PONTIFFS OF STONE: ART AS PROPAGANDA
IN THE PAPAL TOMBS OF AVIGNON
by
JARED HANSEN
HEATHER MCPHERSON, COMMITTEE CHAIR
JESSICA DALLOW
TANJA JONES
MINDY NANCARROW
A THESIS
Submitted to the graduate faculties of The University of Alabama at
Birmingham and The University of Alabama at Tuscaloosa,
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art History
BIRMINGHAM, ALABAMA
2015
Copyright by
Jared Hansen
2015
PONTIFFS OF STONE: ART AS PROPAGANDA
IN THE PAPAL TOMBS OF AVIGNON
JARED HANSEN
ART HISTORY
ABSTRACT
During its nearly eighty year sojourn in Avignon during the fourteenth
century, the papacy experienced many threats to its legitimacy, both religious
and secular. In an effort to maintain a powerful and dominant visual presence,
the papacies in Avignon created magnificent funerary monuments that
communicated claims of legitimacy. In contrast with the goals of previous popes
to exemplify temperance and piety in their tombs, popes of the fourteenth
century displayed power. The history of papal tomb sculpture is defined by a
gradual, yet inevitable, trend towards propaganda and the pursuit of secular
authority.
The tomb of Pope John XXII represents the political goals of the papacy
during the fourteenth century. Through the synthesis of foreign and secular
elements, the papacy sought to greatly magnify its secular influence and
authority. By appropriating elements common in royal French and English
tombs, John XXII created a new visual language that embodied his vision for the
Church and influenced papal tomb sculpture for centuries.
iii
The Avignon Period has been ignored and reviled by scholars and
historians of this period in Catholic history for its perceived emphasis on
materialism and secularism, as well as accusations of heresy. Despite this past
dismissal the tombs of Avignon were highly influential to papal funerary
monuments that came after. These once-forgotten works not only embody the
new secular emphasis that would characterize the papacy during the
Renaissance and Baroque periods, but are aesthetically unique. The papal tombs
of Avignon merit attention both for their artistic and historical significance.
Key words: Avignon, papal tombs, sculpture, John XXII, propaganda
iv
To Maree, my best friend.
“Life wouldn’t be so precious, dear, if there never was an end.
There is no death, no end of time, when I’m facing it with you.”
-M. Shadows
v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Many people contributed to the completion of this thesis and without
their assistance I would still be struggling to find a direction. I must
acknowledge my first art history professor, Dr. Henricks from Jacksonville State
University. It was in her survey class that interest in the rewarding field of art
history was piqued. I am also indebted to Professor Toone in Idaho for instilling
in me an excitement for studying extremely old art.
I also would like to thank my graduate professors at UAB, most notably
Dr. McIver. I took more classes from her than anyone else. Her depth of
knowledge and firm grasp on the Italian Renaissance encouraged me to pursue
Renaissance studies. I am also indebted to her for introducing me to Michael
Camille’s and Millard Meiss’s scholarship. I would be most ungrateful if I did
not acknowledge Dr. Tanja Jones for introducing me to the topic of Avignon
papal tombs. While I had pursued my interest in Italian papal tombs and tomb
sculpture in general, her comments at a Graduate Symposium run-through
firmly set me on my course. I am also indebted the Art History Department staff
for the experience I gained through two Graduate Assistantships.
vi
To the members of my committee, Professors Heather McPherson, Tanja
Jones, Mindy Nancarrow, and Jessica Dallow, I express warm gratitude for their
suggested edits and efforts to keep me on track. The process is far more involved
than I imagined when I first started and their expertise has been invaluable. I
have forgotten more through the course of my graduate studies than I thought
possible, but from them I learned much more than facts and figures. They taught
me that questions are much more rewarding than answers.
I would like to thank Eddie Luster, the Interlibrary Loan Department,
along with the staff at Mervyn H. Sterne Library for their tremendous assistance
throughout my studies.
Lastly, I am immensely grateful for my immediate family and in-laws,
who have been entirely supportive of my endeavors and have shown genuine
interest. Lastly, I must acknowledge my loving wife and best friend, Maree. Her
patience and constant, unwavering support, not only during the research and
writing of this thesis, but throughout my graduate studies has been integral to
not only my work but my sanity as well. She reminded me that balance in all
things is important not only for my own peace of mind, but a happier wife as
well.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... iii
DEDICATION .................................................................................................................. v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................... vi
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ x
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................1
Difficulties in Scholarship .....................................................................................6
Chapter Overview..................................................................................................9
Significance ...........................................................................................................11
1 OVERVIEW OF THE AVIGNON PAPAL TOMBS...............................................12
The Social and Political Background of Boniface VIII’s Papacy ..................12
Motivation for the Move to Avignon ...............................................................15
John XXII ..............................................................................................................17
Transitions ............................................................................................................22
2 THE STYLISTIC BEGININNGS OF AVIGNON PAPAL TOMB
SCULPTURE ...............................................................................................................24
Italian Papal Tombs ............................................................................................25
Introduction of French Influence on Papal Tomb Design .............................29
Boniface VIII’s Tomb ..........................................................................................32
Papal Busts ...........................................................................................................37
John XXII’s Tomb and Papal Traditions ..........................................................39
3 FRENCH ROYAL AND ENGLISH INFLUENCES ON THE
TOMB OF JOHN XXII ...............................................................................................41
French Royal Influence and the Tomb of John XXII .....................................42
viii
English Influence on John XXII’s Tomb ...........................................................46
The Tomb of Antipope Clement VII.................................................................49
4 CONCLUSION ...........................................................................................................52
The Enduring Influence of John XXII’s Tomb on Later
Papal Tombs ........................................................................................................52
NOTES ..............................................................................................................................57
BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................67
APPENDICES
A
CHRONOLOGY OF REFERENCED POPES AND KINGS .........................71
B
LOCATION OF EXTANT FOURTEENTH-CENTURY PAPAL
TOMBS................................................................................................................73
FIGURES...........................................................................................................................75
ix
LIST OF FIGURES
1. Floorplan of Notre-Dame des Doms ........................................................................75
2. Tomb monument of John XXII ..................................................................................76
3. Tomb monument of John XXII ..................................................................................77
4. Tomb of Pope Callixtus .............................................................................................78
5. Tomb of Pope Callixtus ..............................................................................................79
6. Tomb of Popes Leo I-IV..............................................................................................79
7. Tomb of Alfanus..........................................................................................................80
8. Tomb of Alfanus, detail..............................................................................................80
9. Pietro Oderisi, Tomb of Clement IV .........................................................................81
10. Pietro Oderisi, Tomb of Pope Clement IV, detail .................................................82
11. Arnolfo di Cambio Tomb of Adrian V ...................................................................83
12. Royal Tombs of Saint Denis.....................................................................................84
13. Pietro Oderisi, Tomb of Pope Clement IV, detail .................................................85
14. Coppo di Marcovaldo, Crucifix ..............................................................................86
15. Arnolfo di Cambio, Tomb of Pope Boniface VIII .................................................87
16. Giotto, Jubilee fresco .................................................................................................88
17. Giocopo Grimaldi, Pope Boniface VIII’s tomb, watercolor ................................89
18. Detail of Boniface VIII tomb ....................................................................................90
19. Giacopo Grimaldi, detail of Torriti fresco .............................................................91
20. Tomb of Boniface VIII, detail...................................................................................91
x
21. Benedict XII Tomb, detail ........................................................................................92
22. Arnolfo di Cambio, Bust of Boniface VIII ..............................................................93
23. Angel Statue ...............................................................................................................94
24. Isabella ........................................................................................................................95
25. Pierre d’Alençon........................................................................................................96
26. Tomb monument of Edmund “Crouchback” Plantagenet .................................97
27. Tomb monument of King Edward II......................................................................98
28. Tomb of Archbishop Meopham ..............................................................................99
29. Tomb remains of Antipope Clement VII .............................................................100
30. Simone Ghini, Tomb of Pope Martin V ...............................................................101
31. Baccio Bandinelli, Tomb of Pope Leo X ...............................................................102
32. Baccio Bandinelli, Tomb of Pope Clement VII ....................................................103
33. Baccio Bandinelli Drawing ....................................................................................104
34. Alessandro Algardi and Domenico Guidi, Meeting of Leo I and Attila .............105
xi
INTRODUCTION
In 1309, Pope Clement V (b. 1264, r. 1305-1314) moved the papal court
from Rome to Avignon, which was part of the Kingdom of Arles in the Holy
Roman Empire. The move was in response to rapidly degrading relationships
between Clement’s predecessors and the people of Rome, prominent Italian
families and secular leaders, and the French crown. This relocation was an effort
to reassert absolute supremacy over secular leaders and all Christendom and
commenced a new era in Catholic history. Seven popes ruled from Avignon:
Clement V, John XXII (b. 1244, r. 1316-1334), Benedict XII (b. 1280s, 1334-1342),
Clement VI (b. 1291, r. 1342-1352), Innocent VI (b. 1282 or 1295, r. 1352-1362),
Urban V (b. 1310, r. 1362-1370), Gregory XI (b. 1329, r. 1370-1378). Pope Urban
unsuccessfully moved the curia back to Rome in 1367, returning to Avignon
shortly before his death.1 In addition, two antipopes were based in Avignon:
Clement VII (b. 1342, r. 1378-1394), and Benedict XIII (b. 1328, r. 1394-1423), who
was expelled from Avignon in 1403.
This thesis argues that the papal tombs of Avignon created a new visual
language that influenced tomb sculpture for centuries. Beginning with John XXII
(b. 1244, r. 1316-1334), the popes of Avignon adapted foreign stylistic and
1
functional characteristics in an effort to visually solidify their preeminent secular
and spiritual authority. This visual language combatted both spiritual and
secular threats to papal authority, such as rejection of both the spiritual validity
of Avignon as the site of the Catholic capital and papal claims of secular
authority.
To accomplish this, I will focus on the tomb of John XXII (c. 1340).
Majestically towering over the main altar at Notre-Dame des Doms, the papal
cathedral in Avignon, the imposing tomb monument of Pope John XXII (figures
2-3) would have dominated the attention of fourteenth-century parishioners. The
structure stands an impressive twenty feet high and measures twelve feet across
and six deep. Flamboyant Gothic architectural elements define the sculptural
program: trefoil and ogival arches, ornate interplay of space and form, and an
emphasis on verticality. At the base of the structure, the recumbent effigy of John
XXII lies atop a sepulcher. It occupies the space behind three inner quatrefoil
arches which extend to the upper register. On the face of the tomb itself are
miniature arches in relief, mirroring the arches of the main structure. The two
outer bays flank the tomb symmetrically, framing the figure and directing the
gaze inward. Slender columns decorated with ornamental moldings delineate
each bay and tie together the registers while elevating the eye heavenward.
Behind and above the three main arches is a spire consisting of smaller similar
2
arches adorned with the same decorative molding as the center register. Two
towers flank the main arches, rising above their respective arches to reach
halfway up the central spire. Vertical and horizontal harmony is achieved
through the interaction of five-bay organization of the lower two registers and
the soaring spire.
The tomb of Pope John XXII is representative of the stylistic tendencies
and raison d'être of the art commissioned by the Avignon papacy. Despite being
the second pope of the Avignon Period, the tomb of John XXII was the first tomb
created.2 It introduced a new style of papal tomb, followed by the other French
popes, in which a Gothic structure with pinnacles, statues, and niches replaced a
baldachin.3 There is a clear intention by John XXII to establish legitimacy through
the appropriation of design elements from the tombs of secular leaders, both in
France and abroad. In contrast to the efforts of the previous papacies in Rome to
achieve a balance between piety and exaltation in their tombs, the Avignon
papacy, starting with John XXII, used tomb sculpture as a means of establishing
and solidifying the legitimacy of Avignon against intense international
opposition that would tear asunder the Catholic Church in 1378 for thirty years.
During the fourteenth century, the papacy instituted a number of procedural and
administrative changes in reaction to this upheaval and, by necessity, created a
new visual language for its papal tombs.
3
The widespread loss of trust and support by the people, both in France
and Italy, in the decades leading up to the fourteenth century created the need
for political funerary monuments. Since the Renaissance, this period of Church
history has been plagued by indifference and derision due to the perceived abuse
of godly power and the perpetual social and political turmoil. Clement V was
reviled and despised for approaching his calling as a “dishonest politician.” 4 In
the view of many fourteenth-century citizens from different social classes and
nationalities, the papacy in Avignon was perceived as self-centered for its
heretical approach to the government of God’s kingdom on earth. This
perception led to the bestowal of the unpleasant soubriquet “Babylonian
Captivity” upon the papacy in Avignon, referring to the biblical captivity of the
ancient Jews. The inference is that the Church was held captive in a foreign land
by heathen popes whose overriding ambition was personal power.
