrow;
and she would even insist on undergoing the ordeal to clear herself and
avoid derision and ostracism. N o w a d a y s plaintiff and defendant both
take an oath by an ancestral shrine and the one w h o subsequently experiences some serious calamity is considered the perjurer. N o violence of a
secular nature ensues, but neither is there accommodation, for both parties
and their relatives 'might continue to harbour resentment', so that there is
'endless discord'.2
Intransigence m a y be absent even where the dread of witchcraft was
deep-seated and its practice allegedly frequent. A m o n g the Nootka 'witchcraft constituted the principal crime problem'; inexplicable illness was
regularly imputed to the ill-will of a sorcerer or of a personal e n e m y w h o
had hired him. 'Yet though kin of the victim might be convinced as to the
identity of the evil shaman or witch, they seldom did anything about it,
beyond harbour a grudge. T h e most c o m m o n m o d e of revenge w a s to
employ withcraft against the enemy.' In rare instances the suspect, smarting
under general condemnation, emigrated to another tribe as a voluntary
exile, 'perhaps fearing actual h a r m , probably hurt by the unjust accusations'. T h e extreme rarity of violent punishment is explained by the nonaggressiveness of the Nootka, w h o seem to have conformed to an ideal of
mild conduct with far greater consistency than the ever-bickering (with each
other over small points of custom or ceremonial) witchridden Pueblo Indians.3
T h e generally mild treatment of sorcerers b y the Nootka evidently
does not fall within the category of compromise or even of tolerance.
But, inasmuch as one m a y legitimately employ occult means to ward off
black magic or to overcome a hostile group, a chief or king m a y adopt
i. Buck 1936, p. 1-19; also Kluckhohn and Leighton, p. 172-81, 225; Parsons, p. 63,
108; Simmons, p. 257, 327; and Talbot 1912, p. 13-88, 165-200, 230-41 et passim.
2. Fortes 1949, p. 33 f., 131.
3. Drucker, p. 212-5, 313-9, 453.
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such measures with the avowed intention of furthering the well-being of
his people. T h e ambivalent character of witchcraft is well illustrated b y the
practice of Yokuts Indians (south-central California). Here the chief orders
his ally, the medicine-man, to afflict with sickness any tribesman w h o shirks
the moral obligation of contributing to the support of traditional ceremonies. T h e people at large approve, for though the allies m a y enrich themselves they are held to serve the interests of the c o m m u n i t y . Apart from this,
the fear of witchcraft (as also in south-western tribes of the United States)
checks unethical behaviour, thus functioning as a n agency for social
control.1
Although, then, in the nature of the case there can be n o compromise
between the victims a n d the practitioners of witchcraft, there m a y well be a
compromise with its underlying philosophy. In m a n y witch-ridden c o m m u nities fetishes a n d charms are used to guard a h o m e or village against
black magic. G o i n g a step further, the N u p e (Sudan) have a n organization
expressly designed to combat witches. Periodically its m e m b e r s beg the
king to authorize active measures against a n alleged epidemic of witchcraft. W h e n their petition has been granted, s o m e m e m b e r s impersonate
spirits and terrify the w o m e n of every village in turn, selecting s o m e individual as culprit. She is forced to scratch the ground in the bush until her
fingers bleed, which fact demonstrates her guilt. T h e w o m e n in turn flee
and conceal themselves, disrupting the daily routine of life, until the headm a n gathers together a sizeable a m o u n t to bribe the king into calling off the
m u m m e r s . Formerly the total s u m thus extorted from the entire realm
might be as m u c h as £300, of which the ruler kept one-third, the society the
balance. Curiously enough, the c o m m o n e r s of recent days complain
because the abolition of the organization by the colonial government leaves
t h e m defenceless against witches!2
Homicide
F r o m assassination b y malevolent sorcery w e turn to homicide b y physical
m e a n s . In their attitude towards this act primitive groups display great
differences, but also large areas of agreement. In their assessment of intentional versus accidental killing the Ifugao a n d the D o g o n (see above,
p . 183, 186) stand at opposite poles. But the majority of savage tribes agree
in sharply distinguishing between the slaying of a tribesman and of an outsider; and very generally they recognize the claims a n d responsibilities
attached to kinship. A n analysis of several conceptions found in the
primitive world will prove rewarding.
T h e D o g o n formerly banished the killer of a tribesman for at least
three years. H e w a s n o longer allowed to re-enter his h o m e ; a relative
brought him a staff and a gourd as symbols of his henceforth errant m o d e
1. Gay ton.
2. Nadel.
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of existence; his kin regarded him as dead and divided his property; his wife
was free to leave in search of a n e w mate. If by chance he c a m e to encounter
a relative, direct conversation w a s proscribed, all communication being
through a third party. However, after the lapse of the m i n i m u m period of
exile, the criminal was allowed to return to the settlement with a bull led by
a kinsman while he himself held on to the tail. T h e beast was conducted to
the headman's house, where the elders c a m e to consider the case. With
the flowing of the sacrificial beast's blood the ban was lifted and 'l'ordre
est rétabli', that is, if the person killed belonged to the slayer's family.
Otherwise supplementary rites were imperative. T h e murderer's kin
presented an ox or a goat for a purificatory sacrifice, and thefleshwas eaten
at a joint meal by the two kin groups concerned. Further, the offender's
family offered a large blanket and a very large amount of cowrie m o n e y to
the other party. This s u m was merely a recent substitute for a kinswoman of
the murderer's, w h o w a s anciently taken to wife by a close relative of the
victim. T h e first son born of this union received the slain m a n ' s n a m e ,
assumed his position in the group and acquired his spirit as an ancestral
tutelary. For a female victim the procedure remained the same; the w o m a n
was, however, surrendered not to the deceased wife's husband, but to her
brother or some other close kinsman. 1
In these proceedings w e readily detect the influence of kinship as well
as the fusion of mystical with secular notions.
Ifugao practice stands in some respects in sharp contrast to that of the
D o g o n , but agrees in stressing kinship: with respect to homicide the principle (waived in cases of sorcery) that ' a family cannot proceed against
itself remains basic. A n extreme exemplification occurred in December, 1913 :
a m a n had murdered his spendthrift father for irresponsibly jeopardizing
the livelihood of the family. T h e fellow villagers did not feel that the act
was their business and, as far as they were concerned, the parricide would
have gone scot-free.
It must, however, be noted that a m o n g these people, w h o are not
divided into clans, kinship is not always sharply defined. T o be sure, siblings
cannot proceeed against each other, and neither half-brothers nor cousins
ought to be on opposite sides. But if one cousin seriously hurts another, the
victim m a y claim an indemnity, though not so m u c h as from an unrelated
offender. Minor injuries should be ignored. Connexions b y marriage
complicate the matter. If a kinsman steals rice from a married m a n , the
unrelated wife is entitled to an indemnity—half the customary one. Quite
generally, a relative, if liable at all, pays a smaller fine than would an u n related wrongdoer.
A s already explained, the Ifugao pay great attention to the presence
or absence of evil intent. If one m a n in a party of hunters leaps back from a
charging boar and thereby accidentally stabs a companion with his spear
—as sometimes happens—he goes unpunished provided witnesses establish
1. Paulme, p. 116-22.
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his innocence. In token of his regret, however, he will voluntarily, as a
rule, m a k e a contribution to the funeral feast. Extenuating circumstances
are allowed w h e n the manslaughter, though undesigned, resulted from
carelessness. T h e same rule applied if the homicide, though intentional,
rested on a misunderstanding, such as mistaking a villager in the dark
for a prowling enemy. Again, at large feasts drunken brawls often resulted
in serious injuries and even deaths, and here too the offender might
effectively plead absence of motive.
B y and large, deliberate homicide demanded the killing of the murderer
or of a m e m b e r of his family, thereby precipitating a blood-feud; whereas
manslaughter could be atoned for with a fine, whose a m o u n t varied according to the victim's social grade, being somewhat less for a poor or middleclass person than for a m a n of wealth. T h e debt might hang over the slayer
all his life and would be inherited by his children. For the life of a well-to-do
m a n the fine comprised ten distinct portions; these included animals for a
feast held to prevent future mishaps of the same type within the victim's
family; sacrifical buffalo and pigs for the funeral feast; shrouds; blankets
for the bereaved kin; various ornaments; and essentials for a feast to cement
peace between the two families concerned.
T h o u g h the Ifugao have neither chiefs nor judges, the people recognize
an elaborate tariff of fines for all sorts of offences. In the absence of any
legal authority the procedure for procuring redress necessarily remains a
private affair. A s for homicide, an Ifugao is supported by public opinion
if he kills the slayer of a kinsman, a sorcerer, the solvent repudiator of a
debt or an adulterer caught in the act. However, problems of casuistry
arise. Given the strength of the kinship bond, a victim's family m a y not
recognize the justice of the execution on the ground that the conditions
implicit in the customary law have not been m e t . T h e y m a y feel that the
charge of sorcery was not proved, that the adulterer had been enticed by the
guilty wife, that the creditor was unduly impatient. T h u s , the executed
m a n ' s relatives reject the punishment as unjust, seek revenge in turn, and
initiate a feud. Hostilities are likely to continue for a long time between
distinct settlements, but by processes to be explained presently they usually
terminate quickly if the combatants live in the same district. Both parties
call upon deities to witness the righteousness of their cause. O n the principle
of collective responsibility, though the life of the slayer himself is preferable,
a kinsman or fellow-villager of his m a y be substituted.
Anarchic as the Ifugao system seems at first blush, it nevertheless
comprises one feature that adumbrates legal accommodation. A go-between,
unrelated or at most distantly related to the contestants, takes it upon
himself to m a k e peace. He completely lacks authority, but is supported by that
ubiquitous sense of territorial solidarity that coexists with, even w h e n overshadowed by, kinship ties. 'Neighbours and co-villagers do not want to see
their neighbourhood torn by internal dissension and thus weakened as to the
conduct of warfare against enemies.' O n one occasion, w h e n a fight threatened between two parties over the boundary of theirfields,neutrals inter-
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posed, shouting, ' W h a t kind of a w a y is this for co-villagers to settle a dispute. . . . G o back h o m e and beget some children, and marry them to
each other, giving them twofields,and then it will m a k e no difference
where the division line is.' A s a matter of fact, it is by matrimonial arrangements of this sort that feuds usually end.
N o w , it is by virtue of such sentiments that the go-between (monkalun)
is able to operate for his o w n and the community's profit. A strong-willed
character, he appoints himself to function as monkalun and to interpose in
any serious difficulty. ' T o the end of peaceful settlement he exhausts every
art of Ifugao diplomacy. H e wheedles, coaxes,flatters,threatens, drives,
scolds, insinuates. . . . If the culprit or accused be not disposed to listen to
reason and runs away or "shows fight" w h e n approached, the monkalun
waits till the former ascends into his house, follows him, and, war-knife in
hand, sits in front of him and compels h i m to listen. Since diplomatic
relations have been broken off between the litigants, he hears their testim o n y separately, then goes back and forth, conveying their respective
demands and concessions. A successful go-between gains a reputation in
time and receives fees from his clients. H e is also called upon to interpret
the issue of ordeals, as w h e n the defendant has to draw a pebble out of a pot
of boiling water and inflamed blisters on hand and forearm supposedly
betoken guilt.1
T h o u g h quite different from the Ifugao in their economy and m a n y
other features, the Yurok present an amazing series of parallels in regard to
the quasi-juridical issues that there concern us. They, too, display the odd
phenomenon of a people without chiefs or other established authority
w h o nevertheless have evolved an elaborate system offinesfor all conceivable misdeeds. Here, too, the claims of kinship were of great importance;
here, too, class distinctions rested on wealth, andfinesvaried with the status
of the litigants. Status was defined for any individual b y the amount of the
bride-price paid for his mother. T o concentrate on the composition for
homicide, a c o m m o n m a n was worth ten strings of shell-money plus, possibly, twenty large woodpecker scalps and a boat. For a bastard only five
to six strings of probably smaller shells sufficed, along with a few woodpecker
scalps. T h e killing of a prominent m a n , however, required a fine of fifteen
strings plus, perhaps, a red obsidian, a headband of woodpecker scalps and
other property, besides a daughter. T h e victim's age or sex did not affect the
amount of the indemnity, the social status alone determining the bloodmoney.
With these people intention was an essential factor in assessing the fine.
Not that an unwitting slayer was excused from compensating the aggrieved
kinsfolk; but malice aforethought rated as an aggravating circumstance
demanding extra payment. At least one string of dentalia had to be added;
and for a wealthy person's death, if planned, his kinsmen received double
the basic valuation.
i. Barton 1919, p. 15 f., 63, 65 f., 72-9, 92-9, 105, 120.
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Theoretically, the blood-money w a s exactly equal to the bride-price
paid by the victim's father; in practice it exceeded that payment because
of the return gifts m a d e at a marriage to the groom's family.
A m o n g the Yurok, acceptance of full compensation 'extinguishes a
claim, even to the privilege of cherishing resentment'.
A noteworthy parallel to Ifugao usage is the occurrence of mediators,
though details of procedure naturally differed. Each party chose from
two to four of these m e n , w h o thus assumed the character of advocates,
but were expected 'to be impartial enough to reach a fair agreement'.
For this reason they had to be unrelated ' m e n of restraint, wisdom and
knowledge of the law'.
Both the Ifugao and the Yurok evidently achieved comparatively
efficient measures for compromise that are all the more noteworthy in the
absence of constituted authority. Professor Trimborn has rightly e m p h a sized the great importance of composition as a substitute for blood-revenge,
but sees its origin at the pastoral and agricultural level, where a m u c h
stronger commercial sense (kommerzielle Denkweise) tends to produce an
expression of all values in pecuniary terms. A s the Yurok case demonstrates,
this commercial outlook m a y appear even a m o n g fishermen, gatherers,
and hunters.1
Certain widespread notions of primitive jurisprudence appear with
exceptional clarity a m o n g the C r o w Indians (Montana). T h e y were divided
into matrilineal clans, and upon these kinship groups devolved the punishment of wrongs to a fellow-member as well as the obligation to shield h i m
against aggression. If a m a n had been killed by the e n e m y , the injury could
be wiped out by a compensatory killing. A C r o w undertook the great S u n
Dance ceremony exclusively with the object of avenging, say, a brother's
death at the hands of a hostile group. Typically, a w o m a n w h o had thus
lost a son would tearfully implore some famous warrior to conduct a party
against the offending tribe. If he accepted and accomplished the purpose of
the expedition, he would bid the w o m a n cease crying.
This principle remained superficially similar if a tribesman killed another C r o w , for the aggrieved clan then sought to avenge the slaying by
blood. But, as a m o n g the Ifugao, neutral kin groups interposed because of
the danger from enemies in case of an internal division. There is a historical
tradition of a feud, probably dating back to the earlier half of the nineteenth
century, between the 'Whistling-water' and another clan n a m e d after the
Piegan Indians. T h e C r o w from other clans were by n o means content with
letting the two opposing sides fight it out, but pleaded in the following
terms: 'It is bad, don't d o it, w e are one people'. W h e n further dissension
was brewing, impartial m e n persisted in urging the two factions to become
reconciled. There w a s , however, so m u c h gossiping about one warrior
w h o had killed a 'Piegan' in the previous fray that he separated from the
main c a m p , accompanied by thirty to forty households. T h e event proved
i. Kroeber 1929, p. 28, 49; id. 1926; also Trimborn.
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the risks run by disunity, for a large encampment of Cheyenne fell upon the
seceders and virtually annihilated them.
Because of such experiences public opinion deprecated any brawls
between tribesmen. T h e nativesfiftyyears ago still liked to contrast their
ideals with those of white m e n , 'all of w h o m want to be prizefighters'. Even
a great brave k n o w n to have once engaged in a fight would suffer popular
derision. W h e n he approached, people would say to one another, 'That
one m a y hit us' or, 'There's thatfighter,get out of his w a y , he might hit
you'.
Because of this recognized danger to the whole people in consequence of
inter-clan feuds, the C r o w had evolved a definite procedure of mediation
in function similar to that followed by Ifugao or Yurok go-betweens. There
was, however, a notable difference: the intermediaries of these tribes had
no official position or authority, whereas their C r o w counterparts were
recognized officials with authority in certain emergencies, which, however,
oddly from our point of view, did not include cases of murder. A C r o w
c a m p chief and the military club he had appointed in the spring to serve
for that year acted with coercive force against delinquents w h o defied
the rules of the march or of a c o m m u n a l buffalo hunt, but murder, however
deplorable, w a s reckoned a tort, not a crime. That is to say though the
existence of official functionaires m a d e them the natural mediators w h e n an
intra-tribal killing had occurred, their function on such occasion was not to
punish the killer or to restrain the mourners by force, but to plead for
forbearance with the suffering family. A s a rule, the offender's kin were
eager enough to offer a heavy indemnity to forestall vengeance, and their
proposal was conveyed to the aggrieved through the tribal chief or police.
Acquiescence was symbolized by smoking a pipe offered by the official, w h o
in case of need tried to thrust it between a reluctant mourner's lips.
A n anomalous, but instructive instance of accommodation is related.
During a victory celebration a m a n killed a boy for running into his shield.
T h e relatives were about to take the murderer's life, but he at once showed
his repentance by chopping off his fingers, gashing his legs, and cutting
his hair—in short, by himself playing a mourner's part. His wife's relatives
offered property to the would-be avengers, w h o merely killed the m u r derer's horses, but spared his life.1
It is illuminating to consider the variations on the same theme found
within an area of generally similar culture. A m o n g the Plains Cree (Saskatchewan and Alberta) young m e n w h o had gained distinction in warfare
formed the company of Worthy Y o u n g M e n . W h e n a feud threatened,
members of this body w h o were related to the contenders escorted their
kinsmen into a tent, unwrapped the Sacred Pipestem there, and pointed
it toward each of their relatives w h o was bent on revenge. 'In the presence
of this sacrosanct object, all quarrels had to be relinquished and resolved....
T h e awe in which the stem was held was enough to abate the greatest heights
i. Lowie 1935, p. 9-12; id. 1912, p. 228-31.
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of impassioned rage.' In such cases no payment of blood m o n e y was required, though an exchange of gifts was often urged by the intermediaries. In
other instances the guilty m a n ' s kin paid wergild to the bereaved family.1
Here, then, w e stillfindcommutation into afine,but the religious element
—the sacredness of the pipe—suggested in C r o w procedure is greatly
emphasized.
Highly significant, too, are the relevant ideas of the Cheyenne (southeastern M o n t a n a ; western O k l a h o m a ) . ' T o c o m p o u n d for kin-blood was
not Cheyenne practice.' Here the religious factor c o m e to the fore. H o m i cide within the tribe polluted the Sacred Arrows, drove off the g a m e supply, and thwarted success in warfare. It was necessary to remove the taint
by the ritual of renewing the Arrows, and the murderer was banished for a
period of years by action of the tribal council or of the military clubs.
Irrespective of his former status or deeds during exile, the criminal was
disqualified from attending an Arrow ceremony and from acquiring war
honours; he w a s not permitted to smoke from a Cheyenne pipe or to eat
from a bowl within the c a m p lest he contaminate the utensil. If he returned
as a penitent after the lapse of two years or more, the council might permit
him to remain provided the military organizations and the victim's kin
waived objections, but certain disabilities persisted, at least for a long
period, the equivalent, our authorities explain, of a loss of civil rights
in our jurisprudence.
T o be sure, occasionally mourners did resort to self-help, trying to kill
the murderer, but such departures from the n o r m occur often enough in
Western civilization without invalidating the recognized legal norms. They
are, in both cultures, natural survivals from a cruder stage of law.
T h e differentia of Cheyenne attitudes toward homicide is that what
elsewhere in the Plainsfiguresprimarily as a personal or family grievance,
a 'tort' in technical parlance, becomes sinful and criminal. T h e offence
against the supernatural evokes grave secular consequences to the c o m m u nity, hence the representatives of the people take coercive measures, whereas
a m o n g the G r o w they are merely official appeasers and go-betweens. T h e
distinction is obviously a radical one.
It is noteworthy that the Cheyenne did take cognizance of intent.
Accidental homicide did not necessitate exile, though in the interest of
tribal safety the ritual of Arrow renewal remained incumbent. 2
T h e societies hitherto considered under the head of 'Homicide' lack a
powerful central government; and except for the Cheyenne, whose mystical
notions lend a special cast to the treatment of murder, equilibrium is restored a m o n g these peoples by a compensatory payment to the mourners.
W h e r e , as often in Africa, there is a strong central authority, whether
embodied in a monarch or in the ministers surrounding a titular autocrat,
blood-feuds m a y not be tolerated or at all events m a y be manipulated to
i. Mandelbaum 1940, 230 f.
2. Llewellyn and Hoebel, p. 132-68; also Hoebel 1954, p. 157 et seq.
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the advantage of the rulers. In Africa the notion has repeatedly evolved
that the king or chief owns the persons of his subjects, that accordingly no
one else has a legitimate claim to compensation if a subject has suffered a
bodily injury. A Kaffir (South Africa) chief exacted seven head of cattle for
a slain male, ten head for a female. Before about 1820 a husband was
allowed to kill an adulterer caught in flagrante delicto; but the chief Gaika
abolished this law, putting such acts on the same level with other cases of
murder. Similar motives of cupidity underlay the encouragment of feuds by
kings of the Shilluk (upper Nile) : only they appropriated thefinesimposed,
while the victims' relatives were not indemnified. T h e Bushongo (Belgian
Congo) carried the principle so far that a suicide's survivors were obliged to
pay damages to the king; in murder cases the ruler either claimed a heavy
fine or turned the criminal over to a m o b for lynching.1
Broadly speaking, w e m a y say that homicide tends to precipitate feuds
and that savage societies usually attempt to prevent hostilities between the
kin groups directly concerned by effecting a compromise through conciliatory payments by the murderer's kin. T h e negotiations as a rule rest on the
assumption that primarily a private grievance is involved, but that neutral
tribesmen are also concerned, hence m a y take informal, unauthoritative
measures to bring about a reconciliation. W h e r e central authority becomes
potent, the notion of an offence 'against the C r o w n ' m a y develop, transforming the tort into a crime a n d eliminating the practice of seeking an
adjustment between more or less equal parties. That a specific mystical
conception m a y inject attitudes and practices anomalous for a certain type
of society is demonstrated by the Cheyenne.
Property
In the simplest primitive societies m a n y types of conflict in Western civilization are wanting either because of the very conditions of material existence or because of certain axioms of ethical behaviour. W h e r e there are
virtually no differences in material belongings the temptation to steal from
one's neighbours is slight. O n the other hand, to deny the necessities of
existence to a tribesman in want—indeed not to share an abundance of
food with one's fellows—is quite contrary to primitive mores. W h e n a
whale is beached in Tierra del Fuego, it provides far more flesh and fat
than could be consumed by the tiny Yahgan group occupying the locality,
hence the usual barriers for outsiders are let d o w n and anyone is welcome
to partake of the feast. In view of such generosity a person w h o sneakily
steals from his neighbours is generally shunned and at the initiation festival
the adolescent novices are solemnly admonished never to steal. Suggestively
enough, larceny became far m o r e c o m m o n with the introduction of the
white m a n ' s goods. 2
1. Hofmayr, p. 27-182, 258-364; also Maclean, p. 57-75; Torday and Joyce, p. 76 f.
2. Gusinde, p. 875, 882, 961 et seq., 1016; Radin, p. 23.
IQ
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Generally speaking, a m o n g savages the obvious adjustment of a n
infraction of property rights is restitution of the objects misappropriated,
to which must often be added penal payments. T h u s , the ancient Kirghiz
(Central Asiatic steppes) mulcted a thief three times nine head of livestock;
and an Ifugao of the upper class h a d to payfivetimes the value of the purloined object. T h e misdemeanour is considered disgraceful, hence is usually
avoided by m e m b e r s of this social grade. T h e Lobi clearly distinguish
between theft from a kinsman, w h o is content with restoration of the article
or with payment of a n equivalent, and theft from a n outsider, w h o usually
claims twice as m u c h . A twofold indemnity is also in vogue a m o n g the
eastern Bushongo. 1
A clear-cut caste system or a genuine despotism inevitably affects
relevant practices. T h u s , subjects w h o stole from the Inca (Peru) ruler's
fields were punishable b y death.2 Both the social organization and the
ideology of a people reacted on the treatment of pilferers; and at times
considerable variations occurred locally even within a restricted territory.
For example, some tribes of Southern Nigeria regarded theft as next in
infamy to witchcraft and murder, and hence punished with death the
taking of a single y a m ; others sold a thief, especially] a recidivist, into
slavery; still others contented themselves with a heavy fine.3
T h o u g h in various primitive communities the tie of kinship imposed
leniency, the underlying motive w a s not necessarily altogether a sentimental
regard for the individual culprit. T h e h e a d m a n of a Fijian clan told
D r . T h o m p s o n 'that during the past three days twenty baskets of sweet
potatoes had been stolen from his garden. H e k n e w the thief was a relative
but did nothing about it because if the theft were exposed the prestige of
the clan would suffer.4
T h e specific effects of a cultural pattern are again well brought out by
evidence from the Cheyenne. Latitudinarian about 'borrowing' objects
without notifying the owner, they considered it beneath the dignity of a
prominent tribesman to fuss over losing minor articles in this fashion. T h e
loss of mounts fell into another category, however: they were to be stolen in
raids against alien tribes, not from fellow-Cheyenne. For horse-theft within
the tribe a young Cheyenne was once severely beaten by the military society
then acting as police; they also broke u p his weapons, destroyed his clothing,
and left h i m destitute on the prairie. This was doubtless an extreme case.
O n another occasion a m a n borowed a horse belonging to his friend Wolflies-down during the owner's absence, leaving his b o w and arrow as an
identification and a security. H e went off to another c a m p and failed to
return the loan for an unconscionable time. Finally, Wolf-lies-down appealed to the h e a d m a n of the Elk Soldier society for advice, and they sent a
i. Radloff, Vol. i, p. 523; also Barton 1919, p. 85 f.; Labouret, p. 380; and Torday
and Joyce, p. 77.
2. R o w e , p. 271.
3. Talbot 1926, p. 617-76.
4. Thompson, p. 120.
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messenger to the other c a m p . T h e borrower at once returned and acknowledged the loan, explaining that he had always intended to return it, but
had been prevented by force of circumstances. H e offered, in addition to
Wolf-lies-down's horse, either of two other good horses according to his
friend's choice. Wolf-lies-down, completely satisfied by the explanation,
accepted one of the horses offered, but refused to take back his o w n , and
declared that henceforth he would be the other m a n ' s bosom friend. O n e
remarkable consequence of the episode w a s n e w legislation: the Elk Soldiers
m a d e it a rule that henceforth horses were not to be borrowed without the
owner's explicit consent.1
In the case just described w e are, of course, not confronting larceny, and
all the pertinent actions are o n the highest level of 'gentlemanliness'. T h e
borrower's good faith is beyond cavil, the involuntary lender is not so m u c h
morally indignant as perplexed and hurt over the culprit's at first blush
inexplicable conduct. A n d the nascent resentment is at once assuaged by the
noblesse of his friend's avowal and offer. His refusal to accept the borrowed
horse shows that it was not primarily the material value temporarily lost
that had disturbed him. T h e whole sequence of events is of a piece with the
standards of behaviour worthy of a self-respecting Plains Indian. C o m p r o mise is easily reached w h e n the complainant has once satisfied himself of
the rectitude of the defendant's intentions. T h e vital element in the situation
is the underlying ethical n o r m ; it is difficult to conceive of any comparable
happenings a m o n g Pueblo Indians.
Theft is only one of m a n y possible sources of contention over property
rights. Wherever there is scarcity of necessaries, the possibility of serious
disagreement arises. O n the Polynesian coral atolls of Tongareva (north
of the Cook Islands) the coconut was of crucial importance, for it furnished
not only the principal vegetable food but, given the sparsity of drinking
water, also the chief beverage of the natives. A s a consequence tiny settlements were m a d e in the immediate vicinity of the trees a n d in case of
trespass watchers immediately gave an alarm to s u m m o n the armed
warriors of the community. A s a matter of fact, 'the main cause of war was
the coconut'. This w a s often precipitated by the masanga, the imposition
of a closed season in a particular locality in order to allow the crop of
depleted trees to recover, for the residents of the districts would promptly
start raiding their neighbours' plantations. Such looting w a s unavoidable
since the decree 'cut off the main food supplies for a long period and
the only course open to prevent starvation w a s to raid the crops of the
other islands, which meant w a r and loss of life'. In view of the potential
consequences 'the unanimous consent of the whole territorial group had
to be obtained'. In 1853 a local assembly eagerly debated whether the
masanga w a s indicated; one native opposed it for fear that the taboo o n
coconuts might lead to cannibalism, but finally yielded. A shipwrecked
white trader, having been adopted into the tribe, w a s permitted to voice
1. Llewellyn and Hoebel, p. 6 f., 127 f., 2a6 f.
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his opinion and ultimately 'compromised by accepting the masanga and
then going to another island to live while the custom w a s in force'.1
T h e liberum veto, highly typical of m a n y savage groups, will be again
noted subsequently.
In the instance quoted, adjustment w a s of course not between contenders for the same material goods but a m o n g a group of peers differing as
to the methods required to cope effectively with the consequences of a dearth
of food affecting them all. In the H o p i country there is a scarcity of land
capable of yielding adequate amounts of maize; and here this fact has been
productive of strife a m o n g fellow-villagers. Indeed, w e have on record two
egregious instances of serious conflict between clans belonging to the same
phratry (major exogamous unit) and even of brothers taking opposite
sides in a dispute because of a clash between the claims of their wives'
clans. Theoretically the village chief is steward of all the pueblo's lands and
one of his principal functions is 'to render decisions regarding title to a
given plot of ground, or to award damages for the destruction of crops by
livestock'. In practice he had no coercive power and could be defied with
impunity by a refractory villager. In such an event the much-vaunted
harmoniousness of H o p i social relations is exposed as a piousfiction.T o
take a concrete instance, the leader of the Patki clan in the village of
Oraibi conceived the idea that because of the ceremonies which his clan
controlled they were entitled to m u c h larger plots for cultivation whereas
the people of the Pikyas clan were descendants of alien immigrants, hence
were entitled to only a small patch of ground. 2 T h e chief decided against
this plea, and instead of submitting to his judgement the Patki m o v e d off,
vainly trying to establish a rival village. That is to say, the Hopi have, indeed,
a technique for settling disputes over land, but in the absence of executive
power the official arbitrator is impotent to force acceptance of his verdict.
Widespread a m o n g primitive peoples is a form of highly prized property
corresponding to our patents and copyrights. It includes not only the
exclusive right to such material objects as the fruits of certain trees, but
also prerogatives of a highly fanciful character from a rational point of
view. T h u s , a prominent Nootka will attach great importance to the hereditary privilege of limping and howling in a peculiar w a y during a cere m o n y , of receiving a torch during a girl's puberty celebration, of applying
certain names to his slaves or harpoons. Such incorporeal property lent
prestige and is accordingly best discussed under that head.
A highly distinctive form of such property m a y , however, be conveniently considered in this place. Several of the North American plains
tribes organized the male population into a series of graded military clubs
or societies, the normal expectation being that an individual in the course
of his lifetime would rise, jointly with his age-mates, to higher grades.
However, this process w a s not automatic: membership in any one club
i. Buck 193a, p. 53-60, 108, 113.
2. Titiev, 64, p. 201 f.
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had to be purchased. That is to say, the novices did not join the Kit-Fox,
D o g or Buffalo society m e m b e r s , but replaced them by acquiring their
privileges, i.e. distinctive songs, regalia, and dances. T h e procedure of
transferring these forms of incorporeal property a m o n g the Hidatsa (North
Dakota) involved a placatory feast to the prospective sellers, payment of
goods, and subsequent instructions by the older group to the buyers.
T h u s , as in familiar commercial transactions, there w a s a conflict of
interests, arraying buyers against sellers, A n additional element resulted
from the principle of superordination in the scheme. Because of their
prestige value the junior group coveted the prerogatives of their immediate
seniors and were ready to pay a good price for them. T h e potential sellers
were well aware of their advantage, pretended extreme reluctance to
part with their membership rights, and stipulated the conditions of the
transfer with an eye to m a x i m u m profit. Haggling resulted until a mutually
satisfactory compromise was reached. For the higher group did not dominate
the situation unequivocally. If they persisted in trying to extort an extravagant price, they would merely defeat their ends: the would-be purchasers,
even if aided by kinsfolk and friends, might not be able to meet the d e m a n d s
and were permitted to by-pass their immediate seniors with an attempt
to acquire the next higher complex of associational rights.1
These negotiations did not lead to a disturbance of the peace, but as
normally conducted they illustrate an opposition of interests and its ultimate
resolution by mutual concessions. Incidentally, it m a y be noted that the
principle of grading tended to preclude the serious disputes that occasionally arose in other tribes with similar, but co-ordinate clubs.
Prestige
Loss of face, intolerable because of the morbid value set on prestige, evoked
numerous disruptive situations. T h e natives of coastal British Columbia
held 'potlatches', i.e. major assemblies at which guests received gifts in
compensation for witnessing some honorific event in the life of the host
or his kin. A t these gatherings strict observance of rules of precedence was
obligatory. 'It w a s a serious breach of etiquette or, if deliberate, a n insult,
to call guests out of order. If two m e n claimed the same place a tactful
host had their n a m e s called simultaneously.' T h e Tsimshian clinched
relevant debates by an appeal to tribal traditions, for theoretically rank
wasfixedby heredity. Actually, the display of wealth w a s so highly esteemed
that an impoverished noble unable to match a competitor's lavish feast had
to yield his seat without redress. Emphasis, w e note, w a s not on hoarded
riches, but on their ostentatious distribution; in extreme cases the Kwakiutl
(Vancouver Island) deliberately destroyed valuable property in order to
eclipse a competing aspirant to glory.2
i. Lowie 1920a, p. 237, 324 et seq.; id. 1928; also Sapir.
2. Garfield, p. 217 f.; also Codere, p. 64-80.
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Parallel phenomena have been observed in Buin (Bougainville,
Solomon Islands), where m e m b e r s of the upper class are constantly vying
with one another in conspicuously wasteful expenditure. A bride's father
tries to shame the groom's parent by returning more than the equivalent
of the bride price. Not to be outdone, the recipient sends back a still
greater amount; and so it goes o n until one of the competitors is at the end
of his rope. O n the principles of the system the struggle thus closes in terms
of superordination and subordination.1
A m o n g the Plains Indians of North America prestige rested on bravery
as defined by cultural tradition. It might happen that in the thick of the
fray doubts arose as to which of two claimants had actually struck the
first blow against the enemy. T h e difficulty w a s resolved by oaths. Each
contestant took a knife or arrow, put it to his mouth, pointed it toward
the sun (the chief deity), and addressed h i m somewhat as follows: 'It
was I that struck the enemy, Sun; looking d o w n , you saw m e strike h i m .
M a y the one w h o lies die before winter.' If both litigants went through
this ritual, the people were unable to decide at once which had perjured
himself. But if soon thereafter a misfortune befell one of them, he w a s
regarded as the perjurer and his opponent could rightfully lay claim to
the contested honour. 2
Prestige can be affected in other ways than through conscious rivalry.
Given the pathological touchiness of savages, an indefinite n u m b e r of
cases arise in which mortal offence is taken at a supposed want of proper
deference to rank. T h e coastal tribes of British Columbia carried this
notion to grotesque extremes. O n e can understand the indignation of a
Tsimshian chief w h e n a Haida w o m a n threw a halibut in his daughterin-law's face, even though the ensuing massacre of m a n y Haida Indians
seems excessive retribution. But these people also resented as unbearable
humiliation occurrences in n o w a y due to hostile h u m a n action and
vented their rage in sacrificing their o w n possessions. Thus, a Tsimshian
noble, disgraced if his child accidentally cut himself with an axe or suffered
from incurable illness, would wipe out the ignominy by destroying some
property before witnesses, even by killing a slave.3
T h e Yurok, whose class system was m u c h attenuated as compared
with that of the Indians of British Columbia, also manifested an extreme
sensitiveness in points of honour. For breach of the taboo to utter the
n a m e of a dead tribesman the latter's kin at once exacted a heavy fine.
Sea-lionflipperswere regarded as a delicacy, but the amount of food they
furnished was negligible. Nevertheless, the exclusive right to the flippers
of all sea-lions captured between certain points on the coast w a s highly
esteemed for its prestige value, and its infraction (in about i860) w a s
treated as a grave affront. T h e outraged monopolist, feeling 'as though
1. Richard Thurnwald 1934a; also Hilde Thurnwald, p. 81.
2. Lowie 1935, p. 217.
3. Boas 1916, 388-92, 537, 542.
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he had been trampled u p o n ' , shot the trespasser from a m b u s h ; and there
followed lengthy and difficult negotiations before a half-way satisfactory
settlement could be reached. O u r authorities explain that, despite the
efforts of mediators in this culture, by n o means all comparable troubles
were negotiated without protracted fighting. 'Their machinery of effecting
a reconciliation was elaborate and accurate, but in the absence of any
political power to direct the machinery one individual could upset the
most careful planning.'1
Several illustrations from Oceania merit fuller description. In Tikopia,
an island inhabited by Polynesians but geographically closest to the
Melanesian Solomon Islands, dissension arose during Professor Firth's
stay between the chief's eldest son and his brothers. It revolved about
the relative priority to be given to two celebrations, for only one of which
adequate provisions were available. After a year's mourning the senior
brother was eager to absolve himself from the associated taboos and to
discharge an obligation to his son's m e m o r y b y holding the funeral cere m o n y , while his brothers allegedly favoured the prior celebration of a
dance festival. Since they lived nearer to their father, they were suspected
of influencing h i m accordingly. Affected b y a dream in which he had
seen the deceased youth, the mourner visited his father, misinterpreted
his curt replies as a decision against the priority of the funeral, discourteously rushed out of the house, thereby deeply offending the chief, and
threatened to commit suicide. His actions were doubly wrong, for Tikopia
mores stress the sacredness of both fatherhood and chieftainship.
T h e neutral bystanders were concerned to smooth ruffled susceptibilities
on both sides, some calming the chief, others sympathizing with his son,
but urging h i m not to leave them without his protection and tactfully
begging h i m to apologize for his impoliteness. Finally persuaded, he humiliated himself before his elder, w h o not only forgave him, but m a d e a decision
in his favour.2
A s Professor Firth points out, the occurrence illustrates that the established framework of social relations does not automatically determine
behaviour. M a n being what he is, the kinship bonds, strong as they are,
m a y be broken, with brother sporadically arrayed against brother and son
against father. But the c o m m u n a l interest calls forth measures that at
least under favourable circumstances m a y prevent the clash from culminating in catastrophic results for the entire group.
T o return to the people of Buin. T h e y had a distinguished medicinem a n n a m e d Lókobau. While he was gone for a day, his nephew feasted
the villagers without reserving the portion that properly fell to his uncle's
share. Incensed, Lókobau threatened to absent himself from all future
pork feasts, refused to talk to his nephew, a n d kept aloof from all the other
fellow-villagers. There was general alarm at the powerful medicine-man's
i. Kroeber 1925, p. 28, 48; also Spott and Kroeber, p. 182-99.
2. Firth, p . 65-72.
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attitude. After a fortnight's palaver, his brother-in-law, the chief of a
neighbouring district, hit upon the simple device of killing a large pig and
inviting Lókobau and all the other m e n of the settlement to a banquet,
to which all the guests contributed. Lókobau w a s completely pacified,
even to the extent of himself throwing in a fat porker for the general
entertainment. 'Nothing', writes our authority, M r s . Thurnwald, 'is felt
more deeply than injury to one's prestige; and the greater and securer a m a n ' s
standing is, the greater must be the other people's care not to disturb it.'1
Superb examples of disputes arising from offended vanity are reported
from S a m o a . Its chiefs, unlike their Hawaiian counterparts, were never
despots, the supreme power being vested in a council of mature m e n .
Nevertheless the titular S a m o a n equivalent of the Hawaiian ruler prides
himself on his rank, one outward symbol of which is the possession of a
sizable guest house, an elaborate structure that can be erected only by
guilds of skilled carpenters. T h e S a m o a n chief is in no position to command
the services of these specialists, but must bargain for them. Moreover,
because of a keen sense of their importance, at the slightest affront to
their dignity, they go on strike in best trade union style. Since in such an
event the builders of other settlements could not be persuaded to work for
the chief, he must either suffer loss of standing by abandoning his building
project or submit to the stipulations of the guild.
In 1927 D r . Peter Buck witnessed a characteristic incident. During a
feast in honour of the builders they suddenly took umbrage at a terrible
insult: a careless cook had offered them a fowl that had not had its crop
removed! It required two hours of impassioned oratory to appease the
outraged carpenters. T h e chief's speaker assured them that all his fellowvillagers recognized the lofty hereditary status of the guild. ' H e begged
them to forgive the accident and not let it interfere with the smooth building
of the house; to let the surface of their minds remain unruffled.' A senior
m e m b e r emphatically told D r . Buck that in ancient times the carpenters
'would have immediately embarked in their canoes and gone h o m e ' .
Such things simply were not done. 'However', the builders' spokesman
told the villagers, 'as he had their assurance that the incident was purely
accidental, the builders were inclined to overlook it in their generosity
of heart. T h e y were the descendants of gods, the companions of kings. . . .
Nothing of like nature must occur again or they would not be so lenient.
T h e village apologist redoubled his protestations.' Next a choice m a t w a s
laid before the guild as 'the self-inflicted fine of the village, and a recompense for guilt. Such having been m a d e publicly manifest, the honour of the
builders w a s satisfied.'2
With such insistence on protocol in the absence of a coercive power,
there was evidently constant need for compromises to prevent a peremptory
breach of relations.
1. H . Thurnwald, p. 68.
2. Buck 1930, p. 94 f.
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Domestic relations
Disturbances in this sphere have multifarious causes, such as conjugal
disagreement, which often affects the relatives of both spouses; the disputes
over economic marriage arrangements; dissension between wives in a
polygynous household; and so forth. T h e varying conceptions of savages
concerning the status of w o m e n a n d the presence of religious aspects of
matrimony—in fact, any n u m b e r of ideological considerations—potentially affect the situations that arise in the domain of sexual life. A few
typical instances must suffice for our purposes.
In parts of the Sudan, w o m e n enjoy considerable freedom. Characteristically, adultery is forbidden to both Lobi mates for, according to native
belief, it might cause the death of one of their children. However, the prohibition does not begin until after the birth of a child. Before that occurs both
spouses are free to indulge in extramarital amours; the wife, indeed, has
a recognized lover, usually in another village, but with pregnancy the affair
abruptly ceases. Divorce m a y occur if the wife remains barren or if she
neglects her domestic duties, provoking the husband into rash scolding—
rash because if her feelings are sufficiently hurt she m a y leave him for good.
T h e head of the husband's family, asked to intercede, will try to calm the
wife's anger. 'Si la f e m m e , son amour-propre ainsi satisfait, accepte, tout
rentre dans l'ordre ; si elle refuse, aucune contrainte ne peut être exercée
sur «lie et le mari devra chercher u n e autre épouse.' Even if a w o m a n
leaves her husband from sheer caprice, she has n o redress. Usually, of
course, there are specific reasons, such as the m a n ' s poverty, a shrewish
mother-in-law, or the successive deaths of several infants for which she
blames her husband. 1 In m a n y societies the regnant conceptions of w o m a n hood would render such freedom quite impossible.
A m o n g the Tallensi, competition for wives is 'the most prolific source
of strife' and formerly might culminate in bloodshed. Even at present
over 90 per cent of the cases tried b y the native courts result from the
rivalry of m e n over w o m e n or their issue. Marriage is legally contracted
by the promise to pay four cows or their equivalent as the bride-price. If a
husband completely fails to honour the agreement, the wife's guardian m a y
take her away, as happenedfivetimes to one indigent husband. Yet w o m a n
is not considered a chattel here, and only w h e n extremely provoked or bent
on insulting her would a m a n tell his wife that he had bought her. Altogether w o m a n ' s status is far better than might be inferred from the 'chattel'
theory, and if an angry husband beats his wife, neighbours are likely to rush
in and put an end to the row. T h e scarcity value of w o m e n is ordinarily
a sufficient deterrent from hasty abuse, so that a m a n very rarely tries to
rid himself of his mate. However, adultery on her part is regarded as sinful
and mystically defiling, hence as liable to bring disaster upon the whole
household since it offends the man's ancestors. Accordingly, ritual expiation
1. Paulme, p. 393-419.
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is requisite: the wife must confess her guilt before the shrine symbolic of her
husband's ancestors. A n adulterous husband likewise errs and has to offer
ritual satisfaction, his father being responsible for supplying the sacrificial
beasts.1
In polygynous households there is always potential dissension between
the wives, especially w h e n one of them suspects that her child has been
bewitched b y another wife (see above, p. 189 f.). It is noteworthy that in
native belief here, as in numerous other tribes, kinship between the several
wives tends toward harmony, though—unlike m a n y American groups—the
Tallensi rather frown upon, without actually prohibiting, marriage with
two full or half-sisters.2
In contrast to the Lobi, w h o for mystical reasons prohibit adultery to
both sexes, the Y a k ö (south-eastern Nigeria) observe a double standard
resting on male predominance. It is only w h e n a m a n has cohabited with
a clansman's wife that ritual expiation is incumbent on him; also he thereby
disqualifies himself for certain ceremonial functions. Typical for African
societies is the connexion between divorce and the bride-price agreed to by
the husband. A n undue delay in this payment justifies the wife's maternal
Uncle in taking her away, even if she has already borne children to her mate.
