Journal of Teaching
in Physical Education
Journal of Teaching in Physical Education, 2014, 33, 93-111
http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jtpe.2013-0089
© 2014 Human Kinetics, Inc.
Endorsed by the Curriculum
and Instruction Academy of
the NASPE and the AIESEP
www.JTPE-Journal.com
ARTICLE
The Influences of Pre-Professional
Socialization on Early Career
Physical Educators
Sara B. Flory
University of South Florida
Nate McCaughtry
Wayne State University
The purpose of this study was to examine how three PE teachers’ personal biographies before their formal teacher education programs influenced their early careers
in urban schools. Using occupational socialization theory and cultural relevance
theory, we conducted in-depth interviews and observed early career physical education teachers who did not grow up in urban communities for approximately six
weeks each. Data were analyzed using constant comparison. Two major themes
emerged as influential in the teachers’ successes and struggles in urban schools,
including their exposure to diversity, and family views of culture. These findings
suggest that the pre-professional socialization experiences of teachers also include
the development of cultural templates, biases, and values, and that many teachers
may not accurately or critically reflect on their teaching practices. Further research
should examine how PETE programs prepare middle-class teacher candidates for
diverse schools.
Keywords: teacher development, diverse populations, cultural relevance
A wealth of research outlines the challenges that early career teachers face
as they adjust to the demands of full-time teaching (Andrews, Gilbert, & Martin,
2007; Ingersoll, 2003), evidenced further by the 50% attrition rate of teachers
within 5 years of beginning teaching (Andrews et al., 2007). These challenges
are exacerbated in urban schools, where resources available to teachers, students,
and within the community are often more scarce than suburban or rural schools
(Ennis & McCauley, 2002; Gardner III & Miranda, 2001; Olsen & Anderson, 2007;
Richardson & Scott, 2002). Many teachers who begin their careers in urban schools
only stay between three and five years before leaving the profession altogether or
obtaining teaching positions in suburban or rural schools (Ingersoll, 2003; Ng &
Flory is with the School of Physical Education & Exercise, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL.
McCaughtry is with the Division of Kinesiology, Health and Sport Studies, Wayne State University,
Detroit, MI.
93
94 Flory and McCaughtry
Thomas, 2007). Reports such as these warrant research regarding how teachers
learn to teach and the influences affecting their early careers that drive them to
stay or leave the profession. The purpose of this study was to examine how three
early career physical education (PE) teachers’ personal biographies before their
formal teacher education programs influenced their early careers in urban schools.
Teaching PE in urban schools introduces a unique set of challenges related to
teaching space, equipment, instructional time, and professional development (Ennis
& Chen, 1995; McCaughtry, Martin, Kulinna, & Cothran, 2006). PE organizations
lobby for mandated instructional time in PE (National Association for Sport &
Physical Education [NASPE], (2009), yet some students in the U.S. only attend
PE classes once per week (Kulinna, McCaughtry, Cothran, & Martin, 2006) and
do not meet recommended national guidelines for PE or physical activity (PA).
Many urban PE teachers struggle to engage students in diverse content, because
many urban schools have established basketball cultures (McCaughtry, Barnard,
Martin, Shen, & Kulinna, 2006) and resist other content.
Urban PE teachers may also encounter differences in teacher and student
cultural backgrounds. School populations across the U.S. continue to diversify;
yet, most teacher candidates are White, middle-class females with Eurocentric
vantage points (Bondy, Ross, Gallingane, & Hambacher, 2007; Ware, 2006). Most
urban teachers work with students of diverse ethnic, cultural, economic, and geographic backgrounds, because almost 80% of urban students are African American,
Hispanic, or Asian American (Snipes, Horwitz, Soga, & Casserly, 2008). Urban
teachers likely face students with unique learning styles and different attitudes and
values regarding school than students in rural or suburban schools. Therefore, many
teachers from middle-class backgrounds likely attended suburban or rural schools
and grew up in a U.S. society grounded in cultural “normalcy.” The middle-class
in this study refers to relative social class, where individuals experience some
“material comfort”—that is, they have some expendable income and do not worry
about daily survival (Yoon, 2012). Teachers from middle-class backgrounds are
likely to encounter students in urban schools who are ethnically, culturally, and
socioeconomically much different from their own backgrounds.
Differences in cultural backgrounds can result in clashes between students and
teachers, which undermine educational processes (Chen, 1999; Ladson-Billings,
1995, 2000) and cause feelings of mistrust among students (Irving & Hudley, 2008).
Some urban PE teachers have reported that students are often disinterested, resistant,
and disruptive (Chen, 1998; Cothran & Ennis, 1997; Ennis & McCauley, 2002). If
teacher values or content selection do not align with students’ cultural viewpoints,
students are likely to disengage (Ennis, 2000; Ennis & Chen, 1995). McCaughtry,
Barnard et al. (2006) found that urban PE teachers struggled to provide relevant
content; so urban PE teachers may inadvertently create environments where youth
are disinterested in PE.
