CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:
Romance,Conversion,andInternalOrientalism
DavidWacks
Abstract
CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflorisamedievalromanceinterpolatedintoathirteenthcenturyaccountofthestrugglesoftheKingsofAsturias(eighth-ninthcenturies)
withtheUmayyadCaliphateinCordova.InthisessayIdemonstratehowthe
chroniclermappedpoliticalconcernsontocourtlyadventurenarrativeinorderto
promoteideologiesofconquestandconversion.Flores'conversiontoChristianityin
thecontextofhislifelongloverelationshipwithBlancaflorisametaphorforthe
Christiandreamoftheconquestofal-AndalusandtheconversionofIberian
MuslimsandJews.
AMediterraneanFiction
ThestoryofFloireetBlancheflorcirculatedwidelyinmedievalWesternEurope.Itis
oneofagroupof'orientalizing'medievalromances,basedonByzantinemodels,
thatdealwiththeconfrontationofWesternLatinChristendomandtheMuslimEast.
Thesenarratives,includingFloireetBlancheflor,AucassinetNicolette,andlater
TirantloBlancplayouttheanxietiesofWesternelitesoverthepoliticalfateofthe
Mediterraneaninfictionalstories.1TheCastilianversion,FloresyBlancaflor
(fourteenthcentury),isrepurposedasafoundationalnarrativemeantbothtolink
theCastilianmonarchytotheCarolingianlegacyandtofictionalizethedreamofa
fullyChristianpeninsula.AtalethatonthenorthernsideofthePyreneesisan
allegoryforChristianimperialismbecomesinSpainamoreproblematicfantasyof
Christianpoliticalandspiritualhegemony.InthisessayIwilldemonstratehow
CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflorisaninternal-orientalizingtaleofboy-meets-girl
meanttolegitimizetheregimeofSanchoIVwhileprovidingafictionalhappyending
toathornypoliticalandreligiousproblem.
ThestoryofFloresandBlancaflor(FloireetBlancheflorinFrench)isthought
tobeofEasternorigin,perhapsByzantine,Persian,orArabic.Westernauthors
begintomentionitinthelatetwelfthcentury.Theearliestfragmentisanearly
thirteenth-centuryFrenchmanuscript,andcompleteversionsbegintoappearin
Frenchmanuscriptsinthelatethirteenthcentury.2IntheIberianPeninsula,
troubadoursmentionitstartinginthelatetwelfthcentury,JuanRuizreferencesitin
hisLibrodebuenamorinthemiddleofthefourteenthcentury,andtheversionwe
discusshereisthoughttohavebeencomposedinthelatethirteenthorearly
1OnsuchromancesinFrench,seeKinoshita(Boundaries46–104)andTolan(66–78).
2Arbesúdatesthetextca.1290andthemanuscriptca.1390,whileCorreaplacesthemanuscriptin
thefifteenthcentury.Forfulldiscussionofthevariousversionsandmanuscriptwitnessesofthetale,
seeGrieve(15–20);Correa(7-12);Arbesú-Fernández(3-8and22-27).Onthetale’ssourcesand
analoguesinothernarrativetraditionsseeFrenzelandMarzolphandLeeuwen551-52.
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
2
fourteenthcentury,survivinginalatefourteenth-centurymanuscriptoftheEstoria
deEspaña,begunbyAlfonsoX'TheLearned'andcompletedbyhissonSanchoIV.It
ismostlikelythatthecompilerofthemanuscriptinwhichFloresyBlancaflor
appearswasnotatcourt.DiegoCatalánbelieveshimtohavebeenamonkwriting
outsideofthecourt,andassuchmorewhimsicalinhisrepresentationofthepast
thanhiscounterpartsatthecourtofCastile-León(Catalán,“Estoria”354).