O n the other hand, a husband has monetary claims on an adulterous wife's
lover and, in case of divorce, m a y d e m a n d the return of his payments from
her matrilineal kin, upon w h o m the responsibility devolves. Such situations
potentially call forth prolonged recriminations and denial of charges of
remissness b y the husband; the difficulty is ultimately resolved by the
h e a d m a n appealed to or in the native courts.3
In contrast to the Tallensi, the C r o w (Montana) treat adultery as a
purely secular affair and sharply distinguish between masculine and feminine failings. In a w o m a n chastity is highly esteemed, a n u m b e r of honorific
ritual offices being reserved for a matron of irreproachable virtue. A m a n ,
on the other hand, was rather expected to be a gay dog and perfect purity
rather suggested u n h u m a n saintliness and a w a n t of spirit. W o m e n themselves, though naturally at times moved by jealousy, sometimes prided
themselves o n their husbands' conquests; and in the old days a warrier of
exceptional valour enjoyed sexual prerogatives with impunity.
This double standard inevitably affected conjugal relations, but not so
one-sidedly as might be supposed. It is true that here, too, a girl was
'bought', i.e. that a suitor presented her kin with horses, but no more
than in the S u d a n was she considered a chattel. In any case, a virtuous and
industrious w o m a n hardly ever had to dread repudiation and could exert
considerable influence o n her husband. Typically, it w a s only a goodlooking, skilful, and chaste maiden w h o was purchased, never a gadabout
notorious for her love affairs.
1. Fortes 1949, p. 17, 85, 92, 101, 104, 117, 124, 126, 212.
2. Fortes 1949, p. 126-34.
3. Forde, p. 60 et seq., 71 et seq., 102.
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There was great variation in the behaviour of m e n whose wives had
been unfaithful or had deserted them. S o m e sent an erring wife a w a y and
refused to have anything more to do with her. Vindictive maltreatment of
her person occurred, but the Blackfoot custom of slitting her nose was
definitely disapproved. As already indicated, the offence was often condoned
if the lover was conspicuous for his w a r record. O n the other hand, there
were husbands w h o revenged themselves by killing the paramour's horses
and destroying his tent, appropriating what they wished of its contents.
Such retribution re-established the social equilibrium.
However, the ideal 'gentleman's' conduct was quite different. Ideally,
a m a n ought to be above jealousy, hence ought wholly to ignore a wife's
abduction, thereby proving that 'his heart was strong'. This held especially
in cases where C r o w more expressly permitted wife-kidnapping, i.e. during
a brief period in the spring w h e n the m e m b e r of one military club might
properly kidnap the wife of a m e m b e r of the rival association provided
she had once been his mistress. In such a case, a self-respecting husband
ought not only to offer no resistance, but irrespective of his o w n feelings
bid his wife depart. T h e severance of relations was permanent, for a m a n
w h o took back a w o m a n thus divorced would lose standing in the c o m m u nity and be ever after derided in ribald songs.1
T h e Australian data to be cited presently might be described under
other heads, for they involve cases of homicide as well as disputes due to
questions of prestige. However, since it is clear that the root of most difficulties frequently lies in competition for w o m e n , their discussion under this
head seems indicated.
It must be understood that throughout Australia there are preferential
marriages: a youth is expected to marry a particular kind of kinswoman—in m a n y tribes, the daughter of a maternal uncle, or, if such a one
is unavailable, a more remote kinswoman of the same category, say the
daughter of a mother's male cousin. This rule involves certain obligations
on the girl's kin. For example, if a m a n ' s proper wife ran away a m o n g the
Murngin, the father might try to force her back, but if he failed it was obligatory upon him to provide the husband with a substitute, if possible of the
ideal category; he would also indemnify the deserted m a n with gifts.
In this tribe real or putative adultery leads to violent mutual abuse that
m a y terminate in serious consequences. T h e husband, armed with spears
and accompanied by relatives, goes to the alleged offender's c a m p , where
he vehemently denounces him. Both contestants, backed by their respective
kinsfolk and friends, let off a great deal of 'steam', but are generally restrained by the by-standers, even the w o m e n holding the litigants' arms
w h e n the quarrel assumes dangerous proportions. Typically the exchange
of dire threats and gross obscenity acts as a cathartic, forestalling physical
violence.
Adjustment becomes more difficult if rivalry for w o m e n (or other, rarer
i. Lowie 1935, p. 47-61.
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causes) has led to a killing. In that case a feud is carried on by the clans
involved until a formal peacemaking (makarata) is held at the invitation of
the injured party. T h e solemnity involves in theory a mock-duel in which
the combatants throw spears but are restrained by friends from hurling
their weapons with deadly intent. A t the same time the aggrieved m e n
exercise the privilege of vituperating their opponents, w h o ought to suffer
the abuse in silence. T h e elders present exhort both sides to refrain from
hurting anyone. T h e theoretical climax consists in a mourner's thrusting
his spear through the thighs of the slayers. If he actually sheds blood, the
enmity is definitively terminated; but if he merely scratches the skin or
makes no effort at a real w o u n d , it is understood that he still harbours
resentment and will wreak vengeance whenever he can.
At one great festival, which various clans attend, a clown by his antics
helps to divert the audience and to prevent feuds from disrupting the
ceremonial activities.1
T h e cathartic efficacy of mutual reviling is paralleled a m o n g the
Eskimo, where disputants indulge in 'song duels', each singer satirizing
the other to his heart's content in the presence of an appreciative audience.
T h e challenge arises from a latent grudge, sometimes against the rival for
a w o m a n ' s affections, though also for various other reasons. T w o points
are especially noteworthy. First, at least a m o n g the Iglulik Eskimo, the
object of the spectacle, for such it is, is to reconcile the adversaries irrespective of the mutual taunts, which must be tinctured with h u m o u r , 'for
mere abuse in itself is barren'. That is to say, 'manly rivals must, as soon
as they have given vent to their feelings, whether they lose or win, regard
their quarrel as a thing of the past, and once m o r e become good friends,
exchanging valuable presents to celebrate the reconciliation.' Secondly,
the feature displays the usual primitive neglect of abstract justice. T h e
m o r e amusing of the singers gains the plaudits of the crowd and is hailed
as victor regardless of the merits of the case.2
Ideological conflicts
Although disputes over prestige or matrimonial arrangements have a basis
in implicit conceptions of h u m a n dignity and the status of w o m a n , conflicts
overtly springing from a clash of abstract principles are expectably rarer
in savage than in civilized societies. Often they are conspicuously wanting
in situations that have precipitated such cleavages in the past history of
m o r e sophisticated peoples. A s Professor G l u c k m a n has forcibly pointed
out, although there have been m a n y rebellions a m o n g the Bantu of southeastern Africa, the object of an uprising is never to abolish the monarchical
policy, but merely to supplant one ruler with another, the usurper assuming
as his due precisely the same prerogatives of office as his predecessor.
i. Warner, p. 7, 155, 167, 174 f., 321 f.
2. Rasmussen, p. 231; also Hoebel 1941.
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'Contenders for power against established authority sought only to acquire
the s a m e positions of authority for themselves.'1
In those Polynesian groups that were headed by powerful chiefs allegedly
descended from the gods there were likewise m a n y changes of rulers without
a challenge to the theory of chieftainship. According to the traditions of
the Mangarevans (Gambier Island, 900 miles east of Tahiti) the c o m m o n
people had never rebelled until one king alienated his subjects b y unbearable
exactions. T h a n 'an intriguing plebeian' gained a following sufficiently
strong to oust the legitimate monarch, w h o perished while trying to escape
by sea. T h e usurper, far from establishing a democratic system, exercised
the s a m e tyrannical powers as his predecessor until the restoration of the
evicted dynasty brought about his o w n death. 2
T h e often-cited history of Tongan royalty forms another case in point.
There were shifts of power that, by 1800, h a d established something analogous to the Japanese antithesis of mikado a n d shogun. According to Gifford,
the T u i T o n g a united spiritual and temporal supremacy until the fifteenth
century, w h e n the secular duties devolved o n the Tui H a a Takalaua,
ultimately falling to the share of the T u i Kanokupolu. This implied n o
derogation of dignity, the T u i T o n g a remaining supreme in rank and
continuing to receive deferential treatment as supreme in theoretical status
from the executive, himself a great nobleman, w h o c o m m a n d e d the military
forces and struck outside visitors as the real king. There w a s thus no surrender whatsoever of the monarchical idea. 3
Turning from political to religious ideology, w e find a corresponding
indifference where, on the analogy of our o w n past, w e should expect
violent rupture. A s a rule w e must sharply distinguish in this sphere between ceremonial and doctrinal deviations. A departure from the received
ritual forms usually has to be validated b y a supernatural revelation, specifically authorizing even a trivial modification. But it is immaterial whether
an individual accepts the cosmogony propounded b y the sages of his tribe.
In fact, where revelation in dream or vision plays a dominant role discordant conceptions and practices are accepted as a matter of course. T h e
O m a h a Indians (Nebraska) formed organizations of m e n w h o had, respectively, had supernatural communications with the buffalo, horse, wolf
spirits. There w a s even a measure of superordination within this scheme:
the W o l f dancers could not dance 'except with the Buffalo dancers and with
the consent of the latter'. But it would never occur to the Buffalo m e m bership to insist that the Wolves should drop their o w n tutelary and their
o w n regalia and join the cult of the Buffalo m e n . A very close parallel
to this frame of m i n d appears a m o n g the Orokaiva (Northern Division of
Papua, N e w Guinea). These people firmly accept the significance of
dreams in which spirits instruct the dreamer. T h e native 'believes not only
1. Gluckman, p. ao et seq.
2. Laval, p. 138 et seq.
3. Gifford, p. 48 et seq., 98.
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in his o w n dreams but in those of others', i.e. he recognizes t h e m as a legitimation of others' beliefs a n d ceremonial doings. A n Orokaiva learns the
essentials of the Taro cult from an instructor, but he embroiders t h e m with
increments revealed b y his father's spirit, and these details—say a stone to
be set o n a platform at the next planting—may prove to b e the origin of
a n e w sect. Doctrinally, there have sometimes been rather vital alterations:
e.g., w h a t started as a cult of the T a r o spirit turned into the worship of
ancestral spirits. But there is no suggestion of the notion that one particular
denomination holds the sole keys to salvation or earthly prosperity. In
other words, despite all variants there is 'general amity or fraternity'
a m o n g adherents of the cult, 'no serious quarrel between rival parties qua
T a r o parties'.1
These examples from North A m e r i c a a n d N e w Guinea are highly
typical of the primitive culture sphere. W e can hardly say that the proselyting tendency is lacking in these cases, but it lacks the imperialistic
flavour. Certainly there m a y be a clash of supernatural powers w h e n
mortal rivals appeal to their respective familiars a m o n g Plains Indians.
But such a test of the patrons' relative strength differs toto caelo from a n
attempt to convert a n adversary to the worship of one's o w n tutelary.
Often the very structure of society precludes a schism over differences
in religious ideology. In stratified societies the class system itself might check
the spread of religious ideas so far as they were d e e m e d the incorporeal
property of the aristocracy. T h e 'sacred colleges' of the M a o r i thus excluded
c o m m o n e r s from esoteric learning about the gods, the chiefs' genealogies,
and magic. 2 But the spirit of universal propagandism must b e equally
foreign to democratic societies that bar w o m e n from sacred rites a n d to
tribes with secret organizations that divulge sacred m y t h s a n d practices
only to the initiated membership.
In the cases cited the question of a conflict over value-systems that
m e n a c e the solidarity of the entire group simply does not arise. Y e t a n
alignment of tribesmen against one another, in however genial a form, is
often inevitable w h e n a change is propounded that bears o n a matter of
vital interest. Such a n array of hostile factions is indeed precluded w h e n a n
absolute despot issues his decrees, but otherwise the modification at least
potentially creates a disagreement that at a particular time might b e
exacerbated to any degree, even to the extent of a serious cleavage. Everything would depend o n the nature of the situation, of the culture, a n d of
the personalities involved.
Let us illustrate first b y a deviation that involved n o radical break
with tradition a n d at most ¡evoked isolated adverse c o m m e n t . In s o m e
respects closely parallel to the growth of the Orokaiva sects is the rise of a n
indefinite n u m b e r of chapters within the ceremonial T o b a c c o order of the
i. Dorsey, p. 347 et seq.; also Wissler 1912, p. 81 et seq.; and Williams 1928, p. 35 f.,
66 et seq., 96.
2. Tregear, p. 225, 374-82, 498 et seq.
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C r o w Indians. Each of these subdivisions of the major organization originated in a vision that authorized its beneficiary to institute modifications in
the ritual songs, dress and performances. Since their settlement on a reservation the members of the order in a particular administrative district planted
the sacred weed and went through the relevant rites independently of the
other modern local units of the tribe. Everywhere, however, a w o m a n
bearing a sacred object—traditionally an otterskin—led the procession to
the Tobacco garden, followed b y her o w n chapter and behind it by the
other chapters.
N o w in about 1895 Medicine C r o w , a renowned warrior and a champion
of ancient usage, inaugurated a change in the Lodge Grass district by
substituting for the customary otterskin a crane. T o us the modification
seems trifling, but for natives any departure in ritual is significant. A s a
matter of fact, Medicine C r o w justified the replacement in accordance
with Plains Indian ideology: he had been blessed with a vision of the crane
spirit, w h o had already been a tutelary of his father's.1
W h a t concerns us in this context is the reception of the n e w item by
Medicine Crow's fellows. First of all, it was not adopted outside of Lodge
Grass nor is there any evidence that he ever aspired to extend the crane
e m b l e m in this w a y . At Lodge Grass, however, there was no genuine opposition; only furtively somewhat slighting remarks might be heard to the
effect that the otter was the ancient, hence supremely proper, medicine to be
carried, whereas the crane was warranted only by Medicine Crow's revelation. Since all sacred ritual is traced to precisely such communications, the
caviller w a s merely voicing a preference for the old and customary. T h e
overwhelming majority of Lodge Grass Indians evidently recognized
Medicine Crow's vision as a satisfactory validation of the novelty. T w o
points are significant in this connexion. First, Medicine Crow's excuse for
the innovation conformed perfectly to C r o w ideology: only on that basis
were modifications of ritual detail warranted. Secondly, his status in the
district was pre-eminent, hence he was able to 'put over' a change, seeing
that no violence w a s done to the received standards of behaviour. T h e
existence of the misgivings voiced suggests nevertheless that had the innovator been less distinguished, his proposal might have been spurned. In
that case the opponents could easily have formulated acceptable grounds
even without impugning Medicine Crow's good faith: they might have
contended that in their judgement a mischievous spirit had duped the
innovator. H a d Medicine C r o w enjoyed less prestige, a sturdy champion of
tradition might have arisen, thwarting the introduction of the crane or at
least subsequently restoring the other medicine to its previous position.
In C r o w society a rift of this sort would hardly have precipitated serious
consequences, but it is conceivable that a schism might have occurred.
T h e defeated innovators would probably not emigrate, but might inaugurate an independent form of the procession in other parts of the reservation,
1. Lowie 19206, p. 164; id. 1924a, p. 248.
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and a group of frustrated traditionalists would dissociate themselves from the
performance at Lodge Grass and join celebrants in other districts. In short,
the culture afforded possibilities of meeting the n e w situation. A shift in
associational affiliation was entirely consistent with C r o w mores; it occurred
repeatedly in the predominantly secular military societies, sometimes
precisely because a m a n became disgruntled at his fellows' actions.
Whereas Medicine Crow's substitution of a n e w element in the Tobacco
procession called forth only a latent rumble, a religious innovation recorded
about thirty years ago a m o n g one of the simpler tribes of India, the Kota
(Nilgiri Hills) of the village of K o l m e , caused a considerable stir. These
people worship a triad of deities served by two types of functionaries,
priests and diviners, both of w h o m are disqualified by the death of a spouse.
Their positions are supposedlyfilledby divine election: at the ' G o d cerem o n y ' all eligible m e n line u p in front of the temple. If a priest is required,
the diviner becomes possessed by a god and drags one of the spectators
to the entrance of the temple as the supernaturally chosen n e w incumbent.
For the choice of diviner, the priest fervently prays until one of the assembly
begins to shake in the conventional fashion, touches a pillar, and henceforth becomes the spokesman of the deity possessing him. But after an epidemic ( 1924) that carried off all the religious officials there was a unique
failure of divine election, n o villager being inspired to indicate the goddesignated priest.
S o m e time subsequently Kusvain, a one-time diviner, disqualified as a
widower from continuing in his former role, became possessed by an alien
god, one worshipped in a nearby H i n d u village; and this intrusive deity
insisted that there would be no divinely elected servants of the old triad
unless the K o t a erected shrines to himself a n d two associates. In other
words, a n e w divine trio w a s to be recognized before the worship of the
time-honoured set of deities could be resumed. Since Kusvain, despite his
former office, w a s held in little personal esteem, his heterodox pronouncements were atfirstdisregarded. But w h e n the next god ceremony still
yielded no result, even the diehards reluctantly assented to the revolutionary change, whence the supplementary worship of the H i n d u trio. This
end was achieved in part through the advocacy of one Sulli, the only villager
familiar with the English language and enjoying, through both British and
H i n d u contacts, a wider intellectual horizon. A born crusader for reform,
he recognized in the advent of the H i n d u deities an occurrence in accord
with his general aims. At the opposite pole stood one Kalim, w h o as an
indispensable consultant on the old rituals could only lose by an accession
of strange deities.
T h e ideological conflict w a s thus to a considerable extent interlarded
with egoistic motivation. Objectively, the increment to Kota faith appears
slight. T h e loans from H i n d u culture were restricted to mere externals,
and the essential idea of a n e w triad conformed to the traditional pattern of
the borrowers. But, as already explained, from the aboriginal point of view
objectively trifling alterations loom large. A s in the C r o w instance, they
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required supernatural sanction; and because of the medium's low social
standing even that sanction might have failed to carry weight had not the
society been disorganized by the epidemic and had not the innovation been
sponsored by a strong and sophisticated personality. Even so, intense
bitterness was felt by the conservatives, but it did not prevent them from
transcending their factional sentiments and supporting their opponents
w h e n devotees of the new cult were beaten by members of another Hill
tribe. T h e whole movement culminated in a characteristic compromise:
'the voice of the n e w gods never advises the abandonment of the worship
of the old gods. A n d the diviners of the orthodox convention never revile
the upstart supernaturals.'1 Professor M a n d e l b a u m kindly informs m e that
this statement of his still corresponds to the facts. Resentment lingers, but
the n e w triad is accepted; and Kota revulsion from intransigence is in
accord with the general subcontinental patterns of behaviour.
Medicine Crow's innovation, though effected long after contact with
civilization, fell wholly within the normal range of intratribal aboriginal
developments. T h e evolution of Kota religion, on the other hand, was
stimulated by an exceptional calamity and took the form it did as a result
of prerequisite alien contacts. O f a more spectacular order are the numerous
native cults, usually lumped together as 'messianic', that have been repeatedly observed in both hemispheres since the contact of Western civilization with aborigines. Varying in m a n y respects, these movements are generally founded by m e n of a type Luther in 1527 called Schwarmgeister, that is,
enthusiasts with a more or less subversive reformatory programme. Appearing in periods of stress, these zealots assume the role of deliverers from evil
and, unlike the ordinary native believer, become intransigent proselytizers
w h o guarantee salvation only to their followers, while opponents are d o o m e d
to perdition.
Although native messianism has been noted in its most striking forms
where the leaders have coped with the problems of white contacts, it is
important to remember that messianic cults m a y exist quite independently of such impact, being sometimes rooted in the aboriginal eschatology.
T h u s , the Apapocuva branch of the Guarani (Brazil, Paraguay) held it as a
cardinal tenet that the world and its inhabitants were doomed to perish in a
cataclysm. F r o m 1810 until 1912 prophets are k n o w n to have arisen a m o n g
them periodically, promising to lead them to a haven of safety, which was
located either in the middle of the earth or beyond the sea. T h e periodic
migrations of this tribe were prompted by the quest for this earthly paradise; and the failure of any particular prophet, far from inhibiting subsequent attempts, was explained as due solely to someone's blundering. Again,
in the plateaux of British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, and Idaho
there was a firm belief, antedating Caucasian influence, in the impending
destruction of the moribund earth, which required renovation through
ritual dancing.
1. Mandelbaum 1941, p. 219-38.
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W e must, then, distinguish between wholly aboriginal cults envisaging
escape from disaster through the supernormal powers of an inspired deliverer
and those native movements arising from a conscious antithesis of native and
alien interests. Evidently only the latter merit the label 'nativism'. It is
further obvious that, though our immediate concern is with messianism,
a repudiation of outside influences and of their bearers m a y rest o n a purely
secular basis—witness the Know-nothing party of the 1850s in the United
States.
Another term that should be applied with caution is 'revivalism'.
It is not synonymous with 'messianism'; as w e shall see, some messianic
cults do not aim at the restoration of ancient usage, but iconoclastically
deprecate it. In L o m m e l ' s telling phrase, votaries desire Caucasian civilization, but without the Caucasians. In the history of the movements under
discussion almost every conceivable combination has been realized. Nativism m a y insist not only on opposing foreigners, but also on spurning all
foreign traits; however, it m a y capriciously retain only some traditional
features and some recently borrowed ones, say ancient dances and firearms;
S o m e Melanesians, at once humiliated and dazzled by the contemplation
of Western technology, hit upon a comforting solution: they ascribed the
source of the alluring novelties to their ancestral spirits, w h o were about to
bring to their descendants a cargo of all the desired Caucasian goods in a
'phantom ship'. Elsewhere w e find prophets proclaiming a quasi-Christian
code of ethics and laying claim to being Christ's son or brother while
simultaneously preaching a crusade against the whites.1
W h a t concerns us in all such movements is the extent of their divisiveness within the society in which they spring up; and the measures taken
for healing the breach. In most cases the data are inadequate; yet w e m a y
reasonably assume a priori that the exceptional claims m a d e by prophets
stimulate scepticism and revulsion as well as blind faith; and that if the
society is to survive, there must sooner or later be accommodation. W e
wish to k n o w what m a y be its nature. A n d since our theme is ' C o m p r o mise' w e shall consider not only cases of theological conflicts, but also
those in which the basic issue is the acceptance or rejection of Caucasian
civilization. That in reality there is infinite intertwining of spiritual and
temporal considerations has already been stated.2
T o begin with an episode of minor scope, in 1887 a young C r o w n a m e d
Wraps-up-his-tail, having returned from a successful raid, defied American
authority by shooting at the Agent's house. Contrary to Mooney's conjectures, there is no evidence that he assumed a truly messianic role, but like
any C r o w war leader he did claim mystical powers. T h e tangible token of
these powers was a sword; twenty years later informants of mine professed
to have seen h i m cutting d o w n pine trees by merely slashing the air with
1. Nimuendaju; also Métraux; and Spier.
2. Wallis 1918, id. 1943; also Linton; Lowie 1948*, p. 251-7, 361-3; Métraux 1931;
Mooney; Williams 1934; Höltker; Lommel; and Shooter.
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this weapon. Another miracle he performed—one incidentally that figures
repeatedly in C r o w tales—was to paint his face with a red stripe by simply
pointing his finger at the sun.
T h o u g h hardly a messiah in the proper sense of the term, Wraps-uphis-tail was unquestionably a nativist. H e taunted those of his tribesmen
w h o served the Agency as Indian police and threatened to overcome with a
swish of his sabre any troops that might be sent to arrest him.
Contrary again to Mooney's account, the 'prophet' was not universally
acclaimed by his people, and w h e n soldiers were sent against him, only
a handful of warriors rallied to his cause. W o u n d e d in a skirmish, he was
finally killed by a C r o w policeman. T h e whole tribe of course strongly
condemned the act as sheer murder, and for a while the victim's brother
vainly tried to avenge the death of his kinsman. But soon tranquillity
reigned, and three years later, w h e n the Ghost Dance craze spread to other
Plains tribes, the C r o w remained i m m u n e . 1
Although our information is meagre, it seems clear that the malcontent
Wraps-up-his-tail, chafing under restrictions on a reservation, confronted
his tribesmen with a dilemma. W e r e they to ignore his claims to supernormal
powers or to throw d o w n the gauntlet to the representatives of the United
States Government? T h e majority evidently preferred a compromise.
Neither at the time nor subsequently did they disavow h i m as a charlatan.
In thefirstinstance they responded to the visionary's plea for support as
had been done before in comparable situations, i.e. they adopted the policy
of watchful waiting. S o m e were convinced by Wraps-up-his-tail's proofs
as a wonder-worker, but a larger number remained sceptical pending some
sensational success. In retrospect most of the C r o w maintained the same
ambivalence. T h e y did not repudiate the martyred prophet as a mere
pretender, but adopted the stereotyped aboriginal explanation of such
failures: he had spoiled everything by not adhering to the letter of his
instructions; ordered to attack the whites in the spring, he had tarried until
the fall. They salved their consciences and the sting from gibes at their
pusillanimity by the consolatory reflection that Wraps-up-his-tail himself
had bungled.
O f incomparably greater stature than Wraps-up-his-tail had been
Tenskwatawa, twin brother of Tecumseh, the famous chief and military
leader of the Shawnee (Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, South Carolina).
Both brothers planned to check the expansion of the white m a n ' s domain by
an intertribal league, Tenskwatawa providing the spiritual warrant for the
enterprise, laying d o w n definite dogmas and rules of conduct, and proselytizing the Indians 'alike in the everglades of Florida and on the plains of
the Saskatchewan'. His propaganda began in 1805, w h e n he announced a
revelation from the Master of Life. T h e details of his doctrines doubtless
changed in the course of time and according to locality, but its main tenets
were nativistic and revivalistic. According to the Cherokee (Tennessee,
1. Lowie 1922, p. 368-71; also Mooney, p. 706.
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North Carolina) version, infidels would perish in a terrible hailstorm,
from which true believers could escape by fleeing to lofty mountaintops.
Elsewhere hostility w a s specifically directed against Americans rather
than against the French and Spanish settlers. Adherents everywhere were
ordered not to inter-marry with Caucasians, and to forsake the white m a n ' s
dress, tools, and weapons, even to the point of reverting to the use of the
fire-drill and b o w and arrow.
Inconsistently with this general trend the prophet decreed that the
Indians must kill their dogs and throw a w a y their sacred pouches, in
other words, to dispense with two elements of the ancient native culture.
As M o o n e y justly remarks, Tenskwatawa's sway over the masses must have
been extraordinary to m a k e them discard their medicine-bags, 'the one
thing which any Indian holds most sacred'.
However, he did not altogether have things his o w n w a y . T h e leaders
of his o w n people were inclined to consider h i m a rival; and at one time
he c a m e near losing his influence by accusing sceptics of witchcraft
and ordering them to be burnt alive. Fortunately for himself he w a s
able to predict a solar eclipse and thereby restore confidence in his
mission.
T h e sequence of events a m o n g the Ojibwa (around Lake Superior),
atfirsteager converts, was characteristic. For two or three years Tenskwatawa's cult flourished without serious antagonism. 'But gradually the
impression was obliterated; medicine-bags, flints, and steels were resumed;
dogs were raised; w o m e n and children were beaten as before; and the
Shawnee prophet w a s despised.' This final attitude naturally became
general after the decisive defeat of the Indian forces in 1811. 1
T h o u g h the record of the relevant socio-psychological facts is inadequate,
several points are clear. T h e m o v e m e n t headed by Tenskwatawa and
Tecumseh had both secular and spiritual aspects: on the secular side it
sought to restrict the white m a n ' s invasion of Indian territory, but w a s
rather anti-American than anti-Caucasian. This nativism, as explained,
carried over into the cultural sphere, so that an individual was faced with
the dilemma of either remaining outside the fold or of foregoing the obvious
material advantages of the proscribed foreign inventions.
But Tenskwatawa's nativism was only in part revivalistic; on the allimportant spiritual plane he deliberately flouted the cherished traditional
values in banning the sacred bags. This part of his gospel must have caused
a tremendous tension, though w e are not specifically informed on the
subject. In this respect the prophet, not the white intruder, was the iconoclast,
and it is inconceivable that the drastic step w a s taken without heartburning and latent irritation. There was not, to be sure, an open break o n
this basis; and w e are told in grandiloquent terms that 'the shores of Lake
Superior . . . were strewn with these medicine-bags, which had been cast
into the water'. But the true meaning of all this appears from the further
1. Mooney, p. 672-80.
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statement that after two or three years these medicine bags were restored
to favour. In other words, in the initial excitement the mass of the Ojibwa
(on w h o m evidence is extant) were swept off their feet and submitted to
Tenskwatawa's dictates. But he could not really stamp out the ancient
faith, which simply went underground.
T h e reception of the n e w dispensation from the individual's point of
view can be gleaned from the narrative of Tanner, a white m a n captured
by the Indians as a child and brought up as an Ojibwa. W h e n an apostle
of the prophet's ordered him to kill all his dogs and to give up his strike-alight, Tanner demurred until 'the serious enthusiasm' that seized his
neighbours infected him also, making him lay aside his medicine bags
and learnfire-drilling.But he never could bring himself to kill his dogs.1 W e
shall not go far wrong in assuming that there were m a n y cases of compromise of this order, of partial assent, partial mental reservation and this
response was not purely personal, but also social in so far as the culture of
these Indians permitted a high measure of individualism.
T h e last major Indian insurrection against the Government of the
United States was connected with the Ghost Dance of 1890, which like
Tenskwatawa's movement was a intertribal phenomenon of major scale.
However, w e must sharply distinguish between the Ghost Dance as a
military uprising and as a religious cult. Hostilities were restricted exclusively to some western branches of the Dakota, the primary cause being
the economic distress arising a m o n g them by the virtual disappearance
of buffalo and a simultaneous failure of crops, dissatisfaction being further
fanned by local grievances against Government agents. In these circumstances several leaders transmogrified the Ghost Dance religion into a
nativistic holy war.
This was a violent departure from the gospel as propounded by its
immediate prophet, W o v o k a , a Paviotso (Nevada), w h o in about 1888
rephrased the teachings of an elder kinsman that had gained vogue in
1870. A s a matter of fact, both messages represented merely a rehash of
old aboriginal cosmological notions, as Spier has satisfactorily shown.
T o quote his terse summary, W o v o k a had allegedly visited the realm of
the dead and 'learned from them that he w a s to teach his people to live
in love and peace, as a consequence of which there would be a general
resurrection of the dead w h o were to return. . . . T h e earth was getting
old and worn out; it was to be renewed (through the dance) . . . w h e n the
dead would return, the aged become young, m e n would live forever, the
g a m e be once more abundant.' T h e spirits taught W o v o k a a dance, whose
performance would 'hasten the approach of the dead, already imminent.
T h e present world would be overwhelmed in flood, when the Indians
would find refuge on the mountain tops, and the earth be shaken by
quakes.' T h o u g h disbelievers were to suffer, there was certainly at the
beginning no anti-Caucasian bias in the Paviotso teachings; and at no
1. Mooney, p. 677.
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time did the prophet's tribe give the Government the slightest trouble.1
It was w h e n the n e w dispensation was carried from a definitely unwarlike
people to the warlike Dakota driven to despair b y their economic plight
that a gospel of goodwill became converted into a crusade against the
whites. That this objective had n o necessary connexion with the cult
appears from subsequent developments. United States troops put d o w n
the Dakota revolt in December 1890, but the teachings enunciated by
W o v o k a continued to spread a m o n g the Plains tribes, though 'the doctrine
remained one of peace, a simple hope that a change was coming which
would give the Indians back their land, their buffalo and their old life.2
Nativism lingered in a persistent revival of certain aboriginal features,
such as games, but it lacked militancy.
Revivalist romanticism must be recognized not as an immediate
spontaneous response to white influences, but as a later development
w h e n the contact with Caucasians had resulted in calamity. A s Keesing
shows with reference to the M e n o m i n i (Wisconsin), the changes due to the
settlement of traders 'are accomplished with relatively little strain as
based on mutual convenience and appreciation'. Native recipients of
time-saving implements and utensils naively accept them with joy even
though such cultural loans usher in the decline of native crafts.3 Nativism
springs u p only w h e n pressure of white populations drives the indigenes
from their homes and w h e n superior force deliberately or as a mere consequence of the specific conditions of contact blights the chances of hitherto
normal satisfactions. Thus, 'the bellicose Orokaiva' of N e w Guinea chafe
under the suppression of warfare that previously lent zest to their existence,4
and the same held for the Plains Indians. With fighting eliminated, with
hunting restricted by the passing of the buffalo, with aboriginal arts obsolescent, they had reached a cultural blind-alley and c a m e to glorify the
good old days with all that was associated with them.
But w e must not suppose that a dawning consciousness of what w a s
involved in prolonged contact with civilization produced a uniform
reaction. O n the contrary, there have been realists as well as sentimentalists
a m o n g aborigines, whence the ideological clashes that concern us. In
about 1850 the O m a h a chief Big Elk, having returned from Washington,
delivered a speech to his people in which he sadly recognized the inevitableness of the n e w ways. His adoptive son, the widely-travelled half-breed
Joseph L a Flesche (died 1888), unreservedly strove to m a k e the O m a h a
'become as the white m a n ' and, gathering about h i m 'the young m e n ' s
party', he patterned a n e w settlement on the Caucasian model. T h e
conservatives nicknamed it 'the village of the "make-believe" white m e n ' .
T h e universal h u m a n conflict between progressives and reactionaries
actually sought outward symbols: differences revolved about such matters
1.
a.
3.
4.
218
Spier; also Mooney, p. 828.
Lesser, p. 59.
Keesing, p. 79.
Williams 1928, p . 94.
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as sending children to school and having one's daughters tattooed. Corresponding issues divided the Dakota of the i88o's: the majority had put
on white man's dress and cut their hair, while the irreconcilables 'strictly
adhered to all of the old-time customs of the savages'.1
W h e n sharply defined, as by some of the enthusiastic leaders of 1890,
the differences could not be conceivably smoothed out by any cultural
technique. T h e Dakota rebels 'took every opportunity to insult and annoy
the peaceable and progressive Indians w h o refused to join them'. T h e y
went so far as deliberately to destroy the homes of their fellows w h o were
friendly to the Government. O n the other hand, the native police, throwing
in their lot with white authorities, remained uniformly loyal to their
official duties and, w h e n necessary, shot to kill.2
It is not strange that, as the O m a h a data indicate, latterday developments often bring with them an opposition of the older and the younger
generation. Apart from everything else, the younger people have been
subjected to compulsory education; this indoctrinates them with foreign
ideas and at the same time equips them to cope with modern conditions
that often leave the elders perplexed and resigned. In the speech already
referred to, Big Elk humbly declared, T can no longer think for you
and lead you as in m y younger days. Y o u must think for yourselves what
will be best for your welfare'. In the island of Biak (off N e w Guinea)
a corresponding array of generation against generation has been observed,
revivalism in this district being aimed precisely at better control over
Europeanized and refractory youngsters.3
Although ideological conflicts a m o n g savages have in overwhelming
n u m b e r resulted from contact with a complex civilization w e must insist
not only that mere contact is not a sufficient cause of such clashes, but
also that the key word to understanding is not contact with Caucasians,
but change, which must have occurred again and again long before the
coming of whites. Even though our evidence m a y be restricted to the postcontact period, w e k n o w that within it modifications have occurred in a
purely aboriginal setting. Thus, the U l m a r k ceremony, used in initiating
Murngin boys into the grade of adults, represents a recent loan from tribes
to the south and is not yet felt to be obligatory for all males. 4 In view of
the punctilio displayed by natives in ritualistic matters any such accession
involves discussions by the tone-setting members of the community, with
the possibility of serious disagreement. Obviously not every change will
have this effect, and the same innovation m a y produce quite different
results at different times. T h e Shawnee had seen no objection to using the
trader's strike-a-light until Tenskawatawa m a d e this and other devices into
symbols of what was destroying aboriginal values. W h e r e a novel idea,
whether of autochthonous growth or introduced from the outside, fails to
1.
2.
3.
4.
Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 631-9; also Mekeel, p. 192.
Mooney, p. 829 et seq., 845, 847, 850, 854, 860, 881.
Lommel, p. 24.
Warner, p. 311, 469.
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assume such symbolic significance, it will enter unheeded. Whether there
shall be a guerre à outrance in any case, will be determined both by the
cultural setting and the personalities involved.
Fortunately w e are not left wholly to abstract reflections, but gain
insight into the socio-psychological processes from such accounts as Professor
M a n d e l b a u m ' s o n the Kota. Equally illuminating is the schism which
occurred in the H o p i Village of Oraibi in 1906 and which has been described
b y several authorities. W e shall mainly follow the detailed descriptions by
Professor Titiev, premising brief notes on the past history of the Hopi and
on relevant aspects of their culture.1
Although in 1904 the total population of the Hopi was only 1878, they
have always in historic times lived in a n u m b e r of distinct and politically
autonomous villages. O f these, Oraibi, once the largest, w a s in 1890
credited with 905 inhabitants. A s far back as w e have any knowledge the
Hopi have depended for subsistence on the planting of maize, and the
overt objective of elaborate calendric festivals is the prospering of the crops.
Social life is dominated by the division into matrilineal clans, which are
associated with the festivals and the ceremonial chambers (kivas) in which
the esoteric rites preceding public performances are celebrated. In Oraibi
the chief is of the Bear clan and controls the important Soyal (winter
solstice) ceremony, but—like all Hopi chiefs—is completely without
coercive power.
In theory the Hopi prize co-operativeness and deprecate strife, which
their gods hate and which makes them withhold the rain necessary for
continued existence. In practice there is unremitting quarrelling, rancour,
even severance of social ties, yet the avowed ideology normally curbs
intratribal physical violence.
In 1540 the Spaniards discovered Oraibi, whose people after brief
hostilities submitted to D o n Pedro de Tovar. Soon after Juan de Onate's
visit in 1598 missionaries arrived in Hopiland, but though they nominally
converted some natives, their severe discipline aroused violent resentment.
T h u s the H o p i c a m e to join other Pueblos in the rebellion of 1680 and
murdered the four resident priests. After the defeat of the Indians a cleavage
occurred dividing them into a conciliatory and an irreconcilable faction.
T h e latter seem to have predominated, for in 1770 the Oraibi joined other
H o p i villages in destroying Awatobi village for acquiescing in the admission
of a baptizing friar. With varying intensity the dichotomy continued into
the eighteenth century. In 1780 failure of crops m a d e some of the Oraibi
seek help from the Spaniards, the chief consenting to let the petitioners
depart in peace and even embrace Christianity if they so chose. Actually
only a small n u m b e r availed themselves of the change; and though sporadically Catholic missionaries were permitted to preach none were allowed
to reside a m o n g the Hopi.
Suspicion of the white m a n persisted into the era of the American
1. Titiev, p. 69-95, 207-11; also Parsons, 83, 1134 f.; and Fewkes.
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régime, fostered by such incidents as the wanton pillaging and killing of
fifteen to twenty Hopi by marauding trappers in 1834. W h e n the United
States government established an agency in 1870, the Oraibi were more
hostile than their fellow Hopi and eight years later still refused to have a
census taken. A n e w chief, Lololoma (c. 1880), initially pursued the popular
anti-American policy, but radically changed his attitude after a visit to
Washington, promising to influence his people to send children to school
and to allow the founding of a Protestant mission.
By his apostasy from intransigence the chief evoked vehement criticism,
splitting Oraibi into two hostile camps, the 'Progressives' or 'Friendlies'
and the 'Conservatives' or 'Hostiles'. T h e ideological issue soon became
entangled with personal rivalries, but h o w m a n y conflicts in history have
remained on a purely ideological basis? T h e significant phenomenon for
us is h o w the contestants manipulated the traditional Hopi notions in
their respective interests and what sort of accommodation was ultimately
consummated.
T h o u g h by matrilineal descent Lololoma had been the undisputed
chief of Oraibi, his status w a s suddenly challenged by L o m a h o n g y o m a ,
the head of the Spider clan and of a highly important ceremonial association. Characteristically, each faction sought mythological and mystical
sanctions. Lololoma argued that in the beginning of time the Hopi had
emerged from the underworld in the c o m p a n y of one Bahana (white m a n ) ,
w h o as elder brother of the Hopi promised to aid them if the mythical
Spider W o m a n became obnoxious. A spokesman of the opposite side
rejected this identification of Bahana with modern Caucasians, contending
that he and his descendants would be familiar with the Hopi tongue if the
Progressive argument were sound.
This lofty debate was, as a matter of fact, a superstructure on very
material differences of interest. T h e Spider clansmen envied the Bear
people's claim to the chieftainship and with it the theoretical ownership
of the whole village domain; and because of their ceremonial importance
the Spiders felt that their allotment of land was disproportionately small.
A s early as 1883 they and their sympathizers defied and threatened the
legitimate chief; prevented h i m from trading with Cushing, the ethnographer; and openly repudiated 'Washington' and American culture.
Consistently enough in 1887 they refused to send their children to the first
Government school, and the pitiable chief had no means of forcing them.
Indeed, when three years later he co-operated with Government officials
the Hostiles imprisoned h i m in a subterranean ceremonial chamber,
whence he had to be liberated by a detachment of United States troops.
In 1891, after the ringleaders had successfully defied a small body of
soldiers, a larger force arrested them and took them away, apparently
for good measure also removing the friendly, though impotent, chief.
According to Oraibi narrators, the Conservatives of the K o k o p clan were
plotting against Lololoma's life, praying to the S u n for power to kill him,
and urging the Progressives to c o m e to their house: the world was coming
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to an end, and that was the w a y to be saved. This last touch recalls a feature
of various messianic cults, which otherwise do not seem to enter the Oraibi
situation.
After the release of the prisoners and their return to Hopiland, the
mutual resentment grew stronger, but characteristically, the rival leaders
resorted to interminable debates over their respective myth-hallowed
prerogatives. Here, then, by implication the cultural tradition offered a
conceivable basis for accord—assuming that either disputant recognized
the cogency of his adversary's exegesis of sacred myth. However, neither
convinced the other, and L o m a h o n g y o m a , once more openly defying the
chief, appropriated a good field on the territory of the Bear clan and for
years cultivated it with impunity. 'There was no mechanism for punishing
rebels . . .'; and though numerically Progressives and Hostiles were rather
evenly matched—201 m e n and 190 w o m e n against 208 m e n and
179 w o m e n — b o t h factions as yet deprecated a renewal of physical violence.
W h a t did occur in 1896 w a s an irreparable breach in the ceremonial
system: the principle of infinite co-operativeness notwithstanding, 'neither
side would permit its opponents to use any of its sacred objects, thus endangering the entire ceremonial cycle of the village'. T h e chamber in which
the Winter Solstice festival had always been held by the village chief w a s
barred to him by L o m a h o n g y o m a . H e was obliged to find a place of refuge
for his performance, while his adversary proceeded to manufacture duplicate ritualistic paraphernalia for a rival ceremony. N o w every villager was
forced to show his sentiments by affiliating himself with either the rightful
chief or the usurper. 'Party lines were sharply drawn'—interestingly enough
not by any means wholly on a clan basis, for repeatedly marriage ties proved
stronger than blood kinship.
T h e extraordinary thing about all this is that, notwithstanding mutual
resentment of the most intense character, the unique achievement of a
virtually complete duplication of all important ceremonies occurred with
a m i n i m u m of physical conflict. T h e path into the particular subterranean
chamber traditionally reserved for a particular ceremony might be blocked,
the ladder leading d o w n it might be removed, but that was all, at least
for some years to come. T h e 'Hopi ideal of peacefulness' to that extent
ensured a compromise: each faction permitted the other to carry on its
version of the same festivals.