Teacher attrition, unique challenges of teaching PE in urban schools, and
clashes between teacher and student backgrounds are salient issues that influenced
the current study. Numerous research studies exist regarding the preparation of
teachers for urban classrooms in general education, as well as the pre-professional
socialization experiences of PE teachers from a more global perspective (Aaronson, 1999; Barnes, 2006; Curtner-Smith, 1998, 2001; Darling-Hammond, 2003;
Schempp & Graber, 1992). Yet, we know very little about how physical educators are
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 95
prepared to teach in urban schools, much less how the period before formal teacher
training influences the process. Because new teacher survival involves learning about
the school environment, students, and being effective in that setting, early career
urban PE teachers may not know how to navigate discrepancies between personal
histories and the cultural backgrounds of their students. Therefore, the purpose of
this study was to examine how three PE teachers’ personal biographies before their
formal teacher education programs influenced their early careers in urban schools.
Theoretical Framework
The two theoretical frameworks which shaped this investigation were occupational
socialization (Lawson, 1983a, 1983b; Lortie, 1975) and culturally relevant physical education (CRPE; Flory & McCaughtry, 2011). Occupational socialization is
the study of how individuals learn about and become insiders within the “culture”
of an occupation. There are multiple phases of occupational socialization, which
all influence how a teacher learns to teach (pre-professional socialization, professional socialization, and induction). The focus of this research was participants’
pre-professional socialization experiences. In this study, pre-professional socialization refers to the events, influences, and milestones that occur in an individual’s
life before entry to a formal Physical Education Teacher Education (PETE)
program. These include experiences involving sport, school PE, interactions with
PE teachers and coaches, and influences of family and friends. Two elements of
pre-professional socialization, the subjective warrant and the apprenticeship of
observation, are especially powerful concepts in explaining this form of socialization. The subjective warrant helps an individual determine if they are suited for a
particular profession, and is made up of the values, beliefs, and assumptions an
individual has about becoming a teacher. It is influenced by personal, situational, as
well as societal factors (Dewar & Lawson, 1984). Lawson (1983a) wrote “…each
student spends thousands of hours in school gymnasia and playing fields, and this
extensive contact with physical education’s subject matter and teachers provides
opportunities for a subjective warrant to be formed” (p. 6). The subjective warrant
might be considered the “measuring stick” which individuals use to determine
whether they might be successful as a PE teacher. The subjective warrant of prospective PE teachers is important because of its strength in influencing teaching
beliefs and practices, and it can influence how individuals implement activities and
curricular content, as values and experiences will drive how they deliver lessons to
students (Borko & Putnam, 1996; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). Years spent as a
student, or the apprenticeship of observation, becomes the filter for future experiences related to becoming a teacher. Lortie (1975) claimed that students spend
“13,000 hours in direct contact with classroom teachers by the time he graduates
from high school” (p. 61). Schempp and Graber (1992) wrote, “...the influence of
these early socializing experiences carry far into teachers’ careers and provide a
continuing influence over the pedagogical perspectives, beliefs, and behaviors of
physical education teachers” (p. 334).
Each phase of occupational socialization has a unique influence on what and
how a teacher eventually teaches. The phases of occupational socialization are
not isolated experiences, but blend together to help a teacher form their teaching philosophy and inform their pedagogy. Yet, to explore all of the influences of
96 Flory and McCaughtry
occupational socialization on an early career physical educator in an urban school
would be beyond the scope of this manuscript. In this study, understanding preprofessional socialization helped explain elements of teachers’ personal biographies
that influenced their early careers in urban schools, so this paper will only explore
the themes emerging from the teachers’ experiences before formal teacher education, and highlight instances of the subjective warrant and the apprenticeship of
observation influencing the early career of an urban PE teacher.
The second framework, Flory and McCaughtry’s (2011) culturally relevant
physical education (CRPE), includes a three-step process for providing culturally
relevant instruction: (1) knowing the public (e.g., students, families, community),
(2) identifying areas of cultural distance between the goals, values and cultural
viewpoints of teachers, their students, and their families, and (3) enacting strategies
to bridge cultural distance so that the perspectives of teachers blend more seamlessly
with those of students, thereby making the educational experience more effective,
engaging and worthwhile. Being a culturally relevant PE teacher is a dynamic process that changes depending on the teacher, school, and population being served.
Knowing the Public Served
Many frameworks explain how culture plays a role in education, including cultural
discontinuity and synchronization (Irvine, 2003), multiculturalism (Banks, 1993),
cultural responsiveness (Gay, 2010), and cultural relevance (Ladson-Billings,
1995). Each framework possesses unique characteristics; however, none can operate
without sophisticated knowledge of the public served. To connect with students and
provide culturally relevant schooling, teachers must deeply know students, including whom students live with; ethnic, linguistic, and socioeconomic backgrounds;
learning styles; challenges; and personal information providing greater insight into
students’ out-of-school circumstances.
Identifying Cultural Distance
The second step of CRPE involves identifying cultural distance, or the discrepancy
between worldviews and values, between teachers’ personal biographies and the
realities of their students. Vast cultural distance often exists between schools, teachers’ biographies, students and families in urban communities. For example, Pransky
and Bailey (2002) wrote, “Because all communities do not think, believe, or learn
in identical ways, there may still be much…that is confusing to or misunderstood
by children with language, culture and socioeconomic differences” (p. 371).