Thepresentversionisinterpolatedintoanaccountofthehistoryofthekings
ofAsturiasandtheirstruggleswiththeUmayyadCaliphateinCordova.Thisepisode
inIberianhistorywasveryimportantforthechroniclersoftheCastiliankings
AlfonsoXandSanchoIVbecauseitdemonstratespoliticalcontinuitywiththe
Asturiankings,whoarecreditedwiththefirstsignificantChristianmilitary
incursionsagainsttheUmayyadCaliphate.InthiswaytheCastiliankingsconnect
theearliestcampaignsoftheAsturiankingsagainstUmayyadCordovawiththeir
contemporarystruggleswithNasridGranada.Thissortofpropagandistic
historiographyisnotpeculiartotheEstoriadeEspaña.Whatismostnoteworthy
aboutitisthewayinwhichthecompilerplacestheentirelyfictionalFloresy
Blancaflorintheserviceofroyalhistory,specificallyinordertounderscorethe
imageoftheCastilianKingsbothasmilitaryandspiritualconquerorsofal-Andalus,
andaslegitimateheirstothelegacyofCharlemagne,whosecampaignsinal-Andalus
tookplacewhenFloresyBlancaforisset.
Apoliticalfiction
InFloresyBlancaflor,aFrenchcountessinthethirdtrimesterofher
pregnancyisonpilgrimagetoSantiagodeCompostelawhenherentourageis
attackedbyMuslimraidersfromal-Andalus.Sheistakencaptiveandbroughttothe
courtofKingFines,theMuslimkingofAlmería.ItsohappensthatFines’wifeisalso
pregnant;sheandtheCountessgivebirthonthesameday,andsothetwochildren,
theMuslimboyFloresandtheChristiangirlBlancaflor,arebothnursedbythe
Countessandraisedtogetheratcourt.3Eventuallytheyfallinlove.Inorderto
separatethetwo,KingFinessendsFloresawaytoSeville,thensellsBlancaflorinto
slaveryandfakesherdeath.Floresgoestorescueher.Intheend,Floresconvertsto
Christianity,marriesBlancaflor,andaskingofAlmeríaconvertshisentirekingdom
toChristianity.4
3Kinoshita(Boundaries84)notesthatthispseudo-kinshipsuggestsaconceptionoftheChristendom
andIslamassiblingsocieties,onwhichseeBulliet.
4ThisspiritualconquestofAlmeríahasahistorical,militaryprecedent.Infact,eyewitnesschronciler
CaffaroreportsthattheChristiancampaigninAlmería(1147)wasundertakentoavengeforced
conversionsofChristianstoIslaminthatcity(O’Callaghan,AHistoryofMedievalSpain231;Halland
Phillips37;Caffaro69–70).TheLatinpoemcommemoratingthecampaignistranslatedbyBarton
andFletcher(251–63).
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
3
Thethirteenth-centuryCastilianversionofFloresandBlancaflorappears
tightlywovenintotheEstoriadeEspañabegunbyAlfonsoXofCastile-Leónand
completedduringthereignofhissuccessorSanchoIV.SanchoreignedoveratrireligiouskingdomunderconstantpressurefromRometobringalloftheIberian
PeninsulaunderChristendom.
Inthetwelfth-centuryFrenchversion,thestoryofFloireandBlancheflorwas
aboutemphasizingCharlemagne’smilitarystrugglewithIslamatatimewhen
FrancewasonceagainentangledwithIslamintheCrusades(Baranda).The
narrativevalidatedthecrusadesasthecontinuationofCharlemagne’sstrugglewith
IslaminSpain.However,whentheromanceisadaptedbyaCastilian
historiographerforpurposesofvalidatingdomesticcrusadeinIberia,the
adventuresofthestar-crossedyoungloversfindingeachotheragainstallodds
becomesthestoryofCastilianpoliticalpowerandChristianproselytizinginalAndalus.