Criticism was not limited to Clement V as the founder of the Babylonian
Captivity. The pontificate of John XXII was reviled in his day and is still looked
upon by many historians and scholars with derision. He is accused of sowing
political and doctrinal discord, for it was during his administration the
Reformation as an academic movement began.5
Whether justified or not, the notoriety of the Avignon papacy has
discouraged serious study of its art. Despite this unfavorable perception, the
4
papal tombs of Avignon are significant for a number of reasons. First, they
signify a drastic and permanent shift in the government of the Church. In
particular, fourteenth-century papal art reflects the tenuous position and
aspirations of Church leadership. The use of tomb sculpture as a declaration of
secular importance was not unique to fourteenth-century popes; indeed, the
tomb of John XXII is one point in the evolution of papal tombs. Although popes
had been active in the design of their tombs as early as the twelfth century,
fourteenth-century popes created tombs for themselves that assumed a new
political emphasis. John XXII elaborates on funerary trends that first appeared in
papal monuments in the middle of the twelfth century. By appropriating
functional qualities of the tombs of secular leaders, both abroad and in France,
the papacies at Avignon sought to maintain a powerful public presence through
their tombs.
Additionally, these tombs are artistically significant. Through the unique
combination of foreign and secular design elements, fourteenth-century popes
created a visual language that was at once familiar and alien to the medieval
French viewer. For the first time viewers were presented with distinctly French
Gothic funerary architecture with hints of foreign elements: English spires and
tomb placement mingled with Italian emphasis on the individual. The
international quality of the papal tombs of Avignon, therefore, is as significant as
5
the uniqueness of their political function and their status as important historical
records of an important and transitional period of Catholic history.
I have two primary reasons for choosing the tomb of John XXII. First,
although John was the second pope to rule from Avignon, his tomb was the first
created. It was finished not long after his death, and there are indications that he
was heavily involved in its design and construction.6 Secondly, not only is his
tomb the first created in the Avignon period, but it is the best-preserved. I will
demonstrate how this tomb exemplifies both the stylistic and political ambitions
of the Avignon papacy. The tombs from Avignon arose from great distress and
opposition and I will outline the social and political circumstances that governed
their form and function.
To accomplish these objectives, I have based my research on formal and
stylistic analysis with a cultural emphasis. The sculptural language adopted by
the Avignon popes is a unique synthesis of secular, religious, and foreign
influences and I will show how each was employed for political effect. The tombs
were vehicles for political propaganda and are inseparable from the social,
religious, and political environments in which they were created.
Difficulties in Scholarship
Research into the art commissioned by the Avignon papacy has always
been scant due, though only in part, to destruction caused by the French
6
Revolution. One reason for the scarcity of scholarship is the neglect and disrepair
of the papal palace and cathedral.7 During the fourteenth century, papal palaces
and chapels bore the effects of neglect, allowing historic records and works of art
to be vandalized and stolen. Claimants to the papacy were often the perpetrators
as they sought to legitimize their papal rule by damaging rivals’ sculptures,
monuments, and important commissions, much like Roman rulers from over a
thousand years earlier.8 This was especially true in the fifteenth century when the
Great Schism (1378-1418) saw as many as three claimants to the papacy.9
Exacerbating the problem of placing the art of Avignon in a historical and artistic
context are the French Revolution and World War II which destroyed and
damaged numerous tomb sculptures of cardinals, popes, and French royalty.
The papal tombs from Avignon have thus come to us in an incomplete
state. From the tomb of John XXII, for example, each of the five dozen statuettes
has been stolen and the head of the recumbent effigy has been replaced by a head
from another tomb.10 Notwithstanding the damage, this tomb is one of the most
complete papal tomb monuments of the fourteenth century. Medievalist Julian
Gardner notes the difficulty in fully understanding art created during the
Avignon papacy and its result on the quality and quantity of scholarship. About
tomb sculpture specifically he states, "It is doubtful whether the history of papal
tomb sculpture in the fourteenth century at Avignon can ever satisfactorily be
7
written. Too much has been destroyed and a great part of what remains survives
only in a problematic state of preservation."11 Despite the incomplete and
damaged state of these monuments, they are important historical landmarks of
Christian history and there is much that can be gained through their study.
The prevailing purpose of Gothic art was communication. Christian tenets
and heavenly ideals were communicated through cathedral sculpture,
architecture, and stained glass. Papal tomb sculpture of Avignon would have
been similarly interpreted. Pope John XXII powerfully proclaimed to visiting
pilgrims and dignitaries the supremacy of his papal authority through Gothic
aesthetics and the ostentatious location within the cathedral.
In Avignon, the papacy not only adapted a visual language to reinforce its
ambitions, but achieved a greater level of international and political authority.
My contribution to the field of art history is a reassertion of Avignon’s lasting
significance to the papacy. Royal French Gothic architecture and sculpture have
been studied extensively, so has Italian tomb sculpture from the early
Renaissance. However, art of the Avignon papacy has, for the most part, been
ignored. Even less research has been undertaken into the international
significance of Avignon papal tombs. However, it is my strong belief that many
of the celebrated characteristics of High Renaissance papal tomb sculpture were
possible because of the progressive approach of the Avignon papacies.
8
Although a thorough and complete analysis of these tombs is likely
impossible because of the problems outlined above, I have also endeavored to
emphasize the significance of these tombs as historical documents of the
fourteenth-century Catholic Church. There is a strong correlation between the
drastic changes in papal government and papal tomb sculpture of Avignon. The
visual language that characterizes fourteenth-century papal tombs, adapted by
John XXII out of necessity, was already in development in earlier papal tombs
created in Italy as well as royal tombs created abroad.
Chapter Overview
In the first chapter, I introduce the tomb of Pope John XXII. In Avignon,
the papacy instituted a number of drastic changes in management and curial
composition. I will also discuss the political and social motivations for
increasingly political tomb sculpture. The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
were particularly divisive and dangerous for the Church as many challenged the
validity of papal authority and succession. The sociopolitical conditions that
resulted in the move by Pope Clement V from Rome to Avignon in 1309 also
contributed significantly to the form and function of papal tombs.
The second chapter will focus on the history of papal tombs in Italy. I will
establish the dominant papal tomb preferences leading up to the twelfth century.
I will then highlight significant developments in the evolution of Italian papal
9
tombs that serve as a foundation for the visual language of Avignon tombs. Of
greatest significance is the tomb of Pope Boniface VIII (c. 1294-1296) by Arnolfo
di Cambio. The tombs preceding the mid-thirteenth century are attempts of the
papacy to balance simplicity and humility with recognition. Although there were
multiple tomb traditions favored by medieval popes, the general trend was
towards increasing posthumous aggrandizement and glorification. The French
also exerted increasingly significant influence on the papal court, which is
manifested in the papal tomb design as early as 1276 with the tomb of Clement
IV, again by di Cambio. The tombs of Avignon were created as exclamations of
papal legitimacy, but they did not appear suddenly and without precedent. The
visual language developed gradually over time in response to social and political
threats to the papacy.
In the third chapter, I explore royal French and English influence on John
XXII’s tomb. Royal tombs in England were unique and featured specific elements
utilized by Pope John XXII in the creation of his tomb. He also borrowed heavily
from the royal tombs at St. Denis as well as the contemporary memorial
sculptures at Poissy commissioned by Philippe IV (b. 1268, r. 1285-1314). The
papacy at Avignon, in response to the growing tide of dissent and increasing
challenges to its papal claims, simultaneously sought to distance itself from Italy
by appropriating non-Italian stylistic and functional elements from royal tombs.
10
Finally, my thesis concludes with an examination of the lasting effects of
the Avignon papacy on papal tomb design. Popes in the succeeding centuries
would push the limits of funerary propaganda for a variety of purposes: to
clarify Church doctrine, to further the universal goals of the Church, or, as was
most often the case, to glorify and elevate the person of the pope. To illustrate
this trend, I will briefly evaluate the tomb (c. 1433) of Martin V (b. 1369, r. 14171431), as well as the joint funerary program (c. 1536-41) of Popes Leo X (b. 1475, r.
1513-1521) and Clement VII (b. 1478, r. 1523-1534) by Baccio Bandinelli.
Significance
The tomb of John XXII did not differ radically from what came before;
many of the elements present in Avignon papal tombs were already in place in
other contexts. However, their significance lies in both the unreserved
implementation of majestic and didactic funerary monuments and the
representation of political and spiritual authority. The Avignon Papacy laid the
foundation for a more authoritarian approach to government and greatly
influenced Renaissance papal tomb design. Future popes incorporated various
elements of design and location espoused by the Avignon Papacy in their own
tombs. The tomb of John XXII is one point on the artistic and pedagogic
evolution of papal tombs, from which we can learn much about a largely
forgotten era of Christian history.
11
CHAPTER 1
OVERVIEW OF THE AVIGNON PAPAL TOMBS
Before addressing the international nature of the papal tombs of Avignon,
it is critical to first address the history of the move to Avignon and establish the
strained relationship the papacy had with both the Italian public and the French
crown. These relationships form the foundation of not only the artistic choices
made in papal tombs, including that of John XXII, but the political trajectory of
the fourteenth-century papacy.
The Social and Political Divide of Boniface VIII’s Papacy
Seeds of papal discontent in Rome were planted decades before Clement
V (b. 1264, r. 1305-1314) abandoned Rome for the calmer social climate of
southern France in 1309. At a time when the ruling powers of Western Europe
were centralizing power and seeking to expand their influence, there arose an
increasingly nationalistic and divisive sentiment. The citizenry of England,
France, Spain, and even Italy and Germany, rebelled against the attempts of the
Church to expand its secular influence. In 1285 Philip IV “the Fair” (b. 1268, r.
1285-1314) became the first absolute monarch in France, realizing the designs his
grandfather Louis IX (b. 1214, r. 1226-70) held for the French crown.12 Through
12
his strong leadership and centralized court, Philip IV unified France against the
secular claims of the papacy. Additionally, the political independence of Rome,
desired by Roman citizens and supported by secular rulers, greatly increased the
opposition to the Church. During the thirteenth century Rome was marked by
constant turmoil as various families and secular leaders vied for influence.
Repeated attempts by the people to unify and establish an autonomous and
democratic form of government were defeated by various conquests and
instability.13 Bitter rivalries, especially the feud between the Caetani and Colonna
families, further weakened Rome’s ability to restore order.14
In an effort to overcome the growing tide of discontent and rejection of
papal rule, Boniface VIII (b. 1230, r. 1294-1303) elected to use force. In response to
policies enacted by Philip IV, especially that of taxing clergy for national defense,
Boniface VIII issued a papal bull in vehement condemnation of the practice.15 The
bull Clericis laicos (1296) forbade the lay taxation of clergy members on penalty of
excommunication. For centuries spiritual rule had superseded temporal rule and
Boniface resented the interference of the crown.16 Another example is the bull
Unam Sanctam (1302), which proclaimed the superiority of spiritual powers over
secular and reiterated the exempt status of the clergy from secular courts. These
bulls were rejected by secular leaders and the public alike and effectively created
a deep divide between laity and clergy.17 The turbulent political and social
13
landscape likely led Boniface to institute the Jubilee in 1300 in an effort to assert
unequivocally and forcefully the authority and magnificence of his papacy.
The fourteenth-century epithet "the unity of Christendom under two
divinely ordained universal powers, the sacerdotium and the imperium” became
severely contested through the power struggle of Boniface VIII and Philip IV.18
Prior to the fourteenth century, debates raged concerning royal and papal claims,
but the divinity of each was above reproach. One concern was the reconciliation
of the Christian faith and Aristotlean logic. Theology and philosophy became
synthesized and were applied to Christian doctrines and tenets. This synthesis
proved disruptive and was eventually rejected by both the Universities of Oxford
and Paris and the Archbishops of Canterbury and Paris.19 Ultimately, the
combination of faith and reason failed due to the combined efforts of medieval
scholars and religious leaders. The rejection of classical Platonist and Aristotlean
thought led to an increase in mysticism and often heretical speculation. This shift
in temperament, coupled with the extremes of wealth and poverty and
anticlerical sentiments, had negative effects on the relationship between the
Church and its constituents.
In addition to doctrinal disputes, the daily affairs of the papacy were
under scrutiny. In the fourteenth century both the Church and the French crown
sought ever-increasing power and influence and actively impeded one another.
14
French royalists argued for the solely administrative authority of the Church and
claimed responsibility and stewardship of church property. Papal authority
could also be challenged and stripped by General Councils.20
Motivation for the Move to Avignon
The public and extensively researched political strife between Boniface
VIII and the French crown was the principal catalyst for the papal sojourn to
Avignon. Policies enacted by French king Philip IV greatly strained his
relationship with the papacy. Boniface's power struggle ultimately proved to be
in vain as he was held captive in Anagni by those loyal to the French crown.