W h e n Lololoma died in or about 1901, Tawaqwaptiwa, one of his
sister's sons, became his legitimate successor. About the same time Y o k i o m a ,
a follower of L o m a h o n g y o m a , became an influential leader of the Hostile
party. Presently a n e w source of dissension arose w h e n the Conservatives
invited some thirty partisans from another Hopi village to join them at
Oraibi and allotted to them lands on the territory of the Bear clan, whence
Tawaqwaptiwa laid plans to oust them. In 1906 things c a m e to a head.
Egged on by two ardent followers, the hesitant chief blocked the path of
Conservative celebrants during a n important festival. They did not force
the issue, but went to another than the customary shrine. T a w a q w a p t i w a ,
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furtively listening in on a meeting of Hostiles, heard their leader cautioning
them against violence. A s D r . Titiev significantly comments in recording
the speeches secondhand, 'so pacific are the Hopi by tradition that even in
reporting the words of his worst enemies Tawaqwaptiwa admitted that
they were trying as hard as his o w n side to avoid shedding blood'. Finally
the Progressives resolved to expel the immigrants and 'if the Hostiles interfered they would turn on them and force them to leave for the north', this
being the legendary place where the Spider W o m a n had been left in the
mythical era. W h e n the Progressives began forcibly to remove the n e w comers from their house, there was resistance, some of the Oraibi Conservatives joining in the hand-to-hand fray. For several hours there ensued
'a general scrimmage' until b y late afternoon the opponent factions stood
face to face outside the pueblo.
T h e sequel was no less extraordinary than the preceding events. Y o k i o m a
staked the issue on the outcome of a curious shoving match: he drew a line
on the ground, whence his party were to push him towards, and the opponents a w a y from, the village. ' T h e push or glorified football line', says
D r . Parsons, 'kept u p for hours'—to the great discomfort naturally of the
Conservative leader. T h e Progressives w o n , and the defeated party left,
fatalistically resigned to this decision by ordeal and allowed to take with
them food and chattels. T h e y marched northward and settled near the
springs seven miles from Oraibi, founding the village of Hotavila. Overcoming initial economic difficulties despite quarrelling a m o n g themselves,
the emigrants proved noticeably successful and m a d e their settlement the
religious centre ofthat section of Hopiland. In consequence, w h e n a festival
was held by them 'practically the entire population of Oraibi', including
Tawaqwaptiwa, attended as spectators. W i t h time the old bitterness disappeared and relatives c a m e to visit one another back and forth.
Evidently, regardless of sporadic lapses from grace, the pacifistic
orientation of Hopi culture, along with the tendency to appeal to m y t h
as the ultimate arbiter, was a potent instrumentality for effecting a compromise.
GENERAL REFLECTIONS
It is not easy to summarize the varied and often discordant facts described
in the preceding pages. Nevertheless a few points of general import seem
to emerge.
For one thing, so far as the legal aspects of our theme are concerned,
w e must recall that 'primitive' peoples in our sense need not be at all
'primitive' typologically, i.e. crude in their politico-legal relations. African
monarchies, to take the most obvious illustration, often represent a polity
of a highly sophisticated order, with concentrated authority, courts and
judges, and an elaborate procedural technique. But the very existence of
such a system profoundly affects the conception and the treatment of social
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disturbances. It tends to check feuds or to convert them into an agency for
the benefit of the royal exchequer. Even suicide m a y be treated as an act
of lese-majesty for which the surviving kin must indemnify the sovereign.
In such systems—and they include potent oligarchies as well as autocracies—strife is squashed, in principle if not always in practice, by the
superordinated governmental power. That a corresponding result m a y arise
from quite different causes is demonstrated b y the Cheyenne, whose
conception of homicide as a contaminating act with dire practical results,
as both sin and crime, curbs blood-feuds in a culturally simpler setting.
Altogether, w e have seen that our problems must be envisaged in the
light of the specific cultural traditions. This realization is atfirstblush
discouraging, for granted the unique character of each society, generalization seems to be blocked. However, the task is not quite hopeless, for of the
infinitude of details that m a k e u p a culture in its totality only a limited
number impinge vitally on our theme. A s Thurnwald puts it, 'Certain
situations that recur, even if with distinct concomitants, lead to similar
legal regulations'.1 However, w e must be prepared to find the functional
relations of a complex and indirect order. Thus, w e have constantly
encountered composition as mitigating more violent penalties, and it is
tempting to postulate a simple correlation with those primitive economies
which are linked with an ampler production of goods; in other words, one
m a y propound a direct connexion of composition with pastoralism and
agriculture. Actually, ethnography teaches us that values which m a y play
a role in compensatory payments occur a m o n g hunters and fishermen,
witness the Pacific coast of North America; and it is these values that are of
crucial significance for the occurrence of composition. A s Kroeber remarks,
'In proportion as property becomes something valued and desirable in
itself, law tends to sharpen and refine'.2
Another sample of legitimate generalization relates to phenomena
not yet touched upon in this essay—the conflict between matrilineal and
patrilineal obligations. A s the relationship terminologies of savages demonstrates, all tribes, whether organized into unilateral clans or not, recognize
kinship in both directions. This was triumphantly established by Lewis
H . M o r g a n in his historic controversy with J. F . M c L e n n a n (1877). 3
W h a t happens often is merely that for certain purposes one side of the family
is stressed, while the other side is significant in other respects. Thus, the
children m a y all belong to the mother's clan, while property descends
from father to son.
N o w , in the coexistence of dual ties always lies the germ of a conflict
of loyalties. In several well-authenticated instances, a m o n g the Lobi of
West Africa, the Goajiro of northern Colombia, the Tsimshian of British
Columbia, and the Trobriand Islanders of N e w Guinea, w e find matrilineal
1. R . Thurnwald 1934e, Vol. 5, p. 188.
2. Kroeber 1926.
3. Morgan (note to Part III).
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institutions whereby a m a n ' s sister's son is his proper heir, yet at the s a m e
time society recognizes the sentimental bond between father and son. T o
illustrate by Lobi procedure, theoretically a man's livestock and currency
go to his nephew. But in practice the exclusion of the son is mitigated by the
father's concealing the m o n e y in a place revealed only to his eldest son.
In order to find it the heir is thus obliged to bribe his cousin with one or
m o r e head of cattle. Corresponding evasion of the law occurs in the other
tribes cited.1
In other words, in several unconnected areas avuncular obligation
is overriden by paternal affection. T h e conflict of loyalties ends with a
compromise; the nepotic claims are overtly recognized and deviously
frustrated or lessened. Without pressing the analogy too far w e m a y see
here something like the Anglo-Saxon law of equity in its original form or
like the notion of Billigkeit in G e r m a n jurisprudence. That is to say, a n
ethical postulate is allowed to take precedence of the requirements of
positive law. That the same postulate independently asserts itself repeatedly
in the conditions described is surely a matter of theoretical interest.
Proceeding from this special case, w e m a y lay d o w n the more general
proposition that the savage constantly tends to substitute the dictates of
a higher morality (in his sense) for the supposedly tyrannous rule of custom.
In theory a C r o w war leader is the owner of all the loot captured under his
c o m m a n d ; but it is extremely doubtful whether a captain ever translated
the principle into practice, for to do so would have run counter to the
dominant ideal of generosity and would have m a d e it impossible for h i m
to recruit another raiding expedition. Again, there is a concrete case of a
poor C r o w couple longing for a partial interest in the famous luck-bringing
Horse medicine, whose owners were averse to initiating unrelated tribesmen.
T o refuse to do so was their unchallengeable right. But the ambitious
aspirants found a w a y to overcome this reluctance by setting u p a moral
obligation that forced the owner's hand. T h e owner needed a n e w tent
cover and the aspirant, a skilful tanner, concealing her true aims, offered
to dress the requisite hides—labour that a m e m b e r of an unrelated family
might normally requite with the gift of a horse. But w h e n this compensation
was suggested at the completion of the job, the tanner demurred and asked
to receive part ownership of the Horse bundle. ' T h e w o m a n got angry.
She said I should have told her that before. "If you had told m e before,
I should never have let youfinishthe hides. Now I can hardly refuse you".'
In consequence the skin-dresser and her husband were duly initiated into
the cult. It went very m u c h against the initiator's wishes, but she b o w e d
to an ethical dictate stronger than her legal privilege of refusal.2
N o w , a moral ideal generally recognized in principle and, despite
numerous defections in the daily routine not without practical effects,
i. Labouret, p. 254; also Santa Cruz; Boas 1916; p. 425 f.; and Malinowski 1926,
p. 100-11.
2. Lowie 1924t, p. 331.
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is the maintenance of the c o m m o n good as a n end transcending individual
claims. Hence, for example, notwithstanding the ineffably m e a n bickering
and wrangling within a Pueblo village, the relatively bloodless termination
of the long-drawn-out dissension between Oraibi Progressives and Conservatives. T h e c o m m o n weal demands peace; cloud shuns a strife-ridden
settlement, withholding the indispensable rain. This elevation of internal
tranquillity as the paramount aim meets us again in the D o g o n practice
of penalizing both sides of a dispute regardless of abstract justice. T h e meticulous safeguarding of order in W e s t African markets springs from similar
motives. It would be stultifying to transact the necessary business amidst
private quarrelling, hence divine protection is sought and normally n o one
dares provoke the wrath of the god whose altar is set u p in the marketplace and affords a sanctuary for anyone embracing it.1
In this context m a y be mentioned the oft-cited facts of the Plains Indian
police bodies. Ordinarily the individual in these tribes enjoys a remarkable
freedom of action. Yet w h e n the welfare of the tribe is at stake—at c o m m u nal hunts or marches and during great festivals—there is ready submission
to rigorous control and to sometimes extreme disciplinary measures.2
T h e liberum veto of savages, to which allusion has been m a d e in passing,
should really b e regarded from this point of view. Actually it is something
quite different from its formal, paralysing equivalent in the old Polish diet.
For in Poland the stress was o n the privileges of the individual recusant,
whereas the objective of the primitive custom is the exact antithesis, the
insistence o n unanimity. H e n c e the characteristic see-sawing in debate,
the explicit yielding of the right to m a k e a decision affecting the people at
large. A legendary C r o w chief puts before his followers a proposal of peace
after a feud in these words: 'Well, boys, seek a decision; if you approve of
your brother-in-law's speech, decide accordingly. If on the other hand,
you think that n o w . . . w e ought to go there and afflict them, then decide
accordingly.' T h e y reply, ' N o w w e shall decide; you are our chief and we'll
do precisely w h a t you say.' H e accepts the responsibility, but declares that
since they have left it to him he does not wish to be criticized for his verdict.3
In the same spirit either of the two halves into which the Hidatsu (North
Dakota) were divided might agree to abide by any decision reached by the
complementary moiety.
Such surrender of individual claims and prerogatives is of the very
essence of compromise. That m e n onlyfitfullyrecognize the need for
concession in the general interest, that often they perceive only dimly the
importance of a solidarity transcending that of the immediate kin, should
not surprise us. Suffice it to note that an awareness of superior claims to
loyalty asserts itself and makes social life possible.
i. Labouret, p . 352 et seq.
2. Lowie 1940a, p . 162, 164, 170.
3. Lowie 1935, p. 8.
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AA
AAA-M
AGW-M
AMNH-AP
AMNH-B
AMNH-MEM.
AMNH-Mj
BAE-B
BAE-(A)R
BPM-B
FMNH-PAE
ICA
JAFL
jRAi
PM-P
uc
USNM
uw
Y
ZE
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Anthropologische Gesellschaft in W i e n , Mitteilungen
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229
THE SETTLEMENT OF CONFLICTS
IN WESTERN CULTURES
CHARLES M O R A Z É
INTRODUCTION
T h e five sections following were written several years ago, not so m u c h to
give a full-scale treatment of the subjects considered, as to provide some
material on which anthropologists might continue thinking. T h e y are
simply rough outlines, on which it would have been necessary to work
at length, selecting, adding, interpreting and classifying, if useful conclusions were to have been d r a w n from them. I hope that readers will regard
them not as a coherent study but simply as notes and jottings, which c a m e
into an historian's mind, in m a n y cases m o r e by association of ideas than
as a result of logical thought, and which he offers as a reflection of himself
at work rather than as processed data.
These notes could not be improved without starting the work all over
again, and the result would have been beyond the scope of an article. I a m
told, however, that they m a y be of some use as they stand, and I have
accordingly accepted the offer of the International Social Science Journal
to publish them. A s a result of m y efforts to arrange and prune them,
they have probably lost something of their original character, although
they have still not been put into really conclusive form, and I have therefore felt it necessary to preface them by a brief but systematic account of the
thoughts that occur to m e at present on the subject to which the title of
the article refers.
T h e adjustments constantly necessitated by the changes that life brings
in feelings and ideas, and in the relations between the individuals experiencing and expressing them, are m a d e mainly within the context of what are
usually called economic conditions. It is therefore understandable that
historical theorists should have drawn conclusions from practical experience
in this field and designated the factors of production, consumption and
distribution as the essential motive forces in h u m a n development. That
is not m y opinion. In m y view, these things are to be regarded simply as
the terms—those which are most easily grasped because they are translated
into statistics and curves—in which the phenomena represented are
expressed for practical purposes. T h e y are, however, images, the ultimate
indicators of the results of a process, the elementary forces which operate
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at a deeper level because they are part of what m a y be called the 'natural'
order, in the usual acceptation of that adjective with its simultaneous
connotations of biological conditioning, mathematical necessity and
physical laws. While m a n ' s action m a y seem to impose its terms o n the
realities of nature, it must still be recognized that our societies change
their laws, whereas those of nature, within which those societies develop,
remain invariable. History is simply the record of the circumstances in
which m a n rediscovers the universe that has given h i m birth and shapes
it so far as the possibilities open to h i m allow.
Mathematical or physical laws, by their very essence, admit of no
compromise and though the successive terms in which w e formulate them
m a y show a gradual adaptation which brings them ever closer to reality,
reality itself—by a postulate o n which all constructive intellectual work
depends—remains invariable.
Social evolution must therefore necessarily proceed, through time, in
correlation with discoveries arising one out of another, in a process of
development which m a y , for short periods, offer adventitious or contingent
alternatives, but whose long-term course is plotted in an irreversible
complex of induction and deduction.
T h e body of effective propositions constituting the reference framework
of an evolving culture at any given time is handed on to the succeeding
period with accretions due to m a n ' s efforts, but this growth follows a
natural genetic process which is not creative in the same w a y throughout
the course of history but, on the contrary, suggests a division into two
periods, thefirstbeing that in which elementary mathematical processes
are elaborated by that abstraction and simplification which guarantee
increasing efficiency, and the second that in which the same mathematics
burgeon forth, through experiments whose results build u p and become
more concrete as they find expression in a vocabulary enriched by a practically infinite n u m b e r of terms, each of which, however, is rigorously
defined.
T h e transition from one period to another thus takes place at the precise
m o m e n t w h e n the principles of the formation of scientific language, distinct
from the c o m m o n speech and gradually becoming more and more independent of it, are elaborated. This decisive turning-point in history was
marked by the emergence of the 'nomenclatures' (second half of the eighteenth century). In what follows, I shall call 'Western cultures' those
which, having paved the w a y for these nomenclatures, were then the
first to m a k e use of them.
This definition has the advantage of determining precisely where the
centre of an historical pattern is to be found, but it leaves uncertain the
nature and time of its beginning and its end. Are the definitions and postulates of demonstrative geometry to be related to the preparation of the
nomenclatures? If so, the Western world begins with classical antiquity.
O n the other hand, Western culture will stretch further back into the past
if w e consider algebra and arithmetic (and indefinitely if w e also take into
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account elementary numeration), so difficult is it to draw lines of d e m a r cation between the strata of scientific epistemology. I should be rather
inclined to suggest, as the strict criterion of the Western character of
numeration, the disappearance of the sacred character of numbers a n d
their loss of any emotional or affective content. This phenomenon appears
at a point in time to be situated, broadly, a few centuries before the Christian era, but in this case it will cover, in terms of space, peoples to w h o m
Europe indeed owes several of its mental concepts and processes, even though
they are far removed from the Mediterranean area.
T h e point of these considerations, in this context, is to show the importance of the divorce between the positive and the sacred which, w h e n
applied not merely to arithmetic but to all the phenomena of culture, takes
us back to the centuries of what is called the Renaissance, to the emergence
of those of our institutions which codify knowledge with a social authority
at least equal to that of the institutions which, traditionally, had long been
the guardians of d o g m a . These two spheres were already perfectly distinct
in the eighteenth century so far as their central provinces were concerned,
but the frontiers between them continued to be the subject of compromise
and adjustment, peacefully and as it were spontaneously, from the time
w h e n the principle of freedom of thought was admitted, not without preliminary violence w h e n the question of freedom of belief was first raised, u p
to the time w h e n toleration was accepted.
However little there m a y seem to be in c o m m o n between an Oecumenical
Council and an international congress of scientists or the synod of a n
academy, at the meetings of such bodies the formulation of an authoritative
proposition is regarded not as the expression of a free decision but rather
as a n expression of conformity to a truth or an abiding reality transcending
m a n . This distinguishes such assemblies from political authorities, whose
raison d'être is to set forth a policy. T h e infallibility of the Sovereign Pontiff,
or the certainty of the scientist, d o not have the personal character which,
since the secularization of power, attaches to the decisions of those responsible for government. This does not m e a n that the latter can therefore act
capriciously, but simply that they have a broader theoretical margin of
appraisal, permitting them to adapt themselves with the necessary flexibility to the unforeseeable happenings of every day.
In the Western cultures, the special sphere for the development of
compromise is that of policy. Churches and academies admittedly have a
policy, but this is not the very reason for their existence, whereas the reverse
is true of those public institutions which French theorists, since Montesquieu, have been accustomed to distinguish as the legislative, executive and
judiciary powers. For practical purposes, thefirsthas prevailed over the
other two, even w h e n the accidents to which our democracies are subject
bring it into the hands of a single m a n , already invested with the executive
power. This follows naturally from the fact that our great nation-communities cannot be governed by a succession of individual and contingent
decisions, but only through a form of structural co-ordination, which is
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necessary to their survival, a n d which cannot in practice be violated unless
it is then re-established at a higher level.
This univocal metamorphism, resulting from all the daily compromises
in tacit or written private contracts and from the deliberations of courts,
parliaments and governments, is basically governed b y the imperatives of
scientific progress, through the technical applications which introduce it
into economic life, so that the latter is the end product of conflicting interests and the best illustration in statistical terms of the evolution of the
community.
T h e fact that this evolution sometimes takes place b yfitsand starts
shows that various forms of resistance are encountered before they are
broken by violence. In such a case, revolution occurs within a nation—a
sanguinary phase in the search for compromise.
T h e resistance to evolution is naturally due to the persistence of traditions, and the history of events is thus the political reflection of economic
adjustments, behind which w e can see in progress the modification of
frontiers between the sacred a n d the positive. T w o corollary considerations
must, in conclusion, be given attention.
T h efirstrelates to what is usually called the acceleration of history, this
being simply the direct consequence of the acceleration of scientific progress,
which m a y continue slowly from m a n ' s remotest origins, through the
intuitive discovery of words of power, until the formulation of the general,
universal principles of operative terminology. F r o m then o n , that is to say
in the West in the strict sense, progress follows a curve whose n e w trend
is d u e not to the fact that science suddenly becomes cumulative—since it
is so at any time—but to the fact that its power increases exponentially.
In the economic and socialfield,this marks the transition from a h u m a n
race held back mainly b y natural conditioning, whose constituents are
designated by the everyday languages, to the n e w mankind that the scientific idiom brings into being; it also marks the transition from rural civilizations to urban and industrial civilizations. In thefirststage, compromise
tends to re-establish a situation as close as possible to the status quo ante; in
the second, it looks to the future.
T h e second consideration is due to the fact that, in the West, the institutions
administering progress and all the economic and social compromises which
it brings into question, are national. O u r nations, brought into being b y the
geographical factors reflected in the diversity of the c o m m o n languages,
have not been destroyed but, o n the contrary, consolidated b y the changes
of structure rendered necessary by the acceleration of technological advance.
A s m e a n s were discovered for settling the conflicts which threatened each
nation with internal deterioration, so the rivalries between nations, a n d the
violence of the destruction they wreaked upon one another, increased. In
this context, w e can see h o w the periods in the last century which were
marked by the consequences of a fall in the birth-rate, brought about as a
m e a n s of relieving poverty, were also the periods at which wars broke out.
It has not been possible in what follows to adduce proofs or illustrations
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in support of the theories advanced above. N o r will the following papers
provide a convincing critical apparatus. M y only aim, let m e repeat, is to
suggest h o w , o n the basis of thoughts jotted d o w n some while ago, more or
less irrationally as they occurred, a systematic theory m a y be built u p
which, though in succinct and dogmatic form, m a y perhaps be of service to
some historians, as it has been to m e . In this publication it is, in point of
fact, addressed less to them than to anthropologists w h o m a y be interested
in seeing two stages in the effort to arrive at a system which is as yet only
partially formulated.
THE SETTLEMENT OF INTELLECTUAL CONFLICTS
In order to discover the effective factors in intellectual progress, the various
European societies have m o r e or less spontaneously brought institutions
into being. In their early days, w e find groups of scholars discussing c o m m o n
problems, and exchanges of correspondence and visits, with Renaissance
Europe foreshadowing the discussions of mathematicians in the seventeenth
century and the experimental scientists of the eighteenth. T h e point with
which they were all concerned was to secure the quickest possible recognition
of the intellectual processes calculated to overcome the obstacles impeding
thought. W e have here a real effort, in the realm of the m i n d , to reestablish harmonious relations interrupted by theoretical difficulties.
T h e means of solution entailed m a y be of different types: operations,
calculations, demonstrations, definitions of terms or, finally, over-all
hypotheses capable of translating into logical terms irrational p h e n o m e n a
discovered by experiment.
T h e more abstract the realities with which they are concerned, the more
difficult the definition of the institutions becomes. In one of Fermat's
letters, what is friendly or social in nature is distinguished from what is
strictly arithmetical, but a n eighteenth-century salon has r o o m both for the
aspirations of society and the requirements of theoretical thought. Nevertheless, the functional needs thus manifested brought into being permanent
bodies with statutory functions: the bulletin and the scientific journal take
the place of private correspondence; academies take the place of salons.
For two centuries, these academies, beginning in France, played a preponderant part and served as models to m a n y others in Europe. T h e Académie
Française, assembled to prepare a dictionary and a g r a m m a r , had to call
in other bodies, each dealing with special subjects brought to the fore
by n e w advances in operative terminology. T h e various academies
(science, inscriptions and belles-lettres, moral and political science, fine
arts, etc.) were regrouped early in the nineteenth century in the Institut
de France, which played an essential part forfiftyyears, especially in regard
to the exact sciences. B y organizing competitions in the key subjects of
research, and making discoveries widely k n o w n , it could set the seal o n
the reputation of a scientist. T h e role of judge, of supreme court in intellec234
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tual matters, which it thus discharged was acknowledged by a large part of
the Western world: a discovery m a d e anywhere, by a G e r m a n or an Italian
scientist, took its proper place in the whole body of accepted knowledge after
being confirmed by the Areopagus of Paris. O n a par with the Institut de
France, the Royal Society of L o n d o n was m o r e loosely organized. O n e after
another, the Western nations set up their o w n academies.
Such institutions played a decisive part in the history of thought. T h e y
were not, however, uniformly beneficial. E v e n in France, certain judgements
of the Institute had hard consequences; scientists of real merit suffered
because they were not acknowledged by the institution which had a quasimonopoly of the recognition of success. A s a result, it was the whole complex
of groups concerned with developing scientific progress, and all the schools
propagating it, which overcame the persistence of tradition in the sphere
of logic and teaching by establishing communication between inventors
and their public. This is not the place for a discussion of the circumstances
in which our countries, with varying degrees of success, have channelled
research and teaching along the true lines of progress, in the effort to
advance more rapidly. It should be mentioned, however, that m a n y forms
of social resistance have caused such dislocation between research and education as temporarily to sterilize important branches of science, in circumstance differing from one nation to another. It m a y be added that every age
which has brought into being a n e w logical order has often had also to build
up its o w n institutions, adding them to those which have gone before, w h e n
it has been unable to reform the latter or replace them by the n e w .
As scientific progress has accelerated and the ageing organizations have
become unable to control it, the public authorities have naturally found it
necessary to intervene: originally brought into being by the free association
of scientists, scientific institutions have, since the end of the nineteenth
century, been constituted rather by decision of the State, living not o n
their o w n resources but o n funds supplied by the public budget—and in
consequence affected by political concerns. T h e wars of the twentieth
century speeded u p certain forms of military application at the expense of
deeper theoretical investigations, pursued in vain by isolated workers
whose interests were overriden by the concerns of the Nation-State. T h e
amount of funds devoted to nuclear research, the preference given by
national scientific research bodies to physics at the expense of biology and
general studies of m a n , are indicative of the extent to which the n e w type of
governmental institution prospers to the detriment of individual efforts,
which m a y lose all their effect, if not all their intrinsic interest, because
essential branches of study are atrophied.
Set u p to secure effective and balanced progress, the principal institutions are equipped to settle disagreements which m a y arise within them in
the best possible w a y , but they are not concerned with those which are
outside their purview. Because there is n o form of work calling for more
mental tenseness, and in some cases more boldness in discarding accepted
standards, intellectual effort is often accompanied by hypersensibility and
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therefore violent behaviour, taking the form of attacks and counter attack.
A n d since these disputes are such that only the initiate, or those w h o consider
themselves so, can be the judges of them, scientists must be left to the judgement of their peers. These exercise their authority, after a fashion, at the
expense of outside persons but, a m o n g themselves, seek less to help one
personally to prevail over another than to maintain a m o n g all the m i n i m u m
good relations essential for the continuity of the work. It m a y be held that
tensions of this sort can be resolved all the better w h e n n o outside authority
intervenes, and this is the European trend brought into fashion by the
academies. O n the other hand, it m a y be thought preferable to bring in
arbiters w h o are less closely concerned with the theoretical disagreements
at issue and, in this case, recourse is had to practical application as a means
of maintaining harmony a m o n g those w h o m a k e the fundamental discoveries on which applications are based; in the United States of America, for
instance, the universities and great foundations are in the charge of governing boards consisting of a greater n u m b e r of users than of researchworkers. In both cases, the scientific community is, in thefirstplace, defined
by reference to collective imperatives reflecting structures of social or
political import.
T h e trends of the community's interests lay stress o n certainfieldsof
scientific work to the detriment of others. There is little possibility of appeal
against the judgements given in this w a y , though they m a y , of course, be
submitted to public opinion through articles in journals or reviews, written
with the necessary tact, and that opinion m a y influence the ordinary course
of proceedings. In nineteenth-century Europe, a sort of learned public
opinion grew up, aptly represented by the G e r m a n term gelehrtes Europa,
which sometimes succeeded in exercising pressure o n the established
institutions; but explosive circumstances are needed to bring about any
radical change in the latter. T h e paths followed by the history of science
are logical, but only within the limits set by the history of culture as a
whole.
T h e West has sought to achieve harmony in the search for n e w intellectual tools and their adoption in practice; it has kept its research-workers in
touch, at least to the necessary m i n i m u m extent, with the progress of
thought and the changes in Western civilization; but the institutions it
has called into being are still subject to the general laws of evolution which
it is their task to formulate.
THE SETTLEMENT OF RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS
T h e religious life of the West is dominated by Christianity, and particularly
R o m a n Catholicism, which has had too deep and lasting an influence over
m a n y centuries of time not to leave its m a r k upon the modern world. For
m a n y hundred years, however, the efforts of the R o m a n Church were
dominated by the fundamental concern of maintaining the unity of d o g m a
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and of the Church itself—'not to rend Christ's garment'. T o this end, d o g m a
had to be defined and heresies combated.
D o g m a , like the system of law of the Old Régime, was not invented by
the ecclesiastical authority, but found in the Scriptures and traditions which
it interpreted. It is not an invention of M a n , worked out by independent
intellectual activity: it is discovered in the light of the content of sacred
divinely-inspired texts. In principle, the congregation of the faithful constitutes the Church, that Ecclesia reminiscent of the Athenian democracy, and
the repository of truth. T h e preponderant role of the ecclesiastical hierarchy,
however, became steadily more marked w h e n its m e m b e r s ceased to be
elected by the communities of believers a n d instead were appointed by
authority; this change, during the early centuries, led from election to
appointment by the pontifical authority. In 1870, that authority itself
became infallible in matters of d o g m a .
This change was not a revolutionary one: at the time of the greatest
splendour of R o m a n Catholicism, w h e n the Pope successfully opposed his
moral authority to the power of the emperors claiming to be the heirs of the
Caesars, although the Sovereign Pontiff was elected by the Conclave, it was
not merely the principle of majority choice which was applied. There was
then considered to be a c o m m o n designation inspired by G o d , reflecting
the will of the 'melior pars'. Unanimity was the ideal: the Assembly opened
its proceedings with an invocation of the Holy Spirit and sought the path
to unity through prayer. W h e n unanimity was not achieved, there were
grounds for fearing that the spirit of evil had intervened, and it was then
difficult to k n o w through which parties that spirit h a d worked; and there
was no reason to state with certainty that it had acted on the minority. This
uncertainty bore heavily on the fate of the R o m a n Church, and was at the
root of schisms w h e n the majority and the minority were irreconcilable in
maintaining their respective candidates. W h e n , in this way, there were
several opposing Popes, each claiming the authority of the 'melior pars',
theologians and moralists, while deploring the division of the Church, were
unable to propose any practical solution. Ecclesiastical history has been
m u c h concerned with the solution of this problem, which wasfinallyfound
in the acceptance of the majority decision and, later on, in the doctrine of
infallibility, as if the latter were simply the counterpart to the former and the
reflection of a need for oneness, balancing the effect of the unavoidable
recourse to the arithmetical counting of votes in the election of the Church's
supreme head.
There is another ambiguous feature in the history of the Church: its
head, though recognized by all the nations, is elected only by the cardinals,
i.e. the R o m a n clergy. Admittedly, it was, in the past, impracticable to
hold a Council o n each occasion. T h e system thus derives authority from
the tradition that Peter, thefirstof the apostles according to the Gospel,
was thefirstBishop of R o m e . Its legitimacy is historical.
In the course of its history, the R o m a n Church has k n o w n m a n y heresies,
especially during the ear ly centuries. These arose over questions of d o g m a
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at councils of a part of the Church, with each side denouncing the other.
T h e first serious schism was the separation of the Eastern and Western
Churches, with Greek Orthodoxy breaking off from the Christianity of
R o m e . Schisms and heresies have a geographical basis, illustrating the
diversity of cultures handed d o w n to Christianity from the worlds of antiquity, especially in the East. T h e countries of the eastern Mediterranean
were the theatre of conflicts, probably fed b y the incessant inflow of n e w
ideas and feelings from Asia, while, for about ten centuries, the north-west
kept free from these germs of discord and preserved the principle of the
unity of R o m e . Here and there, throughout the Middle Ages, a certain
n u m b e r of Eastern influences found their w a y in through the ports of the
western Mediterranean and gave rise to local heresies. T h e north then
appeared as the defender of the Faith. F r o m thefifteenthcentury onwards,
the development of trade became so general, a n d the ferment resulting from
intellectual interchanges of all sorts so active, that northern Europe in its
turn reacted a n d bred heresies. In this w a y the Protestant Churches c a m e
into being. Nevertheless, these Churches, which the supporters of Catholic
orthodoxy seek to discredit b y denouncing the multiplicity and variety
of their sects, were anxious to remain loyal to the true Faith and the unity
that its purity implies. This explains Calvin's astonishing condemnation
of Servet, as it does the contemporary efforts of the Unions of Protestant
Churches which are trying to reconcile sects subscribing, each in its o w n
w a y , to the message of Jesus Christ.
T h e rationalist philosophers protested against all the claims of the
theologians a n d against the mystery of the Incarnation itself, either seeking
to explain the world by scientific principles leaving no r o o m for G o d or,
rather, while accepting the concept of the divine introduced into the W e s t
by Christianity, stripping it of its historical attributes and seeking, like
Voltaire, to m a k e it as rational as possible. But the G o d of the rationalists
also depends u p o n a definition broad enough to be universal, and this
universalism appears again in the attempts to separate ethics from the
idea of G o d : E m m a n u e l K a n t finds something unconditional a n d universal
in the imperatives of practical morality.
At the end of the nineteenth century, the systems of ethics described
as being without obligations or sanctions, in the vanguard of the secular
movements, still implied a certain uniformity. It was not until the work of
the ethnologists, and the percolation of knowledge about the connexions
to be discovered from the practical study of cultural diversities, that the
determinants of moral imperatives were brought d o w n to the requirements
of societies themselves. Doctor Kinsey's Report represented a novel undertaking; its findings were studied both by the clergy and by secular moralists,
w h o have sometimes tried to follow u p the discovery of the relative nature
of ethics by the formulation of principles. T h e need for unity gives w a y to
the need for efficiency. Similarly, the n e w civic morality of the Soviets
seeks the unity of the proletariat through the efficacy of practical attitudes
imposed o n all. T h e R o m a n Church had fought against any tendency
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towards heresy and, while it forbade its clerics to employ violence, it
nevertheless handed over those w h o m it regarded as guilty to the secular
arm, which was entitled to use it. This was what the Inquisition did. During
the eighteenth century, religious discrimination came to appear contrary
to what was beginning to be called 'civilization'. Toleration proscribed not
only the use of torture in the attempt to discover truth, but even the claim
of d o g m a to be the only one. It found a place all the more easily in the n e w
Western ethics because the development of rationalism m a d e it possible
to believe that the unity of Faith could be replaced by that of Reason,
and that thus, moving from one to the other, the West, by itself and in
itself, could achieve the unity of the h u m a n mind. Theology has adapted
itself to this n e w situation. T h e R o m a n Church itself has kept in constant
touch with scientific advances: w h e n , in the interests of prudence, it bans
a theory, it does not debar itself from reconsidering the condemnation or
warning issued at a later date; in the twentieth century, for instance, it
accepts an evolutionism condemned by it in the nineteenth. Harmonization
is thus still one of the dominant preoccupations of the Western religious
spirit but, in seeking it, scientific progress is taken into account.
This n e w attitude governs everyday ethics. T h e object of the law and
the courts is to impose identical constraints o n all. This opinion, not
clearly formulated but sufficiently powerful to impose its norms in society,
still prevails. It is this which, in the West, prohibits the formation of separate
castes, each with its o w n scale of values. Even though, in point of fact,
the hierarchy reflects differing economic circumstances, the need for
c o m m o n principles is not questioned. T h e need for unanimity which, in
regard to religious orthodoxy, led Catholicism to the proclamation of the
infallibility of the Pope, is the same as that which was everywhere advanced
in support of democracy. F r o m this point of view, the acceptance of majority rules represents resignation to the most convenient and most practical
system rather than the proclamation of a rational truth. M a n y Western
theorists w h o have thought about this problem have acknowledged the
relative and pragmatic character of the procedures for decision ordinarily
accepted by democracy. T h e authority of the majority, as its arithmetical
convenience w o n the day at the expense of the Faith of earlier times,
served in current ethics to justify certain innovations favourable to bourgeois culture and to the progress which had brought it into being. Previously contested, these innovations were m a d e legitimate by the very
success of modern trade. For instance, loans on interest, birth control, and
the modification of family responsibility were concomitants of the development alike of individualism and of capitalism.
In conflicts between the individual and the group, the religious spirit
of the older West tended rather to defend the rights of the society against
the individual, so as to maintain, if not by force at least by moral authority,
a harmony in which the individual is a part of a whole. This, however,
brings us back to the problem of creative thought, for such thought can
only spring from the m i n d of a single individual. A n y case of conflict be-
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tween the rights of the inventing individual and the needs of collective
harmony must be settled by hierarchies of authorities which are neither
specifically religious nor specifically scientific, but rather economic.
THE SETTLEMENT OF ECONOMIC CONFLICTS
Economic phenomena cover the invention and application of technical
processes in all the activities by which the raw materials, labour and
consumer markets are organized. A s such, they can be usefully studied only
in combination with the social phenomena which they underlie, but, while
it is arbitrary to consider them separately, they are nevertheless specific
enough to be discussed generally in themselves.
In thisfieldtoo, progress overturns order. T h e invention of a n e w technique d o o m s the earlier form of organization, its equipment, its processes
and its financing. W h e n the collieries of Belgium and northern France,
towards the end of the nineteenth century, had evolved methods for recovering the heat of blast-furnaces and the by-products of coking-plants,
their costs were low enough to bring about, through the operation of
competition, a rapid transformation of all similar undertakings. Here
G e r m a n y , the last comer, soon w o n itselffirstplace; England held back to
a greater degree, because it had derived more advantage from the more
leisurely rate of development during the first wave of industrialization.
T h e development of a n e w technical process entails a few years of disorder
before a n e w order is established, still depending in part on the earlier
ways of doing things. British steel triumphed thanks to the Bessemer process
and, for ten years, took the lion's share in world production. But in its
turn, with T h o m a s steels, the United States of America w o n the lead,
finding the problem of equipment all the easier because it had less capital
immobilized in the earlier type of equipment. T h e laboratory thus becomes
one of the centres where Western economic history is shaped, though it does
not impose its logic upon it regardless of psychological and social factors.
Nevertheless, the m o r e industrial institutions there are, with their o w n
laboratories, working along the same lines, the less violent are the shocks
produced by the discoveries of any one of them; in such a case, adaptations
can be m a d e more harmoniously from end to end of the Western world.
In fact, the opening of one n e w factory m a y bring unemployment to thousands of workers and disturb whole regions unless there are some other
supplementary activities to provide alternative openings for the labour
markets: progress is cumulative.
Giving rise, as it does, to disorder, progress encounters resistance.
T h e success of a n e w product depends o n the w a y it is received, and the
consumer markets reflect the d e m a n d for what people are used to and the
whims of fashion rather than a spontaneous m o v e m e n t conducive to productivity. U p to the early twentieth century, the middle-class and workingclass customer modelled his tastes on what he supposed to be those of the
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aristocracy. Industrial production, taking advantage of the rise in the
standard of living which it brought about, was therefore obliged to imitate
what had been the luxury of the outmoded society. European industry,
more tardily than that of America, succeeded in freeing itself from such
trammels, which hampered its o w n rationalization, only by taking in
hand the re-education of the public and the re-shaping of its daily life.
It succeeded in this only as a result of the expansion of information media
in all forms, having recourse to advertising to convert opinion to the n e w
products while, at the same time, calling upon it to contribute to their
long-term financing. While advertising m a y just as well keep an antiquated
product in being as launch a n e w one, the judgement of the community
is most receptive to innovations w h e n it is most alive to the effects of the
general economic crises brought about b y their rejection. A crisis in the
consumer market and hesitation about the line of development reveal
discords identical with those found in the evolution of taste and of the
collective ideas that it reflects. This m a y be regarded as the origin of the
crises in Western history.
Whenever changes are introduced by science, or w h e n there is resistance
to progress, various institutions endeavour to restore harmony or, for
preference, to avoid its disturbance. T h e most active of these, and the
ones whose influence is most immediately felt, are credit institutions.
Changes in the organization of production necessitate capital investments.
W h e n capital is first built u p by the enterprise itself, w e speak of selffinancing; in this case, the past success of the business is the guarantee
of its future success. T o o long a break in success, or an attempt to advance
too rapidly, brings it under the control of others. Generally speaking, and
because the size of the complexes m e t with in economic production is
constantly increasing, transformation necessitates appeals for capital to all
savers and brings into play special bodies which are always undergoing
reform and development: stock exchanges, long-term security markets and
banks supplying m o n e y or short-term credit. T h e governing boards of
these bodies—reflecting the economic mentality m o r e or less accurately—
establish more and more relations with one another, forming networks
of communication not only within a country but across frontiers, so as to
produce well-knit coalitions of interests acting as arbiters between undertakings, and judging what is likely to succeed in the light of market conditions and the potentialities of technical equipment. These coalitions give
effect to their decisions by granting or refusing trust a n d credit. Changes
in the rate of progress, which m a k e themselves felt m o r e readily in economic
matters than elsewhere, are reflected structurally in the institutions which
constitute the supreme economic authority. It w a s to palliate financial
crises that currency has taken, in turn, the form of metal coins, bank notes
and then cheques—three stages in a process of intellectualization.
Finance becomes a matter for increasingly powerful organizations,
necessitating, in the last resort, control b y the State, even before credit
needs assume such proportions that no private institution can meet them
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without recourse to the national budget. A s it enters thefield,the State is
obliged to set u p economic a n d financial councils, through which, in its
turn, it acts as arbiter in national activities. T h e implications of this increasing role, and the equipment it entails, m a y lead to the planning of banking
activities; this has led, in the socialist countries, to general planning. T h e
latter system keeps a distinction between administrative accounting and
economic accounting, but it m a y set out to give the latter absolute precedence, and is already putting forward the prospect of this as the coming
realization of the dreams of the militant socialists of the last century: the
elimination of the State and its replacement b y a distributing organization.
Western economic society is thus establishing at its head a body of
policy-makers which will be either formally organized—and soon potentially able to take the place of the State w h e n the latter has not kept the
administrative and economic functions separate—or, o n the contrary,
loosely structured, and acting o n the State, o n which it is only partially
dependent, through pressure groups alone, w h e n the State has preserved
the principles of liberalism. In either case, these policy-makers can affirm
their authority and maintain their legitimacy only by giving effect to the
actual needs which they have first called forth a m o n g the public. T h e
organization of this authority must thus be constantly broadened in the
direction of the whole body of producer-consumers, while being adjusted
to the possibilities, quickly becoming imperatives, of technological progress.
Needless to say, agricultural activities, which are traditionally rooted in
custom, d o not present so simple a picture of the situation, although, after
a slower start, they are nevertheless n o w developing in the same direction.
It is thanks to the institution of this arbitral organization that the disturbances d u e to the perpetual scientific changes to be seen in Western
history, particularly in the twentieth century, though far-reaching, d o not
have more disastrous political effects, at least within the national societies.
This organization has not, however, prevented international wars; it has
even m a d e t h e m more destructive in character.
For the settlement of the disputes within their competence, the liberal
economic institutions have a system of criteria providing for freedom
and private property as well as progress. For a proper understanding of the
importance of this, w e must look back to Western life in the Middle Ages.
Traders and craftsmen were then organized in guilds or corporations, i.e., o n
a basis of collégial dependence and mutual control, with competition
prohibited in favour of regulation. A t the same period, with effect particularly on rural activities, various feudal rights were interwoven to such a
point that it w a s difficult to form any clear idea of personal property:
each item of property had in fact several masters, each exercising authority
and jurisdiction according to his place in the hierarchy of privilege. This
dual confusion resulted in the multiplication of lawsuits and the magnification of the role of the courts of justice. F r o m the eighteenth century
onwards, the W e s t became as w e n o w k n o w it, abandoning simultaneously
guilds and feudal law and instituting in their place ownership and freedom.
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U n d e r the n e w law, ownership was to be simple and absolute; it established a link as free from conditions as possible between the land and its
owner, taking the latter out of the system of collective and c o m m u n a l
traditions so that, in pursuit of profit—of which he became the principal
beneficiary—he endeavoured to secure m a x i m u m productivity. T h e legal
settlement of disputes w a s logically simplified by this conception, which
went back to the ideas of the R o m a n s . Boundaries and landmarks, which
had lost some of their significance under the feudal system originally based
on Eastern traditions, became important again with the return to the Latin
tradition on which the systematic codes were based.
This definition of ownership in relation to land c a m e , of itself, to be
extended to ownership of chattels, although the Western mercantile codes
have still, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, been either based on
previous traditions or adjusted, after the event, to developing practices.
T h e comparativeflexibilityof these codes enables them to be adapted to
the requirements of economic life and the lessons learnt from it. For example,
while a big limited company belongs to its shareholders, they—being m a n y ,
and scattered throughout the nation or the world—have not the means,
in practice, of exercising their rights as a landowner can d o over his o w n
land. T h e shareholder leaves the exercise of his rights to representatives,
directors, and bankers, w h o are the real repositories of the collective
authority. Here again w e have, as a result of this delegation of powers,
the sort of organized society referred to above, which is thus shown to be
the product of the legal codes to which it conforms and at the same time
capable of provoking the reform of those codes. Consequently, conflicts
do not arise between the shareholders of rival companies but between their
representatives. Superimposed on the passive body of shareholders, business
managers and technicians compete with one another not so m u c h by
arguing over law as by invoking practical success or, in other words, practical recognition of market conditions and the possibilities of technological
progress. This latter means of coming to terms is the more efficacious.