Enacting Strategies to Bridge Cultural Distance
The third step of CRPE involves overcoming cultural distance by devising strategies that bridge distances between teachers and students (Bondy et al., 2007;
Ladson-Billings, 1995). Several studies identify successful teachers who understand historical, political and economic factors affecting communities, and view
students as family (Gay, 2010; Ware, 2006). Cochran-Smith (1995) suggested
teachers “explore and reconsider their own assumptions, understand the values and
practices of families and cultures that are different from their own, and construct
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 97
pedagogy that takes these into account in locally appropriate and culturally sensitive ways” (p. 495). This framework offers a solid foundation for examining the
challenges early career PE teachers encounter in urban schools, and the differences
between the backgrounds and cultural dynamics of urban students, and how these
affect teachers’ pedagogies. This framework also allowed us to highlight instances
where teachers knew (or did not know) the public they served, identified (or did
not identify) cultural distance, and enacted (or did not enact) strategies to bridge
cultural distance between themselves and their students.
Methods
Participants and Settings
This study used interpretive, qualitative research methodologies (LeCompte &
Schensul, 1999) to examine how three PE teachers’ personal biographies before their
formal teacher education programs influenced their early careers in urban schools
in a Midwestern state (Patton, 2002; Spradley, 1980). Three purposively sampled
(Patton, 2002) teachers were chosen because their cultural backgrounds differed
from the students they taught (similar to the most urban teachers hired in the U.S.),
because they did not grow up in urban areas, and because urban school settings
present unique challenges rarely present in most suburban and rural schools. The
urban area where the study took place had a highly diverse metropolitan population,
but is one of the most racially segregated cities in the U.S.
Alexis, a White female in her late 20s, grew up in a middle-class, rural town.
At the time of the study, she had five years of teaching experience, four as the PE
teacher and Athletic Director at Achiever Academy (“Achiever”), a K-8 charter
school located in a major city bordering a wealthy suburb. Most students lived in
the city and were driven to school. Of the 700 students enrolled during the study,
99% of families reported their ethnic backgrounds as African American, 51% of
students were male, and 79% of students were eligible for free or reduced-price
lunch. Achiever was housed in a former Catholic school, with church facilities
across the street, so the school building did not have a gymnasium, cafeteria, or
multipurpose room. Alexis taught PE on a public playground when weather permitted, or in classrooms and hallways. Alexis’ equipment was limited due to space,
so most lessons required students to share equipment. All Achiever students wore
a “gym uniform” (sweatpants or athletic pants and an Achiever t-shirt) with gym
shoes on their designated PE day. Achiever students had PE once per week for
approximately 45 minutes.
Brad was a White male in his mid-30s who grew up in a segregated, middleclass suburb of a major city. Brad had four years of teaching experience, all at
Bentley International Academy (“Bentley”), a K-7 charter school in a racially
diverse, densely populated city. Approximately 600 students were enrolled during
the study, comprised of 53% of families reporting their ethnic backgrounds as
African American, 32% of families reporting their ethnic backgrounds as White,
including Arab American and European American immigrants, 13% of families
reporting their ethnic backgrounds as Asian, and the remaining 2% of families
reported their ethnic backgrounds as Hispanic, mixed race, or “Other.” The student
98 Flory and McCaughtry
population at Bentley was 52% male, and 82% of students were eligible for free or
reduced-price lunch. Bentley had two buildings; the East campus, housing grades
3–7 in a former high school, and the West campus in a remodeled building for grades
K-2. Storage was an issue at East campus, so students shared limited equipment
during lessons. All Bentley students had PE once per week for 50 minutes, and
participated in their school uniforms and gym shoes, rather than a “gym uniform.”
Candie was a White female in her early 30s who grew up in a middle-class,
rural town. She had been teaching PE for six years, all at Chestnut Academy
(“Chestnut”), a K-6 charter school located just outside of a major city. Candie was
the PE teacher and was also involved in several extracurricular programs. Approximately 375 students attended Chestnut, comprised of 53% female students, 99% of
families reported their ethnic backgrounds as African American students, and 40%
eligible for free or reduced-price lunch. Candie taught PE with newer equipment
in a multipurpose room which also served as the cafeteria and auditorium. Candie
had access to a playground, nature trail, and a large field for students’ 40-minute
classes twice a week. Candie’s students participated in their school uniforms and
gym shoes, rather than wearing a specific “gym uniform.”
Data Collection
To determine the influences of teachers’ pre-professional socialization on their
early careers as urban physical educators, we conducted fieldwork over 18 weeks
throughout the 2009–2010 school years. We spent six weeks with each teacher
(three days per week, 54 school days across all participants) to collect data via
daily lesson observations (five lessons per day per teacher, N = 270; Spradley,
1980), informal interviews, and daily, audio recorded formal teacher interviews
(18 with each teacher, N = 54; LeCompte & Schensul, 1999). During observations,
the first author took detailed field notes, noting the focus of each class, strategies
teachers used to convey lesson activities, how students responded to activities, and
how teachers and students interacted. These observations provided glimpses into
each teacher’s knowledge of the public they served, how they identified cultural
distance, and what strategies they enacted to bridge cultural distance. Observations
of teacher behaviors served as starting points for formal interviews related to how
each teacher’s pre-professional socialization experiences influenced their pedagogy;
however, interview guides with probes were prepared for each interview. Each
formal interview lasted approximately one hour.