Even though he was released after a short incarceration, the position of the
papacy was weakened both politically and publicly.
Boniface VIII also faced intense persecution from within Italy. Rival
families used the curia to vie for power and influence even as the papacy
attempted to manipulate the turbulent Italian politics for its own benefit. Of the
chaotic and violent situation that dominated, Dante Alighieri (1265-1321)
exclaimed,
Ah servile Italy, woe's hostelry!
A ship without steersman in a mighty storm,
Not queen of provinces but brothel wench!
That noble spirit showed such eagerness,
Hearing but the name of his dear native town,
To welcome there his fellow citizen,
While those now living in thee ne'er can be
15
Without their wars; and each man chafes his mate
Of those by the same wall and moat enclosed.
Look well, O hapless one, around thy coasts;
And on thy shores, and in thy bosom gaze
And see if peace is known to any part...
The cities of our Italy are filled
With tyrants.21
French hostilities with the papacy reached a climax in 1303 with the
imprisonment of Boniface VIII in Anagni and his eventual death. The succeeding
pope, Benedict XI (b. 1240, r. 1303-1304), fled to Perugia, allied with the Orsini
family against the perpetual antagonism of the Colonna and Gaitani. He died
suddenly in exile shortly after attempting, in vain, to seek retribution against
Philip IV through a series of aggressive papal bulls. Rome was no longer
hospitable to a curia beset on all sides with families and monarchs intent on its
absolute vassalage.22
Early in the fourteenth century, the papacy of Clement V abandoned
Rome in favor of the relative seclusion and more hospitable political climate of
what was then southern Burgundy.23 The city of Avignon was ideal for the
beleaguered Church hierarchy. Located on the Rhône, the city provided easy
access to Italy for both communication and trade. Although the papacy
abandoned the turmoil of Rome, it maintained a vestige of influence in the city
for its potential return. Avignon was ruled by Angevin princes, vassals of the
16
Church preoccupied with protecting their small kingdom against the
neighboring house of Aragon and the promotion of Guelph interests on the
Italian peninsula.24 That Avignon welcomed Pope Clement V with open arms is
apparent through the establishment of an enclave within the city. It was also a
popular pilgrimage site, especially in the latter part of the fourteenth century,
and an ideal location to advertise papal messages and appeal for support. Most
importantly, Avignon was still part of the Holy Roman Empire and not
dependent on the French crown.25 Securing independence, seclusion, and safety
was critical for the papacy and possible in Avignon. Nevertheless, continuing
political strife with the French crown would dominate the entirety of the
Avignon papacy.
From 1309, when Clement V left Rome, through 1377 when Gregory XI (b.
1329, r. 1370-1378) returned to that city, the French papacy drastically
transformed the makeup of the papal court and its administration. Each of the
popes who ruled from Avignon was French and many had previously served
close to the French king or had ties to his court.26 Significant French influence
permeated the curia and is represented in papal tomb commissions.
John XXII
By the time John XXII assumed the papal tiara in 1316, most of the Italian
peninsula was embroiled in wars, coups, and violent social upheaval. The
17
transition in Italy, and most of Europe, from a feudal social system to a more
modern government was difficult. Popular disdain for papal authority by the
time of the election of John XXII had abated to some degree, but new allegations
of elitism and favoritism quickly arose as ecclesiastical appointments were
bestowed upon individuals sympathetic and politically advantageous to the
curia. Additionally, as the papacy’s secular and financial influence rose, so too
did whisperings of heretical vanity and avarice. These issues were compounded
by an increasingly despotic attitude of the pope towards the public, who rebelled
against direct taxation from both king and papacy.27
Popular disdain of the papacy was also doctrinal in nature; many were
convinced of the increasing worldliness of the curia and considered it an affront
to Christian tenets. Socially, there were alternating and, at times, unstable
periods of mysticism and rationality that changed the dynamics of the Church.
Much of the Avignon papacy was dominated by efforts to reconcile faith and
reason, to enforce obedience of mystic extremists, and to clarify doctrine, which
only served to inflame enemies of the Church. Franciscans in Provence,
enthusiastic "spirituals" who embraced literal and complete poverty, vehemently
rejected papal rule and advocated for complete annulment of Church hierarchy
to be replaced by monasticism. The papal bulls Sancta Romana and Gloriosam
Ecclesiam from the winter of 1317 put a temporary end to the extreme mysticism
18
and reestablished papal authority.28 Notwithstanding the removal to Avignon,
the papacy continued to face challenges to its rule, both from within and without
the Church.
The reign of John XXII lasted over eighteen years, longest by far of any of
the popes who resided at Avignon, and longest of any pope since Innocent III (b.
1160 or 1161, r. 1198-1216). John XXII was born Jacques Duèze in Cahors, a town
in southwestern France, to a shoemaker. Like Clement V before him, John XXII
had experience on a royal court before achieving the papacy. Upon his
appointment as chancellor to Charles II (b. 1254, r. 1285-1309) he was transferred
to Avignon.29 Politically and socially, he was the most influential of the Avignon
popes by virtue not only of the length of his reign and handling of numerous
social and religious issues, but also his lasting influence on papal government
and the execution of its affairs.
Faced with challenging decisions of extensive and enduring consequence,
popes during the fourteenth century often turned to the formidable French court
for help. For example, when John XXII streamlined and transformed the papal
court he emulated the dynamics of the French court. He was relatively frugal
personally in comparison with his predecessor, Clement V, and favored a sober
lifestyle. These personal traits contradicted his papal leadership as he spent large
amounts of money for political favors and to increase his temporal influence. He
19
encouraged the French king, Philip V “the Tall” (b. 1292, r. 1316-1322), to limit
personal excess, as evidenced by a letter requesting that he "organize the
expenses and regulate the various services of his court on the model of the papal
one."30
The attempts by John XXII to minimize excess went unnoticed, however,
and he remained unpopular throughout his papacy, at one point being accused
of heresy. Before his ascension to the papacy, John XXII taught civil law and
canon at Toulouse and Cahors. His knowledge of canon did not prevent him
from engaging in speculative theology He argued vehemently that faithful
individuals who died were not permitted to see God until the Final Judgment, as
opposed to immediately being brought into his presence. John XXII maintained
this position on the beatific vision until he lay on his deathbed.31 This conflict was
resolved by his successor Benedict XII (b. 1280s, r. 1334-42), whose bull Benedictus
Deus (1336) declared that faithful souls do indeed experience the “beatific vision”
immediately after death. This dispute further alienated the papacy and
discredited John XXII’s authority.32
Although John XXII was by far the least popular of the Avignon popes,
public perception of each Avignon papacy was lukewarm at best. Doctrinal
disputes, political intrigue, and perceived abuse of wealth and power during the
entirety of the Avignon period stigmatized its art which has lasted up to the
20
present. As will be discussed in the next chapter, papal tomb sculpture gradually
assumed a didactic function and adapted its message to assert claims of temporal
authority, rather than extolling religious virtues.
John XXII also strived to bring prominence to Avignon as the new home
of the papacy, especially the cathedral. There was a basilica close to the site of the
current cathedral from the fourth century until it was destroyed by the Saracens
in 731. Notre-Dame des Doms (consecrated 1111) was a relatively minor
cathedral prior to the reign of Clement V. Saint Louis (b. 1214, r. 1226-1270), the
king of France, visited twice on his way to Egypt, but the cathedral achieved
international significance during the Avignon papacy. A number of significant
individuals were canonized in the years between 1309 and 1347.33 More
importantly, Notre-Dame des Doms was the starting point of the first Corpus
Christi procession in 1317 as well as the site of the Feast of the Blessed Trinity in
1334, both instituted by John XXII. He also had an impact on the physical
structure by adding many of the chapels to the simple interior.34
The greatest impact of Pope John XXII on the papacy derives from his
centralization of Church administration. He was a gifted administrator and
statesman who painstakingly ensured efficiency in every aspect of Church
government. A result of this move towards centralization was an increased
politicization of the office. Aspiration to ecclesiastical offices and advancement
21
had been fixtures of the Church for centuries, but John XXII used these
connections for personal and political advantage.35 By increasing the range and
number of appointments that the pope alone was allowed to make, John XXII
greatly expanded the influence of the papacy on the local affairs of not only the
Church, but state as well. Many of the measures adopted by the papacy drew the
ire and intense displeasure of fourteenth-century Catholics in both Italy and
France.36 The widespread and passionate anti-papal sentiment that had evicted
the curia and kept it in exile for the better part of a century, instigated permanent
changes in the way the papacy governed.
Transitions
In addition to the transition to a powerful, centralized papal government,
Avignon marks a transition between the ancient tradition of Roman papal tombs,
Gothic, and Renaissance sculpture. Italian artists credited with transforming
Italian sculpture laid the foundation for the application of Gothic sculptural
motifs to papal tombs three decades prior to the removal to Avignon. Many
Italian sculptors during the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries had
traveled to France on occasion and executed commissions. Their work not only
significantly altered sculptural aesthetics in Italy as they brought back French
influences, but also helped to redefine the artistic landscape in France. Artists
like Arnolfo di Cambio, Simone Martini, and Giovanni Pisano, each of whom
22
executed several papal commissions in Avignon, have deservedly received much
attention from scholars. Their contributions to the development of a new visual
style influenced the next three centuries of Italian and French sculpture and
helped to usher in the Renaissance.37
It is important to note that the popes in Avignon did not invent a new
visual language for their funerary monuments, but adapted that which was
already established. Through the combination of these disparate elements
foreign to a papal context, the tomb of John XXII and those that followed
communicated secular messages in unique ways that had not been used by the
papacy before. Papal funerary tradition prior to the fourteenth century was
primarily an attempt to balance austerity and simplicity with ostentation and
aggrandizement. The next chapter will focus on the evolution of papal tomb
tradition in an effort to unravel the various design elements and their role in
papal funerary programs.
23
CHAPTER 2
THE STYLISTIC BEGINNINGS OF AVIGNON PAPAL TOMB SCULPTURE
In an effort to visually separate the Avignon papacy from Italy, John XXII
departed from the aesthetics of Italian papal tombs. The creation of tombs to
communicate ideas about religion and to shape popular perception was a
relatively new practice to the Avignon papacy in the fourteenth century. The
practice arose from an effort to project legitimacy amid distrust and contempt of
papal authority. In the infancy of the Church, papal tombs were simple and
plain, emulating the humility of Christ. As I will show in this chapter, by the
time of John XXII, and especially during the last half of the thirteenth century
culminating with Pope Boniface VIII, the papacy had reinforced the temporal
sovereignty of the pope and strengthened his secular presence. The change was
gradual and controversial as the papacy increased its visual presence through the
prominent placement of tombs and appropriation of secular visual elements.
Popes in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were generally heavily
invested in the creation of their tombs. By blending a familiar visual vocabulary
with a new and foreign sculptural language in their development of tomb
24
monuments, the popes at Avignon would later build upon this platform to create
their own visual language.
Italian Papal Tombs
For centuries, the Catholic Church placed emphasis on interment. At first,
popes were interred within close proximity to the body of St. Peter in simple
sarcophagi.38 Such an honor was not reserved for popes alone: cardinals and
high-ranking priests often had special privileges in death as well as life not
afforded to the laity. Still extant under the streets of the Vatican Hill are crypts
that contain the remains of hundreds of popes, bishops, and cardinals (figures 45). The tombs were originally placed in crypts under Roman streets close to Old
St. Peter's, like the Via Callixtus.39 By the year 430, many remains were
transferred to Old St. Peter’s, which began to be used as a papal mausoleum.
Although reserved for wealthy and high-ranking church officials, papal
tomb tradition during the first eight hundred years of the Church eschewed
ostentatious displays. The first pope initially buried in Old St. Peter’s was Leo
the Great (b. 400, 4. 440-461). His tomb was placed under the porch and later
moved to the more prestigious location in the south wall of the transept (figure
6).40 The three consecutive popes who took the name Leo were all interred with
him in the same sarcophagus. By the time of Leo IV (b. 790, r. 847-855), the
atrium of Old St. Peter's, as well as the porch and most of the interior, was
25
occupied by tombs, monuments and reliquaries. In keeping with papal tradition,
the sarcophagus was simple and austere, adorned only with inscriptions
identifying the occupants in an effort to emulate the humility of Christ. Leo the
Great had to wait until the seventeenth century to receive his own tomb.41 The
tomb of Popes Leo I-IV was typical of papal interment during the early period of
the Church. Not only were tombs reused and share, but the Church heavily
favored humility and plainness over ostentation.