T h e system of property, whether in land or in chattels, once freed from
feudal survivals, established the form of organization k n o w n by the n a m e
of economic freedom, although it is, in point of fact, subservient to technology. Nevertheless, as the rights of the owner are theoretically left intact,
so also is his responsibility, which tends to attach to the property itself:
whatever efforts m a y be m a d e by the owner of a building or an implement
to ensure that other people are not injured by it, he is held responsible for
any accident which m a y occur to a third party in connexion with his property. This simplified concept of responsibility helps to bring about open
competition w h e n any improvement is m a d e in methods and processes.
A landowner offers his crop at the price he thinks fit, keeping it as low as
possible in order to win markets from his competitors. Similarly, m a n u factured goods are sold, in theory, at the price which seems to the entrepreneur most likely to result either in increasing his capital or in winning
the market. In this way, within businesses themselves, w e find a continuing
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process of development which, according to the theorists supporting the
system, is bound to be in the general interest because it impels production
in the direction of w h a t the community needs. Economic success is all
the more efficacious as a means of deciding between conflicting interests
w h e n it is unhampered b y politics. For nearly a century, any State intervention in thisfieldw a s regarded as violating the arbitral function of the
markets, and therefore as harmful to progress. Admittedly, recourse was
had to the courts (and to the State) for the punishment of any clear case of
dishonesty such as misrepresentation or cheating with regard to merchandise or failure to fulfil a contract, but such outside intervention w a s kept
o n as restricted a basis as possible. W i t h regard to contracts, in particular,
the classic adage is that the contract constitutes the law for its signatories.
Hence the condemnation of association, which everywhere, in the early
days of industrial revolutions, operates against the workers although it is
never applied to agreements between the organizers.
Nevertheless, as w a s noted above, the development of economic life
is opening the w a y to State intervention. M o r e and more laws define
responsibilities, including those of entrepreneurs towards the workers they
employ. Collective organizations—trusts, employers' associations, and to
an ever-increasing extent, trade unions—have added to the armoury of
laws, leading to a m o r e restrictive interpretation of freedom.
In this w a y , the political authority, which was, as a matter of principle,
debarred from intervention in business at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, is coming back into the economic field in the twentieth, i.e. at
the time w h e n the State is in process of taking over scientific research and
education. If w e accept the idea that the distributing organization of
which the socialists d r e a m is, for practical purposes, also a State, w e see
that the latter lost its authority, about the time w h e n m a n ' s activities
ceased to be exclusively rural, only to find it again—and to find it increased
— w h e n activities b e c a m e largely industrial. Between one phase a n d
another, society changed its basis, and public life its meaning.
THE PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF CONFLICTS OF RIGHTS
There is one social p h e n o m e n o n which is particularly difficult to interpret
—the phenomenon suggested by the word 'demography' with its connotation of conflict between generations. T h e beginnings of industrialization
are accompanied b y urbanization, the first effect of which is to limit the
n u m b e r of births. This is probably the phenomenon which has most
seriously disturbed the biological development of the West. Birth control
m a y be regarded as a violation of traditional ethics or an infraction of
religious d o g m a , but it has nevertheless become a practical necessity as the
best available means of checking the heedless expansion of the population
—the slowing-down of population growth being deemed essential to assure
each individual of a substantial share of the wealth derived from economic
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activity. T h e head of the family begins to feel the responsibility he incurs
by bringing too m a n y n e w lives into the hazards of the economic world.
This results in a n internal abatement of population pressure, which is
transmitted from generation to generation. T h e consequences are particularly serious w h e n they coincide with periods of crisis, the inevitable
progress of which they only serve to accentuate. T h e natural growth of
mankind has thus been disturbed and the Western societies have been
caught u p in a process from which they have been unable to escape despite
the belated efforts m a d e in the twentieth century to combat Malthusianism.
T h e limitation of births thus introduces factors of disturbance, although
the original intention was to ensure that each individual had a larger share
of economic resources and a more comprehensive education. It is bound
u p with the idea of individual responsibility, so that the development of
educational facilities has fostered the spread of the ideas of birth control.
T h e dynamic force of a population is liable to weaken as the expenses
connected with education become heavier. It is therefore a natural c o m munity reaction to m a k e the State responsible for all educational institutions, which thus, through taxation, impose an ever heavier burden o n
property-owners. This intervention of public authority coincides with all
its other interventions, both in the scientific and technicalfieldand in the
sphere of economics.
A s a result of its interest in education and in medicine and hygiene,
the State comes to participate more and m o r e in the activities of businesses;
it thus intervenes in the daily private life of its citizens. F r o m this ensues the
obligation—an imperative in Western societies—to give all the m e m b e r s
of a society a share in the authority of the State, in conformity with the
principle of equality of rights. This is another source of conflict between
those w h o claim that equality is to be determined in relation to the individual's activities and the opportunities he has for taking a n active part in
c o m m u n a l life, and w h o accordingly wish to limit participation in public
affairs by reference to economic situation, and those w h o hold that equality
is an essential attribute of h u m a n life. T h e right to vote or to be elected,
the status of the representative assemblies a n d the balance achieved in the
constitutional restriction of the sovereign's rights develop through a n d
with the history of this conflict.
Political disputes became 'hotter' as the State showed that it was able
to intervene in more spheres. This resulted in the victory of universal
suffrage, which gives its real significance to the principle of universal
education. This, however, was not achieved without opposition, and, w h e n
the latter w a s too great, it w a s swept a w a y by political revolutions, so
that the extension of the franchise reflects the success of the means best
calculated to spare a nation the bloody shocks of civil w a r .
In Western nations, such as Austria for example, which comprised a
variety of nationalities, it was found that the right to education did not
allow for equality of opportunity unless each individual could express
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himself, be governed and be educated in his o w n language. T h e dispute
sometimes k n o w n as the 'nationalities question' is connected with this
principle, combining the problem of nationalism with that of political
liberalism. This is another aspect of the conflict illustrated b y the political
ups and downs of central Europe, involving remote historical traditions,
by which the growth of the universalistic character of scientific progress
is hampered.
In these circumstances, the acceleration of the rate of progress has led
to both international and social crises, with both types resulting in the
extension of the functions of the State. In some cases, the State has indeed
been suddenly exalted to the point of suspending democratic liberties.
Even the R o m a n Republic, as a means of coping with far-reaching social
crises, allowed for the appointment, for a short time, of a dictator freed
from the ordinary constitutional constraints, and m a n y Western countries
have, in their history, experienced the sudden advent of a dictatorial
authority, even w h e n their institutions m a k e n o formal provision for such
an eventuality. Return to the normal conditions of political and social life
never completely erases the effects of such accidents, which are thus seen
to be a violent manifestation of a growing need for State intervention.
T h e conflicts mentioned above related to progressive development,
but there are others due to the ordinary play of passions, and it is here
that w e find the role of the institutions that have been the pride of the
West: the code, the administration of justice, and the organization of the
legislative and judiciary powers. T h e dominant preoccupation of Western
politicians in the effort to find an harmonious settlement of conflicts has
been to set u p legislative and judiciary powers beside the traditional
executive, although the principles on which the establishment of these
powers is based have varied greatly at different times.
Under the old system, G o d was the supreme law-giver and the only
source from which the authority of political power was derived. Absolute
monarchy did not permit itself to invent laws but only to acknowledge
them and set them forth. T h e judge, though rendering justice on the
sovereign's behalf, gave his rulings in the light of custom. Legal and social
organization evolved slowly and, so to speak, biologically. Progress w a s
m a d e , but it was slow enough to operate in favour of the monarchical
authority with its power of recognizing the law. It was to the monarch
that appeals were m a d e for the settlement of conflicts not provided for b y
custom. T o this extent, the central authority increased in power at the
expense of the local overlords and determined the geographical pattern
of Europe.
While our old monarchies were thus recognized as the interpreters
of the law, they were nevertheless not empowered to introduce too m a n y
innovations. O n the contrary, their legitimacy depended o n tradition, and
if they had to b o w to necessity they took care not to advance rational
arguments for doing so. W i t h the swift and far-reaching changes resulting
from large-scale international trade and its effects on the speeding-up of
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European economic activities, society required not only a n e w system of
laws but also a procedure for the constant adaptation of that system. T h e
traditional sovereign was not naturallyfittedfor such tasks because he was
essentially conservative. His legitimacy fell a w a y as the cumulative and
continuing character of the changes became apparent, demonstrating the
demands of the incessant process of the creation of L a w .
T h e n e w factors in economic life—landowners, industrial entrepreneurs
and traders—were determined to have a share in the working out of a
code that would accommodate the changes taking place and, with the
economic power they wielded, they were able to do so. Realizing what
they owed to progress, they appealed to it in place of G o d . T h e civil law
was not merely recognized; it was something that could also be rationally
developed by those called upon to apply it in practice. T h e middle classes
and the philosophers thus claimed their share in the legislative authority.
Legislative power, which had once been held by those w h o had been
the most favourably placed to dominate economic affairs, was soon claimed
from them by newcomers, and later by the whole people. It was then that
the extension of the franchise—with property qualification in the early
nineteenth century and in the form of universal suffrage a hundred and
fifty years later—assumed its full significance. T h e difference between
the n e w codes and the old customs is enormous. T h e latter merely listed
rules, to which were added the dicta of the king, but the former systematically order the decisions passed b y elective parliaments, taken in the
n a m e of enlightened, or rational, self-interest as m u c h as in the n a m e of
duty, conceived as a categorical imperative.
This reversal of legitimate authorities in the field of legislation is not
found in the same w a y in the judiciary. In France, the close links recognized
between these two powers led the revolutionaries of 1789 to take the view
that a law passed by parliament could be administered only by an elected
judge. T h e practical difficulties of such a system soon became evident
and led to the adoption of the principle of the irremovability of judges,
even though they are State officials. However, in addition to the fact that
the United States of America, for instance, has kept its judiciary elective,
the jury system on the English model, bringing in the representatives of
public opinion, has been introduced everywhere.
But codes and courts are not enough to see that justice is done; great
as is the work done by legislative assemblies, it does not suffice to cover
all the conflicts arising in the course of everyday life. T h e application
of the law involves interpretation by the judge, and this varies from one
nation to another. As, however, the parties are loth to admit the idea that
the interpretation of the law m a y vary from judge to judge, a body of
case-law is built u p within each nation, which ensures a specific co-ordination a m o n g the courts of a given country. A central feature of this recourse
to case-law is the practice of appeal, instituted by the monarchies as a
check on feudal powers and preserved in modern legal organization. In
France, the courts of appeal and the Cour de Cassation ensure consistency in
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the execution of justice. Their work is added to and extended by all the
rationalization resulting from the studies of practitioners (solicitors and
barristers) or theorists, including those teaching in the Faculties of L a w .
In Western society, the ground is prepared for legal decisions not only
within the official bodies set up for that purpose but also a m o n g all those
w h o in their daily lives are concerned with justice, whether professionally
or otherwise, and w h o render public opinion articulate.
W i t h private law thus transformed, the executive was not stripped of
all the prerogatives inherited from the monarchies. Through its decrees,
orders and regulations, it retains the right to intervene o n the confines of
the legislative sphere. Moreover, in certain countries such as France, the
State also reserves the right to act as judge itself in all disputes between
it and private individuals, through the system of specialized administrative
tribunals. T h e British have shrunk from admitting these ambiguous
privileges, although the need for a special form of judicial organization
is n o w coming to be felt a m o n g them, with the menace of paralysis of the
executive.
Criminal proceedings have also benefited from the process of developm e n t described above, although here the problems differ. In medieval
times, the distinguishing of the guilty from the innocent was theoretically
the responsibility of G o d , w h o was left to judge through such practices as
trial b y combat. T h e n , too, of course, u p to the end of the Old Régime,
the question had survived in Europe, that is to say, the use of torture in the
examination of the accused. T h e development of a more sensitive attitude
in the eighteenth century led to the condemnation of these practices,
which had provoked false avowals. After the abolition of trial by combat
and the question in civil cases, the idea of achieving the same progress in
criminal cases c a m e to the fore. In French, the word civilisation was almost
u n k n o w n at the beginning of the eighteenth century, but the verb civiliser
had a very clearly defined sense, meaning to deal with a criminal case
according to the procedure pertaining to civil cases, or in other words
without the use of torture. T h e idea of civilization thus developed within
the context of judicial practices.
In those practices, w e have a n epitome of that repugnance to any
form of violence which is characteristic of the m o d e r n Western nations
faced with conflicts arising within them. This m a y be regarded as proof
that the frequent shedding of blood which has nevertheless occurred in
the course of their history is attributable to the fact that the disturbing
effect of progress has been stronger than the determination to achieve
harmony.
REFLECTIONS ON W A R F A R E
N o w h e r e is the failure of compromise so obvious in our Western societies
as in the wars by which they have been ravaged. T h e effect of these wars
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on the development of our nations is to be seen, however, not only in their
recent tragic manifestations, but also in the scientific and technical achievements which are characteristic of progress. A review of the processes
whereby the West has sought to avoid the increasingly deadly wars which
have followed upon one another in a n infernal round would bring to
mind the various plans for 'perpetual peace', all of which have had one
thing in common—their pathetic inadequacy. T h e international institutions set u p to maintain world peace proved no more effectual, as long as
they did not reflect an actual situation making war particularly terrible.
So insignificant was the part played b y the International Court at T h e
H a g u e , established at the Czar's proposal, and even by the League of
Nations, inspired by the Americans, that it can n o w be said that, in the
past, the West has failed in its efforts to reach a peaceful settlement of its
international conflicts.
There must be reasons for this failure, which should be the subject of
very thorough studies. Unfortunately, today, such studies are still at the
embryonic stage; w e are feeling our w a y , without confining ourselves to
realistic analysis of the phenomenon. W e propose, for the time being, the
following working hypothesis: the nations have transformed the conflicts
endangering their internal structure into international wars. Taking care
to avoid any superficial or hasty political interpretation, w e shall n o w try
to c o m m e n t on this hypothesis with the impartiality of a biologist and
regarding it from the threefold angle of frontiers, nationalism and regularly
recurring crises.
If w e consider the long succession of wars which have been waged since
the Middle Ages u p to the present time, w e see that their theatre extended
over a very wide area, during the early centuries of old Europe, then
followed the line of frontiers, in the contemporary era, only to spread
again, in recent years, over vast geographical expanses. T h e feudal wars
were wars of movement, bound up with the very organization of the
system, which consisted of a multiplicity of chieftains w h o fought a m o n g
themselves, each defending what he called his honour, but what was in
fact often simply his o w n interest. In theory, all these lords formed part of
a hierarchical system headed by a lord paramount whose suzerainty
defined, in law, a society which claimed to be independent. A n y conflict
between two rival suzerains, however, w a s seldom confined within the
frontiers of the territories that were k n o w n as their 'honours'. It shook the
loyalty of the vassals everywhere and challenged the legitimacy of their
obedience. T h e result was a multitude of battlefields on which the topography of future nations w a s determined. T h e history of the Hundred
Years W a r is not one of battle fronts; throughout its duration, it w a s
fought in Guyenne, in Flanders, in Lorraine, in the very heart of France
and in Paris. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, although wars
were no longer strictly feudal wars, they resembled the latter in m a n y ways
and the so-called W a r s of Religion, like the Thirty Years W a r , can be
described in the same general terms; the whole of G e r m a n y was a battle-
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field, overflowing and engulfing the rest of Europe which, in its turn, w a s
drawn into the bloodshed. In the centuries that followed, the battlefields
became localized. In France, during the reign of Louis X I V , wars were
fought mainly in frontier areas, never extending to any great depth o n
either side, and the same was true in the eighteenth century. T h e wars of
the Revolutionary period and the First Empire were to show the hazards
and dangers of allowing troops to penetrate too deeply into a country
and Napoleon's campaigns ended in frontier wars. T h e Prussian wars,
during the reign of Frederick II, were initially wars of movement, devastating the whole of Prussia and Northern G e r m a n y , but as the nation took
shape, these wars were displaced towards the frontiers, and became finally
concentrated there in Bismarck's time. T h e most striking example of this
phenomenon was to be seen during the First World W a r , w h e n the word
'front' became synonymous with 'battle'. It was also with the idea of
constituting a front that France, in the years following the First World W a r ,
built a defence line, k n o w n as the Maginot Line. T h e gradual transformation of wars of m o v e m e n t into 'front' warfare was connected with
industrialization and the consequent need to safeguard, behind the lines,
in the heart of a country, its armament factories and economic resources,
as well as its systems for the transport of artillery equipment and a r m y
supplies. Thus, in this particular type of warfare, the front was the essential
factor on which all operations depended.
Today, these geographical definitions have to be reviewed in the light
of the conflicts of the past thirty years. T h e attacking powers endeavour
increasingly not only to maintain the fighting line along a front, but also
to extend their operations into the interior of a country, attacking its
supply centres and communication lines. Goering was justified in stating
that his was an economic war, and Hitler explained in Mein Kampf that
the war could be carried on even without soldiers, through the gradual
infiltration of picked m e n into the heart of the enemy country to overpower
it from inside. This n e w conception of warfare proved its efficacity in the
proletarian wars fought in Indonesia, China and Indo-China. W e thus
find ourselves returning to types of warfare with geographical characteristics
similar to those of the feudal wars.
There is a relationship between this particular w a y of organizing warfare
and the very existence of nations. T o keep to essential facts, w e must go
back to R o m a n L a w , on which the law of the Western nations is based.
According to the legend, Romulus, the founder of R o m e , killed his brother,
R e m u s , because the latter had dared to cross the frontier of the city which
he had just founded. Here, w e recognize not only the traditional reverence
for frontiers, which establish the limits of the city and the fatherland, but
also the concept of individual property, which is just as sacred as the
national frontier. Respect for boundary-stones and fences or hedges
delimiting fields is linked with respect for frontiers and, as Voltaire
observed, the fatherland concept is associated with that of property.
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In the centuries following the decline of the R o m a n Empire, just at the
time w h e n it was most difficult to define the frontiers of our Western nations,
the R o m a n notion of property degenerated, as did the notion of property
under the feudal system referred to above. A n d so, since it was difficult to
speak of frontiers, it was also difficult to define property legally or to recognize an owner clearly, so m a n y were the overlappings between the respective rights of those actually cultivating the land, those administering justice
in such matters, those collecting tithes, and so on. These manifold encroachments within hierarchical systems disappeared as n e w nations began to
emerge and organize themselves, and this process was accompanied by a
reversion to the R o m a n system. T h e eighteenth century marked the turning
point of this twofold history, for it was then in Western Europe that feudal
estates began to be replaced, particularly round the towns, which served as
centres for the spread of progress, intellectual centres and communication
junctions, by a system of middle-class ownership which proceeded to
spread, little by little, all over the West, whilst, simultaneously, national
frontiers c a m e into being. T h e concept of frontiers in the eighteenth century
was, of course, still tooflexibleto be given the meaning commonly attributed
to it today. W h e n people talked of frontier towns (they were also k n o w n as
'barrier' towns), they did not m e a n towns actually o n the frontier, but
simply towns within a hundred miles or so of it. In the United States of
America, thisflexibilityin defining geographical boundaries continued to
exist throughout the nineteenth century. But as nations started to crystallize
around the great European capitals in the course ofthat century, so national
customs systems, and with them stakes protecting and marking exact
boundary lines, began to be introduced.
This brief account of developments does not apply only to Europe, but to
all regions under European influence. For example, in the plains of South
America, on either side of the Plata, the vast stretches of grassland m a d e it
difficult, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, to delimit national
territories; similarly, estates had no exact boundaries and the owners were
not clearly designated. It can almost be said that territories which are not
geographically delimited as independent national entities, also have no
definite internal boundaries. T h e n after a time, which was limited in duration because of a process of accelerated development, the owners of large
herds got together and formed alliances of the feudal type, transforming
their family quarrels into national conflicts, thus bringing about the crystallization around politial hierarchies of a n u m b e r of nations each with its o w n
capital city. F r o m then onwards, within the territories, the respective rights
of owners were laid d o w n and the boundaries of pasture and arable lands
marked—these boundaries being recognized by the municipal authorities
and registered with the local notaries. T h e crystallization process was
completed w h e n Argentina and Uruguay set themselves u p as separate,
independent States, with clearly defined geographical frontiers.
T o return to Europe, the same process took place, spreading from west to
east, and this geographical chronology testifies to the importance of the
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commercial links with the shores of the Atlantic and shows the order in
which the various countries awakened to nationhood; this process lasted
for as long as it took capitalist civilization to spread from the Atlantic
seaboard to the interior of the continent. In England, a land-owning
economy and the resulting political system emerged in the seventeenth
century. In France, they developed gradually during the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries,finallyculminating in the bloodshed of the Revolution
and the Napoleonic wars. In G e r m a n y , it w a s not until the nineteenth
century that both liberalism and capitalism with regard to property,
together with nationalism, triumphed simultaneously.
This combination of circumstances led to a n e w definition of the rights
of the citizen, and on this subject French history is enlightening. In seventeenth-century France, a patriot w a s a Christian, faithful to his parish,
to his native village; some years later, in the turmoil of the Revolution, he
became a m a n w h o put his country before his village and dedicated himself
to the service of his fellow citizens. A t that time, undue attachment to one's
native village was frowned upon as contrary to political ethics and harmful
to the unity of the Republic. It was dangerous to pass for a 'federalist' or a
'Girondist', and any Frenchman in 1793 w h o interpreted patriotism in an
old-fashioned w a y was liable to be condemned. This n e w definition of
patriotism was to have such a profound effect on national thinking that it
was over a century before there was any sign of an impulse to encourage the
preservation or revival of regionalistic traditions. Even today, they are
still regarded with suspicion as reactionary.
This period, which saw the birth of nations, was also a productive one
from the intellectual point of view. Most of the characteristics which distinguish the thinking of each nation became apparent at the very time w h e n
the n e w spirit of liberalism and capitalism emerged; and so w e observe,
from East to West, from the middle of the seventeenth century to the
middle of the nineteenth, the formation in each country of a distinctive
national personality. T h e origins of modern English thought must be sought
in the Elizabethan period, whilst in France, it m a y be said that modern
thought can be traced back to the Encyclopédie of Diderot, d'Alembert,
and others. In G e r m a n y , it is the early nineteenth century philosophers
w h o have played a predominant part. French patriotism is always associated
with the ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity, which have been expounded
by French philosophers and were inscribed on the pediments of m o n u m e n t s
at the end of the century that witnessed their triumph. During this period,
G e r m a n intellectual activity remained dormant, but a few years later,
before G e r m a n y had yet become a nation, n e w philosophies began to
attract increasing interest and the teaching of philology was developed in
the universities. This research into the origin of languages led to consideration of the race problem in the context of semantic studies, to which m u c h
importance w a s attached. A t that time, the word 'race' had no pejorative
connotation, since it was not tainted with any political doctrine; it took its
place in the psychology of the population where it developed according to
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the conflicts arising between the German-speaking and Slav-language
peoples. A n d so, although racialism did not become dangerous until the
twentieth century, it had already existed for some time.
Railways, while strengthening the economic unity of states, added to
the speed with which military frontiers were organized in the nineteenth
century. In 1930, or thereabouts, w h e n this means of transport declined
somewhat and the great development of aviation took place, it became
possible to cross enormous areas, hitherto inaccessible, with the greatest of
ease. Such progress was particularly notable in certain South American
countries, which, after labouring for decades to build transcontinental
railways, were able to establish air communications from one ocean to the
other within the space of a few years. Railways corresponded to the scale of
the old European nations, but aeroplanes have given economic areas
continental dimensions and played a vital part in modern logistics and in
the strategies which have transformed warfare and broken u p fronts. At the
same time, aviation detracts from the economic justification of national
sentiment and brings the moral imperatives of supranationality to the
fore. T h e Nazis, at the M u n i c h School, h a d 'calculated' the m i n i m u m size
beyond which a nation b e c a m e unable to defend itself and consequently
ceased to have the right to independent existence. In view of the technical
revolution in the sphere of transport a n d n e w economic requirements—
financial, monetary and technical—the Nazis held that Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland could not exist as separate political entities. They
attached too little importance to the lessons to be learnt from history and
underestimated the strength of moral traditions which are so deep-rooted
that they are not easily eradicated from the minds of m e n . They did,
however, recognize the fact that the requirements of n e w techniques have
indeed led to a n expansion of the economic areas capable of standing up to
international competition in the matter of productivity and also of military
efficiency. G e r m a n y was itself to fall a victim to States constituted on a
continental scale.
There are other lessons to be learned from a study of population development. In Western Europe, w e can distinguish between two very characteristic types of population : thefirstand older one has a high birth rate and a
high mortality rate and is marked by sentimental attitudes impregnated
with religious feeling. People of this type produce large families, and several
generations are welded together by a feeling of solidarity and kinship.
Changes of social status are rare, economic progress is slow and political
history appears only as a subsidiary p h e n o m e n o n . T h e second type of
population is modern: it has a low birth rate and a low mortality rate, and
its psychology is largely influenced by economic interests. In this category,
the 'family' is interpreted in a narrower sense, and responsibility rests
explicitly with the father. Such people have fewer children, and these
children are plainly anxious to become independent of their parents as
soon as possible. Here, there is rapid economic progress, social mobility
stimulates speedy development, and political history penetrates to every
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layer of society. H o w e v e r interesting the underlying reasons for these differences and their consequences m a y be, it need only be noted here that
changes from thefirstto the second type of population are closely bound
up with the history of wars. A peculiar feature of the European peoples,
considered as a whole, is the difference in size of the generations, according
to the period. For the past 150 years, numerically small generations have
been interspersed between large ones. Population movements consequently
swing backwards and forwards like a pendulum, and this has repercussions
on feelings, ideas and economic activity. But it must be emphasized, above
all, that this pendulum motion became accentuated during the nineteenth
century and, in the twentieth, reached alarming proportions. This degeneration of the situation can easily be explained by the basic characteristics
of the modern-type population, where the birth rate is low and increased
longevity causes a general ageing of the population and makes it more and
more difficult to counterbalance demographic deficiencies, whether these
be due to biological, economic or military factors. T h u s , w e see throughout
the body of the population various manifestations of ^opposition between
one generation and another, these being particularly marked at the age
of 20 to 25 years. This is the age w h e n families are set u p and the first
children born. A n d so the line which represents this age through a century
and a half of history also indicates, by its lowest points, the great political
dates of Europe: the Napoleonic wars, the Revolutions of 1830 and 1848,
the 1870 W a r , the general crises during the years 1885-95, accompanied by
the outbreak of colonial wars, and the 1914-18 and 1939-45 World W a r s .
It therefore seems reasonable to deduce that it is not so m u c h wars which
cause population crises as the reverse, and it is easy to verify this assumption
by comparing different types of European nations; for whether it be a
question of nations, like Sweden, which have escaped modern wars, or of
France, the statistics are the same in either case. Population development
therefore obeys laws of its o w n . It is a biological phenomenon, rather than a
political or military one. Although the crisis around 1885 led to sporadic
warfare throughout the world, sparing the European nations themselves,
the growing political interdependence caused extremely rapid and widespread technical progress within the continent during the two subsequent
crises.
At all events, population development in our countries displays chronological characteristics which w e have detected not only in the history of
warfare but also in that of property, frontiers and laws.
This parallelism is typical of the present-day period, in which w e observe
a rise in the birth rate as compared with longevity; it is also typical of
Europe, with all the slight differences created by the persistence of the
idea of nationhood and a n e w conception of economy and of c o m m o n
interests. Medical and technical progress, which has resulted in maintaining the n u m b e r of old people at a high figure, is just as responsible as the
upward curve in the birth rate for forcing the community to m a k e collective
sacrifices in order to help the non-productive elements of the population to
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Kve. T h u s , planning is fast becoming a necessity in general and individual
activities. Allowances of various kinds change private life and lead to b u d getary increases, representing the cost of both the youthful sections of the
population and those that have been retained in old age. A n d simultaneously with the development in each capital of large n e w administrative
departments, which encroach o n private life, w e have the first foreshadowings of institutions that will go beyond the national scale to assume
continental responsibilities. These transformations can be considered as
concomitant with changes in strategy, which in turn are linked with the
decline in the importance of battle fronts. W a r m a y therefore lose its epidemic character, typical of the early twentieth century, and once again
become endemic, as in the periods prior to the seventeenth century.
For over a century, no good European doubted the great merits of w a r
and the moral virtues which it engendered: loyalty to one's country, courage
and self-sacrifice. A n d if and where something of this spirit still remains,
the effects of recent progress revive certain forms of nationalism, dangerous
because they are exacerbated.
H e n c e this vague but characteristic endeavour of the contemporary
Western world to settle international crises—all the m o r e violent in that
they have been a sublimation of national crises—otherwise than by w a r ,
which c a m e to be for conflicts where collective destinies were at stake
what the medieval trial by combat had been for the settlement of disputed
rights between individuals.
Notes
In the preceding sections, and particularly thefirsttwo, w e have used the term
'the West' to denote an organic series of cultures which spread throughout
Europe before ending u p in the former European 'white settlement' colonies. These cultures o w e their unity to the fact that the phases which can be
determined chronologically are linked to one another in a logically irreversible order. This rational historical evolution is represented by the word
'progress', which also refers to the cumulative development of scientific
knowledge and the swift transformation of technical equipment. Here, a
general assessment of the situation always points to a real or virtual i m provement from one phase to the next in the means available to M a n .
T h e settlement of the conflicts which history recounts depends on the extent
to which society succeeds in adapting itself to each improvement. Recourse
to compromise has been just as m u c h a constant social phenomenon in the
West as in cultures based on different criteria, but it has not yielded lasting
results unless it has contributed to greater efficiency. T h u s the concept of
harmony, diachronic rather than synchronic, is less relevant to a given
situation than to its transformation.
Although scientific development justifies the chronological situation of
events, it does not follow that such development is always at the root of social
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adjustments; it m a y be a result of them, or, to be more precise, it appears to
be more c o m m o n l y a consequence of them u p to the period 1750-1850,
w h e n various basic sciences were given their operative definitions; thereafter, it begins to appear to be the cause of such adjustments. It provides so
powerful a stimulus as to suggest that its institution was afinalisticneed,
before being a causal one. T h e concept of coherent or axiomatic scientific
language can be considered as the nucleus of the diachronic structure
typical of Western culture.
In thefieldof natural sciences, the art of compromise can be practised to
secure h a r m o n y in the activities of societies, but not in the working out of
the formal results, which are always categorical.
As a result of the exclusive character of natural laws, discoveries in that
sphere become the h u b of the whole social machinery, i.e. they compete
with obligations of a sacred nature and, sooner or later, weaken them,
although there is not the slightest resultant lessening of the mystery of the
h u m a n lot and the emotivity which it implies.
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P A R T
T W O
THE WORLD OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
I. CURRENT STUDIES
AND RESEARCH CENTRES
THE NEW SOURCES OF THE LAW
OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE1
CLIVE M . SCHMITTHOFF
O n e of the great developments of our time is the change which the law of
international trade is undergoing at present. In the traditional view, that
branch of law, like private law in general, pertains to the municipal sphere
of law. As such it should, in theory at least, show considerable discrepancies
in the various municipal jurisdictions a n d exhibit national peculiarities
reflecting the different social conditions in which the national laws operate.
T h e practical experience, however, is different: in all countries the law of
international trade exhibits an increasing degree of similarity which goes far
beyond what the nature of this branch of law demands. This similarity
appears to transcend the division of the world into countries of planned and
free market economy and into legal systems founded o n the civil law of
R o m a n inspiration and the c o m m o n law of English origin.
T h e modern character of the law of international trade is derived from
m a n y sources. T h e international business community itself, supported by
international agencies and trade associations, has begun to formulate
international commercial custom in terms intended to have international
currency. Commercial lawyers of the East and West have m a d e a conscious
effort of assimilation in the municipal regulation of international trade.
International commercial arbitration has contributed its share. These
attempts are ultimately motivated by the growing realization that international trade is founded o n the principle of peaceful coexistence of countries of different economies and traditions, and that peaceful international
competition—the essence of international trade—is the only alternative
to the mutual destruction of nations b y warlike adventures.
T h e great social and economic significance which the emergence of an
autonomous law of international trade has in the modern world induced
the International Association of Legal Science, with the support of Unesco,
to arrange a scientific examination of ' T h e n e w sources of the law of international trade, with special reference to East-West trade. Following its
two earlier colloquia in R o m e (1958) a n d Helsinki (i960), the International Association arranged for a colloquium on that subject to be
held in L o n d o n from 24 to 27 September 1962.
1. Report on the colloquium arranged by the International Association of Legal
Science in London in September 1962.
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T h e colloquium, most ably organized by the secretary-general of the
International Association, Professor Imre Zajtay (Paris), w h o had spent an
untold amount of time and labour on its preparation, followed a detailed
programme of studies prepared by the director of studies of the Association,
Professor André T u n c (Paris), the general reporter of the colloquium,
D r . Clive M . Schmitthoff (London), and the adjoint general reporter,
Professor Viktor K n a p p (Prague), in harmonious co-operation. T h e general
plan was that a number of reports should be prepared by invited experts,
that those reports should be co-ordinated and analysed by the general
reporter, and that the individual reports and the general report should be
circulated amongst the participants of the colloquium before their meetings
in September, 1962. Apart from the circulation of one report which could
not be translated in time, that plan was carried out, thanks to the co-operation of all concerned.
T h e first group of reports submitted to the colloquium dealt with
' T h e relationship between the law of international trade and municipal
commercial law'. This group comprised four reports, b y Professor Henryk
T r a m m e r (Warsaw), Professor Viktor K n a p p (Prague), Professor John
Honnold (Philadelphia) and Professor Ernst von Caemmerer (Freiburg
i. B . ) . Professor T r a m m e r , in his report on ' T h e law of foreign trade in the
legal systems of the countries of planned economy', emphasized that
although the internal commercial law in the countries of planned economy
and of free market economy was very different, the law of external trade of
the countries of planned economy did not differ, in its fundamental principles, from the law of external trade of other countries; the learned author
concluded: 'Consequently, international trade law specialists of all countries
have found without difficulty that they speak a " c o m m o n language".'
Professor K n a p p , in his erudite report o n ' T h e function, organization
and activities of foreign trade corporations in the European socialist countries', compared in detail the status and constitution of the foreign trade
corporations. H e indicated that the features c o m m o n to all were that they
were legal persons and that they translated into practice the foreign trade
monopoly reserved to the State by the constitutions of the socialist countries;
the first of these features is shared with the limited companies in the countries of free market economy, but the second one is peculiar to State-planned
economies. Professor K n a p p ' s investigation revealed that every country
of planned economy has its o w n types and forms of foreign trade organizations and that these forms varied as m u c h as the forms of privately owned
enterprises in the countries of free market economy. Professor K n a p p
further considered the nature and practical consequences of the unification
of international trade law by the General Terms of Delivery, 1958,
which have been accepted by the m e m b e r countries of the Council for
Mutual Economic Aid. Professor Honnold, w h o discussed ' T h e influence
of the law of international trade on the development and character of
English and American commercial law', pointed out that the real, living
law of international trade was based on the consensual arrangements
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developed in individual agreements or in standard formulations which the
parties might adopt or modify as they chose; he m a d e a n eloquent plea
for an enhanced reciprocity to commercial custom and usage at various
municipal laws and pointed out the important contribution which the
American Uniform Commercial Code attempted to m a k e in that respect.
Professor von Caemmerer, w h o reviewed 'The influence of the law of
international trade on the development and character of the commercial
law in the civil law countries', came to the conclusion that the fact that in
some legal systems, e.g. in France a n d Germany, separate commercial
codes existed was merely a problem of form and statutory technique, often
due to historical accident, and that, as far as the law of international trade
was concerned, the differences between the civil law and the c o m m o n law
countries shrank almost to nothing; he further considered in detail legal
rules 'in which national laws have lagged behind, clinging to outdated
prejudices, stumbling on dogmatic ladders long since climbed by c o m m e r cial practice'.
T h e second group of reports was devoted to a detailed examination of
the 'Autonomous law of international trade—its possibilities and limitations'. This group dealt with three problems. T h e first of them, 'International conventions and standard contracts', was considered by Dr. Lazare
Kopelmanas (United Nations Economic Commission For Europe, Geneva),
Professor Aleksander GoldStajn (Zagreb) and Rector Antonio Malintoppi
(International Institute for the Unification of Private L a w , R o m e ) . D r . K o pelmanas, a confirmed protagonist of the concept of an autonomous law of
international trade, gave a detailed outline of the formulation of general
conditions of business and uniform standard contracts elaborated b y
international business in satisfaction of its o w n needs, and of the reasons for,
and techniques of, such formulation. H e observed that the law merchant,
well-known in the Middle Ages, continued to be a true and fertile source of
international commercial law and urged a detailed comparative study into
specialized problems of international trade law. Professor GoldStajn, w h o
dealt with the same subject as Dr. Kopelmanas, considered the various forms
in which international practice attempted to escape from the restrictions of
municipal law: general conditions of delivery or sale, standard forms of
contract, uniform customs and practice, general usages of trade, foreign
trade definitions, trade terms, and others. H e pointed out that the municipal
laws were becoming inadequate for the problem of international trade and
that the municipal courts were not suited to satisfy the needs of international business and expressed himself strongly in favour of arbitration as a
means of settling international commercial disputes; he adopted the view
that the two main sources of international trade law were mercantile custom
which represented the process of law-making that h a d grown from c o m mercial practice, and international legislation which was a deliberate act of
law creation. Rector Malintoppi considered the interpretation of international conventions and standard contracts by the municipal courts and the
means by which a uniform interpretation could be achieved. H e examined
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the measures which can be taken before the preparation of the text, such
as travaux préparatoires and definitions; those taken after its preparation,
such as the reciprocal exchange of information, the consultation before
ratification, and the control of legislative measures; and the revision of the
text.
T h e second problem relating to the autonomous law of international
trade concerned ' T h e law applied by arbitration tribunals (including the
recognition and proof of international and foreign local mercantile custom
in municipal law)'. T w o reports dealt with this problem, that of M r . Dmitri
F. Ramzaitsev (Moscow) and that of D e a n Denis Talion (Nancy). M r . R a m zaitsev dealt first with the jurisdiction of arbitration tribunals and then
with the application of the rules of substantive law by them; a n u m b e r of
important conclusions, mainly founded on the practice of the Soviet
Foreign Trade Arbitration Commission, emerged from his report, viz.,
that the parties to a foreign trade transaction were free to choose the
proper law applicable to their contract but that, in the absence of such
choice, that law had to be ascertained on the basis of the rules of private
international law accepted in the country of the court; that foreign law
had to be applied to the same extent and o n the same basis as municipal
law; and that international trade customs and practices had to be applied by
the arbitration tribunal in accordance with well-established principles.
D e a n Talion referred to the various types of arbitration k n o w n to the practice, such as ad hoc arbitration and permanent arbitration institutions,
quasi-judicial arbitration and conciliation proceedings; he examined in
particular the attitude of arbitration tribunals to the autonomy of the
parties' will a n d the law applied by arbitration tribunals. W i t h respect
to these topics, the reports of M r . Ramzaitsev and D e a n Talion indicate a
considerable measure of agreement between the lawyers of the East and
West not only o n points of principle but also o n detailed legal propositions.
T h e third problem discussed in connexion with the autonomous law of
international trade concerned ' T h e limits of party autonomy (including
the admissibility of conflict-avoidance devices, and the municipal conflict of
laws rules for the ascertainment of the law governing international trade
transactions)'. This topic formed the subject of two reports, the one by
Professor Trajan Ionasco jointly with Professor Ion Nestor (both of Bucharest), and the other by Judge G u n n a r Lagergren (Stockholm). Professors
Ionasco and Nestor, w h o preferred to call the principle of party autonomy
the doctrine of freedom of contract, embarked on a detailed examination of
the various methods of avoiding conflict of laws; they pointed out that,
subject to certain nuances, the socialist countries of Europe had accepted
the principle of party autonomy for the determination of the proper law in
international commercial transactions, that that principle was ultimately
connected with the fundamental doctrine of equality of sovereign states in
public international law, and that it was extremely rare that judicial or
arbitral tribunals of socialist countries, w h e n deciding disputes between
socialist foreign trade corporations and capitalist private enterprises, felt
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compelled to refuse the application of a rule of foreign law for reasons of
municipal public policy. Judge Lagergren contrasted the growing acceptance of the principle of freedom of contract in the internationalfieldwith
the universal growth of government control in the domestic sphere. H e
agreed with Professors Ionasco and Nestor that the liberty of the parties to
prescribe for themselves the law applicable to their contract should not be
wantonly discarded for the sake of national policy and pointed out that one
of the values of the standard conditions of sale of the United Nations
Economic Commission for Europe, 'drafted with great care and skill by
representatives of all European legal systems, including the Soviet bloc',
was that in a world of extreme inequality of economic bargaining power,
they established a balance between the weaker and the stronger contracting
parties.
T h e third major issue examined by the colloquium concerned ' T h e
n e w sources of the law of international trade in the developing countries of
Africa'. Here the colloquium was fortunate in having received a detailed
and exhaustive report by M r . Ernest Boka, President of the Supreme Court
of the Ivory Coast (Abidjan). President Boka dealt with the foreign trade
relations between the African countries and the European and other nations,
with the association of the African countries with the European Economic
Community, with the question of African unity, with the forms of internationalfinancialaid and technical assistance and with the social problems
of progress. T h e picture which emerged from President Boka's report was
that the former French territories, like the former English territories, were
faced with the extremely difficult but at the same time challenging task of
linking their o w n less developed economies with the complicated mechanism of international trade, developed through centuries without their
active contribution and without regard to their o w n economic needs.
T h e discussions at the meetings of the colloquium at London took place
at King's College (University of London) from 24 to 27 September 1962
under the chairmanship of the president of the International Association
of Legal Science, D e a n R . H . Graveson (London), and the vice-president,
Professor S . R o z m a r y n (Warsaw). Most though not all reporters were present, and likewise observers from various international organizations,
including Unesco, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe,
and the R o m e Institute for the Unification of Private L a w , and from various
national committees of the International Association. T h e discussions,
carried on in a constructive and harmonious spirit, were extremely interesting and valuable. A problem which evoked particular interest was that of
the self-regulatory contract, i.e. a contract intended by the parties to be
independent of any municipal law and to contain within its o w n four
corners a complete regulation of all incidents that might affect its existence
and performance. Such contracts are not u n k n o w n in practice; examples of
them are the standard contract forms sponsored by the United Nations
Economic Commission for Europe and the lengthy agreements dealing
with major international construction projects or the exploitation of oil or
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mineral resources. T h e experts at the colloquium could not agree whether
the intention of the parties to provide their o w n regulation, independent of
any municipal law, could be carried out completely. Further mention
should be m a d e of the suggestion by Professor Romachkin (Moscow) that a
comparative examination should be arranged of the 'General T e r m s of
Delivery, 1958', and the standard contracts sponsored by the United Nations
Economic Commission for Europe, and of the invitation by Rector Malintoppi (Rome) to use the R o m e Institute as a centre that could sustain a
continuing effort in that direction. Apart from the working sessions at
which the participants could establish friendly personal contact with each
other, receptions were arranged in their honour by the Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, the University of London, King's College, the Institute
of Advanced Legal Studies and the British Council, at which the participants of the colloquium had an opportunity of meeting prominent English
judges, law teachers and practitioners.
T h e main conclusions which emerged from the reports and discussions
of the colloquium can be s u m m e d u p as follows:
1. There can be no doubt that an autonomous law of international trade, a
n e w law merchant, is emerging in our time. That law is of universal
character and c o m m o n to countries of different economic and social
order, as well as of different legal tradition.
2. T h e sources of the autonomous law of international trade are international legislation, i.e. international conventions or model laws, adopted by
the various national States, and international commercial custom formulated by the international business community with the assistance of
international agencies, such as the International C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e
and the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe. These n e w
sources of the law of international trade are admitted in a municipal
jurisdiction by leave and licence of the municipal sovereign w h o controls
them by imperative legal rules, including those of public policy.
3. T h e essential feature of the law of international trade, as it is emerging
from these n e w sources, is the activity of the formulating agencies. A
closer liaison between these formulating agencies would be desirable.
4. Arbitration is becoming the normal procedure for the settlement of
international commercial disputes. There is a tendency in favour of
permanent arbitral institutions but ad hoc arbitration retains its usefulness.
5. T h e autonomy of the parties will, in its unlimited or limited form, is an
essential factor in the law of international trade.
6. N o legal objection exists to an attempt by the parties to m a k e their
contract self-regulatory, provided that they are acting in good faith
and are not motivated by the intention to evade the law with which
the contract is most closely connected. (While it might theoretically be
difficult to imagine that an absolutely self-regulatory contract can be
drafted, in practice, with growing experience, the area of lacunae can be
reduced to insignificance, provided that the contract intended to be
self-regulatory is supplemented by an arbitration agreement.)