Data Analysis
Data were analyzed using constant comparison and inductive analysis (Corbin &
Strauss, 2008; LeCompte & Schensul, 1999) to identify relationships and themes
from the data. All field notes and interviews were transcribed and coded to plan for
the next day of data collection. Careful data management and constant comparative inductive analysis provided a means to organize the findings into themes that
represented how the teachers’ pre-professional socialization experiences influenced
their early career experiences in urban schools. Trustworthiness was established
through prolonged engagement, peer debriefing, and informal and formal member
checking (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Throughout the data collection process, the
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 99
researchers met biweekly with an experienced peer debriefer to share findings
and develop interpretations. As data collection neared completion, the researchers
conducted at least one member-checking interview with each teacher to discuss
their emerging interpretations for accuracy. Informal member checks occurred
during informal interviews throughout data collection.
Findings
The teachers in this study shared how they became interested in teaching PE, as
well as important elements of their upbringing that influenced their career choice
and teaching philosophies. All three teachers grew up in communities that were
much different than the schools where they taught, so they reflected about the influences of their pre-professional socialization experiences during their early careers
in urban schools. Two salient themes emerged throughout the study that influenced
the teachers’ early careers as urban PE teachers: the teachers’ exposure to diversity
during their pre-professional socialization, and the views of culture held by their
own families. These themes best illustrated the elements of the cultural relevance
cycle (knowing the public served, identifying cultural distance, and enacting strategies to bridge cultural distance), as well as elements of occupational socialization
theory (apprenticeship of observation, subjective warrant, etc.). The findings from
each teacher are shared separately to highlight the theoretical frameworks used to
investigate the influences of pre-professional socialization.
Alexis
As outlined in the methods section, Alexis grew up in a middle class community
with predominantly White residents. Her exposure to diversity was limited, and her
family’s views on culture also influenced her early career as an urban PE teacher.
Exposure to Diversity. Alexis’ early exposure to diversity and cultural differences could best be described as voyeuristic. She did not spend much time in
diverse settings, and when she did, she was able to retreat back to her White,
middle-class lifestyle rather quickly. Alexis’ first experiences occurred with her
travel basketball team, where she played against more diverse teams in urban
communities. She said, “If I hadn’t played travel ball, I wouldn’t have seen other
cultures or races before college. Our community was really, really White.” While
she felt she gained some understanding of other cultures, her first experience
with minorities and urban communities left her with negative, somewhat fearful
feelings. She explained,
I remember playing in a tournament in a big city. We were in a bad part of
town – there were abandoned houses and broken down cars and stuff. The
game was in this really dark, loud gym, and the fans were really rowdy. That
was the first time I played in a place that really didn’t seem too safe…it was
shocking at first.
During high school, an African American girl joined Alexis’ team, which
highlighted some of the potential challenges and cultural differences of urban
communities. She said,
100 Flory and McCaughtry
She didn’t have much family support, so Coach picked her up for practice.
I assumed most people grew up just like me, so I was surprised. She shared
different music and taught us slang. She stayed positive even though she didn’t
have as comfortable of a life as the rest of us.
This African American teammate provided Alexis limited exposure to diversity,
but was not enough for her to deeply understand the challenges that many African
Americans in urban communities faced. This voyeuristic experience with diversity
was novel for Alexis, but only allowed her to recognize differences between her
own living circumstances and her teammate’s.
Influence of Exposure to Diversity. Early exposure to diversity gave Alexis
some knowledge of the issues faced by individuals living in urban environments,
and decreased some of the cultural distance between herself and her students.
For example, reflecting about her African American teammate, Alexis tried to be
sensitive to students and the diverse family arrangements that she knew existed.
She said, “Some kids stay with one parent during the week, and another on weekends. I have kids living with grandparents and aunts. When we send things home
that say ‘Dear Parent or Guardian,’ the guardian part is usually more accurate!”
Alexis also decreased cultural distance between herself and her students by using
slang and pop culture references when it was appropriate in lessons, and asked
students to define new slang. Although Alexis did not use the same slang in her
daily life, she was able to bridge cultural distance between herself and her students
by incorporating slang. Alexis felt that awareness of current pop culture allowed
her to connect more with students. She said, “If I didn’t know what they were
doing or saying, they probably wouldn’t give me any effort. But since I know
their slang and what they like, I can get them to do more.”
Alexis’ voyeuristic exposure to cultural difference provided some success
early in her career, yet she faced other struggles because her experiences were
brief and from an outsider’s perspective. Alexis’ apprenticeship of observation
occurred in mostly White, middle class schools, so she mentioned several issues
and viewpoints that she grappled to understand when teaching. One such struggle
was her interpretation of students’ reactions. She said,
I have a tough time with kids thinking people are out to get you. We have a lot
of kids in this school, and in other areas I’m sure, that think people are ‘hating’
on them. They see that mindset from parents or TV, so it’s the first response –
you know, ‘that cop is always….’ or at school they’ll say ‘that teacher always
tries to get me in trouble.’ It’s the first thing out of their mouths – you, you,
you. It’s a blame game.
Students accused one another of cheating during competitive activities in
class, especially when they were not successful. During one observation, Alexis
calmed a sixth grader that was singled out for talking by her classroom teacher,
despite other student disruptions. Alexis was perplexed by another student’s defensive reaction when she asked the student to quiet down in the hallway. In Alexis’
experiences, teachers were respected and had authority over students regardless of
the circumstances. When students’ reactions contradicted the subjective warrant
Alexis developed, she grew frustrated when students did not respond politely or in
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 101
the way she may have behaved as a youth. She said, “I never reacted the way my
kids do. I would have been in so much trouble – it’s frustrating because usually
I’m trying to help that student.”