The proliferation of tomb monuments became problematic by the twelfth
century as the desire to honor individual popes superseded the espousal of
Christian tenets like humility and meekness. In an effort to combat the problem
of space and to celebrate the deceased, popes experimented with different tomb
types. Wall tombs became common and were the preferred type well into the
eighteenth century.42 This type of monument allowed for verticality and lent
itself well to the incorporation of architecture.43 The tomb of Alfanus (unknown1123) (figures 7-8), chamberlain to Pope Callixtus II (b. 1065, r. 1119-1124), in
Santa Maria in Cosmedin is considered by many historians to be the first tomb of
its kind and significant to the development of wall tombs. Little is known of the
identity of Alfanus, save for his title. The tomb is set into the façade wall, nestled
between two columns to the right of the central portal in the narthex porch of the
church. Although church exteriors were common sites for tomb monuments of
26
Church leadership, what distinguishes the tomb of Alfanus is a sculptural
program that was to become the template for many papal tombs. The tomb
program consists of a sarcophagus, a canopy with columns supporting a cornice,
and a pediment, which contains a badly damaged mural painting (figure 8). It
also contains an inscription that reads,
Virtuous Alfanus, realizing that all things perish,
Ordered this sarcophagus for himself lest he pass away entirely.
The utter splendor of the work delights outwardly,
But inwardly it warns that sad things await in the end. 44
In addition to identifying the occupant, this inscription denotes the didactic
intent behind the construction of the tomb. The warning was not intended for the
masses of illiterate that would worship in Santa Maria in Cosmedin, but for the
learned clergy that would use the portal.
The place of the tomb of Alfanus in the history of Italian funerary
monuments is debated. Some scholars assert that the Alfanus tomb is evidence of
a twelfth-century classicizing revival. Supporting this theory is the reuse of
classical porphyry sarcophagi, a material common to Italian secular tombs but
previously not used in papal tombs, by the succeeding two popes who lived
shortly after Alfanus: Honorius II (b. unknown, r. 1124-1130) and Innocent II (b.
unknown, r. 1130-1143).45 Additionally, while tombs placed within arched
recesses, called arcosolia, were common in the antique catacombs of Rome and
27
Naples, there were no extant tombs of this type from the intervening years. In
opposition to the revival argument, another possibility is that there was no break
in the construction of medieval arcosolia tombs, but none have survived.46 The
question of whether this tomb formula originated with Alfanus or never
disappeared highlights the difficulty of identifying stylistic exchange between
cultures caused by the lack of extant examples. Regardless, classical revivals
were common centuries before the Renaissance and allowed for the development
and reuse of antique tropes.
The Alfanus tomb represents a link between the tombs of important
secular leaders and those created for the Church. That Alfanus was involved in
its creation is certain, as evidenced by its inclusion in the restoration program of
Santa Maria in Cosmedin that he supervised.47 This tomb is significant to the
history of papal tombs because later popes would not only appropriate a secular
tomb type, but the formal language and prominent placement as well. It also
signifies a survival of the above-ground, recessed tomb type and a revival of
classical sculptural forms. In their effort to magnify their prominence and
visibility, and thus their authority, later popes would place their tombs in
increasingly conspicuous locations that would assume a didactic function.
28
Introduction of French Influence on Papal Tomb Design
By the thirteenth century, papal tombs had become visible features within
and without churches. Additionally, popes began to incorporate recognizable
and religious architectural elements with an increasing emphasis on conspicuous
placement. The earliest extant papal tombs to use an architectural framework are
those of Clement IV (b. 1190-1200, r. 1265-1268) and Adrian V (b. 1210s, r. 1276)
(figures 9-11). The artists, Pietro Oderisi (b. unknown, active 1260-1280) and
Arnolfo di Cambio (1240-1300/1310) respectively, both traveled to France on
occasion and brought with them design elements that later became central to
Italian papal tombs. 48 These sculptors combined the sculptural program of the
Alfanus tomb with new architectural forms and introduced sculptural effigies to
papal tombs.49 Clement IV and Adrian V were French, rising through the ranks
of the Catholic Church in their French hometowns before ascending to the papal
seat. Clement IV served at the court of Louis IX before his appointment to
cardinal. The rise of these two Frenchmen to the papacy foreshadowed the
political and social turmoil that eventually led to the expulsion of the papacy
from Italy three decades later.
Events surrounding the funeral and will of Clement underscore the
political significance of papal funerary monuments. Clement was involved in the
commission of his own tomb and ordered, through his will, its placement in a
29
Dominican church, Santa Maria in Gradi in Viterbo.50 Viterbo held personal
significance as the location of his papacy.51 He was the second of five popes to
reign at Viterbo, where the papacy resided intermittently for twenty-four years
because of strife.52 Despite the desire of Clement IV to be buried in a Dominican
church, an ambitious archbishop, seeking to capitalize on the wealth and prestige
that accompanied the presence of a papal tomb, in addition to the influx of
pilgrims brought to the site by reports of miracles, transferred the remains and
monument to the Viterbo Cathedral. The subsequent pope, Gregory X (b. 1210, r.
1271-1276) restored the tomb to its rightful location, but this episode highlights
the political prestige that accompanied papal tomb monuments.
In addition to its political and religious significance to the town of Viterbo
and its mendicant orders, the design and aesthetics of the tomb of Clement IV
also hold significance in the history of papal tomb sculpture through the
synthesis of Italian design elements with French Gothic architectural forms.
Surmounting a pair of baldachins is a trefoil arch adorned with volutes. The
steep angle of the canopy resembles French Gothic architecture, as opposed to
the acute angles found in Italian pediments. The framework of the monuments is
also a blend of French and Italian elements.
One distinctly Italian design element is the inclusion of
nonrepresentational mosaic patterning developed by the Cosmas clan of artisans,
30
which was active from the early twelfth through the fourteenth century.53 The
design is made from inlaid marble arranged in geometric, repeating patterns.
Across the base of the Clement monument and interspersed with a layer of
Cosmati ornamentation is a Gothic arcade, which is absent in the Adrian tomb
(figure 10). The commission of the Cosmati, combined with the spiral baldachins
supporting the canopy, underscores the significance of Rome to the papacy. The
Cosmati were commissioned to adorn many churches with distinctive floor
mosaics, altarpieces, and choir screens in and around Italy and as far away as
England.
The tomb of Clement IV also contains the first extant sepulchral effigy to
appear in Italy and in papal tombs, which is a significant marker of French
influence.54 The pope is shown lying on his back dressed in pontifical robes, in
the act of blessing. In addition to the effigy of the pope, at the base of the
monument lies another effigy of Clement IV’s nephew, Cardinal Pierre le Gros.55
This effigy, however, is in an advanced state of decay. Recumbent effigies were
created in Germany long before the creation of the tomb of Clement IV, but they
only became common in France during the first half of the thirteenth century.
The effigies of twelfth-century French royalty, especially those found in Saint
Denis, were generic and idealized (figure 12).56 Before ascending to the papal
seat, Clement IV was a councilor to King Louis IX. His familiarity with the
31
French king suggests that Oderisi was indebted to the royal tomb program at
Saint-Denis, which was commissioned and designed by Louis IX before his death
in 1270.57 However, the figure of Clement IV appears to be depicted
naturalistically, with large ears protruding from under the papal tiara and a low,
heavy brow dominating his facial features (figure 13). It was not until the reign of
King Charles V (b. 1338, r. 1364-1380) that sculptural portraits in the likeness of
the subject became standard in France, so the specificity of Clement’s features
has intrigued scholars.58
The introduction of distinctly French elements, namely the Gothic
architectural framework and recumbent effigies, served to validate the papacy in
Avignon. This was echoed through the combination of those popular and
uniquely Italian design elements, such as the cosmatesque decoration, in
otherwise predominately French monuments. Popes Clement IV and Adrian V
sought to solidify their influence in Italy and reacted against the conditions that
led them to take refuge in Viterbo.
Boniface VIII’s Tomb
The tomb of Boniface VIII (b. 1230, r. 1294-1303) is especially significant to
the development of papal tombs (figure 15). The monument, including the effigy,
was completed by the sculptor Arnolfo di Cambio approximately eight years
before the pope’s death. 59 Just as Boniface VIII was the last pope to reside in
32
Rome before the removal to Avignon, his tomb signifies the cessation of Italian
aesthetics in papal tomb sculpture for nearly one hundred years.60 The tomb is
currently located in the crypt of the Vatican, but was originally housed in a
chapel designed by the pope in Old St. Peter's. It is one of the earliest papal
tombs to be placed in a chapel within a basilica constructed expressly for this
purpose.61 Boniface's corpse and coffin were discovered three hundred years
after his death during the demolition of the basilica and removed to their current
location. The body was remarkably well-preserved and the effigy agrees with his
portrait contained in a fresco by Giotto commemorating the Jubilee of 1300
(figure 16).62 Unfortunately, the tomb itself exists only in fragmentary form.
Extant are the peaceful, recumbent effigy of Boniface, clad in pontifical robes
with hands joined on his chest loosely holding a scepter, and a sarcophagus.
Covering the sarcophagus is drapery embroidered with the Caetani family arms
held open by two putti.
Despite its fragmentary form, the monument is remarkably welldocumented through visual and textual sources. Drawings and watercolors by
Giacomo Grimaldi from the early seventeenth century provide a relatively
complete depiction of the tomb's original installation in situ (figure 17).63 The
small chapel housing the monument was located behind the counter-façade of
Old St. Peter's. At its center was an altar dedicated to Pope Boniface IV (b. 550, r.
33
608-15), who was canonized by the fourteenth century. The monument was
placed within a niche on the back wall opposite the altar. Its placement suggests
the tomb type was originally a wall ossuary, a tomb type used to conserve space,
similar to the earlier tombs by Pietro Oderisi and Arnolfo di Cambio, but placed
above ground.64 Drapery, held back by two putti, frames the tomb structure,
mirroring the relief on the sarcophagus. Unique to this papal monument is the
unification of tomb and mosaic with an altar underneath a canopy, a device that
was imitated by future pontiffs.65 The canopy surmounted a mosaic created by
Jacopo Torriti, depicting Boniface VIII on the left embraced by Saint Peter and
praying to the Madonna and Child (figures 18-19). Saint Paul is on the right,
flanking a small structure containing a crucifix.
Boniface’s postmortem message of papal supremacy was also asserted
through the double-crowned miter worn by the effigy (figure 20).66 During his
reign, Boniface added a second crown to the papal regalia, likely in reference to
his assertion that the pope wields supreme secular power in addition to absolute
spiritual authority. Traditionally, the papal miter contained only one royal
circlet. The addition of a secular emblem of authority to religious accoutrements
was controversial and strengthened the claims of papal critics that the Church
leadership was too preoccupied with secular authority. Boniface maintained a
34
powerful public presence through the appropriation of an emblem of secular
power.
The perceived secular emphasis of Boniface’s redesigned papal tiara was
strengthened through another change in the number of crowns. The tomb effigy
of the third Avignon pope, Benedict XII (b. 1280s, r. 1334-1342), is the first
instance of a pope depicted with a miter consisting of three crowns (figure 21).
Fourteenth-century papal tombs were created to shape public perception, not
only through classical and Gothic architecture, but the visual appearance of the
deceased pope as well. The Avignon popes visually supported their secular
ambitions, both during mortality and after death, through adjustments in papal
regalia.
The sculptural program of the tomb of Pope Boniface VIII and the
assertion of the power it represents was, in part, a response to his violent feud
with King Philip IV the Fair of France (b. 1268, r. 1285-1314) and his strong stance
against secular authority. Boniface’s papal bull unam sanctam of 1302, meaning
“one holy,” is considered by many historians to be one of the most extreme
proclamations in the history of the Catholic Church. Issued in response to his
longstanding feud with King Philip, unam sanctam iterated that supreme spiritual
and temporal authority resides ultimately with the pope. Temporal power is to
be wielded by kings and secular leaders only under the direction of the Church
35
and, in the event of transgression, judged by the papacy. The papacy in turn can
only be judged by God, essentially placing the acts of the papacy beyond
reproach. “We declare, state and define that it is absolutely necessary for
salvation that every human creature be subject to the Roman Pontiff.”67 The
turmoil and disarray of the Catholic Church upon the death of Boniface VIII is
central to understanding the significance of his tomb as a historical monument.
Boniface’s tomb is also notable for being one of the earliest to appropriate
a reliquary chapel space.68 The preexisting altar dedicated to the sanctified
Boniface IV, which housed an important relic, visually supported the effigy of
Boniface VIII and was central to the monument. The message is clear: Boniface
VIII is the equal to this saint in whose chapel he is interred.