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THE TEACHING OF SOCIOLOGY
IN UNIVERSITIES AND OTHER INSTITUTIONS
OF HIGHER EDUCATION
Princeton University, 10 to 13 September
1962
F. J. STENDENBACH
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
Since the Second World W a r there has been a considerable increase and
expansion in the teaching of sociology almost everywhere in the world.
This process takes different lines; sometimes, n e w or additional chairs are
established and a n increasingly wide range of subject matter is included
in the teaching, thus giving the student greater latitude in his choice and
combination of studies. In other cases, sociological courses are introduced
at teaching institutions or departments not originally offering such studies,
for example, departments of engineering, medicine, architecture, city and
regional planning. This development can be explained only b y a n u m b e r
of factors, some of which m a y operate jointly: the need for a rational understanding of social change taking place in m a n y countries today; the collection of factual information o n the social process in order to be able to
control and influence changes in social structure; the need for sociologically
trained personnel for the teaching and other professions, especially those
mainly concerned with, or influenced, b y social changes.
T h e development and rapid expansion of sociology during the last two
decades has created a n u m b e r of problems especially in relation to the
teaching of this subject: problems of teaching personnel and the recruitment
of such personnel from other disciplines, organizational problems, questions
relating to the content and method of teaching, and its adaptation to the
specific culture, tradition and academic structure of the country in question.
Sociology, in spite of a certain tradition which it m a y have built u p in a few
countries, is generally still considered a young science with the concomitant
problems of professionalization and adaptation. Therefore, a round-table
on the teaching of sociology bringing together sociologists from very different countries for mutual exchange of experiences can be of great importance. T h e meeting in Princeton m a y be said to have been fruitful and
to have arrived at some quite substantial conclusions. As was to be expected, some of the topics could not be discussed at length owing to lack of
time.
T h e participants dealt with the following topics which were selected for
discussion from a n u m b e r of detailed proposals m a d e by Gino Germani
(Buenos Aires).
1. Problems related to contents and methods of teaching: (a) the first
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introductory course in sociology; (b) complementary courses in sociology
for students majoring or specializing in differentfields;(c) content and
organization of curricula in sociology; (d) interdisciplinary approach in
teaching and general problems.
2. Teaching of methodology and research techniques; the relationship
between teaching and research.
3. Institutionalization and professionalization; resistances toward them.
4 . Special problems of countries with little or no previous experience in
the teaching of sociology.
T h e following persons participated in the Princeton meetings: P . de Bie
(Belgium), L . Brams (Chile), J. Medina Echavarria (Chile), I. G a n o n (Uruguay), G . Germani (Argentina), E . C . Hughes ( U . S . A . ) , R . König
(Federal Republic of G e r m a n y ) , T . H . Marshall (United K i n g d o m ) ,
K . O d a k a (Japan), A . Pagani (Italy), A . Pearse (Colombia), H . C . Selvin
( U . S . A . ) , A . E . Solari (Uruguay), F . J. Stendenbach (Federal Republic of
G e r m a n y ) ; Observers: A . Pizzorno (Italy), P . Rossi (Italy).
T h e informal discussion at the opening meeting offered an opportunity
for the participants to exchange their views on what were the main problems
to be included in the agenda. T h e discussions centred first on the role of
professionalization and an organized professional elite in society. T h e participants from South America pointed out that a professional organization
capable of promoting development was lacking in their o w n countries. T h e
establishment of such an organization would m e a n : (a) a stronger sense
of identity a m o n g sociologists, through adherence to a set of rules and norms
distinguishing the group, and (b) informed mechanisms of control. T h e
lack of specialists, particularly in the field of rural sociology, w a s also
emphasized. A problem which provoked the interest of m a n y participants
was that of mere imitation of sociological work done in other countries
having different social structures and social problems. In South America,
especially, the general attitude seems to have been to expect a solution to
all the great social problems from American sociology which, of course,
was as little applicable to these as the sociology of any other country. T h e
consequence was a certain frustration which resulted in a sceptical attitude
toward American sociology. Basically, there is a misconception of sociology:
sociologists are expected to produce a philosophy and an interpretation of
the world—a Weltanschauung—which they do not find. T h e frustrations
arise from this expectancy, for 'sociology' is à la mode in such countries.
In the course of the discussion a warning was given against isolation; it was
urged that a w a y be found of breaking a w a y from imitation without losing
the richness of outside influence. Despite a certain interest in the problem
of imitation it was not given a place o n the agenda.
T h e third topic discussed at some length during the M o n d a y morning
session was the content and methods of teaching. S o m e of the m e m b e r s of
the group reported different experiences in various types of teaching
institutions. S o m e stressed the fact that students too often simply commit
their material to m e m o r y ; others emphasized organizational problems.
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It was generally agreed that the introductory courses should bring young
students into contact with their surrounding social environment, about
which they could write monographs to b e used later for class discussion.
S o m e m e m b e r s were aware of the danger that this might lead to national
sociologies, but considered that this danger could be counteracted by
taking the observation of one's o w n community as a starting point for
comparative studies.
METHODS AND CONTENT OF TEACHING
At the M o n d a y afternoon session an introduction to some aspects of the
teaching of sociology, and especially research methods, w a s given by
Professor R e n é König (Cologne), on the basis of a report which he wrote
for Unesco. König m a d e s o m e comparisons with respect to the teaching of
research methods in different countries, a n d showed that research methods
and techniques in France, for example, are taught only outside the universities in the well-known research institutes. This tends to separate teaching
from empirical research—a problem which was dealt with in more detail
during the following days in the discussions o n the teaching of research
methods and the institutionalization of sociology. Furthermore, it could be
shown that the career patterns of sociologists in the United States are not the
same as career patterns in other countries. While a great m a n y sociologists in
the United States take u p teaching or enter thefieldof general education,
only about 15 per cent do so in the Netherlands. This applies also to other
European and non-European countries a n d m a y have implications for the
teaching of sociology.
T h e subsequent discussion was mainly centred around the question
h o w far the sociologists present expected their students to be specialists in
sociology, whether sociology should be treated as a single subject to b e
taught in relation to several other subjects and,finally,what was the best
w a y of teaching an introductory course if possible taking into account the
fact that the students do not altogether wish to become 'perfect sociologists',
even though they m a y remain in the profession after completion of their
studies.
T h e first part of the discussion of these questions was in general terms.
Most of the participants in the group were more or less in agreement that
the introductory courses should be differentiated according to the special
needs of the groups taught (i.e. according to their otherfieldsof study and
their occupational choice). A related problem is whether one should start
with the general humanist or the specialized approach or give a fundamental
course in sociology right from the beginning. N o clear answer to this question
was reached.
In contrast to other disciplines, for example economics, which has a
simple core of theory that is economics a n d must be taught, in sociology
w e have no such scientific corpus in any fundamental form. T h e question of
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what to teach in sociology therefore constitutes a far more complex problem. T h e aspect which preoccupied the discussants w a s the ' h o w ' of
formal teaching rather than the actual content. Several suggestions were
m a d e : one concerned the demonstration of sociology and its origin through
a description of one's o w n society as opposed to a description of other
societies. There seemed to be general agreement that in the introductory
course description and analysis of one's o w n society is preferable. Another
suggestion dealt with the teaching of sociology to students in other professions. Here again w e have two alternatives: teaching sociology within the
frame of reference of the group, or with relation to a frame beyond the
group, i.e. whether to teach sociology to economists via economics or in a
m o r e abstract and generalized form. S o m e agreed that the best w a y of
introducing sociology in various schools would be through the subject
matter of the particular school, proceeding later to a more general level.
Professor T . H . Marshall warned, however, that if w e offer tailored courses
which are rather specialized, then the discipline of sociology will disappear.
In England, agreement has not yet been reached on h o w to teach an introductory course in general sociology. Professor Marshall thought it might
be advisable to follow a more comprehensive course by application
to various other subjects. Similar ideas were developed by Professor
E . Hughes. T h e problem seems to be to find a compromise between a
purely sociological introduction and a sociology taught in relation to other
subjects.
T h e introductory teaching to non-professional as well as to professional
sociology students has, of course, some administrative and organizational
implications, including that of enlarging the staff of the sociology departments. This, again, has at least two aspects: afinancialand a h u m a n one.
T h u s , the conclusions and recommendations given in this report must be
viewed against the institutional background of these two important factors :
the need for m a n p o w e r and the correspondingfinancialmeans.
A certain problem of communication seems to arise w h e n there is one
professor teaching sociology at the school of medicine, another at the school
of law and still another at the school of economics. F r o m South America it
was reported that they usually avoid each other. This m a y be an extreme
example, but it is always possible that teachers at the different schools
become more and m o r e integrated and identified with their o w n institution
and, as a consequence, put less value on contact and communication with
other members of the sociological profession.
During the second session on the methods and content of teaching the
group tried to put forward some other concrete proposals as to h o w and
w h a t to teach at the beginning of a course, and what to include at a more
advanced level. It was proposed to c o m m e n c e the introductory course with
s o m e elementary concepts of sociology, such as role, status, interaction,
interaction system, function, structure and so on. These concepts should be
developed with respect to the concrete social situations with which the
young students are familiar. Such situations could be taken from family
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life, from peer group life, and from the pupil-teacher relation at school.
This would have the advantage of illustrating concepts through concrete
material which can be understood by the students, since it has some experimental meaning for them. It has, furthermore, the advantage that the
students are conceptually prepared for the higher levels of teaching where
these concepts are repeatedly used and presupposed. However, to start
with, the teaching of concepts can only be successful if it is linked with
aspects of social reality about which the student knows something. If
conceptual analysis were taught in a n abstract w a y — a n d this point w a s
brought u p in the discussion—it would do the student more h a r m than
good, for he would take over the concepts without knowing their realm of
application or their exact meaning. M r . Brams of F L A C S O stressed here
the dangers of psittacism and of petrifying concepts: the concepts must
appear in a social frame and not in isolation.
S o m e of the m e m b e r s proposed an alternative solution, namely not to
start systematically in the introductory course but rather historically b y
giving the students an introduction into social or economic history and
perhaps also the history of sociology. This is done in Japan, Italy, and in
some countries in South America, while the systematic approach is preferred
in England, the United States, and in some European countries. A t some
centres of learning a compromise is achieved. In this connexion m u c h
would depend on whether the students intended to become professional
sociologists or not. For the latter, as was suggested, the conceptual approach
would be harmful and boring, and for these non-professional students the
historical approach would be m o r e appropriate. T h e arguments for this
approach in this case however do not appear to be totally convincing. A
good solution might perhaps be to have two parallel courses, one historical
the other systematic, which should merge w h e n history and the presentday meet.
In addition to the historical and the systematic theoretical approaches
there w a s another possibility, the subject-matter approach, i.e. starting
with an introduction into a special field of sociology combined with a
demonstration of the elementary concepts. T h u s one could start with
family sociology and illustrate the concepts of role, status, function, structure
group, interaction, and so forth. In the following semester a course would be
given on the sociology of the community, where the concepts of social strata
and stratification, social mobility, power, etc. could be taught. In this w a y
one would proceed from a more elementary level to a more complex level
without losing sight of the different fields of sociology or the conceptual
framework.
It w a s repeatedly pointed out during the discussions that the students
should not only be given a description of social reality but also an introduction to sociological analysis and explanation.
Another question discussed w a s the choice of non-sociological subjects
to be taught in connexion with sociology. S o m e factual information w a s
iven based on experience in Argentina and Chicago, where a successful
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experiment w a s started m a n y years ago. In Chicago, during thefirsttwo
years after high school students received training in physics, humanities,
social science a n d biology. T h e y could then go o n to the social science faculty, graduating with a master's degree. T h e subjects included sociology,
political science, geography, psychology, economics, social anthropology,
and history. For specialization in any one of these fields attendance at
lectures in all the other fields w a s obligatory. Students were carefully
selected.
Another a n d m u c h m o r e complex example of teaching sociology w a s
reported by Gino Germani (Buenos Aires). T h e following curriculum is
followed u p to the licenciado.
Thirteen courses are taught at thefirstlevel, covering a two- to threeyear period after high school (the students' average age is 18 years). T h e
courses last seventeen weeks, m a d e u p of five one-hour periods per week,
and include the following subjects: general—introductions to philosophy, to
history and to an optional subject; social sciences—introductions to psychology, to political science, to social history, to statistics, and to economics;
specializedfields—introductionsto sociology, to social psychology, to
comparative sociology, to systematic sociology, and to research methods.
At the second level, seventeen courses covering about forty-five hours per
week are given over a three-year period. Students are required to take at
least eight or nine of these seventeen courses. Between 10 and 20 per cent of
those starting complete the course. T h e teaching is given b y approximately
twenty full-time teachers w h o also carry out research, and are aided in their
teaching by s o m e sixty assistants. T h e career possibilities for the assistant
teaching staff present a considerable problem, but apparently, most of
them d o not remain in the university.
T h e question arose whether students select optional subjects because
they are easier for them or because they have some connexion with their
future career interests. Professor Germani stated that an advisory system
is being developed similar to the English tutorial system, especially with
respect to optional subjects. Another question was whether seventeen weeks
was not too short for an adequate introduction into the respective fields.
It was proposed to extend the courses, or at least some of them, to twice this
length of time. A more serious problem seemed to be the great n u m b e r
of subjects taught which might create difficulties in reception and comprehension and also in viewing the different subjects within a larger theoretical
framework. A s a regulating force the tutorial system could perhaps be
operated, within limits, by the teaching body. A further example was given,
this time for Colombia, where the teaching during thefirstyear is the same
as in Argentina, but in the second year training in survey methods is begun
in connexion with rural sociology, urban sociology is introduced in the third
year, and theoretical concepts are refined during the fourth year. In
addition an advanced course is given in statistics, and the fifth, and
final, year is devoted to m o r e individual teaching, with advanced seminars, discussion of empirical studies and the development of research
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programmes. It is believed that specialization should not be taken too far.
Attention w a s also drawn to the importance of the critical analysis
of sources such as M a r x , W e b e r , Durkheim, Parsons, and others, which at
present seemed to be neglected in most of the teaching institutions represented. S o m e of the problems discussed are m o r e appropriate to South America,
or at least parts of it, than to most other countries.
T h e final point in the discussion on contents and methods was the use
of textbooks. South America faces special problems here, since most of the
textbooks in use are related to the social conditions of North America and
perhaps Europe, and contain little or no material relevant to other continents and cultures. T o remedy this situation, some effort is being m a d e to
edit a textbook for South America for which suitable texts from North
America and Europe will be translated. It was suggested that the jargon
used in American textbooks causes difficulties in translation, but this was
firmly denied and it was argued that in such cases n e w concepts must be
developed for the native languages. T h e best solution would be for these
countries to write their o w n textbooks, appropriate to the special problems
with which they are faced. T h e text should be m a d e u p of a general section,
of readings for different cultural areas, and of examples for specific countries and problems.
T h e groupfinallyreached agreement on the following points:
i. A t the early stage of the curriculum introductory courses should not
differentiate too sharply between professional and non-professional
students of sociology. All students should have some instruction in
social history, comparative studies and first-hand observation of their
o w n society. It was proposed to give not only a descriptive conceptual
analysis in the introductory courses o n the basis of the students' o w n
experiences but to combine, from the start, description and analysis of
society. Sociology should be taught to all students in thefirstpart of the
curriculum, whether or not they intended to continue to study sociology
or were preparing for some other profession. A distinction between
future sociologists and other professions should be m a d e at a later stage,
but at that time examples should not be given from one profession only
(e.g. medicine, law).
2. Since the function of the introductory courses is to give the students
a rough idea of what sociologists are actually doing before they become
involved in m o r e abstract reasoning and in complex theoretical analysis
or specializedfields,teaching should proceed from the particular to the
m o r e general and abstract. Nevertheless, some analysis should be introduced as early as thefirstyear.
3. However, specialization cannot be introduced at the beginning of
courses in applied sociology which draw all their material from one
field only. A n attempt should always be m a d e to link the material to
the general body of sociological theory.
4 . T h e use of textbooks was generally considered useful for the introductory
phase. However, since m a n y of the developing countries have difficulties
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in using the American textbooks, it seems advisable either to write
completely n e w textbooks or to write n e w parts for them supplemented
with material translated from other languages and relating to various
cultures.
5. With respect to the subjects to be taught to students of sociology only a
loose formulation could be agreed on. There w a s general agreement
that the following subjects (or at least some of them) were suitable:
social anthropology, social psychology, economics, history, social geography, political science, statistics.
TEACHING OF RESEARCH METHODS
Papers were delivered on this topic by Professor K . O d a k a (Tokyo) a n d
Professor H . C . Selvin (Berkeley).
Professor Odaka's opening remarks referred to his report for a Unesco
publication o n the teaching of research methods. H e then spoke about s o m e
of the institutional and organizational problems of teaching sociology in
Japan, where, until 1951, there were only three chairs of sociology. O f the
500 universities and colleges in Japan, 150 n o w have separate departments
or courses in sociology. T h e unfavourable attitude of the Japanese governm e n t toward sociology in the past explained the lack of funds for empirical
research which forced Japanese sociologists to occupy themselves m o r e with
theoretical or philosophical sociology. Empirical research has, however,
become increasingly important to Japanese sociologists since the end of the
Second World W a r . T h e institutional consequence is that about 25 per cent
of the curriculum is devoted to the teaching of research techniques. But
there is still little appreciation in Japan of the importance of empirical
research. G o o d co-operation in research and in teaching has however been
built u p a m o n g the following institutes—the Institute of Journalism,
attached to the University of T o k y o (carries o n mainly research in mass
communication); the Institute of Statistical Mathematics of the Ministry
of Education (holds short courses in statistical methods for research w o r kers and university students); and the Institute of Population Research of
the Ministry of Public Welfare and the Research Institute of Agriculture
attached to the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry.
M a n y universityfieldstudies are conducted in co-operation with these
institutes, and their experts act as consultants in research projects of the
department of sociology. T h u s , a link is formed between teaching and
research.
Professor Selvin draws mainly from his experiences and knowledge of the
United States, and tries to determine what are the dominant practices in
methodological teaching and which direction statistics and methodology
are taking. H e sees methodology primarily as having an analytical function
and statistics as a tool for expressing methodological ideas.
Whereas an educated layman around 1930
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every article in a sociological journal, this is n o longer the case, for reading
the literature of sociology today requires a basic knowledge of statistics and
methodology. There are two reasons w h y the teaching of methodology
should be promoted: (a) because the required courses in statistics a n d
research methods are the greatest stumbling blocks for the students, especially those working for advanced degrees; (b) m a n y of the research publications are inadequate methodologically. This has been empirically investigated b y Selvin a n d Hirschi a n d it seems that there is a continuous
development in the direction of an increase in statistics, a greater formalization of methodology and somewhat later a certain mathematization. If the
students are to be able to cope with this development they need increased
mathematical training, either in high school or in introductory courses at
college or university.
T h e quality of the statistical textbooks for the elementary level must be
considered unsatisfactory and this is even m o r e true for the next level
because there are fewer books to choose from. Most of them are written
for psychologists, as is readily shown by their titles, the topics and examples
chosen. According to Selvin no intermediate-level statistics text addressed
specifically to sociologists has been published since 1952. A t the advanced
level the situation is entirely different. Here there is no problem of avoiding
mathematics or of dealing with the substantive problems of any field.
Calculus and matrix algebra are needed even for reading.
A s regards the formal training in empirical research the classical procedure of individual research is n o longer applicable, simply because the
teacher-student ratio is inadequate. There are several compromise procedures, one of which, secondary analysis, i.e. the re-examination of data
originally collected for other purposes—has still a certain importance today.
Such analysis m a y be comparative w h e n using material from a variety of
studies, or re-interpretative w h e n analysing a n e w the data of one study.
This method enables the student to spend relatively more time on analysing
and writing than if he had to collect the data himself or through participation in a class project. Its major shortcoming is, however, that the student
gets n o experience in design a n d data-gathering. A compromise between
pure collection and pure analysis and interpretation must s o m e h o w be
found.
A first solution of this problem was seen in the so-called class project
which has the advantage that the student can gain experience in all phases
of a study. M a n y instructors, however, abandon the class project after
one trial because too m u c h time is consumed in the routine phases of gathering and processing the data. T h e result of trying to squeeze a complete
field study into one semester is that the students d o not reach the analysis
stage and m a y not even see m a n y results. There are several partial solutions
to all these problems but none is altogether satisfactory.
A rather effective procedure seems to be the truncated class project,
used in Berkeley, where some part of the data gathering or processing is
omitted. During most of thefirstsemester the students go through the
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steps of designing a study and preparing the instruments. T h e y do participant observation and exploratory interviews, they read the relevant literature, a n d the class co-operates in preparing and pre-testing the questionnaire. At the point where an actual investigation would begin with the long
sequence of sampling, interviewing, coding, punching, tabulating, each
student is given a set of punched cards from an already completed study,
on which he then does a secondary analysis of the problems which have
interested him.
T h e Detroit Area Study was also mentioned as a highly developed form
of the class project. This is a two-semester course which most students take
in addition to working with a distinguished scientist on problems of considerable theoretical importance. T h e Detroit study places m o r e stress on field
experience, while the Berkeley truncated class emphasizes analysis and
writing.
T h e term papers written in the truncated class project at Berkeley,
where analysis and logic are the prime considerations, showed a higher
quality than those written in projects where analysis received less emphasis.
T h e value of secondary analysis as a pedagogical approach was pointed
out in the discussions, but the background of the students, especially in the
South American countries, was considered to be limited. A weakness in the
teaching of conceptualization and confusion concerning concepts of a
highly general character, was reported b y L . Brams with respect to Chile.
H e also criticized articles and textbooks which give primarily models
presenting an ideal type of research and which give evidence of a lack of
creative thought.
T h e discussion returned to the problems of the teaching of theories and
models and the relation between them, a n d it was proposed to examine the
progress m a d e since the report of Professor P. de Bie in 1954. At the time the
report w a s written almost no courses were offered in training in practical
research. T o d a y , however, w e are m u c h m o r e occupied with conceptualization than ten years ago. Professor de Bie proposed that the teaching of
research techniques should be more practical, using, for example, the
truncated class project, a type of research teaching which is n o w used also
in Belgium. It was pointed out by some participants, however, that there is
a definite resistance a m o n g young students in some European countries to
research and to entering thefield.This m a y be due in part to a traditional
humanistic education and in part to the fact that the old university tradition
is to read rather than undertake direct observation. Incomplete statistical
and mathematical training m a y also play a part. It was therefore proposed
first to teach statistics and perhaps also, if necessary, mathematics, although
this, of course, is very difficult at the beginning because the students k n o w
little of sociology. S o m e h o w one should begin in a concrete w a y and then
gradually introduce abstractions and the logic of science.
T h e teaching of research methods in France outside the universities
appears to raise a very important problem. This has the very dangerous
effect in the long run that sociologists teaching at the universities tend to
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neglect practical research and to become mainly receptive and repetitive,
and even, in some cases, to integrate theoretically the results of the research
done by others.
In the discussion which followed m o r e detailed questions of h o w and
w h e n to introduce statistics and techniques, w h e n to teach methodology,
and whether teaching of methods and practical research should be combined
were taken up.
Professor Germani stated that the general scheme for Argentina was to
start with statistics, followed by the teaching of elementary research techniques (two semesters), the third semester being spent o n application.
T h e question arose whether it is useful to give such courses to students
not intending to continue in sociology, but the discussion did not arouse
great interest. According to L . Brams, F L A C S O is organized differently,
and methodology and practical work take u p 50 per cent of the time, the
two years on methodology being supplemented with courses in statistics
and theory. Hence, two persons w h o were trained there, n o w teaching at
F L A C S O , will have a problem of readapting what they have learned once
they return to their o w n countries. In Bogotá (Colombia) students are
first taught h o w to observe and then allowed to collect material. This
training is on a purely descriptive level, and the material is gathered from
the student's o w n environment.
A proposal w a s m a d e to begin with statistics, then to teach specific
techniques andfinallymethodology, but there was n o agreement concerning the precise level at which to start. It appeared preferable not to start
with methodology, although this might be a logical beginning. T h e same
conclusion was reached as a result of experience in Israel (in König's report
for Unesco). T h e question also arose h o w m u c h can be taught to the mass,
i.e. those w h o have n o prior experience in sociology. It was proposed that
teaching should start in the secondary schools in order to give pupils a
general idea of what social research is about. A clear distinction must be
m a d e here between the mastery of research techniques and a knowledge of
the aims and content of research. Only the latter kind of knowledge can be
taught at this early level. A t a very advanced level in the universities, once
the methodology stage is passed, different disciplines might be brought
together and an attempt m a d e to learn something from the other sciences
with respect to the methods used. This is, in fact, done in some places.
T h e discussion about the teaching of research methods and techniques
led to the following conclusions and recommendations which express the
opinion of the majority.
1. Introductory courses in statistics should deal with the following: (a) the
elements of statistical theory (students with an inadequate mathematical
background should receive some additional training); (b) the gathering
of statistical data; (c) the use and interpretation of data.
2. Statistical training should be given at an early stage, if possible during
thefirstyear of study. Active participation in research or observation at
an early stage would benefit the student.
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3. Before starting with the teaching and practice of more specific and elaborate techniques, adequate knowledge of society, social processes and
sociological theory should, if possible, be acquired.
4. T h e general methodology course (philosophy of science) should be taught
with specific relation to sociology, at a later stage of the curriculum.
5. It w a s generally accepted and corroborated by the experience of the
participants that teaching without practical research application of the
research techniques taught can be harmful to the students, because their
understanding of the techniques is conceptual and they do not k n o w
h o w to apply them in concrete research. It was therefore considered
necessary to combine the teaching of research techniques with practical
research.
6. There are different ways of giving the students research experiences:
(a) through individual research, a procedure which in most universities
can no longer be used owing to the great n u m b e r of students; (b) secondary analysis, which has some shortcomings, mainly in connexion with
the design of a study; (c) the class project, where the research project
in all its stages is worked out in the class—this procedure consumes m u c h
time, however. (The Detroit Area Study is a highly developed class
project) ; (d) the truncated class project, where some parts of the project
are omitted in order to be able to spend m o r e time o n analysis and interpretation; (e) participation in organized research, which might be
planned in co-operation with institutes outside the university. Participation can be arranged through the sociological department or by the
sociology professor. Such participation m a y include questionnaire
construction, interviewing, coding, tabulation.
7. Advanced students should, if possible, be trained in research institutes.
INSTITUTIONALIZATION A N D PROMOTION OF SOCIOLOGY
T h e discussion was introduced by Professor A . Pagani (Milan) in his paper
on factors promoting and resistances to the institutionalization of sociology.
Professor Pagani formulated an interpretative scheme containing elements
or conditions working in favour of or in opposition to the institutionalization
process. In agreement with R . K . Merton, he considers institutionalization
as an intermediate phase in the development of sociology, the preceding
phase being that of the search for intellectual legitimation, the succeeding
one being characterized by the re-establishment of co-operative relations
a m o n g the various social sciences. Institutionalization is understood as the
introduction of sociology into the university system and the creation of
research agencies. T h e degree of institutionalization can be measured by
the following variables.
T h e level of courses, a distinction being m a d e between elementary and
advanced levels.
Representation in different faculties. T h e gradual extension of sociology
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teaching to m a n y faculties (in s o m e countries it has become a c o m m o n
element in higher education) is certainly one of the most significant
indexes of the degree of institutionalization. T h e teaching of sociology in
faculties which traditionally are not devoted to the teaching of social
sciences must b e considered a n important phase in the process. T h e
degree of institutionalization m a y , of course, also be measured b y the
existence of faculties or departments called 'sociological'.
T h e status of sociology teachers. Structures in which the teaching of sociology is completely or mainly carried out by legally authorized professors
of sociology appear to be more institutionalized than those where sociology
teaching is through temporary appointments. Until recently in m a n y
countries sociology w a s taught b y professors trained in other subjects,
for example, economics, philosophy, law, and so on.
Ratios might be worked out comparing (a) the a m o u n t of sociological
teaching either with all subjects taught or with 'social' teaching, or (b) the
n u m b e r of students attending sociological courses with the total n u m b e r
of university students or the n u m b e r of those attending social sciences
courses. In this or some similar quantitative w a y it would be possible to
weigh the various structural situations.
A m o n g the conditions which Professor Pagani considers of first importance for the institutionalization of sociology, the following were mentioned.
Intellectual and academic resistances. Their influence will vary according
to status of the university system in the country. W h e r e the system has a
high status, the introduction of sociology will be determined less b y
external conditions but will depend almost wholly on academic factors.
W h e r e the status is low, favourable or unfavourable conditions will
directly influence the introduction of sociology.
Internal and external factors. External conditions in order to b e c o m e effective must work within the university structure itself. If internal conditions
in the university structure are strongly opposed to the favourable conditions of the external system, then the process of institutionalization will
naturally be handicapped. A high degree of social change is undoubtedly
very favourable to the process, provided that the general orientation of
change extends to the university body itself.
T h e position of social sciences in the university system. Another promoting
or inhibiting factor is the position held by other social sciences in the
university teaching. In general the chances for institutionalization of
sociology correspond to the degree of institutionalization reached by the
other social sciences. This hypothesis is not true if the introduction of
sociology is considered as a potential for the other social sciences.
T h e socio-political structure and general orientation of society. A favourable
attitude in society toward the rational solution of social problems creates
interest in the required instruments. T h u s sociology often tries to legitimise itself through its usefulness. T h e general attitude towards sociology
and the conviction of its usefulness is certainly the most important factor in
its institutionalization. This is especially true of the phases of social
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change in m a n y of the newly developing countries and it is equally true
of countries which are striving for political unity.
Finally, the greater the degree of self-government of the university the
greater the chance for institutionalization. This factor, however, is
dependent o n others such as social attitudes and general orientation.
T h u s , in a centralized social structure where the universities exercise
little or n o self-government there m a y nevertheless be greater chance
for institutionalization owing to the attitude in the political system.
W i t h respect to the resistances which sociology m a y face, the distinction
between external-internal conditions and the role of the intellectual in the
society, i.e. within and outside the university structure, were given particular emphasis. Countries where the universities have a sociological tradition
and a closed structure must be distinguished from those where the university structures are still open, for example Nigeria and other young nations.
A s concerns the status of the intellectual in society, it was pointed out that
his resistance can lead to a situation where sociology is introduced not in
the university but outside, as happened in Greece. But if the sociologist
wants to win the g a m e he must try to work in co-operation with the existing academic body rather than seek help from outside.
T h e factors which overcome resistance or which help to promote sociology in a country were discussed at some length. International congresses
or seminars, the establishment of advanced research institutes in countries
with little sociological development ( F L A C S O , in Santiago, Chile) or the
exchange of teachers and advanced students between countries having a
high or a relatively low degree of sociological development were considered
good means for promoting an institutionalization of sociology. T h e y help
define the role of the sociologist in a society and favourably influence the
view held of sociologists by other scientists. O f course, the needs and interests
of society at large also determine the status of sociology. In the United
States there was a great advance in social welfare in the late nineties of the
last century, mainly owing to the great mass immigration of that period and
problems arising in connexion with the position of the Negroes and as a
result of emancipation. This was a n important period for sociology and shows
that the development and institutionalization of sociology is not necessarily
a purely academic process.
T h e last paper, by A . Pearse (Bogotá), was of a m o r e descriptive illustrative nature, a n d outlined the formal structure and organization of the
National University in Colombia. T h e university is financed b y funds
from Unesco a n d the Fulbright and Ford foundations. T h e National
University was formed during the thirties o n the basis of populism, as a
liberal step in a society which had a somewhat conservative and authoritarian political system.
Political life penetrates very deeply into the life of the university. T h e
catedratico's position is very powerful, he is the 'big boss', but is badly paid.
His powerful position and his great distance from the students are c o m p e n sations for his low economic status. Outside their university duties, most of
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them are lawyers, physicians, etc. Full-time professors have a h u m d r u m
position, they remain for security reasons and d o not participate in the
social life of the city. T h e inadequate salaries d o not attract qualified professors; only young people and few upper-class students attend the university.
T h e authorities have no power in the university and there is n o effective
autonomy in the university social system. T h e real decisions are m a d e by
the twenty-two deans w h o have n o c o m m o n basis for arriving at agreement.
T h e university exists because populism gave rise to values contrary to those
usually accepted, but the basic conditions for operating such a system
do not exist. Peer institutions have no means of communication. T h e idea
of arriving at agreement by a consensus of opinion is not accepted; agreement is always reached by a show of power. It is c o m m o n for groups within
the faculties to appeal to the students to take action and to hold d e m o n strations in order to give them a basis for carrying out their public policies
or n e w decisions. This pattern of operation is found in the very texture of
m a n y Latin American societies, where the individual is expected to use
authority so as to achieve his immediate ends. N o effective control, n o
established procedure for determining consensus exists.
T h e discussion then centred o n the resistances faced by Colombia, and
obviously also by other Latin American countries. Professors Pearse and
Germani pointed out that there is no real resistance toward sociology in
these countries as societies—sociology is seen as a science of action which is
capable of handling a large n u m b e r of people—but there are n o channels
for institutionalization. T h e resistances are rather inside the universities.
In most universities of Argentina the place of sociology is lower than it
ought to be. Professor Germani stated and expressed the wish that sociology
should develop m o r e adequate functional relationships with other international groups and other disciplines, while remaining free from governmental
or academic interference. H e proposed the establishment of separate
departments of sociology, psychology, and anthropology, so as to m a k e
sociology independent of philosophy or otherfields.Through such departments within a larger faculty of social sciences he hopes that greater autonom y might be w o n and present resistances and obstacles overcome. Thus a
phase of disintegration seems necessary in Latin America before integration
can take place.
T h e discussion then turned to the question whether to separate teaching
and research or whether the teacher of sociology should combine both. It
was considered dangerous to m a k e a clear-cut division of labour between
the two 'professions' of research and teaching, as there is a strong tendency
to do in France, for example. It was generally agreed that teaching had to
be connected with research and that the custom of m a n y professors of
leaving the teaching to assistants while they attended to research ought to
be discouraged. Professors ought, and also can, d o both. There was some
discussion about the alternative of the rank andfileteacher and gelehrter
which led to no conclusions. Based on experience in the United States Selvin
reported that w h e n doing research m a n y teachers try to carry on at least one
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course or seminar in order to get ideas for sharpening their research
instruments. T h e results of this interaction between teaching and research
are often quite good.
T h e participants agreed upon the following recommendations,
i. In order to promote sociology in countries with little or no tradition
• of sociology it was proposed to hold congresses and international seminars
in these countries. Exchange of teachers and students would also be
desirable.
2. Research projects which are organized or financed b y institutions outside
a country should be based on the special needs of the host country, as
defined by the sociologists ofthat country. Concepts and methods should
be adapted to the conditions in the country. A m o r e positive form of
aid would be the financing of teachers and researchers to undertake
teaching or research in newly-developing centres, adapting the projects
to the local needs.
3. Sociologists should remain aware of the benefits to be derived from
contact with neighbouring disciplines.
4. Sociology should be advanced only through nominating sociologically
educated scientists or those with a commitment to sociology.
5. T h e participants are in favour of the establishment of a learned society
of scholars in newly developing countries which can help to promote
sociology through a clearer definition of the status and role of the sociologist in society.
6. T h e establishment of autonomous or semi-autonomous departments
which are free in their decision with regard to the planning of the
teaching p r o g r a m m e should be favoured. It is thought in this w a y to
become independent from philosophical or other faculties in which
sociology would only be a smaller part.
7. T h e combination of teaching and research is generally considered as
being of great importance for the teacher himself and for the advancement of sociology as a science. T h e load should not be so great that only
one kind of activity can be carried out. Sabbatical years and the setting
u p of research institutes in connexion with the departments of sociology
would be good solutions.
LATIN AMERICAN CENTER FOR RESEARCH
IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
Avenida Pasteur 431, Praia Vermalha, Rio de Janeiro
Programme for 1963-64
T h e current programme for 1963-64 was studied and put intofinalshape by the
Research Board, in conformity with the centre's new line of even more dynamic
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activity, and was approved b y the Governing Board at its sixth session (Mexico
City, August 1962).
A n approach is to be m a d e to Unesco's Department of Social Sciences to ensure
that the latter's Latin American p r o g r a m m e activities are not undertaken without
contact having been m a d e with the centre or with the institutions a n d specialists
nominated by it. In addition, the directorate of the centre will jointly examine,
with the department, the possibility of co-operation in developing specific activities
in the field of documentation, publications and the alignment of research. T h e
staff of the centre (director, secretary-general, directors of projects a n d Unesco
experts) will be required to co-ordinate the tasks assigned to the national teams,
and steps will be taken, in that connexion, to enable the directors of projects to
select experts locally and, if necessary, to observe work in progress.
Research and study activities
T h e centre is to conduct research o n specific subjects in accordance with the following general principles: (a) a central theme of recognized importance for the development of Latin America will be selected for more detailed study; (b) an extensive plan
of co-operation will ensure that research workers and national research institutions
are co-ordinated around it; (c) the programming of the research will be permanently
related to the central theme in one w a y or another so as to avoid dispersal of effort
and of technical andfinancialresources.
T h e central theme chosen, to be studied according to these principles, is 'Agrarian and urban structures in Latin America', the choice being based o n the scope
of the subject, the acuteness and general implications of the agrarian question in all
the Latin American countries, and its repercussions o n the development process
and its tie-up with industrialization.
At the same time, Latin America is today the scene of a n u m b e r of experiments
in agrarian reform proceeding parallel to the development of urbanization, the two
being m o r e or less interrelated. As far as the former—agrarian reform—is concerned,
no attempt has hitherto been m a d e to prepare a general analysis of agrarian structures whose conclusions could be submitted to executive bodies. Problems resulting from the disintegration or transformation of agrarian structures are at present
arising in almost all the Latin American countries, which thus provide a splendid
field of study for the sociologist. In s o m e cases, the very immobilisai of the structure,
the inertia of social institutions in the countryside, affects national life and is a
threat to national survival. In other cases, revolutionary changes are causing an
excessively rapid breakdown of traditional behaviour patterns. Between these
extremes, there is a very wide range of situations depending on the degree of industrialization and urbanization of each individual country. A s a result, there are
problems which arise in the urban areas also.
T h e analysis of agrarian and urban structures will have to be combined with
studies of the repercussions and implications of the changes in each case, so as
to help forward the process of economic and social development in Latin America.
T o achieve that objective, the centre will seek the collaboration of specialists in
sociology, anthropology, economics, demography, social psychology, geography
and political science, whose task it will be to supervise and encourage current work
in close liaison with the institutions a n d experts of the region. This broad framework
will include the following general projects.
1. Studies of social structures, with research into the process of stratification and
social mobility in urban and rural societies and an examination of the effects of
their transformation o n social institutions.
2. Studies of agrarian structures, with an examination of the social and economic
aspects characteristic of the various types of farms, agricultural systems and farming and production methods and rural labour organization, and the relationship
between these problems and the processes of urbanization and industrialization.
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3. Studies of urban structures, with an examination of the conditions governing
the processes of urbanization and industrialization, with particular emphasis
o n their social, economic and cultural implications, a n d of the relationship
between urban and agrarian structures.
4 . Studies of the role of education, its possibilities and requirements, the lack of
educational institutions, the problem of m a n p o w e r in the Latin American
countries from the standpoint of economic development, the profitability of
investments in education, and the role of science and technology in the economic
and social development of the region.
5. Studies concerning the characterization and delimitation of cultural areas;
original culture of each country or region, and its variations; forms of primitive
occupation; evolution and transformations of the original groups.
6. Studies of the aspirations and attitudes of the populations, especially as regards
the youth and other social or professional groups in face of structural changes and
living conditions a m o n g indigenous groups; study of the contacts, integration
process and disintegration of the tribes, of their participation in the social life of
the nation, and of the impact on them of changes in agrarian structures, urbanization and industrialization.
7. Studies of the different racial groups, showing the mechanism of the relationships
established, the attitudes adopted, a n d the shocks suffered during the process of
contact, changes in agrarian structures, urbanization and industrialization.
T h e centre is to provide technical and economic assistance for conducting a pilot
study o n the equilibrium of economic and social development in Uruguay, to be
m a d e by the Montevideo Social Sciences Institute with Unesco's collaboration.
This study will serve as the basis for a project which other countries of the region
will be able to m a k e use of, and the centre will do its utmost to promote its development.
Each item of research will be undertaken o n the basis of a specific project duly
studied by the Research Board and in accordance with the recommendations set
forth in Part II of the centre's research plan, depending o n thefinancialresources
available.
A system of priorities is to be established, giving absolute priority to themes (1),
(2), (3) and so on, always in relation to the central theme. H o w e v e r , the selection of
these themes will not imply any restriction on the centre's efforts as regards obtaining
the help of other institutions or bodies in carrying out its p r o g r a m m e .
T h e centre will m a k e a comparative analysis of the research on social stratification and social mobility carried out in Montevideo, Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro
and Santiago de Chile. T h e research will be extended to Mexico City (in collaboration with the School of Political and Social Sciences of the National Autonomous
University of Mexico) a n d to other Latin American cities.
T h e staff of the centre will also examine the possibility of making a study of the
integration of the indigenous populations of Guatemala, in collaboration with the
Central American University Institute for Economic and Social Research, using
the resources which the latter can offer.
Documentation and publications
T h e centre will pursue its documentation and publications activities with the following aims in view.
1. Expansion of the documentation service by installing suitable equipment and
improving its various departments (library, bibliography, information and
publications).
2. Survey of teaching and research institutions, of current activities for the establishment of card indexes and registers at the various establishments; of specialized staff; and of completed or current research.
3. Elaboration of the study of the social situation in Latin America, based on the
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documentary material available and recorded, and including, if possible, an
enlargement of the existing chapters and the inclusion of n e w ones.
4. Intensification of publication activities b y the dissemination of completed
studies, the enlargement of the indexes of the 'Review of periodicals' by means
of abstracts, and the preparation of special bibliographies.
5. Improvement of the Bulletin by increasing the n u m b e r of collaborators and enlarging the information section so as to transform it into a m o r e effective instrument
for co-operation and contact between sociologists of the region.
6. Analysis of current research in the social sciences, and preparation of historical
and critical studies on the methodology used, with particular emphasis on the
problem of classification, interpretation and the efforts to standardize and m a k e
use of the data provided by the social surveys already m a d e .
In addition to these activities, the centre is engaged in preparing annotated bibliographies on subjects of Latin American interest. T h e necessary steps have already
been taken for the preparation b y specialists of three studies on the bibliographical
sources of rural sociology in Brazil, Venezuela and Central America. It is proposed
to undertake similar work later on other subjects in the field of social sciences.
Research fellowships for new graduates
T h e centre will encourage research work by n e w social science graduates:
1. B y drawing u p plans for awarding fellowships to social science graduates so that
they can undertakefieldresearch on a subject bearing on the central theme of the
p r o g r a m m e in relation to economic a n d social development in the various
countries.
2. B y applying the following general rules in programming the project: (a) T h e
Governing Board will annually set the figure for the n u m b e r of fellowships
for the following year and for the centre's financial contribution; (b) One-third of
the fellowships will be awarded to F L A C S O graduates by priority, subject to
their research plans being accepted; (c) Apart from the resources envisaged in
the centre's budget, agreements m a y be m a d e with public or private institutions
for obtaining finance for a larger n u m b e r of fellowships; (d) T h e fellowship
p r o g r a m m e will be communicated to F L A C S O , E C L A , universities and research
institutes in Latin America, etc.; (e) Standard application forms prepared by the
centre will be issued to the persons concerned; (f ) A detailed plan forfieldresearch,
the subject of which must fit in with the centre's work programmes and relate to
the economic and social development of a Latin American country, will be
submitted b y the candidate together with the completed application form;
(g) A working group consisting of the staff of the centre, a m e m b e r of the Governing Board and a representative of F L A C S O , will m a k e a preliminary selection
of the forms, according to the information obtained and the work plans received,
and will draw u p a list of candidates; (h) O n c e the selection has been m a d e , the
potential fellowship-holders will be called for personal interviews with the director
and other m e m b e r s of the staff of the centre; (i) T h e final selection will then be
m a d e and the contracts signed.
3. B y establishing contact with international, regional, national or private scientific institutions in order to enlist their technical and financial collaboration
in executing and expanding the fellowship p r o g r a m m e .
Scientific meetings
T h e centre's participation in scientific meetings—congresses, conferences, seminars,
round tables, etc.—to which it is invited will depend on h o w far the directorate and
the research council deem it useful. Special attention will be paid to scientific meetings organized b y Unesco and b y international, regional or national bodies, or
by regional and national institutions whose aims and activities have a bearing on
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the centre's o w n p r o g r a m m e . Such co-operation will be mainly technical (presentation of studies, etc. and participation b y staff members) and financial (depending
o n the possibilities of the centre's annual budget).