Another struggle she encountered because of an apprenticeship of observation
which lacked diversity had to do with requiring PE uniforms on students’ designated
PE day. She had strictly adhered to the policy in previous years to prevent students
from ruining school uniforms, and had consequences for students without their PE
uniform. Alexis said she was more lenient that year, and was inconsistent about
having students “sit out.” She said,
Something’s holding me back from being strict this year. It seems to be disorganization at home – kids say, ‘I can’t find my clothes, they’re in the washer,
they’ve got a hole in it,’ all kinds of reasons. I know things happen, but so
often? You have gym once a week, wash the clothes a day or two after. Or
whenever. Why is it such an issue?
Alexis tried to be sympathetic to students’ reasons for not having uniforms, but
was unsure whether students were making excuses. Throughout Alexis’ upbringing
in a middle class family and community, she never had to worry about replacing
worn-out clothing or having laundry facilities in her own home. In her early career
as an urban physical educator, she did not consider that many of her students may
not have access to laundry facilities in their homes, or the time and resources every
week to do laundry. Her lack of knowledge or understanding of community dynamics created cultural distance between Alexis and her students.
Family Views of Culture. Alexis’ family did not have negative views of other
cultures or speak about minorities in negative ways. She said, “There was never
any ‘grumpy talk’ about different cultures in my family. I had a friend, whose
father would say things about certain parts of town, but I never really understood
it or paid much attention to it.” Alexis’ grandfather influenced her outlook on individuals from different backgrounds, and encouraged her to recognize individual
qualities, not ethnicity. She said, “My grandpa would talk to anybody…people
are people, you know? He never judged people; it was more about figuring out
where people were coming from.” As she matured, Alexis even spoke out against
people who made negative remarks.
The Influence of Family Views of Culture. Her approach to teaching individuals
from other cultures became part of Alexis’ subjective warrant, and resulted in
some success as an early career teacher because of her desire to understand others.
She obtained partial “insider status” with Achiever students and families since
she knew almost all 700 students by name and interacted with them in genuine
ways. She said, “I’ve earned their trust because I’m real with them, not fake.”
Alexis conversed with students and families during drop-off and dismissal, and at
other school events. She frequently spoke with students individually when their
behaviors seemed disruptive, rather than accepting these behaviors as a result of
being labeled “at-risk” due to race and socioeconomic status.
Despite some success, Alexis did not always remain inquisitive about students,
which resulted in some struggle and increased the cultural distance between her
personal biography and students’ lived experiences. One struggle involved Alexis’
102 Flory and McCaughtry
understanding of her students’ approaches to health and physical activity. Often,
students with asthma would leave class to retrieve their inhalers from the office.
She said, “They’re taught if you have asthma, you don’t exercise. I try to teach them
to know their boundaries. Take a break, but then come back. Maybe there’s other
health issues involved, but my parents never discouraged us from being active.”
Alexis’ experiences with physical activity during childhood were never tempered
with caution or concern, so she struggled to understand why her students would
behave this way. This created a sense of frustration and distrust, because Alexis was
unsure whether students were telling the truth or using their asthma as an excuse to
not participate. Alexis tried different protocols in class to reduce interruptions from
students needing to use their inhalers, but did not make any attempts to learn more
about the values of her students or their families, or to learn about the resources
available for healthcare within the community, which had one of the highest rates
of asthma in the state.
Brad
Brad grew up in a middle-class community well-known for incidents of racism in
the metropolitan area. His pre-professional socialization had a tremendous influence on his early career as an urban PE teacher. His experiences with diversity and
family views of culture are outlined below.
Exposure to Diversity. When interviewing Brad, he was extremely open about his
upbringing. He said, “When I was growing up, there were no African American
families. Maybe a few Hispanic families, but otherwise it was, and still is, all
White.” His only exposures to non-White individuals occurred during high school
athletics. These interactions were brief and usually negative, as he shared that his
teammates used racist slurs, played rougher than usual, and acted disrespectfully
toward teams from urban schools. He said, “When we played teams from the city,
we taunted more and used slurs a lot.” Brad recalled one tense basketball game
that required police intervention when players began fighting after the game,
drawing other students, parents, and spectators out of the bleachers to participate.
Influence of Exposure to Diversity. Because Brad’s apprenticeship of observation
included little exposure to diversity during his pre-professional socialization, he
experienced a great deal of culture shock as an early career teacher in an urban
school. He shared several negative views of the environment where he taught,
students’ behavior, and the interactions he had with parents. Comparing his
experiences with his son’s basketball games in a White, middle-class community
and coaching experiences at Bentley revealed his disgust with the behaviors of
his students and their families. He said,
I couldn’t believe the atmosphere at my first basketball game there. The fans
were going nuts, cheering back and forth. Music was playing loudly, and I’d
never seen so many parents out. Later that season, we won a game on a lastsecond shot, and everyone, including my principal, stormed the court like
we’d won a championship! Coming from my hometown, that’s just not what
I was used to.