By appropriating a highly visible holy space, celebrating his triumph of
the Jubilee through the mural, and adding crowns to a symbol of worldly power,
Boniface VIII emphatically stressed superiority over secular rulers through his
tomb program. The program also celebrated his attempts to revitalize Rome.69
Those efforts were successful and Boniface, in addition to his institution of the
Jubilee of 1300, took credit for the newly restored Rome. Boniface’s tomb
declared his fundamental and vital role as savior of Rome and wielder of
absolute authority. His position as pope qualified the strong authoritarian
36
position he maintained against the French crown and posthumously proclaimed
his significance in the history of Rome and the Church.
Although unsuccessful in the enduring realization of his designs for the
papacy,70 Boniface VIII laid the foundation for ultimate power and an
authoritarian papacy. As will be shown shortly, successive popes in Avignon,
especially John XXII, will expand the efforts of Boniface to expand the scope and
scale of the papal position. They will also emphatically proclaim their personal
importance in the realm of politics and daily life.
Papal Busts
The primary function of the tomb of Boniface VIII was secular and
mirrored the relatively new practice of commissioning honorary busts and
statues for public spaces. Another way in which Pope Boniface VIII contributed
to papal manipulation of public perception was through his commission of
sculpted portraiture. The creation of public busts and statues for public view was
a relatively new practice in the Middle Ages. In 1276, the Roman senate honored
Charles of Anjou with a statue as part of a classical revival. It was a distinctly
secular practice and quickly adopted by the papacy to emphasize secular
authority. Shortly after the memorial of Charles, Pope Nicholas III (b. 1225, r.
1277-1280) accepted a statue in his honor for his intermediation between Ancona
37
and Venice.71 The first decades of sculptured papal portraits were not
commissioned by the pope, but were gifts from localities and governments.
Boniface VIII, however, appropriated this form of portraiture and used it
to proclaim the secular superiority of the pope. The context of these statues was
invariably secular, although the pope is often depicted in an act of blessing. The
bust of Boniface VIII (c. 1300) by Arnolfo di Cambio, currently located in the
Vatican grottoes, was likely created for the Jubilee (figure 22). It is significant for
a number of reasons. First, it was the first papal bust placed in a church.
Originally, it was located in the chapel dedicated to St. Boniface, in which he
would later be interred, within St. Peter’s Basilica. Second, the miter worn by
Boniface VIII in his bust was the basis for the miter worn by the effigy on his
tomb. Third, and most significantly, it is the first statue to depict the pope
blessing with his right hand and holding the keys in his left hand. It bears a
striking resemblance to the bronze statue of St. Peter within the Basilica, also
created by Arnolfo di Cambio.72
That Boniface VIII asserted his claim as heir of the Roman emperors, who
wielded both supreme temporal and spiritual authority, is further proved by his
statement on the creation of papal busts. He said:
In truth, every new pope should immediately have a statue erected
in his name, that great and small alike can revere, and to which all
the princes of the world may bow in reverence and humility.73
38
In essence, Boniface VIII considered the papacy to be the physical embodiment of
the Church. The bust and tomb together were unprecedented in their symbolism
of papal supremacy and integral to the development of the fourteenth-century
papacy’s self-representation.74 The mode of representation adopted by Boniface
VIII, an extension of the fundamental and drastic way in which the papacy
viewed itself, was continued by John XXII and permanently shaped papal
ideology.
John XXII’s Tomb and Papal Traditions
Many of the artistic and propagandistic elements that I suggest are visible
in the tomb of John XXII and other papal tombs of Avignon were, then, in
development for much of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Architectural
elements, including framework consisting of pillars, canopy, and decorative
varnishes; the use of sculptural likenesses of the deceased; and the appropriation
of divine space for political purposes were all methods of conveying messages
that had been in development before the papacy moved to Avignon. In this
regard, the tomb of John XXII and other Avignon popes continued the
progression of religious funerary sculpture.
The thirteenth-century papacies appropriated aspects of royal French
monuments into their own tomb design in an effort to solidify claims of temporal
authority. John XXII and the other Avignon popes also incorporated French
39
architecture and sculptural effigy into his tomb in a continuation of thirteenthcentury tomb convention. Their inclusion of French elements also reflected the
increasing French presence in, and influence on, the curia.75 Before the move
from Rome to Avignon, the curia had experienced an increase in the number of
French cardinals. John XXII and the other Avignon popes continued to change a
primarily Italian papal court into a predominately French one.
Papal tombs also acquired a public facet in an attempt to mold a favorable
public perception of the papacy. To this end, the papacy appropriated visual
strategies of secular rulers that had previously been absent in religious settings.
This shift was gradual and reflects not only the changing social and political
climate of southern Europe during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, but
highlights the secular and temporal importance assumed by the papacy. After its
removal to Avignon early in the fourteenth century, the papacy elaborated on
this visual language to assert its legitimacy. The Avignon papacy would soon
adopt other foreign elements in tomb design in an attempt to distance itself from,
and maintain superiority over, rival papal claimants and attempts to bring the
papacy back to Rome. Through the synthesis of foreign architectural and
sculptural forms and the established papal funerary aesthetic, the curia
expanded on the experiments of its thirteenth-century predecessors and
definitively proclaimed its divine and secular infallibility.
40
CHAPTER 3
FRENCH ROYAL AND ENGLISH INFLUENCES ON
THE TOMB OF JOHN XXII
Through the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, papal tombs appropriated
funerary practices from a variety of sources to claim greater secular influence
and authority. The motivation for these changes was propagandistic in nature
and met with increasing criticism and condemnation. One way the Avignon
papacy, beginning with John XXII, accomplished this was through the extensive
utilization of Gothic architecture. It was established in the previous chapter that
architectural forms were introduced to Italian papal tombs in the middle of the
thirteenth century, culminating in the tomb of Boniface VIII. Also significant in
the creation of the Avignon visual language are the royal French and English
tombs of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. One monarch who played a
crucial role was French King Louis IX (b. 1214, r. 1226-1270).76 Paris at this time
was not only the capital of France, but the cultural center of Western Europe, as
Rome was to become in the fifteenth century. Louis IX was not only a strong civic
leader, but was later made a saint. He combined church and state under his
direct oversight, which greatly affected the inclinations and temperament of the
French clergy through the consolidation of his court. 77 This greatly affected the
41
disposition of Clement V’s court in Avignon as he, and succeeding Avignon
popes, followed suit and drastically alter their administrations.
Not only did St. Louis influence the future sociopolitical aspirations of the
Avignon papacy, he oversaw the development of a new Gothic style through the
construction of the Basilica of Saint Denis (1240s), the completion of the SainteChapelle by 1246, and the transepts of Notre-Dame Cathedral in the 1250s.
Popularly referred to as the Rayonnant style, it is also known as the “court style,"
acknowledging the transformative role of the French court.78 This style spread
across Western Europe from Paris, undergoing region-specific alterations as
artists and patrons translated Parisian ideals.79
French Royal Influence and the Tomb of John XXII
Although John XXII was the second of seven popes to reign from
Avignon, his tomb was the earliest created. The tomb of Clement V (b. 1264, r.
1305-1314) was created afterwards, perhaps after that of Benedict XII (b. 1280s,
1334-1342). Originally, the John XXII monument occupied the space behind and
above the altar in the prominent Saint-Joseph Chapel in Notre-Dame des Doms.
The chapel is located opposite the high altar, to the right of the choir (figure 1).
The monument is significant because of its blatant appropriation of the holy
space of Communion. The transformation of an ambulatory tomb into a
freestanding monument was revolutionary.80 Visible from the nave, it would
42
have visually cradled the altar, like a shrine. The monument has been moved
around within Notre-Dame des Doms, but the original placement across from
the main altar is significant.81 John XXII inserted himself, through the form of his
tomb, into the ceremony of mass. The efforts of John XXII to centralize and
increase authority and power extended beyond death through his monumental
tomb. By appropriating a prominent location within the cathedral, the pope
visually linked himself to the body of Christ through Holy Communion.
The effigy of the pope has been removed from the monument at NotreDame des Doms and placed within the Musée du Petit Palais. Although the head
of John XXII’s effigy was replaced with the head of a bishop after the French
Revolution, it is probable that the likeness of the pope was individually carved,
rather than an idealized and common figure. This aligned with the growing
emphasis on figural representation within French cathedral sculptural programs
was paralleled in royal tomb sculpture and continued a French-influenced papal
tomb type, as we saw in chapter two.82
At St. Denis, most scholars agree that Philip IV commissioned sixteen
funerary monuments of previous rulers. The gisants, or effigies, have come down
to us in incomplete and damaged states, but it can be discerned that they are
idealized and uniform, with the men modestly bearded and the women in the
prime of life. Originally, they were painted, which was not only the customary
43
practice but also served to visually differentiate the deceased.83 An avid and
prodigious patron of the arts, Louis IX is thought to have chosen the cathedral as
the main royal burial site through this tomb program.84 Commissioning royal
tombs for dynastic propaganda did not extend to his personal tomb, however.
Louis IX was buried in a plain slab tomb in St. Denis, close to his ancestors but
unadorned.
The grandson of Louis IX, Philip the Fair, was also actively engaged in art
patronage and commissioned posthumous tombs that served propagandistic
purposes. Throughout his reign, Philip was occupied with venerating his royal
family line. In addition to building a priory church in Poissy in honor of King
Louis IX, Philip had a number of freestanding sculptures installed of the saint
and his queen, as well as six of their children. This program included a number
of angels, but only the statue of Isabella, the headless statue of Alençon, and few
angels have been preserved at Notre-Dame in Poissy (figures 23-25).85 Dated
1304, the figure of Isabella was created with great attention to detail. She is posed
in an attitude of piety, hands pressed together at her chest in prayerful
supplication. Her face is calm and peaceful and, while idealized, more
individualized than the 1263 commission at St. Denis. In Poissy, Philip the Fair
not only solidified his claim to the throne as a member of the Capetian royal line
44
through tomb sculpture, but was evidently the first to use the likeness of dead
and living figures within church walls for personal endorsement.
By memorializing royalty with a new mode of sculptural representation in
a house of worship, Philip anticipated the papacy’s appropriation of a holy space
for propaganda. Use of holy places for the communication of political messages
had precedents in both the French court, as we saw with the monuments by
Philip IV and Charles V, and the Italian papacy in the tomb program of Boniface
VIII. However, the popes of Avignon, starting with John XXII, increased the
visual impact of their tombs even as they expanded their influence. The
perceived self-importance of the papacy was rejected, sometimes violently, by
many who condemned the papacy for heresy and abusing the papal seat. In a
time of political posturing within and outside the Church, the location of John
XXII’s tomb and presence of his likeness reminded visitors that the papacy
belonged in Avignon. In an effort to emphasize the secular power of the papacy
through a funerary monument, John XXII followed the example set by French
kings Louis IX and Philip IV who, through the tombs at Saint Denis and
memorial statues at Poissy, visually commemorated their reigns and solidified
the Capetian family line. The tomb of John XXII also proclaimed that the
individual occupying the position of pope, not just the position, is vital to the
Church and, by extension, the world.
45
English Influence on John XXII’s Tomb
Although Pope John XXII appropriated stylistic and functional elements
from French royalty in the creation of his tomb, it differed in a number of
significant ways. For example, the tomb at Notre-Dame des Doms is unique in its
use of a triple-bayed structure and extensive niches (figures 2-3). Earlier French
tombs, also freestanding and canopied structures, typically had two bays.
Additionally, French tombs lacked the intricacy of niche-work and abrupt planar
shifts in the elaborately ornamented canopy that adorn the John monument.
These elements, however, were characteristic of English tombs, suggesting to
some scholars an elaborate amalgamation of international influences.86
Two well-preserved tombs that display similarities to the tomb of John
XXII, which suggest a far more elaborate international origin, belong to Edmund
“Crouchback” Plantagenet (b. 1245, r. 1273-1296) and King Edward II (b. 1284, r.
1307-1327) (figures 26-27).87 Edmund’s tomb was constructed shortly after his
death by an unknown sculptor and remains in its original location at
Westminster Abbey. Edmund’s recumbent effigy rests on its side, facing the
viewer, with head supported by an angel. Similar to French tomb monuments,
along the base of Edmund’s tomb, but lacking in Edward’s, are a series of
pleurants in relief contained within architectural arches. Edward’s monument
was built for the Gloucester Cathedral in the 1330s. Both tombs were inset
46
between two pillars and closed off at the ends, which was customary in both
royal and religious tombs in England. The date for the Edward tomb is
problematic, but its similarity to the tomb of John XXII suggests that they are
close in time and could possibly be attributed to the same sculptor or workshop.
They were not, however, freestanding as was the John XXII monument.