In line with a suggestion by the Directorate of the School of Political and Social
Sciences of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, the centre will seek
the co-operation of Latin American institutions in organizing a scientific meeting of
sociologists of the region in 1963 for the purpose of: (a) exchanging views on current
research programmes; (b) studying the possibilities of co-ordinating those prog r a m m e s with that of the centre, with a view to co-operation o n the regional level;
(c) setting u p a system of exchange of documentation, information and experience
concerning current or completed programmes and the preparation of n e w projects.
THE BARCELONA INSTITUTE
OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
Calle del C a r m e n 4 7 , Barcelona
U n d e r its constitution, the institute is responsible for promoting and developing the
various branches of social science, bringing out publications, and collaborating with
other Spanish and foreign institutions pursuing similar activities. T h e institute has a
governing board consisting of the President of the Provincial Council, the Chairman
of the Education Committee, the Secretary-General of the Provincial Council and
the Director of the Institute.
T h e Institute of Social Sciences has just launched its work with the organization
of a series of lectures on 'Social problems of the present-day world', at one of which
the chair w a s taken b y H . E . M r . M a n u e l Fraga Iribarne, the Minister of Information.
Preparations are being m a d e for the publication, early in the year, of the first
issue of the Revista del Instituto de Ciencias Sociales (Journal of the Institute of Social
Sciences), which will include articles on: 'Atheism as a social phenomenon', b y
Professor Adolfo M u ñ o s Alonso of the University of Madrid; ' T h e middle class and
civil legislation', by Professor M a n u e l Batlle, Rector of the University of Murcia;
'Contemporary Spanish-American polities', by Professor Jaime Delgado of the
University of Barcelona; 'Bureaucracy and present-day society', b y Professor
Salustiano del C a m p o of the University of Barcelona; etc.
T h e institute is making preparation, for next June, for the First International
Press W e e k , probably to be held at Lloret de M a r (Costa Brava) from 3 to 9 June,
to which any professors a n d experts wishing to contribute papers or reports on the
press will be invited. A n y o n e wishing to take part m a y apply to the secretariat of
the Institute of Social Sciences, Calle del C a r m e n 47, Barcelona.
T h e director of the institute is M r . Jorge Xifra Heras, formerly Professor of
Political L a w at the University of Barcelona, a m e m b e r of the Institute of Political
Studies, and the author of a large n u m b e r of books: Curso de Derecho Constitucional
(Course in constitutional law), Formas y Fuerzas políticas (Political forms and forces),
Instituciones y sistemas políticos (Political institutions and systems), etc.
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CANADIAN PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE
341 Bloor St. West, Toronto, Ontario
A scientific institute to conduct research into the causes and prevention of war was
established in Canada in 1962, with a full-time staff of physical and social scientists.
It has been incorporated as a non-political and non-governmental body for objective
study and is headed by internationally k n o w n scientists and humanitarians w h o
are convinced that science, which aided mankind to forge the instruments of war,
can aid the development of a world at peace.
T h e directors include D r . Brock Chisholm, former Director-General of the World
Health Organization; D r . H u g h L . Keenleyside, former Director-General of the
United Nations Technical Assistance Administration; D r . Franc R . Joubin/geologist
and world authority on uranium mining; and Gerard Pelletier, editor of La Presse,
the largest French newspaper in North America.
T h e venture was proposed by D r . N o r m a n Alcock, a nuclear physicist of Oakville,
Ontario, w h o three years ago abandoned a career in industrial research to arouse
public interest in the need for research for peace. T h e directors of the institute hope
that the formation of the Canadian Peace Research Institute will inspire people of
other countries to establish similar peace research centres in their o w n countries
for the exchange and mutual use of scientific data in working towards the prevention
of nuclear war.
T h e programme calls for establishment of both the Canadian Peace Research
Institute and an international peace research fund—the latter to give tangible
encouragement to the establishment of institutes in as m a n y countries as possible.
T h e directors plan to have twenty-five full-time scientists working at the Canadian
Institute in 1963, and they hope that one thousand scientists will be engaged on war
elimination research in institutes in m a n y nations by 1965.
' W e go on preparing for war with billions of dollars, while w e appropriate pennies for peace research', Alcock says. ' W h e n m a n has faced other problems and wanted a solution, he has put intensive effort, m o n e y and minds into research; and he
usually found answers. For example, consider the effort which went into conquering
polio, making atomic hand hydrogen b o m b s , improving labour-management relations. Organized intellectual effort—scientific research—applied to peace and war,
could also help us find solutions.'
In his blueprint for scientific peace research, The Bridge of Reason, which sold
20,000 copies in recent months, Dr. Alcock proposed that the institutes be independent of their national governments and of each other, but stressed that they must
have the confidence and support of their governments if findings are to be implemented. H e recommends that no classified data be used so that all findings can be
freely communicated between institutes, national governments and the United
Nations.
T h e Canadian institute and the international fund are seeking two milliondollars
from the Canadian public and plan to ask similar support from the Canadian Government over the next four years. A quarter of a million dollars has been subscribed
already by some twenty-two thousand Canadian citizens and committees have
been formed in cities across the country to raise the remainder of the public contribution. It is planned to locate the institute on a university campus site. At present
the offices of the institute are at 341 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario.
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LABORATORY OF PERSONALITY ASSESSMENT
AND GROUP BEHAVIOR
Psychology Department, 907 South Sixth Street, C h a m p a i g n , University of Illinois,
U r b a n a , Illinois
T h e laboratory staff consists of two research professors and four research associates,
plus graduate student assistants and clerical help trained in electronic computer
work. T h e research associates are frequently faculty from universities abroad w h o
c o m e for a year or so to work on projects and to study techniques. T h e incumbents
during 1960-62 are as follows: R a y m o n d B . Gattell, Permanent Director, Research
Professor in Psychology; Arthur B . Sweney, Research Assistant Professor in Psychology; A k e Bjerstedt, Visiting Assistant Professor, University of L u n d , Sweden;
J o h n Hundleby, Research Associate in Psychology; Kurt Pawlik, Research Associate on leave from University of Vienna, Austria; Bien Tsujioka, Research Associate
on leave from Kansai University, Japan.
Organization. T h e central core of staff is provided by the University of Illinois,
in connexion with the distinguished research professorship position; but over the
past sixteen years two or three simultaneous research projects, each endowed for
three or more years, have supported the research associates, some graduate assistants and additional clerical staff.
T h e laboratory thus concentrates on research, but also performs an important
teaching function at the graduate level of the psychology department. It directs
theses and provides an apprenticeship for graduate assistants in complex techniques
and research arts in actual operation.
Research areas. T h e special emphasis of the laboratory m a y be described broadly
as the application and development of multivariate experimental designs to investigating the behaviour of individuals and the interaction of individuals. It aims
especially at the use of factor analysis to discover those influences and concepts with
which bivariate experiment might wish to deal, but which are not discoverable
without the application of m o r e powerful analytical methods to the multivariate
phenomena of behavioural science. T h e following are some of the main areas in
which a dozen or more published contributions have been m a d e in the last twenty
years.
The description and measurement of personality. Systematically interlocking factor
analytic studies o n ratings, questionnaire responses and objective, miniature situational performance tests of personality have resulted in the confirmation of some
twenty personality structures. These correspond in some cases to clinical concepts,
e.g., ego and super ego strength, schizothymia of temperament, and in others are
entirely n e w concepts.
Practical measures for these have recently been provided in the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire, the I P A T Anxiety Scale, the Objective Analytic
Personality Battery, etc. T h e stability and meaning of the factors have been tested
and found adequate across ages and across cultures. Consequently, batteries for the
same factors have recently been developed ranging from 4 to 17 years, and have been
standardized in Australia, France, Italy, Japan, India, and elsewhere. O n e dimension, general ability, has been especially examined in the light of Culture-Fair
Intelligence tests, n o w internationally standardized.
Motivation and personality dynamics. Encouraged b y the stability found in general
personality traits and their measurements, the laboratory has applied factor analytic
methods to motivational and clinical phenomena, discovering the n u m b e r and nature of drive patterns and of c o m m o n acquired dynamic structures. T h e basic data
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has not been the older 'opinionnaire' scoring of attitudes a n d interests, but newer,
objective, indirect devices. A motivational analysis test for ten factors by objective
tests is n o w in use for the study of dynamic adjustments a n d conflict.
Group dynamics. This work w a sfirstdirected to finding the dimensions by which
small groups are most functionally described (R. B . Cattell and G . F . Stice, The
Dimensions of Groups, 1959). It proceeded to develop a mathematical model to relate
personality and role (including leadership) to group dimensions. Statistically significant relations have been found b y the use of this model in conjunction with the
above system of personality measurement and the batteries of group performance
variables to measure the dimensions of individual groups.
Culture pattern analysis. This w o r k has been directed to making the concept of
culture pattern a mathematical reality in theoretical generalizations which can be
tested. Both cross-sectional (R-technique) a n d longitudinal (P-technique) factorings have been m a d e of about a hundred social, economic, psychological and
vital statistics for s o m e seventy nations, resulting in the representation of each
nation as a twelve-dimensional profile pattern. Cultural groupings have then been
discovered by the pattern similarity coefficient. H o w e v e r , the chief interest lies in
the analysis of the dynamics of large groups which is thereby achieved, a n d the
predictions of group behaviour obtainable from the syntality and synergy concepts.
Methodological developments in multivariate design. These concern steps to define
simple structure, the number of factors, and various significance tests essential to
factor analysis. T h e pattern similarity coefficient and other devices necessary to
pattern, role and group analysis in social science have also been developed. Several
of these developments have led to the construction of electronic computer prog r a m m e s , at present available only on ILLIAC at the University of Illinois, for
analytical rotation, pattern analysis, determination of sociometric groupings, etc.
Publications. T h e principal books resulting from the work of the laboratory in the last
six years were: Personality and Motivation Structure and Measurement b y R . B . Cattell
(Harcourt, Brace and World, 1957) ; The Dimensions of Groups by R . B . Cattell and
G . F . Stice (Illinois, I P A T , C h a m p a i g n , 1959); The Meaning and Measurement of
Neuroticism and Anxiety by R . B . Cattell and I. H . Scheier (Ronald Press, 1961),
and n o w in the press, Theory and Compendium of Objective Personality Tests by F . W .
Warburton and R . B . Cattell (University of Illinois Press).
T h e standardized tests (Sixteen Personality Factor, Culture-Fair Intelligence
Tests, Anxiety Scale, Motivational Analysis Test, etc.) built on the above basic
research are published by the Institute for Personality and Ability Testing, 1602
Coronado Drive, Champaign, Illinois.
T h e work o n culture patterns has not yet been published in book form but
only in the form of articles; thefirst,'Dimensions of culture patterns by factoring
national characters', appeared in the Journal of Abnormal (and Social) Psychology,
1949, and an article is n o w in press on 'Theoretical and measurement specification
of the dimension of national morale', by R . B . Cattell and R . L . Gorsuch.
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IL REVIEWS OF DOCUMENTS AND BOOKS
DOCUMENTS AND PUBLICATIONS
OF THE UNITED NATIONS
AND SPECIALIZED AGENCIES1
I. U N I T E D
NATIONS
G E N E R A L ASSEMBLY
INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES OF AN ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN NATURE
Report of the Economic and Social Council, 5 August 1961 to 3 August igßs. 1962, 108 p . ,
$1.50. (A/5203)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] 2 Survey of the economic, social and humanitarian activities of the
United Nations a n d the Specialized Agencies. In particular, chapters o n the United
Nations Development Decade, economic a n d social consequences of disarmament,
world economic trends, economic development of the underdeveloped countries,
technical co-operation programmes, activities of the regional economic missions,
h u m a n rights.
DECENTRALIZATION
Decentralization of the economic and social activities of the United Nations and strengthen
of the regional economic commissions. October 1962, 18 p . (A/5196)
[Pr. Org.] Statement of the United Nations Secretariat's views on the decentralization of the Organization's economic and social activities: decentralization measures
should be primarily directed towards strengthening those activities. Desirability of
apportioning tasks between the Secretariat and the regional commissions.
PROHIBITION OF ATOMIC WEAPONS
Question of convening a conference for the purpose of signing a convention on the prohibition
the use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons. August 1962, 89 p . (A/5174)
[Ej. Pr. D p . ] Replies b yfifty-eightgovernments: twenty-nine are in favour of the
proposed conference, twenty-six expressed a negative opinion, three prefer to await
results of the Conference of the Eighteen-Power Committee o n disarmament before
voicing an opinion. A n a d d e n d u m contains replies from two further governments
(A/5174/ADD.1).
1. A s a general rule n o mention is m a d e of publications and documents which are
issued m o r e or less automatically—regular administrative reports, minutes
of meetings etc. Free translations have been given of the titles of s o m e publications
and documents which w e were unable to obtain in time in English. T h e titles
thus translated are indicated b y an asterisk (*) in the margin.
2. For explanation of abbreviations, see page 304.
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A N D PUBLICATIONS
RADIATION
Report of the United Nations Scientific Committee on the effects of atomic radiation. 1962,
442 p . , $5. (A/5216)
[Ej. Pr. St. D p . Bl.] T h e object of this major report is to s u m u p present knowledge
concerning the effects of radiation on m a n a n d his environment, and to pinpoint
thefieldsin which research is urgently necessary. A statement of the basic concepts
(in physics, biology and radiobiology) essential for an understanding of the subjects
dealt with is followed by chapters concerning the effects of radiation o n the individual and his descendants; the irradiation doses to which the h u m a n population is at
present exposed, and the doses which can be expected in the future; various sources
of radiation; and the Committee's conclusions.
EMERGENCY FORCE
The United Nations Emergency Force. August 1962, 24 p . (A/5172)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] T h e Force is that installed on the frontier between Israel and the
United A r a b Republic. This report of the Secretary-General describes develcpments concerning the Force since 31 August 1961 (organization, activities, incidents
consequent on those activities, presentfinancialarrangements, budgetary estimates).
United Nations Emergency Force. Cost estimates for the maintenance of the Force, 1 January
to 31 December 1963. September 1962, 51 p . (A/5187)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] Anticipated cost of the Force in the Gaza area, along the Sinai frontier
and on the western shores of the Gulf of Akaba, for a body consisting of 5,100 officers
and m e n .
INTERNATIONAL LAW
Yearbook of the International Law Commission, 1961. V o l . II. 1962, 174 p . , $1.50. ( A / C N .
4 / S E R . A / 1961 / A D D . 1 )
[Pr. Org.] This volume contains the working documents used b y the Commission
at its thirteenth session ( M a y to July 1961) a n d its report to the United Nations,
General Assembly o n that session. T h e main documents in this collection concern
international responsibility, consular immunities and co-operation with the AfroAsian-African Legal Consultative Committee and other international juridical bodies.
CONSULAR INTERCOURSE
Consular relations. August 1962, 105 p . (A/5171)
[Ej. Pr. D p . ] This document contains comments by nineteen governments on the
draft articles on consular relations adopted by the International L a w Commission
at its thirteenth session in 1961. A number of replies received later are given in
addenda (A/5171/ADD.1 A N D 2)
International Law Commission: Future work in thefieldof the codification and progressive
development of international law. M a r c h 1962, 4 8 p . (A/cN.4/145)
[Ej. Pr. S c ] This document was prepared on the basis of the replies from governments concerning topics suitable for codification b y the International L a w C o m m i s sion. T h e question of peaceful coexistence was not included. T h e document classifies and analyses, according to subject, the views expressed in the government replies
on the topics enumerated in the list compiled b y the Commission in 1949: recognition of States and governments, succession, jurisdictional immunities of States and
their property, legal status of aliens, right of asylum or political refuge, pacific settlement of disputes, law of war and neutrality, fundamental rights and duties of States.
Part II consists of a study of the possibility of codifying n e w topics: h u m a n rights and
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defence of democracy, independence and sovereignty of States, enforcement of
international law, utilization of international rivers, and economic and trade
relations.
Report of the International Law Commission covering the work of its 14th session, 24 Apr
to eg June ig6s. July 1962, 93 p . (A/cN.4/148)
[Ej. Pr.] W o r k of the session. Text of twenty-nine draft articles on the conclusion,
entry into force and ratification of treaties, with commentaries. P r o g r a m m e of
work for future years. Organization of the next session.
ADMINISTRATIVE TRIBUNAL
United Nations Administrative Tribunal. Statutes and rules. Provisions in force with e
from 1 November ig6s. 1962, 16 p. $0.25. ( A T / I I / R E V . 2)
[Pr.] Organization and functions of the Tribunal. Types of appeals.
Judgements of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal. N o s . 1-70. 1950-57. 1962,
38 p . $0.50 ( A T / D E C / 1 to 7 0 / A D D . )
[Ej. Pr. O r g . Bl.] Statutes and rules of the Tribunal. S u m m a r y notes of Judgements.
Bibliography.
POLITICAL RIGHTS OF W O M E N
Constitutions, electoral laws and other legal instruments relating to the political ri
women. August 1962, 58 p . , including annexes (A/5153)
[Ej. Pr. D p . ] N e w provisions (constitutions, laws) adopted in various countries o n
the subject of the political rights of w o m e n : right to vote, right of election.
REFUGEES
Report of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees. 1962, 37 p . , $0.50.
(A/5211/REV.1)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . D p . St.] Covers the period 1 April 1961 to 31 M a r c h 1962. Describes
the efforts m a d e to improve the position and legal status of the 1,300,000 refugees
coming under the office of the High Commissioner, and discusses the problems
raised b y the non-established old refugees a n d by the n e w groups of refugees.
Report on assistance to refugees from Algeria in Morocco and Tunisia. Implementation of
general assembly resolutions 1286 (XII), 138g (XIV), 1500 (XV) and 1672 (XVI).
M a y 1962, 15 p. (A/AC.96/160)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] S u m m a r y of activities during the period 1 M a y 1962 to
30 April 1962. Information concerning the operations conducted jointly with the
League of R e d Cross Societies. Statement offinancialresources, stocks and supplies.
STATISTICS A N D GENETIC STUDIES
The use of vital and health statistics for genetic and radiation studies. Proceedings
Seminar sponsored by the United Nations and the World Health Organization (Geneva,
5 to g September ig6d). i960, 259 p . $7.50. ( A / A C . 8 2 / S E M I N A R )
[Ej. Pr. Sc. St. D p . ] Report of the proceedings of this meeting of experts, the
purpose of which was to frame practical proposals for the use of vital and health
statistics for a closer study of questions of h u m a n genetics and particularly of those
resulting from increased radiation.
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INVESTMENT TRENDS
Internationalflowof long-term capital and official donations, ig^g-igSi. October 1962,
87 p . (A/5195)
[ D p . Ej. Pr. St.] These p h e n o m e n a are studied from the standpoint of the economic growth of the underdeveloped countries. Part I deals with the flow of capital
(public or private) from the developed to the underdeveloped countries, a n d is
followed b y separate analysis of the international economic aid given b y the
countries with planned economies a n d of contributions in the form of private
capital.
DECOLONIZATION
Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the
Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (covering
the period from so February igßs to ig September ig6s). October 1952, 550 p .
(A/5238)
[ D p . Ej. Pr. O r g . ] T h e report begins b y recalling the circumstances in which the
Special Committee w a s set u p , a n d describes its organization and methods of
work. T h e n comes information o n developments in all those countries where
problems of decolonization arise.
NON-SELF-GOVERNING TERRITORIES
Preparation and training of indigenous civil and technical cadres in non-self-governing territories. August 1962, 41 p . (A/4851)
[ D p . Ej. Pr. St.] In addition to programmatic statements concerning the preparation and training of civil and technical cadres in these territories, this document
gives a brief description of the present situation; training facilities available to civil
cadres, specialists in the medical branches, teaching staff and technicians; present
figures and origins of the officials serving in the non-self-governing territories.
Offers by Member States of study and training facilities for inhabitants of non-self-governing
territories. September 1961, 19 p . , including annex (A/4862)
[Ej. Pr. St. D p . ] Problems involved in the effective use of the study grants offered
by M e m b e r States. Progress in the implementation of the resolutions adopted by
the General Assembly o n the subject. Particulars of the fellowships at present
available to students from non-self-governing territories.
Racial discrimination in non-self-governing territories. October 1962, 28 p . (A/5249)
[Ej. Pr. D p . O r g . ] T h efirstpart of this report summarizes the measures adopted for
the dissemination in non-self-governing territories of documentation reflecting the
attitude of the United Nations towards racial discrimination. T h e second part gives
data on the present situation in those territories, and o n the methods used to change
that situation so as to eliminate racial discrimination.
SOUTH WEST AFRICA, SOUTH AFRICA
United Nations Special Committee for South West Africa. Report of the Chairman and
Vice-Chairman on their visit to South Africa and South West Africa. July 1962, 23 p .
(A/AC.IIO/2)
[Ej. Pr.] T h e representatives of the Committee report on their interviews with the
H e a d of the Government of South Africa in 1962, on their visit to the territory of
South West Africa, and o n their contacts with representatives of the local population. Their conclusion is that apartheid is and remains completely contrary to the
principles of law.
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TERRITORIES U N D E R PORTUGUESE ADMINISTRATION
Report of the Special Committee on Territories under Portuguese Administration. August
1962, 149 p . (A/5160)
[Ej. Pr.] This report covers the territories of C a p e Verde archipelago, Portuguese
Guinea, the islands of S. T h o m e and Principe, Angola, M o z a m b i q u e , M a c a o
and Timor. Not having received authorization b y the Portuguese Government to
visit these territories, the Committee h a d to receive the petitioners in other countries and to m a k e use of other documents as a basis for its report, which recapitulates
the development of the situation u p to the date of preparation and presents -various
recommendations.
TRUSTEESHIP C O U N C I L
Report of the Trusteeship Council, so July ig6i to so July ig6s. 1962, 47 p . , $0.75.
[Ej. Pr. O r g . D p . ] W o r k of the Council during the period under review. Special
chapters on the N e w Guinea situation, on Nautu and on the changes in the status of
Ruanda-Urundi.
United Nations Visiting Mission to the Trust Territories of Nauru and New Guinea, ig6s.
Report on Nauru. June 1962, 40 p . (T/1595)
[Ej. St.] Description of the economic, social, political and cultural situation of the
N a u r u population. Problem of the latter's removal to another island consequent
on the exhaustion of the phosphate mines.
Annexes to the reports of the United Nations Visiting Commission to the Trust Territories
of Nauru and New Guinea, rg6s. J u n e 1962, 36 p. (T/1595/ADD.1)
[Ej. Pr.] These annexes relate to N a u r u , and contain additional data on the question
of the removal of the population, on the territory's development towards independence, and on the positions occupied b y m e m b e r s of the indigenous population in
the local administrations.
Report of the United Nations Visiting Mission to the Trust Territories of Northern New
Guinea, ig6s. Report on New Guinea. J u n e 1962, 104 p . (T/1597)
[Ej. St.] In addition to the regular basic data on the development of the economic,
social, political and cultural situation in each territory, the report discusses such
questions as the creation of a representative parliament, the relations between N e w
Guinea, Australian Papua and the neighbouring countries, the so-called 'cargo
cult' incidents, laws against discrimination, etc.
E C O N O M I C A N D SOCIAL C O U N C I L
International activities of an economic, social and humanitarian nature. Consolidated w
programme in the economic, social and human rightsfield.J u n e 1962, 52 p . (E/3651)
[Ej. Pr. Org.] S u m m a r y details concerning the various programmes, grouped under
the following heading: statistics, review and analysis of economic and social trends;
international trade and investment; general aspects of economic development;
population trends and policies; resources development; rural and community development; housing and urbanization;financialpolicies and practices; transport and
communications; public administration; other social projects; h u m a n rights; narcotic drugs.
Observations on the United Nations work programme in the economic, social and human rights
fields. June 1962, 54 p . (E/3657)
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[Ej. Pr. Org.] C o m m e n t s on the programmes n o w being implemented in the various
fields listed in the preceding documents.
DISARMAMENT
Economic and social consequences of disarmament. July 1962, 6 p . (E/3593/ADD.4)
[Org. Ej. Pr.] This fourth a d d e n d u m contains a communication from the International Labour Office concerning the overriding social factors which favour disarmament, and the role which I L O would be called upon to play in the event of
international agreement on the subject.
DECENTRALIZATION
Decentralization of the economic and social activities of the United Nathns and strengthening
of the regional economic commissions. June 1962, 26 p . , including annex (E/3643)
[Ej. Pr. Org.] This report describes the n e w arrangements m a d e or envisaged to
promote decentralization; reinforcement of the Secretariat of the regional economic
commissions, n e w role of the central bodies.
INFORMATION
Annual report on freedom of information ig6o-ig6i. J u n e 1962, 15 p . (E/CN.4/822/ADD.3)
[Org.] This note contains the reports of Australia, United K i n g d o m and Yugoslavia.
TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE
Technical Assistance Committee: Interim report on the implementation of the ig6i-ig6s
programme. 1962, 42 p., $0.75. (E/3605/REV.l)
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Analysis of forms of assistance, and tables relating to financing
and administration. Distribution of projects by country,fieldof activity,and organization concerned. N u m b e r s of experts. N u m b e r s of fellowships.
STATISTICS
Review of international statistics. M a r c h 1962, 71 p . (E/cN.3/286)
[Ej. O r g . Bl.] Sixth report on the activity of the international organizations in the
field of statistics. Present status of this work: collection of data, formulation of standards, reciprocal technical aid, training of specialists, survey of recent meetings o n
statistics held under United Nations sponsorship.
The International compilation of external trade statistics by computer. M a y 1962, 4 p ,
(E/CN.3/300/ADD.1)
[Ej. Pr.] Financial implications for 1963 of the recommendations of a group of
experts with a view to establishing a central service for processing and disseminating
commodity trade statistics.
GENERAL ECONOMIC TRENDS
World economic survey, ig6i. 1962, 193 p . , S3. (E/3624/REV. 1 ( S T / E C A / 7 I ) )
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Seventh study in this series. M a i n trends of economic development
in the various parts of the world in 1961. Comparative study of results achieved in
the industrial countries with traditional economies, countries with central planning
and countries in process of development.
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INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT
Strengthening of United Nations advisory services in thefieldof industrial development. Jul
1962,
10 p . ( E / 3 6 5 o / A D D . 1 )
[Ej. Pr. Org.] M e m o r a n d u m b y the Commissioner for Industrial Development
indicating the broad lines of the activities covered by the p r o g r a m m e of w o r k of
Headquarters and the regional commissions.
CAPITAL DEVELOPMENT FUND
Financing of economic development. June 1962,48 p . (E/3654)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] This report of the Committee o n the United Nations Capital Developm e n t F u n d , submitted in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1706 ( X V I ) ,
describes the underdeveloped countries' needs regarding capital development a n d
goes o n to discuss the problem of h u m a n resources a n d capital, concluding with
draft statutes for a United Nations Capital Development F u n d .
PRIVATE CAPITAL
The promotion of the internationalflowof private capital. July 1962, 6 8 p . ( E / 3 6 6 s / R E V . 1)
[Ej. Pr. D p . ] This report w a s d r a w n u p in order to focus attention o n the evergrowing role of national and international financial institutions as agencies for
mobilizing private capital for investment in the less developed countries. It lists
the measures adopted to reduce investment risks.
FULL EMPLOYMENT, UNEMPLOYMENT
Report on activities in relation to full employment objectives. Part I. Full employment polici
J u n e 1962, 53 p . (E/3659/ADD.1)
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] This report deals broadly with full employment as a national a n d
international objective, and discusses the type of measure at present adopted or
envisaged with a view to achieving that objective. T h e present document—the first
part of the report—gives a s u m m a r y account of the m a i n problems concerning full
employment which have recently arisen in the various countries and after detailing
the information supplied by governments, it describes the proposed or adopted
measures to solve those problems. T h e countries are arranged in three groups:
countries with centralized planning, underdeveloped countries a n d industrial
countries with traditional economies.
Report on activities in relation to full employment objectives. Part II: Measures for alleviatin
the position of unemployed and under-employed persons. July 1962, 80 p . (E/3659/ADD.2)
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Comparative study of the various types of unemployment benefit
schemes (beneficiaries, eligibility for benefits, rate and duration of benefits, financing
and administrative organization) and of other protective measures, including severance or dismissal grants.
TRADE
Commentary on general conditions of sale for the import and export of durable consumer goods
and of other engineering stock articles. N o . 730. 1962, 5 p . , $0.10. ( E / E C E / 4 2 6 )
[Ej. Pr.] Study b y the Economic Commission for Europe. Principles of sales contracts
in thefieldsin question. Possibility of unifying current practices.
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AFRICA: SOCIAL SERVICES
Report of the Expert Group Meeting on the Organization and Administration of Social Welfare
Services. M a y 1962, 52 p . , including annexes ( E / C N . 14.169)
[Ej. Pr.] T h e Economic Commission for Africa organized a meeting of social welfare
experts at Abidjan, from 11 to 21 April 1962, which examined the following problems
in the light of African requirements: functions, structure and organization of social
welfare services, decentralization of these services, relationships between government
services and private organizations, and utilization of the personnel and aid provided
by international bodies.
Structure, organization and functions of social services. M a r c h 1962, 15 p . ( E / C N . 14/SW/7)
[Ej. Pr.] Text of the statement by the Chairman of the Economic and Social Council
of the Republic of the C o n g o (Brazzaville), w h o attended the Abidjan meeting as an
expert.
AFRICA: ECONOMIC QUESTIONS
Transport problems in relation to economic development in West Africa. April 1962, 68 p .
( E / C N . 14/63)
[Dp. Ej. Pr. St.] This study shows h o w the inadequacy of transport media hampers
economic development, and specifies various means of remedying this situation.
T h e analysis mainly concerns G h a n a , Ivory Coast, Nigeria and T o g o .
Review of external trade statistics problems in Africa. July 1962, 25 p . , including annex
(E/CN. I4/CAS/2-TRAD/L.4/REV. I )
[Ej. Pr. St. D p . ] These data on the present position as regards external trade statistics in Africa are taken from the replies b y governments to questionnaires, and
from various publications on trade statistics.
LATIN AMERICA
Economic Commission for Latin America. Committee of the Whole. Report of the ninth session,
New York, 6 toy June ig6s. 1962, 10 p . , $0.35. (E/3649)
[Ej. Pr.] Report of the proceedings of the session, with particular reference to the
establishment of a Latin American institute for economic and social planning.
Text of the resolution addressed to the Economic and Social Council on the
subject.
The economic development of Honduras, i960, 222 p . $3. ( E / C N . 12/549)
[Ej. Pr. St.] T h e economic development of Honduras from 1945 to 1959. Chapters on
anticipated development u p to 1968. N u m e r o u s statistical tables.
ASIA AND THE FAR EAST
Third United Nations Regional Cartographic Conference for Asia and the Far East. (Bangkok, SJ October to 10 November igßi). 1962, 21 p . , $0.35. (E/coNF.36/2)
[Ej. Pr. Org.] Report of the conference. Text of the resolutions, which deal, inter
alia, with technical assistance, establishment of a regional centre for cartography,
co-operation in mapping, regional economic atlas, geographical names and aeronautical information.
Urbanization and housing in Asia and the Far East. June 1962, 22 p. ( E / C N . I I / I and
NR/HBWP.7/L.I)
[Dp. Ej. Pr.] Brief statement on the problems arising in this connexion in Asia and
the Far East. Survey of measures adopted in the various countries to meet the situa-
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tion. Activities of the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East in connexion
with town planning and housing.
MIDDLE EAST: ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Economic developments in the Middle East, 1959-1961. 196a, 183 p . , $2.50. (E/3635 (ST/
ECA/69))
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Following a general survey of the economic development of the
region, the report gives a detailed analysis of the trends observed in 1959-61 in
the variousfields:agriculture, industry, oil extraction, foreign trade and payments.
T h e countries examined include Cyprus, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon,
Syria, Turkey and the United A r a b Republic.
EUROPE: TRAFFIC ACCIDENTS
Statistics of road traffic accidents in Europe in i960. J u n e 1962, 51 p . , $0.50. (E/ECE/465)
[ D p . Ej. Pr. St.] T h efirstpart of the document includes a consolidated table giving
the n u m b e r of persons killed or injured in Europe in road traffic accidents since
1953. T h e second part gives details for i960, with data concerning the n u m b e r of
road vehicles, length of roads a n d size of populations.
SECRETARIAT
INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
Basic facts about the United Nations. 1962, 4 2 p . , $0.25. (62.1.11)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] General information booklet: United Nations organs; the Specialized
Agencies, their structure a n d activities.
LEGAL QUESTIONS
The International Court of Justice. 1962, 40 p . , S0.25. (62.1.12)
[Ej. Pr.] General information booklet: organization of the International Court;
its activities; judgements a n d recommendations handed d o w n b y the Court since its
establishment.
Seminar on the status of women in family law. 1962, 36 p . ( S T / T A O / H R / I 4 )
[Ej. Pr.] Report of a seminar held in T o k y o from 8 to 21 M a y 1962 a n d attended b y
jurists and leaders of w o m e n ' s movements in South-East Asia, Australia and N e w
Zealand. T h e discussions bore o n marriage a n d its legal implications, o n the dissolution of marriage, parental rights, the legal status of unmarried w o m e n and w o m e n ' s
rights of inheritance.
Seminar on judicial and other remedies against the abuse of administrative authority, wi
special emphasis on the role of parliamentary institutions (Stockholm, is to 2 5 June 1962
1962, 3 4 p . (sT/TAo/HR/15)
{Ej. Pr.] T h e seminar m a d e a special study of methods of ensuring legislative
control of the administration: supervision b y O m b u d s m a n (parliamentary c o m m i s sioner), control b y procurator (as in certain Eastern European countries), obligation to produce documents.
DEMOGRAPHY
Demographic Yearbook 1961. Special topic: mortality statistics. 1962, 713 p . , $10. (62.XII1.1)
£Ej. Pr. St. D p . ] T h e Yearbook contains official data o n all aspects of population
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trends in over aoo countries a n d territories. In addition to these customary tables,
it contains a detailed comparative study of mortality trends during the past twenty
years.
NATIONAL ACCOUNTS
Yearbook of national accounts statistics, igßi. 1962, 305 p . , $4. (62.XVII.2)
[St. D p . Ej. Pr.] Data on ninety-eight countries and territories: statement of national accounts, chronological series (in most cases, for the years 1948-60) in respect of
the m a i n aggregates and their relations, average annual rate of growth of the gross
national product in terms of constant prices for the ten-year period 1959-60.
SOCIAL W O R K A N D R U R A L DEVELOPMENT
The social training of front-line rural development workers. 1962, 77 p . (sT/soA/46)
[Ej. Pr.] Methods applied in various countries to train social workers capable of
stimulating popular initiative in rural areas a n d of ensuring effective collaboration
between the population and the government's technical services.
NON-SELF-GOVERNING TERRITORIES
Special study on social advancement in non-self-governing territories. 1962, 229 p., $3. ( S T / T R I /
SER.A/I8)
[Dp. Ej. Pr. St.] Social aspects of the development of these territories: social consequences of the economic situation, cultural changes, urban development, modernization of rural life, labour-management relations, employment conditions for w o m e n ,
vocational training, social security.
ASIA A N D T H E FAR EAST: COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
Report of the Asian seminar on planning and administration of national community development
programmes (Bangkok, 22 August to 1 September ig6i). 1962, 153 p . (sT/TAo/sER.c/54)
[Ej. Pr.] Position as regards the planning and administration of community development programmes in the countries of Asia and the Far East. Role of governments.
Financial aspects. Personnel. Evaluation of p r o g r a m m e s . Recommendations
concerning the preparation of the next Asian Regional Conference on C o m m u n i t y
Development.
EUROPE:
AGRICULTURE
Standardization of perishable foodstuffs {Economic Commission for Europe). 1962, 8 p . ,
$0.1 o. ( A G R I / W P . 1 / E U R . S T A N . 8 )
[Ej. Pr.] Text of a protocol on the standardization of fruit and vegetables as agreed
to b y m e m b e r countries of the Economic Commission for Europe.
E U R O P E : ELECTRICITY
Symposium on the rationalization of electric power consumption, organized by the Economic
Commission for Europe (Warsaw, 21 to 25 May 1962). Vol. I. August 1962, 120 p . ,
including annexes ( S T / E C E / E P / I 3 , V O L . I)
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] List of documents submitted at the symposium. Text of several
special studies o n suitable methods for rationalizing consumption b y the different
categories of users (transport, industry, agriculture, domestic).
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EUROPE: GAS
Evaluation of recent development in the European gas economy. 1962, 87 p . , $0.75 ( S T / E C E / .
GAs/4)
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] G a s production in Eastern and Western Europe. Problems of longdistance transport of gas by mains. G a s consumption, b y sectors (domestic uses,
economic uses). Balance between supply and d e m a n d . Future prospects.
Transport economy of natural gas. 1962, 73 p . , $0.75. ( S T / E C E / G A S / S )
[Ej. Pr.] Possible m e a n s of transport: tankers, pipeline. U n d e r g r o u n d storage of
gas. Operation b y pressure-boosting stations, and application of teletransmission to
the operation of gas transport pipelines.
Economy of the use of propane, butane and refinery tail gases as supplementary sources of ga
production. 1962, 55 p., $0.75. (ST/ECE/GAS/6)
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Report of the Economic Commission for Europe. Resources constituted by these gases. Storage and short-distance transport of liquefied petroleum
gases. Use of refinery tail gases and liquefied petroleum gases by the gas industry.
E U R O P E : STATISTICS A N D SURVEYS O N HOUSING A N D CONSTRUCTION
Annual bulletin of housing and building statistics for Europe, igßi. 1962, 5 4 p . , $0.75.
(62.11.E.10)
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Tables o n housing a n d building activity. A s far as possible, the
statistics cover all European countries, including the U . S . S . R . , a n d include recent
data and consolidated figures for the past eleven years.
Techniques of surveying a country's housing situation, including estimating of current andfut
housing requirements. 1962,45 p . , $0.50. ( S T / E C E / H O U / 6 )
[Pr. St. D p . ] T h e document presents a model outline for the preparation of general
national m o n o g r a p h s , followed, as a practical example, by a description of the
housing situation in Europe in 1960-61 (qualitative a n d quantitative features), with
retrospective analyses (past ten years) and forward analyses (future requirements).
LATIN AMERICA
Budget administration in Ecuador. 1962, 73 p . (TAo/ECu/9)
[Ej. Pr.] Report b y a technical assistance expert. General survey of situation. W e a k
points. Recommendations. P r o g r a m m e of work for modernizing the country's budget
services. P r o g r a m m e for training specialized staff.
II. SPECIALIZED AGENCIES
I N T E R N A T I O N A L L A B O U R O R G A N I S A T I O N (ILO)
LABOUR STATISTICS
T h e following documents were prepared for the T e n t h International Conference of
Labour Statisticians (Geneva, October 1962).
General report on labour statistics. 1962, 47 p .
[Ej. Pr. Bl.) Progress of national labour statistics during the past five years. I L O
p r o g r a m m e o n the subject. Technical assistance b y I L O for the preparation of
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labour statistics. Review of the activities of various other international labour
organizations as regards statistics. A p p e n d e d list of recent I L O publications o n
labour statistics.
Statistics of industrial injuries. 1962, 68 p .
[Ej. Pr.] Detailed study of the problems involved in the definition, collection a n d
classification of statistical data on industrial injuries. Draft resolution proposing n e w
international standards on the subject.
Statistics of hours of work. 196a, 4a p .
[Ej. Pr.] Uses and object of statistics of hours of work. Definitions referred to in the
various countries for drawing u p such statistics. M a i n problems involved in the
collection, processing and presentation of statistical data o n hours of work, a n d
suggestions for solving t h e m .
Computation of consumers price indices (special problems). 14a p .
[Ej. Pr. Bl.] Recent national and international developments in thisfield.Concepts
and definitions on which consumer price indices are based. Methodology a n d
technique at present applied in the various countries. Points o n which agreement
could be sought o n the introduction of uniform principles and methods. Resolution.
A p p e n d e d list of technical publications.
EMPLOYMENT OF W O M E N
The part-time employment of women in industrial countries, by François Bruntz. (In:
International Labour Review.) N o v e m b e r 196a, 18 p .
[Ej. Pr.] After assessing the extent to which the part-time employment of w o m e n
exists, the author compares its advantages and drawbacks.
W O R K CAMPS FOR Y O U N G PEOPLE
Youth employment and vocational training schemes in the developing countries. (In: International Labour Review.) September 1962, 24 p .
[Ej. Pr.] M e a n s at present envisaged or adopted by the governments of m a n y of the
developing countries to harness the energies of youth for the purpose of carrying out
work of national importance. Compulsory and voluntary systems. Organization.
Results.
SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF T H E EVOLUTION OF T H E PRINTING TRADES
General review of the development of the printing and allied trades and the problems arising
from this development. 196a, 9a p .
[Ej. Pr. St.] Characteristics of the printing and allied trades. Enumeration of the
far-reaching changes which have been m a d e in the processes and equipment used
for producing printed matter. N e w problems of professional training. Other social
consequences.
SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN ASIA
A series of studies was published by I L O o n the occasion of thefifthAsian Regional
Conference of Labour (Melbourne, N o v e m b e r to D e c e m b e r 1962). T h e m a i n items
are as follows:
Report of the Director-General of the International Labour Organisation to thefifthAsian
Regional Conference. 1962, 156 p . , $1.75.
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Social aspects of the economic problems arising in the developing
countries of Asia. Evaluation of the extent to which the latter have succeeded in
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solving them. Demographic trends. Size and composition of the labour force. Place
of m a n p o w e r development programmes in the general development plan. I L O
activities in Asia, within the context of international, economic and technical cooperation.
Government services for the improvement of labour-management relations and settlement
disputes. 1962, 100 p .
[Dp. Ej. Pr.] Brief analysis of national systems for the prevention and settlement of
industrial disputes in the various countries of Asia. Possibility of instituting a m o r e
comprehensive group of services. Methods applied in countries in other parts of
the world. Appended report on the Asian regional seminar on the prevention and
settlement of industrial disputes (Kuala L u m p u r , 7 to 19 December 1961).
Vocational training and management development. 1962, 126 p .
[Ej. Pr.] T h e problem is studied in respect of the variousfieldsof activity (agriculture,
industry, crafts) and in the light of experiments m a d e in Asia.
Employment promotion with special reference to rural areas and with due regard to ILO soc
objectives and standards. 1962, 117 p.
[Dp. Ej. Pr.] Picture of the employment position in the countries of Asia. Policies
which have been, or could be, adopted to improve the situation. Detailed study of
measures designed to promote employment in rural areas. Role of I L O . Changes in
the structure of the labour force in Asia.
The population and labour force of Asia, ig$o-ig8o. (In: International Labour Review.)
21 October 1962, 21 p .
[ D p . Ej. Pr. St.] Statistical data on the extent of the problem which the channelling
of m a n p o w e r towards non-agricultural sectors of the economy raises for the various
countries of Asia. Future prospects. T h e countries are grouped into four regions:
Far East, South Asia, South-East Asia and South-West Asia.
UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT IN ASIA
Unemployment and underemployment in India, Indonesia, Pakistan and the Philippines.
(In: International Labour Review.) October 1962, 19 p .
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] State of statistical knowledge concerning unemployment and
underemployment in the four countries in question.
COTTON INDUSTRY IN INDIA
Labour conditions in the cotton textile industry in India. (In: International Labour Revi
N o v e m b e r 1962, 21 p .
[Ej. Pr.] M a i n social aspects of the organization of labour in this industry (composition of the labour force, wages and other earnings, labour conditions, labourm a n a g e m e n t relations, social security, living conditions and social services). Developments since the end of the war. Assessment of the progress m a d e . Development
prospects.
SOCIAL SECURITY IN THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
Social security in the U.S.S.R.,
by Mikhail Semyonovich Lantsev. (In: International
Labour Review.) N o v e m b e r 1962, 14 p .
[Ej. Pr.] General account of the social security provided for citizens of the U . S . S . R . ,
whether working in State undertakings and administrations or in agricultural
co-operatives. Nature and amount of benefits, methods of financing the system.
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A N D E A N INDIANS
The use of social promoters at the Puno bases of the Andean Indian programme. (In: International Labour Review.) September 1962, 13 p .
[Ej. Pr.] Description of the training given to the chiefs appointed by the aborigines
of the H i g h A n d e a n plateaux to direct their economic and social development
activities.