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 103
Because Bentley basketball experiences did not align with his experiences of
extracurricular basketball, he was critical of the behaviors he observed. The cultural
distance between his experiences and how his students behaved was construed
negatively. Speaking about his African American students, he said, “I was totally
shocked by the behavior. Their loudness and volume, especially in competitive situations. Why do they have to celebrate every little thing that happens?” Brad’s lack
of exposure to diversity during his pre-professional socialization created cultural
distance between his own cultural template and that of his students.
Family Views of Culture. Brad learned a one-sided view of race, where anything
outside of his family’s own values was also viewed negatively. Brad’s parents,
grandparents, and most other adults he encountered held racist views and used
racial slurs freely. He shared, “There’s a lot of negativity towards other races in
my family. They’ve got some choice words, my dad and grandpa especially.”
Brad and his peer group participated in racist actions as high school athletes. The
values Brad learned from his parents and other community members were very
negative, yet he recalled instances when these values seemed wrong. He said,
Some seniors beat up two Black kids walking through our subdivision. They
weren’t causing any trouble, but the White kids beat them so bad they were in
the hospital for weeks. It wasn’t right, but racism can make you brainwashed
into thinking that it’s OK.
Brad admitted that his parents’ and grandparents’ ways of thinking were “old
school” and knew such language and attitudes were not appropriate.
The Influence of Family Views of Culture. Brad claimed to disagree with overt
racism and felt he was tolerant of other cultures, yet his teaching did not fully support these claims. Brad admitted to not having time to learn about the community
or students attending Bentley, which only increased the cultural distance between
himself and his students. He interpreted student behaviors that contradicted White,
middle-class values as a byproduct of racial difference. He made comments about
student behavior, and compared his son’s behaviors in school to the behaviors of
the students he taught. After spending a good portion of a lesson trying to get his
students to sit quietly in rows for attendance, he said “I don’t understand why
they can’t just be quiet. What is it that these kids have to talk all the time?” Brad
claimed to be tolerant of all races, yet his teaching demonstrated his beliefs that
White, middle-class values were superior.
Although Brad taught diverse students, most of his comments about differences
and undesirable behaviors were about African Americans. When questioned, Brad
said that his African American students had more behavioral issues than his other
students. Brad disciplined and gave warnings to African American students most
frequently, and identified the most disruptive students as African American boys
during observations. Brad classified other students’ behavior in positive ways. He
said, “I do notice a difference. Most of the Arabic kids are very well behaved, and
the European kids are probably the most respectful.”
Brad’s cultural viewpoints, developed in part from the influence of his family,
created struggles when interacting with diverse students, especially African
104 Flory and McCaughtry
American students. He said, “The Black kids connect with Black teachers. The
kids trust them more. Sometimes I feel like they’re thinking ‘White boy, you don’t
know anything about me, or what I’ve been through.’ What am I supposed to do
about that?” Brad felt the distrust had to do with students’ issues, not his teaching
practices. He said,
I don’t know what it is about this culture or being in a city, but it seems hard
for kids to trust you. They’re immediately defensive, making excuses, not
listening, and when you try to help, they’ll say ‘you don’t understand me, so
you don’t tell me what to do.’
He was concerned about the lack of rapport with his students, which challenged the subjective warrant he developed for teaching. He sought the advice of
other teachers to help explain the challenges he faced. He said, “I’ve talked to other
teachers about it, because there seems to be a big issue of trust with those [African
American] students.” Brad did not have strategies for improving his connections
with students or decreasing the cultural distance between himself and his students,
and claimed African American teachers were more effective with African American
students. According to Brad, these teachers “knew the right lingo to use with students
and what their lives are really like.” He said, “Mr. W., he’s in charge of discipline,
but kids respect him. He connects with them in a way that I can’t. And Mr. G., a
writing teacher – he’s Black, too, and it’s easier for them to connect with the kids.”
Candie
Candie grew up in an almost rural, mostly White, middle-class town. Her preprofessional socialization experiences related to diversity and her family’s views
of culture were significant influences on her early career as an urban PE teacher.
Exposure to Diversity. Candie had gradual exposure to diverse populations before
entering her teacher preparation program. She worked at a YMCA in a large city
as a lifeguard and in the after-school program. She shared, “I was excited to work
there – the kids were mostly African American and Hispanic. Some of them were
tough, but it was after school and they just wanted to play! There was no training,
I just absorbed and asked questions.” Candie also worked as a Girl Scout camp
counselor every summer during college, working with other counselors from all
over the world. She said, “I worked and lived with people from Russia, Korea,
all over. It was great for the campers to have mentors from different cultures.”
During her first year, Candie became close with Charlotte, another counselor who
ultimately helped Candie recognize her own sexuality. This altered her approach
to the rest of her education. She said,
I got back from working camp and I came out to my family and close friends,
signed up to study abroad, and had a different outlook on everything! Before
leaving that summer, topics in my liberal arts classes made me uncomfortable…
then I came back and enrolled in ‘Love, Sex and Gender.’ I did a total 180…
During her study abroad program, Candie spent six weeks in Capetown,
South Africa. She worked in two different communities: a diverse, private, all-girls
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 105
boarding school, and in the “townships” of Capetown. In the townships, Blacks
were subjected to apartheid and were not allowed into the cities without a passport,
families built their homes out of materials they could find, and schools had only
one room. During her time in Capetown, Candie witnessed drastic differences in
how citizens were treated, valued, and respected.