Additionally, they both feature elaborate canopies replete with pinnacles, spires,
and ogee arches. Not only did the royal tombs in England influence the aesthetic
design of the tomb of John XXII, they mark the international transmission of
stylistic elements. In addition to commissioning Italian artists, the papacies in
Avignon also commissioned English artists. There were many avenues through
which these elements could have come to Avignon.88
Another element shared by contemporary English tombs and John XXII’s
was the function of shrine. The practice of utilizing tombs as shrines was
established in England during the previous century, but many are destroyed or
illegible. An extant example is that of Archbishop Meopham (ca. 1335) in
Canterbury Cathedral (figure 28).89 Meopham was excommunicated by John XXII
within a year of his death in 1333 and underwent a rigorous posthumous process
to be allowed burial within Church property. His remains were combined with
the relics of St. Anselm, whose altar was translated into the chapel where it
currently resides.90 The tomb acts as a screen across the entrance to the Chapel of
47
St. Anselm. Lacking a traditional canopy, the tomb is surmounted by three
arches, which are repeated in the tomb chest. Monks and angels with scrolls are
carved into the spandrels surmounting the tomb chest and into the tomb chest
itself.
The structure as a whole is modest in comparison to the tombs of Edmund
and Edward II, but of special importance is its function as shrine. The Chapel of
St. Anselm is located midway between the western portal and the ambulatory,
angled toward the main altar, and visible from the main aisle. This shrine
function of tomb sculpture was introduced to France through the tomb of John
XXII and distinguishes it from other contemporary tombs in France, Italy, and
England. By utilizing an array of international influences in his tomb, John XXII
proclaimed absolute secular authority and established Avignon as a leading
cultural center of the fourteenth century. This was achieved by court artists from
Italy and England accompanying the papacy to Avignon, resulting in an
impressive edifice of stylistic influences that magnified the ostentatious presence
of John XXII.
Through the synthesis of foreign influences, such as strategic monument
placement and appropriation of shrine function, John XXII created a unique,
propagandistic funerary monument. John XXII and other Avignon popes
developed the association between main altar and tomb monument to a greater
48
extent than Boniface VIII. Through the association with the apex of Catholic
worship, the pope tangibly and emphatically appealed to visitors to the
cathedral. Burial within close proximity of St. Peter in Rome was considered for
centuries to be the greatest posthumous honor for popes, but was not a priority
while in Avignon. Because of their penchant for creating grand and imposing
monuments, it is apparent that the popes of Avignon appropriated the space of
Catholic worship to solidify both their temporal and spiritual authority.
Additionally, the papal palace is located immediately to the south of the
cathedral, enhancing the omnipresence of the papacy. The popes interred within
Notre-Dame des Doms maintained a strong and imposing presence in the
cathedral long after their deaths, visually projecting the strength and immutable
authority that they had asserted in life.
The Tomb of Antipope Clement VII
The tombs of the Avignon papacy greatly influenced later pontiffs and
papal claimants who sought powerful visual modes of communication. In 1377,
Gregory XI (b. 1329, r. 1370-1378) moved the papacy back to Rome, ending the
Babylonian Captivity. Violence ensued shortly thereafter as French citizens
vehemently demanded not only the election of a Frenchman, but that the court
should be moved back to Avignon. A conclave of cardinals sympathetic to the
French became wary of the unsettled political climate of Rome and returned to
49
Avignon, electing Clement VII (b. 1342, r. 1378-1394) as French pope to counter
the Roman claimant. Two popes vied for control of the Church and the Great
Schism began.
The claim of Clement VII as the legitimate pontiff was tenuous because
the papacy had voluntarily moved to Rome and Clement ascended after the fact.
Faced with intense opposition, Antipope Clement VII elected to be buried in a
politically advantageous church in Avignon.91 He established a monastery for the
Celestine order which was completed in 1401 after his death. The location of the
convent was significant as the burial place of Blessed Peter of Luxembourg (13691387) and as a popular pilgrimage site. Blessed Peter was made a cardinal of San
Giorgio in Velabro in 1386 at the young age of 16 by official decree of Clement
VII. His efforts to forcibly control his titular church in Rome were ultimately
rejected by the soldiers under the control of the recognized Roman pope Urban
VI (b. 1318, r. 1378-89). Blessed Peter was lauded for his efforts on behalf of the
Avignon papal contingent and a cult formed shortly after his death. The church
erected on his burial spot was immensely significant and quickly became the
most formidable weapon of Clement VII in proclaiming his legitimacy. The claim
of Clement VII, through the vehicle of Blessed Peter, spread abroad through the
excited pilgrims and mystics as Clement VII publicly aligned himself with the
beloved monk.92
50
Antipope Clement VII further solidified his claim through the placement
of his tomb within Notre-Dame des Doms in a place of penultimate significance:
at the foot of the main altar. It is unknown when the tomb was completed, but in
1401 it was moved into the Celestine Chapel and then behind the choir in 1658.93
Currently, all that remains of the canopied tomb is the head of Clement’s effigy
which is at the Musée du Petit-Palais (figure 29). Clement sought to give
credence to not only his papal claim but the legitimacy of Avignon by appealing
for public approval. His familiarity with the beloved Blessed Peter in life was
echoed and magnified through their proximity in death. This significance would
not have been lost among contemporary pilgrims, who would take the story with
them to their homeland. Also not lost on the contemporary audience was the
proximity of Clement's tomb to the main altar. As God's mouthpiece on earth,
the pope is most theologically and spiritually closest to God. Through the
proximity of his tomb to the altar of a popular and cherished Celestine church,
Clement powerfully proclaimed his right to the papacy even in death.94
51
CONCLUSION
The fourteenth century was a critical and dangerous time for the Church;
not long after the Schism it was fractured by the Protestant Reformation. To
combat the rising tide of antagonism and mistrust, the Avignon papacy adapted
thirteenth-century tomb tradition, which became increasingly important as a
vehicle for political propaganda, and visual imagery employed by the French
crown to communicate messages of political importance. The messages conveyed
through these funerary monuments inspired faith and taught Catholic tenets, in
much the same way as cathedral art. Over time, these messages became more
political and personal. In the succeeding centuries, papal tombs assumed a
variety of functions and served the papacy in a variety of ways; they extolled
personal virtues, memorialized the universal mission of the Church, and
celebrated the divine and supreme authority of the pope.
The Enduring Influence John XXII’s Tomb on Later Papal Tombs
Future popes, while reverting back to Italian aesthetics, created prominent
and didactic monuments by which to be remembered. For example, Martin V (b.
1369, r. 1417-1431) was originally interred in the nave of the Basilica of St. John
Lateran (figure 30).95 In keeping with the funerary regulations of the Cistercian
52
order, which were enacted to show deference and respect to the high altar,
Martin V was interred lower than ground level. However, he had his tomb
prominently placed in the middle of the nave to be seen and approached by
everyone who entered the church. The tomb was later moved directly in front of
the high altar. The placement of the tomb of Martin V not only satisfied his desire
to be interred within close proximity of the altar, but was also a powerful
reminder of the permanence and stability of the papacy in Rome. The memory of
the pope was to be preserved long after death.
In addition to prominent tomb placement and appropriation of royal
aesthetics in tomb design, the didactic function of papal monuments also
continued. The monuments to Popes Leo X (b. 1475, r. 1513-1521) and Clement
VII (b. 1478, r. 1523-1534) (figures 31-32) contain references to both theological
discourse and historical events. Located on either side of the altar at Santa Maria
sopra Minerva, the tombs were created posthumously and celebrate the life and
character of the deceased. The tomb of Leo X, Clement VII’s cousin, was placed
directly across the altar as the two tombs were created as a unified program.
Above the seated pope on each tomb is a relief depicting temporal rulers
kneeling before the pope; Francis I (b. 1494, r. 1515-1547) is shown with Leo X
and Charles V offering fealty to Clement VII. The scenes depicted are not based
on history, but are allegorical.
53
The original drawing (figure 33) for the tomb of Clement VII, designed by
Baccio Bandinelli (1493-1560), depicts his soul’s ascension to heaven.96 The pope
reclines at the bottom, accepting the gentle placement of drapery over him.
Above the pope and within a mandorla is a standing male nude in the act of
praying. The nude figure has spurred much debate and speculation. Its inclusion
in the original design of a papal tomb suggests a didactic function, likely
referring to a theological debate about the state of the soul between death and
Judgment. Also signified in the drawing is the double intercession, which the
Church vehemently defended throughout the reigns of Leo X and Clement VII.
Martin Luther attacked the Church during Leo X’s reign and was motivated, in
part, by his disagreements on doctrine included in Bandinelli’s drawing.
The date of Bandinelli’s drawing suggests significant papal contribution to
the design as Bandinelli was hired solely to execute the architecture. However,
the design and message of the tomb was changed drastically during
construction. The choice to replace the didactic design with a more politically
motivated one was posthumously made by Clement’s nephew.97 The papacy of
Clement VII was plagued by Lutheran dissent as well as political turmoil, which
led to the pope’s incarceration in 1527. Additionally, Charles V orchestrated the
Sack of Rome during Clement’s reign. The tombs represent the enduring
54
supremacy of the Church over secular power amid intense theological and
political instability and they further the political claims of the papacy.
The aim of this thesis has been, by focusing on the tomb of John XXII, to
place the tombs of Avignon popes within their stylistic and historical context and
to establish their significance as propaganda. Through the appropriation of select
foreign aesthetic and functional elements, the popes at Avignon, beginning with
John XXII, strengthened their personal claims to the papacy and proclaimed the
immutable authority of the Catholic Church. By selectively combining elements
of royal tomb sculpture from England and France, John XXII created a new
funerary language that was employed by the papacy for the better part of four
centuries. This visual language created in Avignon had both artistic and
functional precedent and was a significant means by which popes supported and
unified the Church.
There is much work yet to be done and much we can learn through
further research into the tombs at Avignon. For example, the channels through
which foreign influences entered Avignon could reveal a more complex
international artistic relationship than previously thought. How did foreign
influences pervade Avignon papal commissions and to what end? This thesis has
just scratched the surface of the significance of these tombs. By aiding the papacy
55
in its untiring efforts to exert authority and unify the Church, these tombs
occupy a significant place in the history of papal tomb sculpture.
56
NOTES
1
Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes: From the Close of the Middle Ages; Drawn
from the Secret Archives of the Vatican and Other Original Sources (St. Louis, MO: B.
Herder, 1898) 1: 95-97.
2
Julian Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara: Curial Tomb Sculpture in Rome and
Avignon in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 133-36.
3
The Papacy, An Encyclopedia; Quietism-Zouaves, Pontifical, ed. Philippe Levillain,
(New York: Routledge, 2002), s.v. “John XXII.”
4
Mary I. M. Bell, A Short History of the Papacy (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd,
1921), 205.
5
Ibid., 213.
6
There is conflicting scholarship concerning the relative date of completion for
the John XXII monument. Wendy Reardon asserts that his tomb was started after
his death. See, Wendy J. Reardon, The Deaths of the Popes: Comprehensive Accounts,
Including Funerals,Burial Places and Epitaphs (London: MacFarland & Co., 2004),
126. However, she mistakenly refers to him as Clement, so her true intentions are
left to the reader to surmise. Julian Gardner suggests a much start earlier
commencement, the early 1320s, that coincides with the death of English king
Edward II (b. 1284, r. 1307-27). See, Gardner Tiara, 140. It is my opinion that
although it was completed after his death, he had significant influence on its
design and creation.
7
Cathleen Fleck, A Companion to the Great Western Schism: 1378-1417, edited by
Joelle Rollo- Koster and Thomas M. Izbicki, (Leiden, Netherlands: Koninklijke
brill NV, 2009), 256. Completed in 1367 by Urban V, only nine years before
57
Gregory XI removed the curia back to Rome, the Palais des Papes was
incomplete and in a perpetual state of partial completion.
8
Ibid., 251, 255.
9
Ibid., 251. Notre-Dame des Doms was not the only site of important papal
patronage in Avignon. The adjacent Palais des Papes was a repository of works
of art by significant early Renaissance masters. Through most of the Avignon
papacy, it was incomplete and in a perpetual state of partial completion. It was
completed in 1367 by Urban V, only nine years before Gregory XI removed the
curia back to Rome. A palace fire in May of 1413 destroyed many textile and
mural works, some of which are attributed to Giotto.
10
Reardon, 126.
11
Gardner Tiara, 133.
12
A.C. Flick, “The Challenge to Medieval Papalism,” in Philip the Fair and Boniface
VIII, edited by Charles Wood (New York: Robert E. Krieger Pub., 1976), 10-11.