F O O D A N D AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION
O F T H E U N I T E D N A T I O N S (FAO)
CAMPAIGN AGAINST H U N G E R
The plan for the World Food Congress (Washington, D.C., 4. to 18 June 1963). 1962, 41 p .
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] A i m s andscope of the Campaign against Hunger. Role of the Congress
in this campaign. Choice of participants. A g e n d a of the commissions (technical,
economic and social, education, research, propaganda, public activity). Proposals for
the convening of national conferences.
CO-OPERATION
Training and extension in the co-operative movement. 1962, 78 p., Si.
[Ej. Pr.] This work is largely based on experiments m a d e in rural areas, particularly
in India, and describes the methods used to train co-operators. Reproductions of
posters selected for their effectiveness for extension activities are appended.
STATISTICS, M A R K E T CONDITIONS, PROSPECTS
Agricultural commodities—projections for igyo. 1962, 189 p., including annex $2 ( E / C N .
13/48 (CCP62/5))
[Dp. Ej. Pr.St.] T h e purpose of this study was to identify the main problems which
m a y arise in respect of agricultural commodities during the next ten years. It
discusses the prospects for food production and supply in the light of the need for
improving the nutrition of low-income populations and the possibility of using the
potential surpluses of the high-income countries. A division is m a d e into three
groups of countries: those with high incomes, those with low incomes, and the SinoSoviet area. T h e projections cover a period of twelve years, of which three have
already elapsed.
FAO Commodity Review, ig6s. 1962, 129 p., $1.50. (E/cN.13/47 (CCP62/4))
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Second annual report on agricultural and food products (production,
exchange, consumption, stocks, prices). World market trends in 1961 and the beginning of 1962. Prospects for the end of the 1961-62 season and the 1962-63 season.
Special chapters on intergovernmental consultations and agreements.
Yearbook offisherystatistics: production, igßi. Vol. X I V . 1962, 394 p . , $4.50.
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Statistical tables on the volume of catches and landings throughout
the world (in weight and value), and on preserved and processed fishery c o m m o d i ties. T h e volume is supplemented by a glossary and an index.
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W O R L D HEALTH ORGANIZATION (WHO)
STATISTICS
Epidemiological and vital statistics report. 1962. Vol. 15, N o . 8, 33 p . , $1.25. Vol.
N o . 9, 15 p . , $0.60. Vol. 15, N o . 10, 47 p . , $1.25.
[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Successive issues of a current statistical series o n population trends
and o n the incidence of various diseases and causes of death throughout the world.
These issues also contain recapitulative studies o n annual mortality rates (senility,
accidents, suicides, homicides, w a r injuries, congenital deformities) for 1955-60,
and special tables on quarantinable and infectious diseases.
CANCER
Bulletin of the W H O . Vol. 27. N o . 3. 1962, 108 p . , $2.25.
[Ej. Pr.] This issue includes a study on 'Geographical differences in the distribution
of malignant tumours', by A . V . Chaklin: different types of tumours, from the standpoint of geographic and climatic distribution and frequency, research to be continued or undertaken; value of cancer morbidity and mortality data in the various
countries.
MALARIA
Bulletin of the W H O . Vol. 27. N o . 2 . 1962, 120 p . , $2.25.
[Pr. St. D p . ] Issue devoted to anti-malaria campaigns. Various studies o n the mass
administration of medicaments and anti-malaria disinfectants.
MENTAL HEALTH
Teaching of psychiatry and mental health. (Public Health Papers, N o . 9.) 1963, 186 p . ,
$2.
[Ej. Pr.] Improvements to be m a d e in the teaching of psychiatry and mental health
to take account of advances in knowledge. Relationship of psychiatry and mental
health care to clinical medicine and the sciences of m a n (by E . E . Krapf). O n b e coming a physician (by E . S . Turrell). T h e teaching of medical psychology
and sociology (by S. Lebovici).
UNITED NATIONS EDUCATIONAL, SCIENTIFIC A N D CULTURAL
ORGANIZATION (UNESCO)
UNESCO ACTIVITIES
Unesco ig6o-ig6s: a review of developments and prospects. October 1962, 17 p. (12C/9,
PART i)
[Org.] Booklet containing a report by the Acting Director-General to the General
Conference of Unesco on the occasion of its twelfth session. Salient features of recent
developments in Unesco's activities. Prospective developments.
General evaluation of main developments, ig6o-ig6s, and detailed analysis based on
reports of Member States and on the Acting Director-General's own reports. October 19
64 p . (12C/9 P A R T 11)
[Org.] This second part of document 12 C / 9 , addressed to the General Conference
of Unesco, contains a detailed analysis of the reports of M e m b e r States and of the
Acting Director-General on activities during the period 1960-62. It reviews the
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main categories of Unesco activities during the period, with particulars of the steps
taken in M e m b e r States to promote their success.
LOGIC AND TECHNIQUE OF CLASSIFICATION
A study of general categories applicable to classification and coding in documentation, by Eric
de Grolier. 1962, 248 p . , $3.
[Pr. Sc. D p . Bl] T h e classifications used by documentation and bibliographical
services have greatly developed since the war, thanks particularly to the invention
of various electronic machines. T h e study in question summarizes the experiments
m a d e to interrelate the m a n y formulae used, and discusses the problem of elaborating a unified system based on the most general concepts recurring in allfieldsof
study: logical and morphological concepts, space and time, position and m o v e m e n t .
EDUCATION
XXVth International Conference on Public Education, ig6s. (Publications of the International Bureau of Education and Unesco. N o . 245.) 1962, 183 p . , $1.75.
[Org. Ej. Pr.] T h e conference, which w a s held in G e n e v a from 2 to 13 July 1962,
was attended by representatives from ninety countries, and gave rise to a wideranging discussion on the educational progress m a d e in the various countries. T h e
participants, after taking cognizance of a n u m b e r of preparatory documents, voted
two detailed recommendations, dealing respectively with educational planning
and the further training of primary teachers in service. T h e volume describes the
organization of the Conference, and presents the minutes of the plenary sessions and
the text of the two recommendations in question.
Compulsory education in Australia. 1962, 117 p . , $2.
[Ej. Pr. Bl.] Partially revised re-edition of a booklet which w a s initially published
in 1951 and has proved extremely useful. It forms part of a group of comparative
studies on the various forms of compulsory education (centralized and decentralized countries, industrialized and non-industrialized countries, etc.). It contains an
account of historical background, present structure and administration of c o m pulsory education in Australia.
Report of the muting of experts on the adaptation of the general secondary school curriculum in
Africa (Tananarive, s to 13 July ig6s). October 1962, 59 p . (uNESco/ED/196)
[Ej. Pr.] T h e meeting w a s attended b y somefiftyexperts from twenty-nine African
countries, whose set task w a s to lay d o w n general lines for a reform of the secondary
school curriculum applicable to Africa. T h e report describes the aims of secondary
education and the reforms to be undertaken, gives concrete examples, analyses
methods of action and specifies the various phases in carrying out the reforms.
WORLD CAMPAIGN FOR LITERACY
World campaign for universal literacy: request addressed to Unesco by the General Assembly
of the United Nations at its sixteenth session. October 1962, 58 p . (12C/PRG/3)
[Ej. D p . O r g . Pr. St.] This document w a s prepared for the use of the twelfth session
of the General Conference of [Unesco, which examined ways and means of expediting the eradication of illiteracy, and presents the findings of a survey o n the present rate of illiteracy in the various countries and on recent advances in the methods
used for literacy campaigns, with emphasis o n the relationship existing between
those advances and economic development. In addition, it contains concrete proposals for intensifying the measures adopted on the national and international level,
including the application of educational planning programmes.
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STUDY FELLOWSHIPS, EXCHANGES
Study abroad, XIV, 1963. Trilingual: English, French, Spanish. 1962, 745 p . , $3.
[Pr. D p . St. Org.] This latest edition of the international handbook of fellowhips,
scholarships and educational exchange gives data concerning some 130,000 possibilities for residential study in over one hundred countries. The data are classified
according to types of studies, donors of awards (international institutions, governments, etc.) and countries of study. The c o m p e n d i u m concludes with a list of organizations offering advice and assistance to persons wishing to study abroad, and
with very full statistics of the numbers of students enrolled at universities in
countries other than their o w n (for ig6o-6i).
MUSEUMS AND
CULTURAL PROGRESS
Asia and Pacific. Regional seminar on ' The Museum as a Cultural Centre in the Development
of the Community' (Japan, 4-30 September ig6o). Report b y Robert P . Griffing,
Jr., Director of the Seminar, July 1962, 45 p . ( U N E S C O / C U A / I 17)
[Pr.] The m u s e u m should properly be apower-house for thecultural life of the public.
The report outlines the problems arising in this connexion in Asia and the Pacific
area, and gives a s u m m a r y of the seminar discussions, with the text of the r e c o m m e n dations adopted. T h e participants were from some twenty countries.
THE
TURKISH WOMAN
77« emancipation of the Turkish woman, by Dr. A . Afetinan. 1962, 63 p . $1.
[Ej.] The change in the status of w o m e n in Turkey from about 1920 onwards has
been considerable, and Unesco asked a w o m a n w h o played a leading part in this
social revolution to give an account of it. The study describes the Turkish w o m a n
before and under the influence of Islam and during the period of the great modern
transformations, and discusses the present situation, especially in the political,
juridical and professional fields.
EXPLANATION OF ABBREVIATIONS USED
Bl.
Dp.
Ej.
= Contains an extensive bibliography.
= Presents facts country by country (or region by region).
= Supplies essential information to educators and journalists interested in
social questions.
Org. = Is very useful for knowledge of the current activities of the international
organization concerned.
Pr.
= Supplies useful factual information for certain groups of people (educators,
government officials, m e m b e r s of international organizations and social
institutions, etc.) whose activities are connected with the subject matter
of the document.
St.
= Contains statistics.
Sc.
= Deserves the attention of scientific workers in thefieldconcerned.
The importance of these conventional signs is, of course, purely relative, and w e
do not wish their use to be taken as implying a system of classification. W e use them
merely in order to give as brief an abstract as is consistent with indicating, in the
easiest w a y possible, that part of the contents of the publications and documents
under review which relates to some particular branch of social science.
3°4
DOCUMENTS
AND
PUBLICATIONS
BOOK REVIEWS
A R O N , R a y m o n d . Dimensions de la conscience historique. Paris, Plön, 1961,
341 p. (Recherches en sciences humaines, N o . 16.)
T h e central theme of R a y m o n d Aron's writings, from the Introduction à la
philosophie de l'histoire to Paix et guerre entre les nations, is probably that of
the sense of history in its manifold aspects; the s a m e thread likewise runs
through the various essays written by A r o n in the interval a n d collected
in the volume under review. T h e work is a n outstanding illustration of
an intellectual approach consisting of the continuous comparison of what
is happening, the course of past history and the permanent frame of reference of both.
It opens and closes with reflections on the situation of the philosopher
with regard to history. Part I (comprising the essay on 'La philosophie de
l'histoire', written in 1946, and that on 'La notion du sens de l'histoire', dating
from 1957) discusses the profoundest and most specific dimension of the
historical sense, namely the significance that M a n ascribes to the development of humanity. T h e s a m e question is reopened in the concluding study
on 'La responsabilité sociale du philosophe', which defines the concern of philosophy as the reciprocation or interaction between the general a n d the
particular, between ends and means, and shows h o w the historical dimension gives the interaction n e w meaning b y projecting it in time. But this
n e w dimension would cancel out the consideration of interaction or 'transform it radically, only if it were permissible for the dialectician to take a
bloc, a party or a régime as the end itself of history'. That this is not in fact
permissible is s h o w n , by philosophical reflection and ideological polemics,
in thefirstt w o articles. F r o m these articles it can be deduced that the
pluralistic philosophies of history are on the upgrade, while the unitary
philosophies of progress are declining. T h e y suggest that the inconsistencies
of the latter's simultaneously providentialist and determinist approach—in
their Existentialist and Marxist versions—should be set against a combination of Thucydidean analysis of events sub specie aetemitatis and active
belief in a Kantian conception of purely regulative reason projected
towards an undefined future. T h e same point is also m a d e in Parts II and III
of the book, dealing respectively with the critical analysis of historical
knowledge and the historical analysis of the contemporary scene.
It is particularly noteworthy that all the articles take u p the s a m e basic
questions. T h e essay most concerned with historical method—'Évidence
et ingérence'—sets out to show the problems that the historian sets himself.
H o w did the actors in history live? W h y a n d h o w did this or that event
occur? W h a t are the units of history to be considered? W h a t are the patterns
of change? But then the essay broadens out from the science to the philosophy of history, with a discussion of the meaning to be accorded to history
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in its totality. T h e paper o n 'L'objet de l'histoire' brings out the contradictions
of the historical sense and establishes its elements—awareness of an interplay
between tradition and liberty, a n effort to grasp the reality or truth of the
past, a n d a consciousness that the sequence of m a n ' s achievements in
history, far from being without significance, concerns the essence of m a n .
T h e major paper in Part III, 'Mations et empires', c o m e s closer to a description
of the contemporary historical situation and its structure. It begins, however,
with a n analysis of our awareness of the present a n d with the problem of
breaking d o w n situations, a n d works through to a comparison of the
monistic and pluralistic interpretations of becoming and the determination
of the classical a n d original aspects of the historical situations.
T w o studies are deserving of special mention as dealing, o n particularly
striking lines, with the problems of h u m a n action a n d impersonal forces,
of n e w situations a n d permanent trends. T h e y are 'Thucydide et le récit
historique' a n d 'L'aube de l'histoire universelle'. T h e first concentrates o
Thucydides' writings, which are our best illustration of the antithesis
between enduring h u m a n nature and the unforeseeable event. T h e second
draws attention to the duality between the impersonal evolution of technologies a n d societies a n d the unforeseeable play of politics, thus reverting
to the central theme of the opening chapters of Guerres en chaîne and certain
aspects of a necessary development of societies, stressed in La société industrielle et la guerre.
T h u s the papers in the collection all play their part in placing accurately,
within the context of a politico-historical analysis, the essential question of
interpreting M a n ' s condition as reflected in society. D o e s the key lie in
the d r a m a or the analysis, in the eternal nature of politics or in the significant unfolding of history? Philosophically, the question remains o p e n ,
whether it is posed as a prelude to a choice or to a synthesis in a dialectic
m o v e m e n t . In his conclusion, R a y m o n d A r o n stresses the counterpoint
of the particular and the universal; he appears to examine the n e w m e a n i n g
which the historical dimension gives to that counterpoint b y projecting it
in time as a genuine acquisition, which nevertheless in n o w a y changes
the essential. H e thus raises the difficult question of the relations between
political philosophy a n d the philosophy of history.
DAHL,
Robert
A.; HAIRE,
Mason;
LAZARSFELD,
Paul
F . Social science
research on business: product and potential. N e w Y o r k , C o l u m b i a University
Press, 1959, xii + 185 p . , bibliogr.
There are several branches of study that offer the possibility of n e w a p proaches to the study of business. T h o u g h , apart from certain aspects, this
subject has so far h a d little attraction for political scientists, there are
nevertheless several problems arising in business life which have a m o r e or
less direct relevance to thefieldof political science. These include decisionm a k i n g processes in individual companies, the relations between large
companies, the influence of the forms of business organization o n the
'power structures' in a country, the influence of a particular c o m p a n y or
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financial group on authority, etc. Even the problem of the relations between business and politics in the United States of America has so far been
too little explored. T h o u g h political science m a y have contrived to define
with fair precision the techniques used by commercial and industrial
interests to influence the government, and vice versa, the scale of the
influence so exerted is m u c h m o r e difficult to measure. T h e political
significance of motivations, attitudes and ideologies is beginning to attract
the attention of political scientists, a n d this also involves the study of
business. M u c h has been written o n the relations between 'business civilization' and the political world, but here again there are problems which
have not been solved and others which have arisen subsequently. T o all
these questions, political scientists are seeking to find answers.
There is a close relationship between the study of the business p h e n o m enon and the sciences of behaviour; the psychologist analyses production
problems in terms of the individual motivations of the producers, and
m a n a g e m e n t and supervisory problems in terms of leadership, c o m m u nication, group relations, etc. T h e domain of industrial psychology often
seems inaccessible to the businessman; but the m a n w h o studies the workings
of business is a 'behavioural scientist', and business is a particularly fruitful
field for interdisciplinary research. Three avenues of approach can be
adopted for studies in industrial psychology: via individual psychology;
via industrial sociology applied to h u m a n relations ('human engineering');
and, finally, via industrial social psychology. T h e province of industrial
sociology as such includes group study—a distinction being m a d e between
large and small groups; and, finally, questions of motivation and c o m m u nication have been decisive in the development of industrial sociology.
In all these fields m u c h remains to b e done, particularly with regard to
the analysis of the processes of decision-making and risk-taking, the development of theories of organization, study of the questions of role and
relative status in an organized hierarchy, etc. For all these lines of research,
even m o r e than in the past, the investigator will need to m a k e use of
the methods and discoveries of psychology and the sciences of behaviour.
American sociologists have traditionally underestimated the possible
interest to them of the study of business; yet the business world can be
regarded as a social system of which c o m p a n y managements constitute
one extreme and consumers the other. Whether the approach adopted be
'distributive' (What are the choices m a d e ? W h a t are the decisions taken?
B y w h o m or by what group? W h e n ? ) , 'morphological' ( H o w is a particular
decision taken? W h a t are the alternative means whereby the same end can
be achieved?), or 'analytical' ( H o w far is a given determinant operative
in a given choice or decision?), there is a whole series of problems offering
ample matter for analysis—the choice processes (consumers), decision
processes (managers), the nature and determinants of decisions taken at
all levels in a company's hierarchy, the motivations of the managers, their
role in business and, even more, the possible influence of developments
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in a n e w form of business m a n a g e m e n t on the social and political structure
of the United States.
H A G E N , Everett E . On the theory of social change. H o m e w o o d , 111., T h e
Dorsey Press, 1962, xvii + 557 PT h e study of the historical process of economic development over the
centuries fairly clearly shows that historical, geographical or economic
factors cannot by themselves explain the patterns of economic growth in
different parts of the world; the transition from the backward economy
of a traditional society to a growth economy—which is still going on in
certain areas—occurs gradually, takes several generations, and involves
not only technological transformations but also revolutionary changes in the
social sphere; a n u m b e r of different economic theories have been worked
out from the observed frustration of the development of certain countries
which appeared to present the required conditions, but, considered individually, these theories cannot take in all the aspects of the facts, for the
study of traditional societies demonstrates fairly clearly the importance
of sociological and psychological factors in the unfolding of the growth
process. In a traditional society, the rigidity of the social structures, the
nature of the relations between the upper classes and the peasant masses,
an aggressive defensive psychology in face of any element not part of the
established order—particularly foreigners—and the internal conflicts of
the upper strata to secure or retain power, are all obstacles to any evolution;
and the process will begin only with a change of mentality, so great is
the interdependence between mentality and social structure. T h e two
extreme contrasting mentalities, characteristic of traditional and of evolutive societies respectively, m a y be broadly defined and labelled as the
'authoritarian' and the 'innovating' mentalities. T h e essential difference
between them consists of their attitude towards the outer world: the authoritarian type will automatically adopt an attitude of reserve, of withdrawal,
will feel the rationale of the outer world to be incomprehensible, and will
seek to adapt the analytical frameworks inherited from previous generations
to cover what is happening; the 'creative' or 'innovating' individual, on
the contrary, will seek to break d o w n the situation into problems which
he can solve by himself and will find in the unexpected a stimulus to
thought and action. Whether the individual is of the authoritarian or the
innovating type—or, of course, his position, in each specific instance,
anywhere between these two extremes—appears to be due less to those
characteristics which are properly individual and with which he is born,
than to the influence of environment, of family and social background.
This influence makes itself felt decisively from earliest childhood, as is
demonstrated by all contemporary theories of personality development,
and it is particularly marked in a traditional society, where the pressure
of family and social seniority structures is considerable; the conflicts of
childhood are not completely transposable to adulthood, but the ability
of an individual to react to a fortuitous occurrence whose effects cannot
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be avoided depends largely on what ability to rise to the occasion he has
contrived to develop as a child. Methods of upbringing vary with the
civilization and culture, but the types of relation between parents and
children remain basically the same in all traditional societies and the
personality types produced by those relations are likewise the same; exhaustive observations carried out in Java and B u r m a confirm this. Only powerful forces will disrupt the structural and functional stability of a traditional
society, and first and foremost the conviction of a proportion of the m e m b e r s
of a given social group that their aim in life or the values they believe in
are not respected by other social groups which they themselves respect and
whose esteem they hope to win; this will lead them to question the social
structure as such. In this respect, the intrusion of Western civilization
into some traditional societies has been a determining factor for change.
Often, however, such questioning of the established order—i.e. the start
of a process of evolution—is not immediate: it is frequently preceded by a
withdrawal of the individual vis-à-vis the outside world, which m a y go on
for several generations before producing the seeds of evolution through the
emergence of values conducive to the development of the technological
creativity which is basic to all economic growth. These hypotheses can b e
verified from the case of pre-industrial England as well as from those of
certain other countries such as Japan, Colombia and Indonesia. Countries
under a colonial régime present a special case, for here there are usually
the additional effects of psychological reactions to colonization, which,
on the whole, have reinforced the obstacles to economic development
by accentuating the withdrawal of the individual vis-à-vis the life of the
society, the strengthening of formalism, etc. Here, too, however, once
decolonization has been accomplished, the period of withdrawal m a y give
birth, sooner or later, to the innovating elements which will m a k e economic
growth possible; the rather chaotic w a y in which the economic development of B u r m a is starting, despite the efforts of its rulers, m a y be largely
explained by the influence of colonial legislation o n traditional Burmese
society. These interpretative schemes d o not claim to indicate h o w long
a time will be needed for the societies which are still traditionalist to start
the process of evolution individually, but they do show beyond question
that this process can be expected in every instance.
J O H N S O N , John J., ed. The role of the military in underdeveloped countries.
Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1962, viii + 423 p .
T h e importance of the military's role is a fundamental fact of political
life in the underdeveloped countries, especially in South America. A t the
beginning of the nineteenth century, w e find the generals of the W a r of
Independence taking power into their hands, backed by the great landowners. T h e n comes a second period, lasting u p to the First World W a r ,
in which militarism, in the sense of officer cliques intervening in politics,
is in relative eclipse. After 1929, the economic crisis opened the w a y to a
return to power by military régimes, which were alike in attaching great
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importance to industrial development. Finally, from 1950 onwards, w e
have a recrudescence of militarism in Latin America, which is anti-progressive as often as progressive, and even w h e n following a reforming line,
usually stops short of agrarian reform, although this would be the key
factor for progress in that part of the world. For land reform to be carried
out, the army itself must be overthrown by a people's revolution, as has
happened in C u b a .
South-East Asia is another area where contemporary militarism operates.
In Indonesia, w e have the example of a country where the failure of
representative institutions and the adoption of the system of 'directed
democracy' have given the a r m y a very large share in the running of the
State. In B u r m a , the post-war military cadres, faced with the different
problems of underdevelopment in an ethnically heterogeneous nation,
soon found themselves losing m o m e n t u m , which explains the readiness
with which General N e W i n handed power back to the civilians after the
i960 elections. In Thailand, the only country in South-east Asia never to
have been under a colonial régime, the officer corps is of the same social
origin as the administration, and this is one of the basic reasons for the
importance of the military in political life and in the social hierarchy;
the explanation of the numerous coups d'état in the country lies primarily in loss of contact between the army and the chief it has put in
power.
In the Middle East, the emergence of a salaried middle class is a relatively recent phenomenon, with considerable revolutionary significance.
T h e army is the prototype and advance guard of this class, and its first
intervention in politics was in Turkey, at the beginning of the twentieth
century. In the Islamic countries, on the other hand, it was not until after
the stalemate in the Palestine war, in 1948, that there was decisive army
intervention in politics—the Egyptian coup d'état in 1952, the union of
Syria and Egypt, the Iraqi revolution, the a r m y take-over of government
in Pakistan, and the developments in K h a r t o u m . Incidentally, the Sudan
is the only African State south of the Sahara with a military régime;
the country w a s given a national army by the British administration well
before independence, and this w a s to constitute the most m o d e r n and
efficient structural element in the n e w State. Elsewhere in Africa, on the
contrary, the a r m y was usually at an embryonic stage w h e n independence
was achieved. T h e ex-Belgian C o n g o offers proof of the difficulty experienced by an a r m y without indigenous officers in acting as an element
of political cohesion. Israel is a very special case, as it does not present
the conditions which elsewhere m a k e the armed forces the most modern
element in the State: the a r m y and the nation are practically identical,
and it is significant that it is the most efficient a r m y of the Middle East
which interferes least in politics.
It thus seems to be clearly established that, in certain circumstances,
there is a cause-and-effect relation between underdevelopment and military
influence in national affairs; there are m a n y reasons w h y , in an under310
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developed country, the army is the most easily established modern social
structure and, once established, conducive to the over-all modernization
of the society. But given that the a r m y is a factor for development, can it
resist the temptation to dominate the State?
LIPSET, Seymour Martin; L O W E N T H A L , Leo, eds. Culture and social character:
the work of David Riesman reviewed. N e w York, T h e Free Press of Glencoe,
1961, xiv + 466 p .
This joint work in the 'Continuities in social research' series provides
commentaries on the method and significance of outstanding publications
in American social science. Following The American soldier and The authoritarian personality, David Riesman's The lonely crowd is the third work to
be singled out for consideration. T h e articles making u p the volume under
review approach Riesman's work from a vide variety of angles and their
criticisms of it sometimes conflict radically. T h e three m a i n aspects discussed are: the method of The lonely crowd and its significance in relation
to sociological literature as a whole; the validity of its main category of
'other-directedness'; and Riesman's interpretation of American society.
Riesman's method is labelled 'interpretative sociology' by Paul Keksemeti
and the 'humanistic method' by L e o Lowenthal. Lipset and Lowenthal,
in their preface, and Eric Larrabee in his article ('David Riesman and his
readers'), point out the equivocal nature of the success which the book owes
directly to its technical character. Both Messinger and Clark ('Individual
character and social constraint: a critique of David Riesman's theory of
social conduct') and Robert E n t m a n and Dennis W r o n g ('David Riesman's
typology of character') criticize the author for mixing psychological and
sociological criteria, which leads o n to criticism of the notion of 'otherdirectedness'. S o m e contributors attack the concept as being derived too
exclusively from the American society (e.g. Margaret M e a d : 'National
character and the science of anthropology'), while others consider Riesman
to have discovered a trait c o m m o n to m e m b e r s of industrial societies
(Lowenthal, as also Quentin Bell, w h ofindsa recurrence in the arts of the
evolution from 'inner-directedness' to 'other-directedness' and hence
conformism). O f the empirical studies included, one, by Elaine G r a h a m
Solex ('Inner-direction, other-direction and autonomy: a study of college
students') accepts and confirms the Riesman typology; while the other,
by Riley, Riley and M o o r e ('Adolescent values and the Riesman typology:
an empirical analysis') shows that there is a further type both 'innerdirected' and 'other-directed', and that the two attitudes d o not appear
to be mutually exclusive in a relatively integrated society. Arthur Brodbeck
complains that Riesman is too hard on the 'other-directed' m a n , and Ralph
Dahrendorf that he is not hard enough. This brings us to a judgement on
contemporary American society: whereas Dahrendorf, representing the de
Tocqueville tradition, sees it as the enthronement of 'democracy without
freedom', Talcott Parsons and Winston White ('The link between character
and society') interpret the phenomenon which Riesman calls 'other direc-
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tedness' optimistically, and regard it as the reconciliation of the individual
and American society as part of a progression towards values which,
contrary to the argument of The lonely crowd, have remained the same.
Seymour Martin Lipset ('A changing American character?') also believes
that the American national character has a degree of permanence, and
considers Riesman to be in the tradition of the nineteenth-century critics.
Other articles deal with special points—that by Easton and Hess discussing
youth and the political system, and the articles by W . Kornhauser and
N . Birnbaum on Riesman's—as opposed to C . Wright Mills'—view of
American politics. T h e conclusion is b y Riesman himself and his collaborator, N . Glazer, and they accept the validity of m a n y of the criticisms
advanced and indicate the fairly numerous points on which their o w n position has developed.
Z A H N , Ernest. Soziologie der Prosperität, Köln-Berlin, Kiepenheuer u n d
Witsch, i960, 228 p .
So far, the notion of prosperity has most frequently been related to a
country's economic situation; E . Z a h n considers the concept in the context
of modern society taken as a whole.
T o begin with, this sociological study of prosperity was not intended to
be systematic; it was as a sequel to a number of lectures and discussions
conducted pari passu with active research that it w a s developed into an
ordered presentation of the problems confronting the society of the future
as a result of the increase of prosperity. T h e work is based on certain theoretical choices, intended to lead to a more up-to-date view of economic,
social and cultural policy, the argument being that well-tried methods
of research are not enough, by themselves: the problems must also be correctly understood.
W a n t , in which Schopenhauer saw the 'scourge of the people', no longer
exists in the Western world: m a n ' s daily bread is no longer a real factor
in economic policy, and statistics show an appreciable development which
is disruptive of existing economic and social structures.
Whereas formerly the social problems were those springing from
poverty, they n o w spring from wealth, and it is no longer a question of
saving so m u c h as of investment. T h e interplay of supply and d e m a n d
nowadays reflects a need for expansion never hitherto achieved. Leisure
has become a m o d e of existence specific to the modern society and is n o w
a factor in the labour and technological spheres. Linked to consumption,
as labour is linked to production, it presents unexpected problems, like
certain features of the ninteenth-century industrial revolutions.
T h e author examines the whole range of problems arising from this
kind of situation. H e argues that m a n must prove himself under the pressure
of prosperity, as he formerly did under that of the totalen Marktes (overall market). Today the traditional concept of the 'citizen' is taking on n e w
significance in the context of the individual's situation as a m e m b e r of an
economic complex. T h e consumer w h o imagines he has discovered the
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strategy of sales still has to discover himself a n d , b y a critical approach
to prosperity, to realize the m e a n s of controlling it w h i c h are open to
him.
BOOKS RECEIVED
A B D E L - M A L E K , Anouar. Egypte, société militaire. Paris, Éditions d u Seuil, 1962.
Analytical review of ten years of a military régime, based on personal experience.
T h e author employs the concept of a 'hydraulic society' and he discusses the social
character of the régime, the population problems it has to face, the industrialization of the country, the ideology of the army (characterized by positive
neutralism, Arab nationalism and socialism organized on co-operative lines,
amounting really to State-controlled planning).
B A I L E Y , Sydney D . The Secretariat of the United Nations. N e w York, Carnegie E n d o w ment for International Peace, 1962, 22 c m . , vi + 113 p., tabl., $3.50. (United
Nations study N o . 11.)
A n account of the various conceptions of what should be the role of the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations—Mr. Hammarskjoeld's conception, the Soviet
proposals for a 'troika', the contradiction between the need for an independent
international civil service and the present trend towards 'politicizing' the Secretariat's work.
The troika and the future of UN. N e w York, Advance Printing C o . , 1962, 20 c m . ,
64 p . , $0.35. (International conciliation. Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace. N o . 538. M a y 1962.)
Conflict between the development of an independent civil service in the United
Nations and Soviet efforts, as reflected in M r . Kruschev's proposal for a 'troika',
to give a political complexion to the representation of States on the Organization's
Secretariat.
B A N E R J E A , Benoyendra Nath. Introduction to politics. 8th edition, Calcutta, Jijnasa,
1962, 22 c m . , vi + 152 p., index.
A review of all the problems involved in the organization of society, the adjustment of the individual to society, the life of political institutions and international
order.
B A S U , S. K . Industrialfinancein India. A study in investment, banking and State aid to
industry, with special reference to India. Calcutta, University of Calcutta, 1961,
25 c m . , xxiv + 493 p., tabl., bibliogr., index, R s . 18.
This work is afinancialanalysis of aid, particularly State aid, to Indian industry—
and a study of the relations between banks and industry. Special attention is given
to long-term financing.
Bibliographie de l'entreprise. ( U n e sélection d'ouvrages commentés.) Liège, 1962,
21 c m . , 95 p. (Université de Liège. Institut de Sociologie. Sciences sociales et
administration des affaires. 6.)
A select bibliography of a hundred or so works published in French, most of them
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since 1952, on the subject of business management. Abstracts of about twenty lines
on each work.
B O Y L E , K a y . Breaking the silence. Why a mother tells her son about the Nazi era. N e w
York, Institute of H u m a n Relations Press, 1962, 23 c m . , 40 p. (American Jewish
Committee. Institute of H u m a n Relations Press. Pamphlet series.)
In connexion with the television coverage of the E i c h m a n n trial, a mother
explains to her son the circumstances which brought the Nazis to power in
G e r m a n y and the crimes associated with their rule. T h e aim of this story is to
bring h o m e to parents the importance of enlightening their children about this
tragic period in modern history.
C A M P O U R B A N O , Salustiano del. La sociología científica moderna. Madrid, Gráficas
Uguina, 1962, 21 c m . , 329 p . , tabl., Ptas. 185. (Instituto de estudios políticos.
Colección Estudios de sociología.)
This textbook falls into three main parts. T h efirstdeals with the history of sociology
and the development of sociological theory; the second sets out the basic concepts of
present-day sociology and its main objects, while the third describes the methods
used in this branch of study.
C U R I E N , Gilles. La morale en politique. Paris, Pion, 1962, 21 c m . , 183 p., 8.65 F .
In thefirstpart, which is descriptive, the author discusses in turn the various efforts
m a d e in the course of history to apply morality to politics—the morality of primitive society, the morality of the Pharisees and of the zealots, attempts to apply
Christian morality, Machiavelli's ideas, etc. O n the basis of these observations, h e
draws the conclusion, in the second, the constructive part, that the only rules acceptable for political action are those of the Christian message; he then endeavours to
define the criteria of political action enlightened by Christian morality.
D E L A F O N S , John. Land-use controls in the United States. Cambridge (Mass.), 1962,
28 c m . , vi + 3 + 100 + L ff. (Joint Center for U r b a n Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University.)
American policy in the matter of town planning and land-use controls; the background
and social and economic context of the system, the aims of planning and control
methods, the usefulness and effectiveness of the system and comparison with that
operating in the United K i n g d o m .
D O M I N I Q U E , Pierre. Les polémistes français depuis iy8g. Paris, L a Colombe, 1962,
21 c m . , 448 p., 18 F . (Choix de textes. V I . )
S o m e forty French polemists, from Mirabeau to Céline, are characterized one after
the other by means of extracts from their works.
Droit familial (Le) (Prodiéno pravo). Beograd, Savez udruzenja pravnika jugoslavije,
1962, 20 c m . , 68 p. (Institut de Droit C o m p a r é . Recueil des lois de la R P F de
Yougoslavie. IV.)
Text of the laws concerning marriage, adoption, guardianship and relations between
parents and children which were passed in Yugoslavia in 1946 and 1947.
Estudios sociológicos (Sociología del trabajo y del ocio). Decimosegundo Congreso
nacional de sociología, 1961. Mexico, Universidad del Estado de México, 1962,
24 c m . , 573 p., fig., inset portr., bibliogr. (Instituto de investigaciones sociales de
la Universidad nacional autónoma de México. Asociación mexicana de sociología, correspondiente de la Asociación internacional de sociología de la Unesco.)
(Estudios sociológicas.)
Proceedings of the Twelfth Mexican Congress of Sociology, dealing with the sociology of work and leisure and the possibilities of planning in this field.
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Exécution des sanctions pénales (V) (Izvrsenje kriviínik sankcija). Beograd, Savez
udruíenja pravnika jugoslavije, 1962, 20 c m . , 84 p. (Institut de Droit C o m p a r é .
Recueil des lois de la R P F de Yougoslavie. V . )
L a w s and regulations relating to the enforcement of sentences and of penalties
involving deprivation of liberty in Yugoslavia. A foreword shows that the aim of
these provisions is to educate and correct delinquents.
G E I G E R , Theodor. Arbeiten zur Soziologie. Methode, moderne Grossgesellschaft, Rechtssoziologie, Ideologiekritik. Ausgewählt und eingeleitet von Paul Trappe. Neuwied/Rhein,
Berlin, H . Luchterhand, 1962, 20 c m . , 484 p., fig., tabl., fold., bibliogr., index.
(Soziologische Texte. 7.)
This is a selection of works by the great G e r m a n sociologist on sociological method,
theories of the mass society, the sociology of law and various ideological trends.
G E R S D O R F F , Ralph von. Saving, credit and insurance in Brazil. Their contribution to
economic development. Barbados (West Indies), Government Printing Office, 1962,
25 c m . , iv + 250 + xlii p., tabl., bibliogr., index. (Government of Barbados.
Economic planning unit. Series of economic surveys. 1.)
A critical description of the various m o d e s of capital formation and methods of
financing in Brazil; h o w private saving should be encouraged to meet the country's
investment needs. Gersdorff considers that this analysis of the situation in Brazil
is applicable to most underdeveloped countries.
G O O D Y , Jack. Death, property and the ancestors. A study of the mortuary customs of the Lodagaa of West Africa. Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University Press, 1962, 23 c m . ,
xii + 45a p . , fig., biblilogr., index, $8.50.
This study, based on two years of investigation of the mortuary customs of a tribal
society in Northern G h a n a , is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of African
social structure and religions.
Growing up in River City. B y Robert J. Havighurst, Paul Hoover B o w m a n , Gordon
P . Liddle, Charles V . Matthews. N e w York, L o n d o n , J. Wiley, 1962, 24 c m . ,
xiv + 189 p . , tab., index. (The University of Chicago. Committee on H u m a n
Development.)
A study of a group of American teenagers living in River City, a small town in the
Middle West of the United States. T h e purpose of this study is to see h o w far social
background and individual character have, in each case, affected the subject's
success in his career and his social adjustment.
G U M P L O W I C Z , Ludwig. Outlines of sociology (Grundriss der Soziologie). Edited with
an introduction and notes by Irving L . Horowitz. N e w York, Paine-Whitman
Publishers, 1963, 23 c m . , 336 p., tabl. (Paine-Whitman studies in social science
and social theory.)
This classic,firstpublished in G e r m a n y in 1885, provides a systematic account
of certainfieldsof sociological research—group sociology, social psychology, political sociology, sociology of knowledge—and studies the history of nineteenthcentury social theory. T h e introduction gives a clear-cut outline of Gumplowicz'
thinking.
H A R D T , Robert H . ; B O D I N E , George E . A delinquency profile of Syracuse and Onondaga
county, N.Y., ig6i. Syracuse ( N . Y . ) , Syracuse University Youth Development
Center, 1962, 28 c m . , 29 p., multigr., $0.50.
T h e third information report on the juvenile delinquents of O n o n d a g a county, the
first two of which covered the years 1957-58 and 1959-60. It is of purely descriptive
value, as interpretation of the data calls for further research.
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H A R R I S O N , Ira E . A selected, annotated bibliography on store-front churches and other
gious writings, Syracuse ( N . Y . ) , Syracuse University Youth Development Center,
1962, 28 c m . , 29 p . , multigr., $0.25.
T h e works covered by this bibliography deal not only with the store-front churches
of the poorer districts of American cities but also with the more general problems of
sects and public worship.
H E I N T Z , Peter. Einfährung in die soziologische Theorie. Stuttgart, F . Enke Verlag,
1962, 25 c m . , viii + 275 p . , bibliogr.
This introduction to sociological theory is designed to give young sociologists a
general view of the development of their branch of study.
H E I S T E R , Matthias. Rentabilitätsanalyse von Investitionen. Ein Beitrag zur Wirtscha
lichkeitsrechnung. Köln, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1962, 24 c m . , xii +
156 p . ,fig.,bibliogr., index. (Beiträge zur betriebswirtschaftlichen Forschung.
T h e author, dealing with economic accounting in general, analyses the return
from investments—a problem that looms large in economic research.
H E R B S T , P . G . Autonomous group functioning. An exploration in behaviour theory and mea
urement. London, Tavistock publications, 1962, 23 c m . , x i v + 271 p . ,fig.,tabl.,
bibliogr., index.
O n the basis of a detailed study of a specific case (a group of miners trying out a n e w
work organization scheme), the author raises a series of problems relating to the
theory of group functioning—working out scales of measurement, data analysis
techniques—thus laying the basis for a theory of groups.
H O F M A N N , Werner. Ideengeschichte der sozialen Bewegung des ig. und 20. Jahrhunderts.
Berlin, W . d e Gruyter, 1962, 16 c m . , 243 p . , bibliogr., index. (Sammlung
Göschen. 1205/12053.)
With a view to shedding light on the 'upheavals' of the world of today, the author
studies the ideas which were the driving force behind the social m o v e m e n t in
Great Britain, France and G e r m a n y during the period of their industrial development
in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
K E N N A N , George F . Russia and the West under Lenin and Stalin. N e w York, T h e N e w
American Library, 1962, 18 c m . , 384 p . , index. (A Mentor book.)
A history of Soviet foreign policy from October 1917 until the end of the Second
World W a r : Brest-Litovsk, Allied intervention in Russia in 1918, the purges of
1934-36, the Germano-Soviet pact, relations between Stalin and the Allies in
wartime, etc.
K I N G E T , G . Marian. Psychotherapie et relations humaines. Théorie et pratique de la thérapie non directive par Carl Rogers et G . Marian Kinget. Vol. II. La pratique,
par G . Marian Kinget. Louvain, Publications universitaires; Paris, B. Nauwelaerts,
1962, 25 c m . , 264 p.,fig.,tabl., index, 24 F . (Studia psychologica.)
T h e first volume of this work contained a description of the attitudes and principles
relating to Rogerian psychotherapy; this second volume is intended to be a d e m o n stration, or at least an illustration, of this method of psychotherapy: adoption
of attitudes, 'response-reflection', conduct of the interview, analysis of the interaction and the process in a specific case, transfer and diagnosis. T h e author concludes
that the specific merit of Rogers' work lies not in the fact that he recognized the
importance of certain ideals and certain values but in his having given those values
concrete, observable forms capable of being fully integrated in the most diverse
types of situation and inter-human conduct.
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K I S E R , Clyde V . , ed. Research in family planning (Papers presented at a conference
sponsored jointly by the Milbank Memorial F u n d and the Population Council,
held 13-19 October, i960, at the Carnegie E n d o w m e n t International Center,
N e w York City). Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 196a, 24 cm.,
xvi + 662 p., tabl., index.
Seventy participants in an international conference provide voluminous documentation on the state of research in various countries into problems of birth control and
family planning. Special mention is m a d e of the psychological, sociological and
other problems met with in thisfieldin the underdeveloped countries.
K N O T T , James E . , Jr. Freedom of association. A study of the role of international nongovernmental organizations in the development process of emerging countries. Brussels,
1962,
21 cm., 93 p. (Union of International Associations. Publication 176.
Documents. 11.)
A n analysis of the educational needs of the new countries and of the part that
international non-governmental organizations can play in meeting those needs.
The author also emphasizes the influence that such organizations can have on the
development of democratic practices in those countries.
L A U E R H A S S , Ludwig Jr. Communism in Latin America. A bibliography. The post-war
years (iQ4^-ig6o). Compiled by Ludwig Lauerhass. Los Angeles, 1962, 22 cm.,
x + 78 p. (University of California. Center of Latin American Studies.)
This bibliography contains nearlyfifteenhundred titles classified in geographical
order: a general section is followed by a series of other sections, each devoted to one
Latin American country. Books, official publications and articles in periodicals are
listed separately within each section. The references are very full but most of them
are given only secondhand. The index is very brief.
LiEFTiNCK, Pieter. Recent Trends in International Monetary Policies. Princeton (N.J.),
1962, 23 cm., 22 p. (Princeton University. Department of Economics. Essays
in international finances, 39. September 1962.)
In this work the author tries to provide at least the beginnings of an answer to two
questions which he feels are of fundamental importance today, as they already
were thirty years ago. First, are present monetary reserves sufficient in view of
the volume of trade? Second, must there necessarily be conflict in a free trade
system between a monetary policy aiming at external stability and a monetary policy
aiming at internal balance, i.e. a relatively stable price level in conjunction with
a high level of employment?
M A C G A F F E Y , Wyatt; B A R N E T T , Clifford R . Cuba, its people, its society, its culture. B y
Wyatt MacGaffey, Clifford R . Barnett, in collaboration with Jean Haiken and
Mildred Vreeland. N e w H a v e n , H R A F Press, 1962, 22 cm., xxii + 392 p.,
maps, tabl., bibliogr., index, $8.75.
This study, which contains a whole collection of historical, economic, social, ethnic,
political and other data, seeks to place the Castrist revolution in proper perspective
by reviewing its forerunners in the history of C u b a and relating the revolution to the
culture and problems of the population.