Influence of Exposure to Diversity. Candie’s gradual introduction to diversity
allowed her to experience some success in an urban environment for several
reasons. First, she developed a richer frame of reference for cultural difference
and an inclusive teaching philosophy. She said,
I didn’t grow up in a diverse environment, but this job wasn’t my first exposure.
The program at the Y was pretty diverse, and then camp, and then here. Some
teachers have their first experience with non-White students when they get hired
in an urban school, but I was totally weaned into it, and I think it worked well.
Second, identifying as a sexual minority gave Candie a better understanding of
the experiences of other minorities (i.e., racial), and decreased the cultural distance
between her own cultural template and the students she taught. These experiences
influenced her subjective warrant for teaching. She said, “I don’t think I’d be half
the teacher I am today if I hadn’t worked Girl Scout camp. I learned so much there.”
Candie’s sexuality influenced a more inclusive approach to teaching. She shared,
My sexuality affects my philosophy about being open-minded and inclusive,
which affects how I see my students. I don’t point out big differences; I don’t
want the kids to feel uncomfortable in any way, so that affects everything:
what I teach, my management, all of it. I think that allows me to connect with
my students so much better.
Third, Candie’s experiences in South Africa allowed her to see the effects of
discrimination and apartheid, which she reflected about frequently. The injustices
she witnessed were powerful examples of how oppression and discrimination
affected communities, so she strived to maintain an equitable classroom climate.
Candie kept the photo album from her trip to Capetown in her office to share with
others because the trip had such a profound effect.
Despite Candie’s success in an urban school, she still encountered struggles
as she taught students from diverse backgrounds. The activities she planned and
assumptions she made as a White, middle-class female were not always accepted by
her students and their families. During her first year, Candie introduced a lacrosse
unit, but her students did not share her enthusiasm. Candie’s students never held
lacrosse sticks or watched a game, and during the first lesson, a student declared
“Black kids don’t really play lacrosse.” After school, Candie was shocked when she
only found two examples of African American lacrosse players during an internet
search. Candie also organized and secured funding for an overnight cross-country
ski trip. Very few students returned permission slips, and many told Candie that
their parents would not let them attend. Candie assumed the activities she valued
might appeal to her students, but naively did not consider culture when choosing
content. She said, “my first year I learned how ‘White’ I really was. Like the lacrosse
unit, I didn’t consider that it was such a ‘White’ sport. Most students hadn’t been
106 Flory and McCaughtry
skiing before, no wonder parents were leery.” Although many aspects of Candie’s
upbringing were positive influences that contributed to her success during her early
career as an urban teacher, other aspects highlighted the cultural distance between
her experiences and the students she taught.
Family Views of Culture. Although Candie and her family lived in a predominantly White community, her family expressed the values of acceptance and
compassion when they encountered cultural difference. Candie recalled knowing
a pair of sisters that had been adopted from Korea, and discussing their difference
with her mother. Candie said, “I remember my mom telling me to be nice to the
girls, even though they were different than all of the other kids at our school.”
Additionally, because Candie and her family lived in a rural community, they
traveled to more urban communities to attend sporting events or to go shopping.
Candie shared that her family was very accepting of other cultures or minorities,
and this was especially apparent when she came out to her family. She shared,
Coming out is a big deal, and it can be really intimidating because you’re not
sure how your family or friends will react. I thought my parents would be okay
because they’re generally laid-back about things. I got pretty worked up before
telling them, but then after I did, I remember getting a hug from my mom and
dad and they were very supportive.
The Influence of Family Views of Culture. The views regarding culture and
“difference” that Candie learned from her family influenced part of her success
as an early career physical educator. Candie tried to demonstrate the same level
of compassion, acceptance, and understanding with her students that her parents
demonstrated with Candie and her siblings. Candie was open and welcoming to
students, and tried to understand their perspectives when faced with challenges.
For example, after a first grade teacher expressed frustration with a particular student who was inconsistent in turning assignments, and had sat out of PE that day
for wearing sandals, Candie privately shared that the student lived in a homeless
shelter and the responsibility of remembering homework or gym shoes might be
a lot for a seven year old in those circumstances. She said, “I get really mad when
I hear teachers make snide comments like that. An angry teacher isn’t going to
help that little girl be more organized. She’s seven! And I bet her mom told her
to wear those shoes today.” Candie’s understanding outlook allowed her to gain
the trust of her students, and decreased the cultural distance between herself and
her students, even when their cultural templates were drastically different.
Discussion
Each teacher’s pre-professional socialization experiences influenced their early
careers as physical educators in urban schools. By study design, the teachers grew
up in White, middle-class communities, and had different backgrounds and cultural templates than most of their urban students. Both Brad and Alexis grew up in
communities where they had regular, safe access to large spaces to participate in
team sports, and had families who could afford extracurricular sport participation.
They described their White, middle-class upbringing as “typical,” and their positive
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 107
experiences with sport and physical activity influenced their career choices because
of a strong subjective warrant.
Experiences with diverse populations gave Alexis and Candie some knowledge of urban contexts and potential cultural differences as urban teachers. Alexis’
basketball experiences allowed her to observe urban areas, and learn the slang and
musical styles (i.e., hip hop, rap) valued in many communities. Her brief experiences were not rich enough to make in-depth connections with her students because
she did not understand the complexity of urban contexts. Candie’s experiences in
gradually more diverse contexts decreased culture shock, and she was empathetic
about the challenges students faced. Yet, she initially made assumptions about the
type of content her students would value.