13
Richard Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, 312-1308 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1980), 210-211. See also, Robert Brento, Rome Before Avignon: A
Social History of Thireenth-Century Rome (Los Angeles: UC Berkeley Press, 1991),
93-95.
14
Born Benedetto Caetani, Boniface VIII was embattled with the rival Colonna
family throughout his papacy. It was the Colonnas, with the backing of the
French crown, who captured Boniface and were responsible for his death. See
McBrien, 232.
15
Whitney S. Stoddard, Art and Architecture in Medieval France: Medieval
Architecture, Sculpture, Stained Glass, Manuscripts, the Art of the Church Treasuries
(New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 284.
16
Charles T. Wood, Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII: State vs Papacy (New York:
Robert E. Krieger Pub., 1976), 5. Further exacerbating this political rift was the
58
secular trial of the Bishop of Pamiers, convicted of treason against the French
crown in 1301.
17
Bell, 194.
18
Wallace K. Ferguson, Europe in Transition: 1300-1520 (New York: Houghton
Mifflin, 1962).
19
Stoddard, 284-85.
20
Ibid., 284. For example, the Council of Constance of 1414-1417 deposed three
popes and elected Martin V (1417-1431).
21
Dante Alighieri, The Divine Comedy: Purgatory, Canto VI, translated and edited
by Thomas G. Bergin (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1955), 17-18.
22
Bell, 202.
23
Guillaume Mollât, The Popes at Avignon: The "Babylonian Captivity” of the
Medieval Church (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), xii-xiii.
24
Ibid, xvii.
25
Jean Dunbabin, Charles I of Anjou: Power, Kingship and State-Making in
Thirteenth-Century Europe (London: Longman, 1998), 46, 129-130. Avignon and
much of southern Europe during the late Middle Ages was embroiled in a series
of complicated political treaties and disputes. The Capetian House of Anjou
shaped much of the history of Europe for two hundred years until its dissolution
in 1435. Charles of Anjou (1227-1285), a son of French King Louis VIII (reign
1223-1226), assumed the rule of Provence through his marriage to Beatrice of
Provence. Three major cities in Provence, including Avignon, had enjoyed
considerable autonomy and freedom, a right which was greatly upset by the
acquisition of Charles. However, Charles considered it his divine mandate to
uphold the papacy and to punish the Hohenstaufen, a rival and prominent house
of the Holy Roman Empire. Avignon thus became entangled in the rivalries
between powerful ruling factions that lasted throughout the fourteenth century.
While Charles of Anjou died more than two decades before Clement V moved to
59
Avignon, his influence on the political dynamics of southern Europe was
palpable during the entirety of the "Babylonian Captivity." The influence of
Charles was not limited to politics. He was also responsible for a revival in
classic learning, known as the "Latin Renaissance."
26
One example is Pope Clement V, the first of the line of Avignon popes. He had
significant influence in the court of King Philip the Fair and aided his cause
against Pope Boniface VIII.
27
Richard P. McBrien, Lives of the Popes: The Pontiffs from St. Peter to John Paul II
(San Francisco: Harper Collins Pub., 2000), 236-37.
28
Mollâtt, 16.
29
McBrien, 235-36.
30
Mollâtt, 14.
31
McBrien, 235.
32
Christine Maria Boeckl, “The Pisan Triumph of Death and the Papal Bull
Benedictus Deus,” Artibus et Historiae 18, no. 36 (1997): 56-57.
33
Diocese of Avignon, Cathedral Our Lady of the Doms pamphlet, (n.p.: n.p., n.d.),
n.p. http://www.cathedrale-avignon.fr/pdf/cathe_anglais.pdf
St. Bertrand de Comminges was consecrated in 1309, St. Pierre Célestin in 1313,
St. Louis of Toulouse in 1317, St. Thomas Aquinas in 1323, and St. Yves in 1347.
34
Ibid. After the papacy moved back to Rome in 1378, Avignon maintained its
prominence as her bishops ascended to the papacy. To date, 159 cardinals and
archbishops, two popes, and one antipope were buried at Notre-Dame des
Doms.
35
Mollâtt, 15.
36
McBrien, 236-37. See also, Mollâtt, 15.
60
37
Di Cambio, especially, whose tomb sculpture of Guillaume de Bray (d. 1282) in
Orvieto (1284) and the ciborium he created for San Paolo Fuori le Mura (1285)
display unmatched figural and textural skill that would define figural sculpture
in Italy for the next three centuries. Donatello, Michelangelo, and later Bernini
were all beholden to di Cambio for his developments in the medium.
38
The biblical explanation for modest tombs comes from the book of Matthew,
when Jesus exhorts his disciples to preach humbly and modestly, to “go forth
without purse or script.” The only identifying marks were the occasional
inscription. Individual recognition was less important than the divine mission of
the Church.
39
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 58. The burial practices of the early Christian
Church were taken seriously. For example, Formosus (b. 816, r. 891-896) was so
unpopular that his successor, Stephen VI (b. unknown, r. 896-897), exhumed the
body and discarded the corpse into a public grave with much celebration. The
enraged civilians were not content with this dishonor and threw his body, either
his own or by proxy, into the Tiber River. His tomb was later reinstated in St.
Peter's the following year by Theodore III. Even though Farmosos greatly
perturbed his successors as well as the people, it was eventually decided that his
position as God's mouthpiece warranted a place in the revered basilica.
40
Leo’s tomb was moved inside the Cathedral upon his elevation to the status of
doctor of the Church.
41
Reardon, 40. See also, Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 58. This tomb is
highlighted by a magnificent Baroque sculpture by Alessandro Algardi and
Domenico Guidi celebrating his confrontation with Attila the Hun, one of the
pope’s many triumphs (figure 34).
42
Reardon, 40. Popes eventually abandoned the practice of conspicuous tomb
monuments. The tombs, sometimes lavish and elaborate, are secreted in crypts
underneath the basilica.
43
For decades, both the old and new basilicas existed simultaneously as
demolition and construction crews worked at the same time. Much of what we
61
know about the early papal tombs of Old St. Peter's comes from Giacomo
Grimaldi. He was hired by Paul V (1552-1621) as historian and archivist of the
basilica during its demolition. His drawings, sketches, and written descriptions
are invaluable to our understanding of papal tombs. He created a number of
watercolors and sketches of tombs and frescoes, many of which were destroyed
or lost. These representations are often the only evidence of how these objects
were situated and what they looked like.
44
The iconography is common among Gothic and Renaissance murals: enthroned
Mary and Christ Child flanked by angels and kneeling papal figures, but not
used in conjunction with tomb monuments.
45
John Osborne, “The Tomb of Alfanus in S. Maria in Cosmedin, Rome, and its
Place in the Tradition of Roman Funerary Monuments,” Papers of the British
School at Rome 51 (1983): 244.
46
Ibid., 244-6. John Osborne asserts that significant evidence supports this later
theory. The tomb of Pope John XIII (b. 930-935, r. 965-972) in the nave of San
Paolo Fuori le Mura was copied in the seventeenth century and preserved in the
Vatican Library. In the center, the pope is flanked by saints Peter and Paul. Its
probable location was over the sarcophagus, similar to the Alfanus tomb. A
similar mural is recorded in the Vatican Library, possibly Pope John XVIII (b.
unknown, r. 1004-1009).
47
Ibid., 243.
48
To this list could be added Giotto di Bondone and Simone Martini. Martini's
contribution to Avignon papal commissions is significant and diverse.
49
Paul Williamson, Gothic Sculpture: 1140-1300 (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1998), 252-55.
50
Reardon, 104-5. His funeral was held at the Viterbo Cathedral, but his body
was interred at Santa Maria in Gradi to await the completion of the tomb. Further
upsetting local Dominicans, the tomb was sent to the Viterbo Cathedral. The
intervention of the successive pope, Gregory X, rectified the situation and the
62
tomb of Clement IV, as well as a few others including that of Pope Adrian V,
remained in Santa Maria in Gradi until its destruction after World War II.
51
Edward T. Price, Viterbo: Landscape of an Italian City, in Annals of the
Association of American Geographers 54, No. 2 (June: 1964): 250.
52
Ibid., 249.
53
John White, Art and Architecture in Italy: 1250-1400 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 2003), 97-98. The earliest known Cosmati commission is from
1190, but Lorenzo Cosmati was probably active earlier. Throughout the
thirteenth century, they worked on a number of cathedrals in and around Rome,
even venturing as far as Westminster Abbey in 1268.
54
Ibid., 97.
55
Arthur Frothingham, The Monuments of Christian Rome from Constantine to the
Renaissance (New York: MacMillan, 1908), 242-43.
56
More on this in Chapter 3.
57
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 36.
58
White, 98. The common belief is that Charles V in the late fourteenth century
introduced likeness in sculptural representation with his sculpture by an
unknown sculptor circa 1350. This assumption has led scholars to explain the
peculiar nature of Clement’s effigy. One explanation is that Oderisi followed the
standard mode of mid-thirteenth century Sienese Christ representation with the
heavy brow and deeply furrowed lip, as in the crucifix from San Gimignano
from the 1250s by Coppo di Marcovaldo (figure 14). Pre-Renaissance instances of
funerary portraiture are extremely unlikely due to a number of reasons, not the
least of which is creative expression. For example, many tomb sculptures by
Arnolfo di Cambio closely resemble each other. See also Gardner, Tiara, 172-5.
59
Ferdinand Gregorovius, R.W. Watson, Tombs of the Popes: Landmarks in Papal
History (Westminster: A. Constable & Co., 1903), 59.
63
60
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 60.
61
Ibid., 60.
62
Gregorovius, 60.
63
Grimaldi was hired by Pope Paul V to serve as historian and archivist during
the rebuilding of St. Peter’s. He created a number of watercolors and sketches of
tombs and frescoes, many of which were destroyed or lost. These representations
are often the only documentary evidence of how these objects were situated and
what they looked like.
64
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 126.
65
Ibid., 107-9. See also Krautheimer, 210. Torriti was highly influential in Rome.
He executed a number of commissions throughout Rome and northern Italy and,
with Cavallini, Giotto, and a handful of anonymous masters, greatly aided the
revitalization efforts of the late-thirteenth-century papacies.
66
Joseph Braun, “Tiara,” in The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton
Company, 1912). Jan. 2015
<http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14714c.htm>.
67
Wood, 26 and Mollât, 124.
68
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 60.
69
Ibid., 60.
70
Wood, 26
71
Krautheimer, 227.
72
Agostino Paravicini-Bagliani, The Pope’s Body, trans. by David S. Peterson
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 221.
73
Ibid., 343.
74
Ibid., 221-22.
64
75
Perhaps the crowning achievement of the synthesis of Italian and French
Gothic design elements is the ciborium in San Paolo fuori le Mura in Rome (ca.
1285). John White has an excellent chapter devoted to di Cambio and his
pervading and transformative influence on Italian art.
76
Stoddard, 280.
77
Ibid., 281.
78
Robert Branner, St. Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Architecture (London:
Shenval Press, Ltd., 1965), 1. See also, Stoddard, 260. Robert Branner coined this
term in reference to the later Gothic style. Louis IX was influential in its
development.
79
Stoddard, 281.
80
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 140.
81
John Murray, “A Handbook for Travelers in France,” (London: John Murray,
1864), 124. Murray mentions in passing that the tomb was originally placed in
the “centre of the nave.” although this phrase is rather unclear, and the exact
placement of the tomb is debated, this description underscores the significance of
the original tomb placement.
82
Williamson, 52.
83
Ibid., 154.
84
This is the commonly accepted supposition and bolstered by the identity of the
sculptor responsible, Pierre de Montreuil. He is the sculptor responsible for
similar figures of the south transept at Notre-Dame as well as his architectural
masterpiece the Sainte-Chapelle, both of which were commissioned by Louis IX.
However, another suggestion is that the funerary program at Saint-Denis was a
political response by Abbot Odo of Clément to King Louis IX, who had his son
Louis and his brother Philip buried at Rayoumont instead of Saint-Denis. This
commission would therefore serve to reestablish the preeminence of Saint-Denis
65
as the burial site for royalty. Either way, this commission illustrates the political
importance of funerary monuments to royalty in the thirteenth century.
85
Williamson, 173.
86
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 140. The level of English influence on the
Avignon papal tomb commissions is contested. Julian Gardner is of the opinion,
championed by Jean Bony, that English influence on the tomb of John XXII
outweighs French influence.
87
Ibid., 140. See also http://www.wga.hu/html_m/zgothic/gothic/3/05e_1300.html
88
Ibid., 140-41.
89
Tim Tatton-Brown, “Canterbury and the Architecture of Pilgrimage Shrines in
England,” Pilgrimage: The English Experience from Becket to Bunyan, eds. Collin
Morris and Peter Roberts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 106.