M A C H L U P , Fritz. Plans for Reform of the International Monetary System. Princeton
(N.J.), 1962, 23 cm., vi + 70 p . , tabl. (Princeton University. Department of
Economics, International Finance Section. Special papers in international
economics, no. 3. August 1962.)
After describing the disadvantages of the present international monetary system,
the author considers some possible remedies: extension of the gold exchange standard, organization of mutual assistance between central banks, centralization of
currency reserves, raising the price of gold, etc.
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M A N N I N G , Laurence A . Bibliography of the ionosphere. An annotated survey through ig6o.
Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University Press, 1962. 26 c m . , xvi + 613 p., index.
A n annotated bibliography of works relating to the study of the ionosphere, published
u p to the end of i960: ray propagation in the ionosphere, physics of the ionosphere,
studies of the upper atmosphere. T h e work contains 4,000 titles of books and
articles.
M A R T I N D E L L , Jackson. Évaluation de gestion et jugement sur la valeur de l'entreprise.
Guide pour une direction avisée et un placement éclairé des capitaux (The appraisal of
management). Traduit par M . Perineau. Neuilly, H o m m e s et techniques, 1962,
25 c m . , 175 p . ,fig.,tabl., 25 F .
This work is intended not only for business directors and managers, offering them
criteria for the appraisal of their o w n management in all the essentialfieldsof
business policy, but also for the investor, enabling him to establish an appraisal
value offirmsfor reference purposes w h e n judging stock exchange quotations.
M A T O R E , Georges. L'espace humain. L'expression de l'espace dans la vie, la pensée et l'art
contemporains. Paris, la Colombe, 1962, 21 c m . , 301 p . , index. (Sciences et techniques humaines, 2.)
Proceeding by analysis of the content, the author picks out, in the language of the
press and of artistic, literary or public life, metaphors involving terms d r a w n from
the concept of space (plane, axis, volume, etc.). H e analyses this sort of unconscious
geometry and compares it with traditional geometric space.
M E I S T E R , Albert. Principes et tendances de la planification rurale en Israël. Problèmes po
par l'absorption de l'immigration de masse dans les villages coopératifs (moshvei olim
Paris, L a H a y e , M o u t o n , 1962, 24 c m . , 148 p . ,fig.(École pratique des hautes
études. Sorbonne. V I e section: Sciences économiques et sociales.)
T h efirstpart of this report deals with the principles and practice of village planning
and describes the various activities for training n e w immigrants. T h e second part is a
m o r e general essay o n the changes that the n e w immigration has brought to the
farm colonies: different factors in the participation of the two communities (old
and n e w immigrants) in national life, the transformations in society in general since
the State of Israel was created, repercussions of these social changes on the rural
development of the country.
M E N D I E T A Y N U Ñ E Z , Lucio. Sociologie du développement. Sociología del desarrollo. Sociolo
of development. (ISA fifth World Sociological Congress. Washington, (b) Subject B ;
Sociology of development.) Mexico, 1962, 24 c m . , 79 p . (Instituto de investigaciones sociales de la Universidad nacional de México.)
This work, written in English, French and Spanish, compares the developed and the
underdeveloped countries and blazes a rough trail for research into the sociology of
development, based o n economic, h u m a n , legal and cultural factors.
M Ü L L E R , K . Valentin. Die Manager in der Sowjetzone. Eine empirische Untersuchung
zur Soziologie der wirtschaftlichen und militärischen Führungsschicht in Mitteldeutsch
Köln, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1962, 24 c m . , xii + 200 p., tabl. (Schriftenreihe des Instituts für empirische Soziologie, 2.)
Empirical sociological research on the a r m y and business leaders in the G e r m a n
Democratic Republic.
M U R P H Y , Lois Barclay, et al. The widening world of childhood. Paths toward mastery.
N e w York, Basic books, 1962, 24 c m . , xvi + 399 p., bibliogr., index.
This work is the outcome of over twelve years' research a m o n g some thirty children
selected in their early childhood as being normal. T h e authors demonstrate the
unique and individual character of each child's reactions to the n e w situations
318
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with which he is daily confronted and to the crises, illnesses and separations that
form part of his life.
O S G O O D , Charles E . An alternative to war or surrender. U r b a n a , University of Illinois
Press, 1962, 21 c m . , 183 p .
In this analysis of international relations in the nuclear age, the President of the
American Psychological Association describes a plan for controlled disarmament
to be carried out in successive stages. T o overcome Soviet distrust, the United States
should take the initiative of a peace offensive.
O S S O W S K I , Stanislaw. Die Klassenstruktur im sozialen Bewusstsein. Neuwied a m Rhein,
Berlin, H . Luchterhand, 1962, 20 c m . , 300 p . , bibliogr., index. (Soziologische
Texte. 11.)
T h efirstpart deals with class structure from Biblical d o w n to m o d e r n times, while
the second is more particularly concerned with the interpretation of this structure
against the background of existing social conditions.
P A L E R M , Angel. Observaciones sobre la reforma agraria en Italia. Washington, Organización de los Estados Americanos, 1962, 21 c m . , viii + 114 p. (Unión Panamericana.
Estudios y monografías. I V . )
Notes on land reform in Italy since the end of the Second World W a r . Part I
describes its general aspects, while Parts II and III review certain regional and
local experiments. T h e last part is a critical analysis of Italian land reform.
P A R S O N S , Talcott. La struttura dell'azione sociale. Introduzione de Gionfranco Poggi.
Bologna, II Mulino, 1962, 22 c m . , xxxii + 976 p., bibliogr. (Collezione di testi e
di studi. Scienze sociali. 11.)
A critical analysis of the thought of a n u m b e r of sociologists w h o have m a d e a
contribution to social theory (with special reference to Pareto, Durkheim and M a x
Weber).
P I H A , Kalevi. Asuntoyhteisö, sen muodostuminen ja rakenne. Sosiologinen tutkimus asunnonhakijoista, uudelle asuntoalueelle muuttaneiden käyttäytymismuutoksista ja naapuruussuhteiden jäsentymisestä turun kaupungissa. T u r k u , 1962, 21 c m . , 297 p . , fig., bibliogr.
(Turun yliopiston sociologian laitos. Sarja B.3.)
This study, falling into three parts, deals with the social background to housing,
the social changes to which housing must be adapted and the system of co-ownership.
P I T T M A N , David J.; S N Y D E R , Charles R . , eds. Society, culture and drinking patterns.
N e w York, London, J. Wiley, 1962, 24 c m . , xviii + 616 p . , index.
This set of reports on the problem of alcoholism in various societies is a 'critical
synthesis' of the contributions of sociology, cultural anthropology and social psychology in this field.
PoNSiOEN, J. A . The analysis of social change reconsidered. A sociological study. T h e H a g u e ,
M o u t o n , 1962, 25 c m . , 170 p., tabl., index. (Publications of the Institute of Social
Studies. Major series. I V . )
T h e author discusses the various processes of social change in both primitive and
modern industrial societies and reviews the theories of various writers, from M a r x
to Parsons, w h o have attempted to explain these processes.
P O W D E R M A K E R , Hortense. Copper town: changing Africa. The human situation of the
Rhodesian copperbelt. N e w York, Evanston, Harper and R o w , 1962, 22 c m . , xxiv +
392 p., folder, inset m a p , tabl., bibliogr., index, $7.95.
O h the basis of a survey conducted at Luanshya, a small town in Northern Rhodesia,
the author discusses the changes in individuals and society that the intrusion
319
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of an industrial civilization in a primitive society has wrought in the African
world.
S C H U T Z , Alfred. Collected papers. I. The problem of social reality. Edited and introduced
by Maurice Natanson. W i t h a preface b y H . L . V a n Breda. T h e H a g u e , M . Nijhoff, 1962, 25 c m . , 1 + 361 p . , inset portr., index. (Phaenomenologica. n . )
In this critical analysis of the theories of Bergson, Scheler, Husserl and Sartre,
the author, a Viennese phenomenologist w h o has emigrated to the United States,
examines the methodological problems of the social sciences, their relationship
with phenomenology and the link between symbols, reality and society.
S N O W , G . P . Science and government. The Godkin lectures at Harvard University, ig6o.
With a n e w appendix. N e w York, T h e N e w American library, 1962, 18 c m . ,
viii + 128 p . (A Mentor book.)
In this account of the conflict, during the last w a r , between two scientific advisers
to the British Government, the celebrated physicist C . P . S n o w sets forth his views
on the part that should be played by scientists in politics in the atomic age.
S O C I E D A D E S P A Ñ O L A D E P S I C O L O G Í A . Actas y trabajos de la VI reunión anual, g-13 mayo
i960. Madrid, 1962, 24 c m . , 164 p . , fig. (Publicaciones d e la Sociedad española
de psicología. I V . )
The proceedings of the sixth annual meeting of the Spanish Society for Psychology.
The material published relates mainly to educational, industrial and religious
psychology.
Statistisches Jahrbuch der Schweiz. Annuaire statistique de la Suisse. ig6s. Bâle, Birkhäuse
1962. 25 c m . , x + 649 p . , tabl., index, 23.50 Swiss Francs. (Bureau Fédéral de
Statistique.)
The 70th edition of the Annuaire statistique de la Suisse contains tables, without c o m mentary, o n the population of Switzerland and its activities, and, in particular,
on population distribution b y age, religion, and other factors.
S T O L L , Jean A i m é . L'application et l'interprétation du droit interne par les juridict
internationales. Bruxelles, 1962, 24 c m . , 226 p . , bibliogr., 235 Belgian Francs.
(Université libre de Bruxelles. Institut de sociologie Solvay.)
Systematic study of the problems facing an international judge called upon to deal
with the domestic law of States, and of the remedies provided by international
jurisprudence.
T E N B R U C K , Friedrich H . Jugend und Gesellschaft. Soziologische Perspektiven. Freiburg,
R o m b a c h , 1962, 21 c m . , 127 p. (Soziologie.)
Sociological analysis of m o d e r n youth and the behaviour of young people in presentday society.
T E R R O U , Fernand, L'information. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1962,
18 c m . , 136 p . , bibliogr., 2.50 F . (Que sais-je?, 1,000.)
A review, with reference to the various existing institutions, of mass communication
media regarded as techniques especially designed for the dissemination, a m o n g the
general public, of information, opinions, a n d entertainment programmes. T h e
history of mass communication, from its inception d o w n to the present, the national
and international status of mass communication agencies, etc.
Thomas Jefferson on constitutional issues. Selected writings, 1787-1825. R i c h m o n d , 196
22 c m . , vi + 43 p. (Virginia Commission on Constitutional Government.)
A selection of T h o m a s Jefferson's letters o n constitutional issues written between
1787 and 1825 to American politicians or lawyers.
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T H R U P P , Sylvia L . , ed. Millennial dreams in action. Essays in comparative study. T h e
H a g u e , M o u t o n , 196a, 26 c m . , 229 p . , bibliogr., index. (Comparative studies in
society and history. Supplement II.)
A final version of the reports submitted to a conference held at the University of
Chicago in i960. T h e purpose of the meeting was to pool the observations of anthropologists, sociologists and historians on a n u m b e r of religious movements inspired
by the idea of a Golden A g e or a 'promised land'.
V E N E S S , T h e l m a . School leavers. Their aspirations and expectations. Foreword by Professor C . A . M a c e . London, Methuen, 1962. 22 c m . , xxvi + 252 p . , fig., pi.,
tabl., index, 25s.
W h a t ambitions do adolescents in Great Britain cherish as regards a career and
what is their outlook on life? A large n u m b e r of interviews a m o n g them are analysed
in this work.
V E R H A E G E N , P . Bibliographie de l'urbanisation de l'Afrique noire: son cadre, ses causes et
ses conséquences économiques, sociales et culturelles. Bruxelles, 4 rue d u C o m m e r c e ,
1962, 22 c m . , xii + 387 p., index, 300 Belgian francs. (Centre de documentation
économique et sociale africaine. C E D E S A . Enquêtes bibliographiques 9.)
This work contains over 2,500 entries, m a n y of them with an abstract of the publication in question, classified under four main headings: background and causes;
urbanization: the urban factor, migration and monographs; the social and economic consequences; and social and cultural changes.
W A S H B U R N E , N o r m a n F . , ed. Decisions, values and groups. Vol. 2 (Proceedings of a
conference held at the University of N e w Mexico. Sponsored by the Air Force
Office of Scientific Research.) Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1962, 23 c m . , 521 p . ,
fig., tabl., bibliogr., index. $5.
A group of American social scientists set forth the results of their work on behavioural
problems and examine certain concepts such as intelligence, decision-taking, etc.
W U L K E R , Gabriele. In Asien und Afrika. Soziale und soziologische Wandlungen. Stuttgart, Kreuz, 1962, 21 c m . , 120 p.
T h e author, analysing the social and sociological changes that have taken place in
Africa and Asia, discusses the importance of the assistance given to countries in these
continents, the problem of the labour market, land reform, and the repercussions
of economic development. A special chapter on population growth.
Z U N K E L , Friedrich. Der Rheinisch-Westfälische Unternehmer 1834-18yg. Ein Beitrag
zur Geschichte des deutschen Bürgertums im ig. Jahrhundert. Köln, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1962, 24 c m . , 284 p . , bibliogr., index, D M 28.50. (Dortmunder
Schriften zur Sozialforschung. 19.)
This study of the nineteenth-century 'entrepreneurs' of Rheinland-Westphalia goesbeyond the realm of economic history and touches upon political and social history.
It thus provides a basic contribution to the study of the bourgeoisie of that period.
S V O R Y K I N , A . A . ; O S ' M O V A , N . I.; C E R N Y S E V , V . I.; S U H A R D I N ,
S. V . Istorija tehniki.
Moskva, IzdateFstvo social'no-ekonomièeskoj literatury, 1962, 27 c m . , 772 p . ,
fig., portr., tabl., bibliogr., index. (Akademija N a u k S S S R . Institut istorii estestvoznanija i tehniki.)
According to Marxism-Leninism, technological progress is closely dependent o n
the social context which brings it about. After stating this principle, the authors
give a detailed review of the inventions and discoveries m a d e at various stages in
history, marked by the birth of feudalism, the advent of capitalism and the October
Revolution.
32 r
III. NEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS
FIFTH WORLD CONGRESS OF SOCIOLOGY
Washington, D . C , 2 to 8 September 1962
T h e International Sociological Association held its Fifth Congress at the
Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D . C , from 2 to 8 September 1962, under
the auspices of Unesco and in collaboration with the American Sociological
Association. T h e meetings brought together 1,030 participants from fiftyone countries. Three main themes were dealt with: ' T h e sociologists, the
policy-makers and the public'; ' T h e sociology of development'; and ' T h e
nature and problems of sociological theory'. M a n y of the 240 invited
contributions and the main papers presented to the plenary sessions are
being published in the Transactions, Volumes I and II of which have already
appeared. Volumes III and I V will be published during the spring of 1963
and will contain reports on the discussions, a representative selection of
the shorter papers and a list of the participants.
Grants from the American Council of Learned Societies, the National
Science Foundation and the Social Science Research Council enabled
the ISA to pay the travel expenses of most of the principal contributors
and to offer free charterflighttickets to 80 young research workers from
twenty countries.
T h e local committees in the United States, under the co-chairmanship
of Dr. C . Taeuber and M r . P . F . Myers, organized a pre-congress visit to
N e w York, a banquet at which the H o n . M r . W . W . Rostow, Counsellor
and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council, United States Department
of State, w a s the principal guest and speaker, a concert and visit to the
National Gallery of Art in Washington, D . C , and a showing of sociological
films. A n u m b e r of embassies held receptions to mark the occasion, and
after the congress some of the participants took part in a three-day visit
to the Tennessee Valley Authority, arranged by their American hosts.
Opening session
T h e congress opened with speeches given by the President of the Association and by representatives of the United Nations, Unesco, T h e National
Science Foundation, the American Council on Education and the National
Association of Broadcasters.
In his opening address, the President, Professor T . H . Marshall, e m p h a 322
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sized the special significance of the congress being held in the United
States. W h e n the Association began its work in 1949 there was a danger
that it might be a predominantly European organization, even though
itsfirstpresident was an American and several distinguished non-European
sociologists took part in its affairs from the start. Itsfirstfour congresses
were held in Europe and it was also convenient that its office should be in
Europe, in close touch with the headquarters of Unesco, to whose inspired
initiative it owed its existence and on whosefinancialsupport it depended,
and still depends. But, if it had remained European, or predominantly
so, it would have failed to fulfil the purpose for which it was founded.
It w a s essential that the Association secure the full collaboration of
sociologists in the United States, whose output exceeded in volume and
variety that of any other region of comparable size. T h e contingent of
American sociologists attending its congresses had steadily grown, and n o w
with this meeting the fusion was complete. But more important still was the
combination of hard work and good will that had m a d e of this group a
true cosmopolis. Judged by these standards the I S A could undoubtedly
claim to be the only fully international organization of professional sociologists.
Professor Marshall then turned to the present state of sociology itself,
about which he felt less happy. 'Its reputation in the world at large,' he
continued, 'is not as high as it should be, and w e all k n o w it. A n d yet never
before was there such lively interest in the problems that sociologists study,
nor such urgent d e m a n d for answers to the questions that sociology poses.
But sociologists cannot, or do not, produce enough of the answers fast
enough. It is not altogether their fault, for m a n y of the questions are
unanswerable without more knowledge and better tools than w e as yet
possess, and the questioners are impatient. A n d what they throw to us is
often the intractable residue left after the economist, the political scientist
and the psychologist have taken all the plums. . . .' It was because of the
pressing need to communicate to the public and to the politicians an
understanding of what sociologists have done, are doing and can d o , and
cannot do, that the first theme of the congress was chosen.
Scientific meetings
O n e plenary session was devoted to thefirsttheme ('The sociologists, the
policy-makers and the public') which was subdivided into ' C o m m u n i c a tions between sociologists and policy-makers' and 'Communications between sociologists and the public'. There was one working group. T h e plenary session, sponsored jointly by the American Sociological Association
and the International Sociological Association, w a s opened by its cochairmen, Professor P . Lazarsfeld of the American Sociological Association
and Professor T . H . Marshall of the ISA. T h e latter, in his opening remarks,
stressed the need for sociologists to m a k e themselves m o r e comprehensible
to the layman and to encourage the inclination of politicians and policy323
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makers to turn to sociology and use sociological knowledge to solve major
problems of policy. M r . H . Friis (Copenhagen), the organizer of the session, expressed the hope that the speakers would not only touch upon the
interrelationships a m o n g sociologists, the policy-makers and the public,
but would also attempt to formulate concrete suggestions as to h o w sociological perspectives and knowledge could be m a d e available more effectively.
T h e following national papers were contributed, based o n concrete
examples and illustrating the role of the sociologist in present-day society:
A . Sauvy (France), 'Sociologues et politiques: exposé introductif; D . Ghosh
(India), ' T h e sociologist and the policy-maker in India'; R . Weitz (Israel),
' T h e sociologists and the policy-makers: a case study of agricultural settlem e n t in Israel'; A . Vratusa (Yugoslavia), ' T h e sociologists and the policymakers in Yugoslavia'; R . Treves (Italy), 'Sociologists and policy-makers
in Italy'; E . Hughes ( U . S . A . ) , ' T h e sociologists and the public: introductory essay'; F . Fernandes (Brazil), 'Sociologues et grand public au Brésil';
J. Hochfeld (Poland), 'Sociology and the public in present-day Poland';
T . Agersnap (Denmark), 'Sociology and the public in the Scandinavian
countries'; S . G r o e n m a n (Netherlands), ' T h e sociologists and the public:
observations concerning the Dutch situation'.
T h e second theme ('The sociology of development') w a s discussed in
two plenary sessions—'The early stages of growth' and ' T h e maintenance
of growth'—one held on the second day of the congress and one on the
last day. There werefiveworking groups on the following topics: the break
with traditionalism: case studies; religion and development; changes in
urban and rural areas; citizenship and political authority; traditional and
modern élites. This theme w a s an almost inevitable choice in view of the
enormous interest in the subject shown by all the social sciences today.
T h e main papers given in thefirstplenary session examined and compared
the early stages of growth in the developed and developing countries
of the West, dealing with the economic, cultural and political factors
prior to, and resulting from, development. T h e following topics were
emphasized: S. Kuznets ( U . S . A ) , 'Economic requirements of modern industrialization'; J . - D . Reynaud (France), 'L'éthique traditionnelle d u travail:
création de l'homo economicus'; R . Clémens (Belgium), ' L a mentalité
d'entrepreneur aux premières phases d u développement'; A . Pizzorno
(Italy), 'Développement économique et urbanisation'; R . Behrendt (Switzerland), ' T h e emergence of n e w elites and n e w political integration forms
and their influence on economic development'; B . Hoselitz ( U . S . A . ) , ' T h e
development of a labour market in the process of economic growth'.
At the second plenary session, a continuation of thefirst,the following
papers were presented: J. M a q u e t (Belgium), 'L'intégration culturelle
dans les sociétés en croissance'; J. Stoetzel (France), 'Problèmes de l'intégration culturelle en Afrique noire'; S. M . Lipset ( U . S . A . ) , ' T h e United
States—the first n e w nation'; M . Crozier (France), 'Administration et
bureaucratic L e problème des moyens organisationnels du développement';
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W . E . M o o r e ( U . S . A ) and A . S. Feldman ( U . S . A . ) , 'Industrialization and
industrialism: convergence and differentiation'.
These papers dealt with the different general aspects of growth in
developed and developing countries and the factors encouraging national
and international integration.
There were five major contributions to the plenary session of the third
theme ('The nature and problems of sociological theory'). R . König
(German Federal Republic), ' T h e nature and problems of sociological
theories: introductory note'; P . Sorokin ( U . S . A . ) , 'Theses on the role of
historical method in the social sciences'; H . Lefebvre (France), ' M a r x et
la sociologie: la pensée de M a r x en 1844'; E . Gellner (United K i n g d o m ) ,
'Concepts and society'; A . K . Saran (India), ' S o m e aspects of positivism
in sociology'.
T h e session was followed by four working groups: historical and c o m p a rative studies; functionalism; Marxism; and models and theory formation.
Research on this theme was directed towards explaining and assessing
the present state of sociological theory and reviewing the relevant historical factors.
In connexion with the main themes sessions were held on the sociology
of knowledge, and public sessions were organized by I S A research c o m mittees o n : industrial sociology; sociology of the family; urban and rural
sociology; mass communications; political sociology; psychiatric sociology;
sociology of religions; sociology of leisure and popular culture. Informal
meetings also took place on the sociology of law, the sociology of medicine,
and the sociology of education.
T h e actual collaboration of the research committees was quite significant. It can be said with certainty that research committees can help
sociologists to do more of what they ought to do and .to do it on an international, or cross-cultural, footing. T h e advantage of these committees is
that they are all devoted to the promotion of research on outstandingly
important aspects of contemporary life—the very kind of research that is
most likely to provide the answers to the questions posed by the public and
the politicians. In view of the importance of their work and the difficulty
they have in meeting to discuss their affairs, it was decided to put one whole
day of the congress at their disposal during which they could organize
group discussions on one or several themes of their choice, and also to
arrange for them to hold business meetings concerning their future
activities.
Special meetings
Apart from the congress, the ISA Research Committee on Family Sociology
organized the seventh International Seminar o n the Family, which took
place in Washington, D . C . , from 10 to 14 September, and the Research
Committee on the Sociology of Religions, in collaboration with the Reli-
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gions Research Association and the Society for the Scientific Study of
Religion, held a meeting in Georgetown on 8 and io September.
Immediately after the Washington congress an International R o u n d
Table w a s held in Princeton, N . J . (io to 13 September). This brought
together sixteen specialists from ten countries of Europe and North and
Latin America to discuss the teaching of sociology in universities and institutes of higher education. T h e meeting resulted in some valuable suggestions and conclusions. A report o n the discussions is published in this
International Social Science Journal.
Council and Executive Committee
T h e I S A Council, composed of representatives of the national m e m b e r
associations, m e t in Washington, D . C . , on 2 and 3 September. T h e Executive Committee m e t on 1, 6 and 8 September. M r . A . Métraux and
M r . S . Friedman attended the meetings on behalf of Unesco.
T h e Council expressed its gratitude to the retiring President, Professor
T . H . Marshall, and elected Professor R . König to succeed h i m for the
term 1962-65. T h e n e w vice-presidents and m e m b e r s for the same period
are: vice-presidents: Professors H . Blumer ( U . S . A . ) , G . Germani (Argentina);
members: Professor R . A r o n (France), M r . H . Friis (Denmark), Professors
F . V . Konstantinov ( U . S . S . R . ) , C . M a d g e (United K i n g d o m ) , K . O d a k a
(Japan), M r . S . R o k k a n (Norway), Professors J. Szczepanski (Poland),
R . Treves (Italy).
It was decided that the Administrative Committee should be merged
with the Executive Committee, and it was suggested that a n e w committee
be elected to draw u p proposals concerning the general membership policy
and to deal with all applications for membership (Membership Committee).
T h e Council a n d . Executive Committee received reports on publications, membership, the spacing of world congresses, the organization of the
fifth congress, and o n the I S A research committees. T w o n e w research
committees were officially constituted : one on the sociology of law, one o n
the sociology of education. This n o w brings the Association's research
committees to eleven.
T h e responsibility for editing Current Sociology w a s transferred to the
I S A Secretariat.
326
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THE TWELFTH INTERNATIONAL COURSE
IN CRIMINOLOGY
Jerusalem, a to 20 September 196a
ISRAEL D R A P K I N
As witnesses and actors in this exciting pageant of h u m a n society o n the m o v e , w e
wish to believe that this changing world of ours is an experience unique to this generation, never felt by our ancestors. W e tend to forget that pre-Socratic philosophers
centuries before Plato and Aristotle had already expressed the concept of constant
flux or change, the universal principle behind every expression of life and thought.
A s this is true of the past and of the present, w e are forced to conclude that the
greatest paradox is that the most constant and certain element of life—in this inconstant and uncertain world of ours—is the notion of change itself.
O f its very nature change requires readjustments and readaptations that can
never be easy. Usually change is a painful and exacting experience involving m a n y
things, a m o n g them crime, and often other aspects of social pathology. But w e k n o w
little about the dynamics of criminogenesis or the prevention of crime in a changing
world like ours. If w e k n o w something about the real importance of the m a n y
changes taking place in contemporary society and their violent impact on the manifold aspects of social structure, organizations and institutions, m u c h less is k n o w n
about h o w these changes influence crime as a social and as an individual p h e n o m enon. In fact, the members and delegates attending the Second United Nations
Congress for the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, held in
London in August i960, while discussing the problem of'the prevention of types of
criminality resulting from social changes and accompanying economic development
in less developed countries', agreed that 'inasmuch as the topic was one to which
inadequate attention has been given and o n which insufficient data were available,
its conclusions and recommendations could only be tentative and subject to verification based o n sound research'. It also established 'the urgent need for research
to assess the m a n y factors of social change which are potentially contributing
fators to criminality, as well as for research to evaluate the effectiveness of preventivemeasures.' (See International Review ofCriminal Policy, N o . 16, October i960, p . 67.)
Five years earlier, on 18 September 1955, the General Assembly of the International Society of Criminology, meeting in London, expressed the hope that scientific
research should be advanced by 'the definition of specific projects to be undertaken
by the International Institute, such as the study of the development of crime in
underdeveloped countries in relation to technical advances'. (See Selected Documentation on Criminology, 'Reports and Papers in the Social Sciences', Unesco, N o . 14,
1961, p . 24.)
Having all this in mind, the International Society of Criminology decided to
devote its twelfth International Course in Criminology to the discussion of the
problems connected with 'Crime causation and prevention in developing countries'.
This course was held in Jerusalem, Israel, from 2 to 20 September 1962, thefirstto
take place outside Europe. T h e course was not organized on the assumption that
the badly-needed answers to criminogenetic and the crime-prevention questions
have already been found. T h e intention was only to provide a platform where experts
from abroad a n d from Israel might exchange opinions and experiences, compare
techniques and methods, summarize research work and plan projects for the future,
thus facilitating a confrontation of thought based o n different approaches, rather
than a debate a m o n g representatives of antagonistic 'schools' of a single given field.
Judges, for example, might have friendly and useful discussions with psychiatrists,
sociologists with psychologists, law-enforcement officials with probation and parole
officers, and so on. Twenty-four foreign criminologists, some of them of world
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INTERNATIONAL
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JOURNAL
renown, and twenty-one colleagues from Israel deliveredfifty-sevenlectures, directed
twenty-three seminars and participated in a two-day final international symposium
devoted to the same main subject. O n the other hand the lectures and the s y m p o sium were attended by forty-three students from thirty-five different countries, and
twenty-one students from Israel w h o all took an active part in the debates of the
various seminars. With 110 scholars belonging to thirty-six different countries from
Africa, Asia, America and Europe in attendance, the twelfth International Course
was the most internationally representative course of its kind held to date.
T h e subjects dealt with during the lectures and seminars were extremely heterogenous, although all bore a relationship to the main subject of the course. A detailed s u m m a r y would be far beyond the scope of this brief report, but it seems worth
while to mention a few important points. F r o m the reports presented by participants from various countries, it was clear that:
1. There is crime in developing as well as in developed countries, and there is
an increasing interest in the manifold problems of crime in all developing
countries.
2. There are still m a n y differences in the types of crimes committed, and n e w forms
of crime—though rare—are still emerging. In this connexion, the various
tribes and religious groups present special problems, but there will probably be
increasing similarity in the type of crime.
3. Poverty, illiteracy, superstition and political conflicts are the main causes
of crime, delinquency and recidivism.
4. While some countries are experiencing immigration from outside their borders,
most countries face problems arising from internal migration. People migrate to
urban and industrial centres because of the lack of m o d e r n facilities in villages.
Such migrations have weakened the family structure, and it is precisely the
weakness or absence of this and other primary controls in the n e w settings
' m o r e than migration itself that leads to crime. A s the n e w communities have
not yet the necessary services to take care of them, the conflicts that m a y arise
cannot easily be checked. Efforts must be m a d e , therefore, to improve rural
life and planning of programmes of development for rural and urban c o m m u nities should allow for the specific aspects of crime prevention.
5. There is a lack of reliable data on crime—particularly statistics—for detailed
analysis and interpretation.
6. Mass communication media should be utilized to create a positive awareness of
social problems, for conditions deteriorate rapidly where indifference is shown.
7. Violations that were not considered serious in the past are n o w viewed with
concern, accounting for increase in the n u m b e r of offences registered. This is
particularly true in transitional periods w h e n n e w sets of norms and values
replace the old ones.
8. N e w penal codes must necessarily take social changes into account and e m p h a size the d e m a n d for individual justice. Wherever possible the indeterminate
sentence should be introduced.
9. T h e police should be oriented more and more towards prevention rather than
mere repression.
10. A s the prison systems have proved ineffective in well-developed countries, it
is important to explore the possibilities of implementing non-institutional
programmes, making a proper evaluation of other methods of crime prevention.
International courses are not organized as debate forums and resolutions are not
normally adopted. In this particular case, however, the participants were so anxious
to express their wishes that an exception was m a d e , and resolutions were adopted,
all of them unanimously.
O n e resolution dealt with the problems of teaching and research. After acknowledging 'the high technical level already attained by the H e b r e w University of
Jerusalem for the training of its students' it expresses the hope 'that the Institute of
Criminology of this University, with appropriate external assistance, and under
328
NEWS
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A N N O U N C E M E N T S
the auspices of the International Society of Criminology, will be able to expand
its activities so as to provide training andfieldexperience to students from other
developing countries seeking it. A n d , to this end, suggests that this institute,
through the usual Israeli channels, explore with the United Nations, the International
Society of Criminology, and other international organizations, as appropriate, the
avenues possible for expanding its p r o g r a m m e and facilities to meet these expressed
needs'.
Only the future will reveal to what extent these wishes and aspirations m a y be
realized. Meanwhile verba volant, scripta marient, so w e are n o w preparing the publication of the proceedings of this course. In doing so w e hope to convey something of
the unforgettable atmosphere of agreeable companionship that prevailed during the
entire course a m o n g all the participants.
If this course should contribute, even a little, to helping the n e w and developing
countries avoid the ordeal of trial and error experienced by the long-established
societies in matters connected with penal and criminological problems, and prevent
them from repeating the moreflagrantmistakes m a d e by other countries so that they
m a y benefit only from the best systems and experiences, adapting them to their o w n
needs and possibilities, then w e should consider that all the effort and energies
devoted to its organization have been well worth while.
THE FOURTEENTH MEETING
OF THE AMERICAN ORTHOPSYCHIATRY
ASSOCIATION
Washington, 6 to 9 M a r c h , 1963
Approximately five thousand specialists in the behavioural sciences from all parts
of the United States and C a n a d a attended the fortieth annual meeting of the
American Orthopsychiatric Association at the Shoreham and Sheraton Park Hotels
in Washington, D . C . , from 6 to 9 M a r c h , 1963.
This was the Association'sfirstmeeting in the nation's capital. T h e American
Orthopsychiatric Association is unique as a national professional organization in its
composite membership drawn from the professions of psychiatry, psychology, psychiatric social work, nursing, pediatrics, anthropology, sociology, education and the
law, and its emphasis o n the collaborative approach to the study and treatment of
h u m a n behaviour and the prevention of emotional ills. D r . Karl Menninger of the
Menninger Foundation, one of the Association's charter m e m b e r s , w a s a m o n g the
leading speakers at the Presidential Session.
T h e opening session was organized in conjunction with the World Federation for
Mental Health and was open to the public. D r . Johan Galtung of the Science
Research Institute of Oslo, Norway, presented a major paper on ' T h e application of
social science to peaceful relations between groups and nations' which was then
discussed by Dr. François Cloutier, Director of the World Federation for Mental
Health, Margaret M e a d , and Sir Robert Watson-Watt, the communications physicist
and author of Man's Means to His End. Sir Robert was the principal luncheon speaker
on the following day, in a session chaired by D r . Fritz Redi and concerned with ' T h e
social a n d ethical responsibility of the behavioural scientist'.
T h e theme for the twenty-six sessions held on 7 M a r c h was 'Contributions of
the behavioural scientist to h u m a n survival'. Topics considered included: conflict
and tension; children's anxieties in a nuclear era; image of the enemy; inter-nation
329
INTERNATIONAL
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JOURNAL
communication barriers; areas for behavioural science research; deterrence; the
mass media and the anxious public; impact of disarmament—economic, social, and
significance for social welfare structure; the Peace Corps; conflict resolution—
through negotiation and conferences and research in the resolution of intergroup
hostilities; international tensions and consequences for the personality; and a number
of other significant topics of current concern.
A m o n g contributors to these sessions were James Avery Joyce, English barrister
and lecturer on international affairs; Howland Sargeant of Radio Liberty; Dore
Schary; Ithiel de Sola Pool; Arthur W a s k o w and Donald Michael of the Peace
Research Institute; Gerald Piel, publisher, Scientific American; Doctors Charles
Osgood, Jules Masserman, Bryant W e d g e , R a y Birdwhistell, Robert North, Viola
Bernard and Sibylle Escalona. Other speakers included: Launor F . Carter, Chief
Scientist of the United States Air Force; Ida Merriam of the Division of Program
Research, Social Security Administration; Vincent Rock, Institute for Defense Analyses; Oscar Schachter, Director of the General Legal Division, United Nations;
Ralph Garrett, Chief Scientist, Office of Civilian Defense, Major Vincent Sweemey
of the Surgeon General's Office, and m a n y other government staff members concerned with problems of h u m a n survival.
T h e programme for the following days covered a wide range of clinical and
mental health content. Major sessions were devoted to problems of treatment of and
research in brain damage in children, childhood schizophrenia, delinquency,
adolescence, family and group approaches, child placement, divorce, schools and
mental health, the mentally retarded, college mental health and similar subjects.
T h e programme also included a joint session with the mental health section of
the American College Health Association, a panel on college clinical problems and
a workshop on the college student. Other joint workshops were held with the American Association for Children's Residential Centers and the mental health section of
the American Public Health Association.
Three major sessions were directly concerned with governmental activity in the
mental healthfield.Three members of the President's Panel on Mental Retardation:
the chairman, Leonard M a y o , the vice-chairman, George Tarjan, and Victor
Weingarten, public relations consultant, presented papers in a session chaired by
D r . Reginald S. Lourie, also a m e m b e r of the President's Panel on Mental Retardation. Another session examined problems and plans for the implementation
of the recommendations of the Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health.
Speakers included: D r . Robert Felix, National Institute of Mental Health; Wilbur S.
Cohen, the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, and Congressman James
Fogarty. A third session on j uvenile delinquency included a presentation by Bernard
Russell of the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime.
T h e Association's Committee on Minority Group Problems organized a major
session on 'Social and mental health aspects of current Indian life—translating
social science knowledge into programme planning'. A principal speaker was Philleo
Nash, Commissioner of Indian Affairs.
A session on adoption was set up by an Association sub-committee on law and
psychiatry. A m o n g the speakers were: Judge Justine Polier, Shad Polier, Doctors
Samuel Ritvo and Viola Bernard.
Thirty-five major sessions, sixteen panels and thirty-three workshops, focused on
a broad range of clinical problems, community mental health concerns, urban
problems, space, the military family, divorce, and children's emotional problems
from classroom learning difficulties and preventive programmes to treatment of and
research in severe mental and emotional disturbances.
Local chairmen of arrangements are: M r s . Ruth I. K n e e , 1275 Arlington Boulevard, Fairfax, Virginia, and D r . Morton A . Seidenfeld, 5410 Connecticut Avenue,
N . W . , Washington 15, D . C . D r . Edward D . Greenwood of the Menninger Foundation is President of the Association.
S3«
N E W S
A N D
A N N O U N C E M E N T S
THE SIXTH SESSION OF THE
ECONOMICS INSTITUTE
Sponsored b y the American Economic Association
University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado, 27 June to 28 August 1963
T h e Economics Institute provides a summer training programme for selected foreign
students w h o have been admitted to regular graduate study in economics or agricultural economics at universities and colleges in the United States. T h e purpose is
to help students strengthen their preparation so that they m a y carry on their graduate studies in the United States more productively and advantageously.
T h e Institute provides an intensive review of microeconomic and macroeconomic
theory, offers concentrated training and practice in oral and written English and
supplementary training in mathematics. A general introduction to the United
States economy and society is also provided. Instruction is adapted to the needs
of individual students on the basis of the results of an initial testing programme.
Final admission to the Institute will be granted only to those students w h o can
provide proof of admission to graduate work at a university in the United States
for the academic year following the Institute. For application forms and scholarship
information requests should be addressed to the Institute of International Education,
800 Second Avenue, N e w York 17, N . Y . , or to the chairman of the department of
economics at the university where graduate studies are to be undertaken during
the year following the Institute.
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE GROUPE D'ETHNOLOGIE SOCIALE
T h e Groupe d'Ethnologie Sociale directed by M r . C h o m b a r d de L a u w e has published a number of works, under the auspices of the Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique (France), on the family and its habitat. At a time w h e n the sociology
of the family is being rethought and a sociology of housing is taking shape, it has
been felt desirable to recall the works issued b y the group.
Sciences humaines et conception de l'habitation, b y Paul Chombart de L a u w e and M . J.
Chombart de L a u w e , Louis Couvreur, D . Dubois-Taine, P . Labat, P . Madaule,
L . M a r c u , O . Miret, F . Fichet Poitrey. 224 + xiv p . , 24 line drawings, 18 F .
Following on various studies carried out abroad and several team surveys conducted
by them, the authors have turned to the history of functional architecture for explanations of certain phenomena. They proceed to trace the connexion between the
old concepts and the n e w tendencies displayed by the architects interviewed. T h e
work ends with a conclusion by M r . Paul Chombart de L a u w e on the liberation
of m e n b y housing which confronts both architects and social scientists with their
responsibilities in the social transformations taking place before our eyes.
Un essai d'observation expérimentale, by Paul Chombart de L a u w e and J. Jenny,
L . Couvreur, P . Labat, J. Retel, J. Charazac, M . J. Chombart de L a u w e ,
G . Rocher, D . Dubois-Taine, E . Perroy. 366 + ix p., 24 F .
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This work is based on a considerable collection of documentary material derived
from numerous surveys of limited neighbourhood groups which it has been felt
worth exploiting and developing on original lines. O f the two formulae, extensive
survey of representative samples of very large populations and study of small stratified samples allowing of significant comparisons on the basis of prior hypotheses,
the authors have deliberately chosen the second. This method has allowed them to
carry out their observations in greater detail and to combine their qualitative
observations with the quantitative analyses.
T h e three n e w housing developments selected as thefieldfor experiment were
the Maison Radieuse built by L e Corbusier at Nantes, the Cité de la Benauge at
Bordeaux, and the Cité de la Plaine at Petit Clamart, near Paris. Each, in its o w n
w a y , is of considerable interest both architecturally and sociologically. There appears
to be a direct connexion between the evolution of housing and that of social structures. T h e material transformations can only be regarded as the expression of a
civilization.
In conclusion, P . Chombart de L a u w e points out that the study could be pursued to a later phase of experimental action, i.e. more direct action o n the actual
data of the experiment, which would be defined in terms of the hypotheses established by the preceding operations. T h e aim of future research, therefore, will no
longer be simply to k n o w but also to try out—or test—new forms of relationship
in social life.
Psychopathologie sociale de l'enfant inadapté, by M m e M . J. Chombart de L a u w e (Attachée de recherches au C N R S ) . 276 p., 16 F .
T h efirstpart of the work gives a general view of the ecology of the populations studied, with special attention to the problem of housing and space. Part II, 'Le milieu
social et le milieu familial', discusses the combined effects of the economic level of
the family, the father's occupation, the consequences of gainful employment of the
mother, and questions relating to the couple's dissociation. Certain demographic
aspects are also examined. Each of the points is dealt with in its relation to all the
rest. Part II ends with an analysis of the psychopathic tendencies of children in the
family, a difficult but important question which leads on naturally to consideration
of physiological questions—physical development of children, etc.—in Part III,
which shows the extent to which the development of the child and its physical type
depends on all the variables observed. T h e constant interaction between heredity and
environment is brought out and becomes matter for observation.
T h e author's conclusion is that not only is there a social heredity but that it can
produce physiological changes and is itself conditioned by environment.
La vie quotidienne des familles ouvrières. A study of social consumption behaviours, by
P. Chombart de L a u w e (2nd edition). 308 p., 15 F .
T h e importance of research on the daily life of working class families is not confined
to demonstrating the extremely difficult and often alarming situations in which they
find themselves. As the author puts it, working class families are 'the most sensitive
seismograph of economic derangements and social disturbances'. A scientific study
of their behaviour as consumers in relation to the economic situation makes an
important contribution to motivation research in social psychology. At the same time
they should be of the utmost help to economists, town planners, social welfare
services and trade unions in defining the needs of working class populations.
332
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THE TWENTIETH CONGRESS
OF THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE
OF SOCIOLOGY
T h e Organizing Committee for the Twentieth Congress of the International Institute of Sociology announces that the congress, scheduled to be held from 12 to
28 September 1962, has been postponed till 1963 so as to coincide with the c o m memoration of the 350th anniversary of the foundation of the National University
of Córdoba (Argentina).
T h e programme of the congress, closely related to the events planned on that
occasion, will be circulated as soon as possible. In drawing it u p , account will be
taken of any suggestions that members or associates of the International Institute of
Sociology m a y send to the Chairman of the Organizing Committee, Professor Alfredo
Poviña (Trejo 241, Córdoba, Argentina), or to the President of the International
Institute of Sociology, Professor Corrado Gini (Via Adige 39, R o m e , Italy).
333
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Marriage, matriúny and social structure among the Yao of
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Family organization in plantations in British Guiana
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Nuclear family support and power structure in Sinhalese, Tamil,
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Chiropractic: A Deviant Theory of Disease
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P. K A S T A R I . The Parliamentary O m b u d s m a n and the Chancellor of Justice in
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Cultural nationalism: the idea of historical destiny
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Cesar Grana
Ethnogenesis and Negro-Americans today. . . L. Singer
Urbanization, ethnic groups, and social segmentation
John S. MacDonald and
Leatrice D. MacDonald
Community-Power studies: A Critique. . . . Sethard Fisher
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W . G . W A F F E N S C H M I D T , Recherche-développement et production.
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The Robinsonian Model of Accumulation
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A Survey of the Theory of Process-Innovations . . . . M . Blaug
Power and Influence in the Federal Reserve System. . . C R . Whittlesey
Malthus on Emigration and Colonization: Letters to WilmotHorton
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summer of I960. Contributors, covering a wide range of
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