Alexis’ and Candie’s struggles confirm prior research which determined that
effective, culturally relevant instruction required teachers to deeply understand
community dynamics, know how community dynamics affected education, and
implement strategies reflecting cultural knowledge (Barnes, 2006; Cochran-Smith,
1995; Flory & McCaughtry, 2011; Gay, 2010; Irvine, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 1995;
Page, 2004; Villegas & Lucas, 2002). Other researchers have called for teachers
to understand urban students’ out-of-school lives to improve their commitment
to school (Marquez-Zenkov, Harmon, van Lier, & Marquez-Zenkov, 2007). The
teachers’ limited knowledge of community dynamics curbed their effectiveness
with students.
Candie’s initial assumptions about the content to include in her urban school
supports the notion of the apprenticeship of observation. Researchers (Dewar &
Lawson, 1984; Lawson, 1983a; Templin, Woodford, & Mulling, 1982) identified
that the years spent playing sports and in PE have a tremendous influence on how
PE teachers eventually teach. Rovegno (1993) pointed out that teachers’ personal
histories are deep and meaningful to the individual, and teachers will reject ideas
(i.e., curricular approaches, content.) that contradict their personal histories.
Candie’s choices regarding curriculum also supports previous research findings that identify the cultural value of content. Flory and McCaughtry (2011)
found that students in urban communities were uninterested in many sports
because they had little access to them outside of school. McCaughtry, Barnard et
al. (2006) found that many urban teachers felt conflicted about providing relevant
activities for urban students. These teachers were more diverse and experienced
than teachers in the current study, and more understanding of urban challenges.
Ennis’ research on sport-based PE (Ennis & Chen, 1995; Ennis, 2000) outlined
that many students did not find sports meaningful because of the negative impact
they had on girls’ identity development, and the aggression that resulted when boys
dominated games. Cothran and Ennis (1997) found that urban students disengaged
from content that was irrelevant to their life experiences. Integrating more diverse
content (i.e., stepping, dance, or lifetime fitness activities) could provide activities
that students might enjoy, require little equipment or additional costs, and might
be done in students’ homes.
The influence of family values regarding culture was strong for all three teachers in this study. While Alexis and Candie’s families remained positive toward
other cultures, Brad’s family had more narrow views regarding “others.” These
experiences may have influenced the participants’ subjective warrants for teaching, as well as their eventual success or struggles when teaching in urban schools.
108 Flory and McCaughtry
Alexis, Brad, and Candie’s family values regarding culture had implications for
teaching practices in urban schools, but in different ways. Previous research studies
discuss that successful teachers of urban students built meaningful relationships
and understood the multifaceted dimensions of students’ lives (Bondy et al., 2007;
Flory & McCaughtry, 2011; Ware, 2006), which Candie was close to achieving.
Other research studies have also revealed how strong relationships allows marginalized students to be more successful, and encouraged teachers to use culturally
congruent teaching methods (Abbate-Vaughn, Frechon, & Wright, 2010). Alexis
developed limited student-teacher relationships with her students, while Brad felt
constrained due to racial differences.
The findings of this study related to occupational socialization suggest that
teachers’ subjective warrants and apprenticeships of observation reach beyond
content and teaching practices, and include cultural templates, biases, and values.
Teachers in this study had cultural templates anchored in White, middle-class values,
which made it difficult to see teaching from other perspectives. This suggests that
to challenge and expand the values that most teacher candidates acquire during
their pre-professional socialization experiences and to prepare them for a rapidly
diversifying school population (Bondy et al., 2007), PETE programs must provide
well-planned, meaningful experiences that embrace social justice, multicultural
education, and promote diversity, just as many scholars have called for in general
teacher education programs (Irvine, 1992; Ladson-Billings, 1999; Nieto, 2000).
Another key finding contributing to cultural relevance theory is that many
teachers may not accurately or critically reflect on their teaching practices. Many
teachers may not know how to identify cultural distance, understand how cultural
distance impacts education, and how to enact strategies to reduce cultural distances between themselves and students. Alexis and Brad both struggled to create
meaningful relationships with students due to their narrow cultural viewpoints.
Candie identified cultural distance between herself and her students, and worked
to incorporate culturally relevant activities and practices into her pedagogy.
These findings translate into several areas for further inquiry, including research
studies examining how PETE programs prepare middle-class teacher candidates for
teaching in diverse schools, and how teachers learn to identify and reduce cultural
distance in their school settings. Recent statistics suggest that 88% of U.S. public
school teachers are White and 42% of students are children of color (Bondy et al.,
2007; Hagiwara & Wray, 2009; Ware, 2006). Melnick and Zeichner (1998) identify
that most teacher candidates have limited experiences with diverse individuals.
Likewise, Gagnon and Mattingly (2012) discuss that beginning teachers are often
hired in schools that are racially diverse and have high rates of poverty. Therefore,
preparing teachers to teach children from various backgrounds becomes increasingly important. Although these suggestions for future research and current practice
will not dissolve the cultural distance often found between middle-class teachers
and diverse urban students, a deeper understanding of how to prepare teachers for
a variety of teaching contexts and implementing strategies to support novice PE
teachers in urban schools is certainly a step toward greater cultural understanding.
Influences of Pre-Professional Socialization 109
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