90
Tatton-Brown, 105.
91
Fleck, 261.
92
Ibid., 244-45.
93
Reardon, 137-38.
94
Fleck, 260-64.
95
Reardon, 149.
96
Victoria Goldberg, “Leo X, Clement VII and the Immortality of the Soul,”
Simiolus Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 8, no. 1 (1975-76): 18.
97
Ibid., 25.
66
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Bell, Mary I. M. A Short History of the Papacy. London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1921.
Binski, Paul. Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation. Ithaca, New York: Cornell
University Press, 1996.
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Burckhardt, Jacob, and Peter Humfrey. The Altarpiece in Renaissance Italy.
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Camille, Michael. Gothic Art: Glorious Visions. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996.
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Cohen, Kathleen. Metamorphosis of a Death Symbol: The Transi Tomb in the late
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Ferguson, Wallace K., and Benjamin Rowland, Jr. Review of Painting in Florence
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Fleck, Cathleen. A Companion to the Great Western Schism: 1378-1417. Edited by
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Flick, A.C. “The New Challenge to Medieval Papalism,” from Philip the Fair and
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Frothingham, Arthur. The Monuments of Christian Rome from Constantinople to the
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Galland, Bruno. Les Papes d'Avignon et la Maison de Savoie, 1309-1409. Rome:
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Gardner, Arthur. Medieval Sculpture in France. NY: Kraus Reprint, Co., 1969.
Gardner, Julian. "Arnolfo di Cambio and Roman Tomb Design." The Burlington
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University Press, 2003.
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70
APPENDIX A
CHRONOLOGY OF REFERENCED POPES AND KINGS
71
Popes
Reign
Leo the Great
440-461
Boniface IV
608-615
Callixtus II
1119-1124
Honorius II
1124-1130
Innocent II
1130-1143
Clement IV
1265-1268
Adrian V
1276
Boniface VIII
1294-1303
*Clement V
1305-1314
*John XXII
1316-1334
*Benedict XII
1334-1342
*Clement VI
1342-1352
*Innocent VI
1352-1362
Kings
Reign
Saint Louis IX (France)
1226-1270
King Philip IV (France)
1285-1314
King Edward II (England)
1307-1327
*Urban V, Blessed 1362-1370
*Gregory XI
1370-1378
Urban VI
1378-1389
Antipope
Clement VII
1378-1394
Martin V
1417-1431
Leo X
1513-1521
Clement VII
1523-1534
*Indicates Avignon popes
72
APPENDIX B
LOCATIONS OF EXTANT FOURTEENTH-CENTURY PAPAL TOMBS
73
Pope
Location
Boniface VIII
St. Peter’s, Rome, Italy
(b. 1230, r. 1294-1303)
Benedict XI
Basilica of San Domenica, Perugia, Italy
(b. 1240, r. 1303-1304)
Clement V
Collegiate Church, Uzeste, France
(b. 1264, r. 1305-1314)
John XXII
Notre Dame des Doms, Avignon, France
(b. 1244, r. 1316-1334)
Benedict XII
Notre Dame des Doms, Avignon, France
(b. 1280s, 1334-1342)
Clement VI
La Chaise-Dieu Abbey, France
(b. 1291, r. 1342-1352)
Innocent VI
Villeneuve-lès-Avignon, France
(b. 1282/1295, r. 1352-1362)
Urban V
St. Victor Abbey, Marseille, France (Effigy is in Musèe
(b. 1310, r. 1362-1370)
de Petit-Palais, Avignon, France)
Gregory XI
Santa Francesca Romana, Rome, Italy
(b. 1329, r. 1370-1378)
74
FIGURES
Figure 1. Floorplan of Notre-Dame des Doms with current and supposed original
tomb positions, Avignon, France. ca. second half of twelfth century. Plan source:
http://www.cathedrale-avignon.fr/cathedrale_visite/visite.htm (Accessed Jul.
2015)
75
Figure 2. Tomb monument of John XXII (d. 1334). Notre Dame des Doms,
Avignon, France. Source: Gardner, Julian. The Tomb and the Tiara: Curial tomb
Sculpture in Rome and Avignon in the Later Middle Ages. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1992, figure 167.
76
Figure 3. Tomb monument of John XXII. Source: Travel and Tourism in
Provence. Digital Image. Available from:
http://www.cathedrale-avignon.fr/cathedrale_avignon_gb/cathedral-Our-Ladyof-the-Doms.htm (Accessed Sep. 2015).
77
Figure 4. Tomb of Callixtus, Catacomb of Callixtus, under the Appian Way,
Vatican, Rome, c. 220 CE. Source: Reardon, Wendy J. The Deaths of the Popes:
Comprehensive Accounts, Including Funerals, Burial Places and Epitaphs. London:
MacFarland & Co., 2004.
78
Figure 5. Tomb of Callixtus, Catacomb of Callixtus, under the Appian Way,
Vatican, Rome, c. 220 CE. Source: Dnalor_01. 2007, Digital Image. Available from:
Wikimedia Commons,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catacomb_of_Callixtus#/media/File:Rom,_CalixtusKatakomben,_Krypta_der_P%C3%A4pste.jpg (Accessed Nov. 2011).
Figure 6. Tomb of Popes Leo I-IV, St. Peter's Basilica, Chapel of the Madonna of
Partorienti, Vatican, Italy. Source: Public domain. Available from: Wikimedia
Commons, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Tomb_of_Popes_Leo_II_III_IV.jpg
(Accessed Dec. 2011).
79
Figure 7. Tomb of Alfanus, Santa Maria in Cosmedin, Rome, 1123. Source: Public
domain. Available from: Wikimedia Commons,
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Maria_in_Cosmedin-Alfanus.jpg
(Accessed Dec. 2014).
Figure 8. Tomb of Alfanus, detail.
80
Figure 9. Pietro Oderisi, Tomb of Clement IV, San Francesco in Viterbo, Italy, ca.
1274. Source: Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, figure 25.
81
Figure 10. Tomb of Clement IV, detail.
82
Figure 11. Tomb of Pope Adrian V. Source: Frothingham, “Notes on Roman
Artists of the Middle Ages. III. Two Tombs of the Popes at Viterbo by
Vassallectus and Petrus Oderisi, The American Journal of Archaeology and of the
History of the Fine Arts 7, no. ½ (Mar. - Jun., 1981), plate 9.
83
Figure 12. Royal tombs, St. Denis, Paris, France, before 1250-1270. Source: Jan
Kunst. 2009, Digital Image. Available from: Flickr,
https://www.flickr.com/photos/jankunst/503685432/ (Accessed Jan. 2015).
84
Figure 13. Tomb of Clement IV, detail. Source: Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara,
figure 21.
85
Figure 14. Coppo di Marcovaldo, Crucifix, San Gimignano, Rome, 1250s. Digital
image. Available from: Web Gallery of Art,
http://www.wga.hu/html_m/c/coppo/cruci_sg.html (Accessed Dec. 2014).
86
Figure 15. Arnolfo di Cambio, tomb of Pope Boniface VIII, St. Peter’s grottoes,
Vatican, Italy, 1294-1296. Digital image. Available from Web Gallery of Art,
http://www.wga.hu/html_m/a/arnolfo/2/06bonifa.html (Accessed Aug. 2014).
87
Figure 16. Giotto di Bondone, St. John Lateran, Rome, c. 1300. Digital image.
Available from:
http://www.paradoxplace.com/Perspectives/Rome%20&%20Central%20Italy/An
agni/Anagni.htm (Accessed Aug. 2014).
88
Figure 17. Giacopo Grimaldi, Pope Boniface VIII tomb, watercolor, ca. 1610s.
Source: Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, figure 106.
89
Figure 18. Grimaldi, detail of Boniface VIII tomb. Source: Gardner, The Tomb and
the Tiara, figure 107.
90
Figure 19. Giacopo Grimaldi, detail of Giacopo Torriti’s fresco from Pope
Boniface VIII’s tomb, watercolor, 1610s. Digital image. Available from: Web
Gallery of Art,
http://www.wga.hu/html_m/g/grimaldi/tomb.html (Accessed Sept. 2014).
Figure 20. Tomb of Boniface VIII, detail. Source: Roberto Piperno. Digital image.
Available from: Rome Art Lover,
http://romeartlover.tripod.com/Storia.html (Accessed Jul., 2015).
91
Figure 21. Tomb of Boniface XII, detail. Notre Dame des Doms, Avignon, France.
Source: Jjpetite. 2007, Digital Image. Available from: Wikimedia Commons,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pope_Benedict_XII#/media/File:Tomb_of_Benedict_
XII,_Cath%C3%A9drale_de_Notre-Dame-des-Doms,_Avignon.JPG (Accessed
Jan. 2015).
92
Figure 22. Arnolfo di Cambio, papal bust of Boniface VIII, Vatican Grotto, Rome,
Italy. 1300. Source: Public domain. Digital image. Available from: Wikimedia
Commons,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bonifatius_VIII_Grabstatue.JPG
Accessed Feb., 2015.
93
Figure 23. Angel statue. Collegiate Church of Notre-Dame, Poissy, France. 1304.
Source: Collections du Musée de Cluny. Digital image. Available from:
http://www.sculpturesmedievales-cluny.fr/notices/notice.php?id=97 (Accessed
Mar. 2015).
94
Figure 24. Isabella. Collegiate Church of Notre-Dame, Poissy, France. 1304.
Source: P.poschadel. 2013, Digital image. Available from: Wikimedia Commons,
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Poissy_(78),_coll%C3%A9giale_NotreDame,_statue_Isabelle_de_France,_fille_de_saint_Louis,_vers_1300.JPG
(Accessed Jan. 2015).
95
Figure 25. Pierre d’Alençon. Collegiate Church of Notre-Dame, Poissy, France,
1304. Source: Collections du Musée de Cluny. Digital Image. Available from:
http://www.sculpturesmedievales-cluny.fr/notices/notice.php?id=725 (Accessed
Dec. 2014).
96
Figure 26. Tomb monument of Edmund “Crouchback” Plantagenet (d. 1296).
Westminster Abbey, Westminster, England. 1296-1301. Digital Image. Available
from: http://niistali.narod.ru/uk/Abbey.htm (Accessed Feb. 2015).
97
Figure 27. Tomb monument of King Edward II. Gloucester Cathedral, Glaucester,
England. 1330s. Source: Laurence Shafe. Digital image. Available from:
http://www.shafe.uk/edward_ii_tomb-_gloucester_cathedral/. (Accessed Feb.
2015).
98
Figure 28. Tomb of Archbishop Meopham (d. 1333), Canterbury Cathedral,
London, England, 1330s. Digital Image. Available from:
http://canterbury-buildings.org.uk/#/meopham/4567537404 (Accessed Feb. 2015).
99
Figure 29. Remains of tomb of Antipope Clement VII (d. 1394), originally in
Notre-Dame des Doms, currently Musée du Petit Palais, Avignon, France, c.
1390-1395. Source: David P. Henry. Digital image. Available from:
http://www.davidphenry.com/MedFrance/index.htm (Accessed Feb. 2015).
100
Figure 30. Simone Ghini, Tomb of Pope Martin V (d. 1431), Basilica of St. John
Lateran, Rome, ca. 1433. Source: Public domain. Available from: Wikimedia
Commons,
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Tomb_of_Pope_Martin_V_Gregorovius.jpg
(Accessed Nov. 2014).
101
Figure 31. Baccio Bandinelli, Tomb of Pope Leo X (d. 1521), Santa Maria sopra
Minerva, Rome, Italy, 1536-1541. Source: Stephen Bartlett Travels. 2009, Digital
image. Available from: Flickr,
https://www.flickr.com/photos/smbtravels/5475065731 (Accessed Nov. 2014).
102
Figure 32. Bandinelli, Tomb of Pope Clement VII (d. 1534), Santa Maria sopra
Minerva, Rome, Italy, 1536-1541. Source: HEN-Magonza. 2012, Digital Image.
Available from: Flickr,
https://www.flickr.com/photos/hen-magonza/7357843834/ (Accessed Jan. 2015).
103
Figure 33. Baccio Bandinelli, early design for Clement VII tomb, 1533. Source:
RISD Museum. Digital image. Available from:
http://risdmuseum.org/art_design/objects/386_early_design_for_the_tomb_of_po
pe_clement_vii (Accessed Feb. 2015).
104
Figure 34. Alessandro Algardi and Domenico Guidi, Meeting of Leo I and Attila,
from the tomb of Leo I, St. Peter’s, Vatican, Rome, 1646-53. Source: Web Gallery
or Art. Digital image. Available from:
http://www.wga.hu/html_m/a/algardi/2/meeting.html (Accessed Jan. 2012).
105