WhatsymbolicworkdoestheromanceofFloireetBlancheflorperforminits
twelfth-century,so-called‘primitive’version?Thekeydifferencesinthework
performedbythestoryisthatforFrance,theCrusadeswerearemoteimperialist
project,whileforSpainitwasafamilyaffair,adomesticissue.Theperiodduring
whichFrenchversionsappearisoneinwhichweseethedevelopmentofconquest
literatureinchronicles,chansonsdegeste,andRomances(Trotter).TheIberian
settingdoesnotinanywayindicateanIberianoriginforthetale.Onthecontrary,
thereareanumberofFrenchromancesandepicpoemssetintheIberianpeninsula.
ThesenarrativesframetheIberianpeninsulaasanotherfrontintheCrusades,just
aspapalbullsissuedfromthelateeleventhcenturyforwardconfirm.5Noblesfrom
theSouthofFrancewerefrequentparticipantsinIberiancampaignsagainstthe
AlmohadsandlateragainstNasridGranada.Intheliteraryimaginationthese
campaignswereconflatedwithCharlemagne'scampaignswagedalongtheborder
betweentheCatalanprincipalitiesthatwereunderhisprotectionandtheUmayyad
forces.HisconcernwasnotpreciselythatIslamwastakingrootinthePeninsula;
ratheritwasthattheUmayyadswerecontrollingituncontestedly.
Intheeighthcenturytherewasnocrusadeperseandnodiscourseof
crusade.WhilecontemporarysourcesdescribeCharlemagne'smilitaryconflictwith
theUmayyadCaliphateinreligiousterms,Romedidnotbackthisdiscoursewith
remissionofsinsforthosewhofoughtunderthecross.Infact,Charlemagne's
exploitsintheIberianPeninsulawerealmostentirelynon-sectarian.Healliedwith
Iberiansupportersofthe'AbbasidcaliphateagainsttheIberianUmayyadCaliphate,
andthereforeagainstByzantiumaswell,astheAbbasidswereclosinginon
Anatolia.TheAbbasid-Charlemagnealliancewasapoliticalconveniencemeantto
counterAbbasidencroachmentonByzantium.TheAbbasidsandCharlemagne
5TrotternotessomeauthorsofcrusadeepicsuseIberiangeographyandculturalhistoryin
narrativesthatostensiblytakeplaceintheEast(74).
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
4
conspiredtocutUmayyadCordobaofffromMediterraneanwhileRomewaslocked
instrugglewithByzantiumovericonoclasm(Buckler4–12;Sholod43–50).
Nonetheless,theconflictbetweentheHolyRomanEmpireandtheUmayyad
Caliphatewasgreatgristforthepropagandisticmilloflatemedievalwriters.They
recasttheeighth-centuryconflictsbetweenChristianandMuslimpolitiesas
precedentsforthecrusadesoftheeleventhandtwelfthcenturies,clothingthemin
thediscourseofcrusadeandholywar.Thisestablishedacoherentnarrativeof
historicalcontinuityandlentlegitimacytothecontemporarywareffort.Thereality
isthatduringCharlemagne'stime,therelationshipsbetweentheKingdomof
AsturiastoCharlemagneandtheEasterncountswasmoreimportantthanthatwith
al-Andalus(Nava32).Onlyretrospectivelydidthestrugglewithal-Andalusmoveto
thefore,duetotheideologicalconcernsthatshapedthechroniclesofthetwelfth
andthirteenthcenturies(Reconquest8–9).
FrenchfictionforIberianreality
ForauthorsandaudiencesoftheFrenchFloireetBlancheflor,questionsof
conquest,proselytization,andconversion(atleasttoIslam)werenotdomestic
issues.TherewasnosignificanthistoryofpoliticalIslamnorthofthePyrennes,and
consequentlynoidentitarianstrugglewithalocalIslamicpast.ForFrench
audiences,talesofSaracenqueenswhoconverttoChristianitywerefreetofantasize
whatforFrancebytheeleventhcenturywasthestuffofdistantlegendinthe
contextofafar-awayimperialistproject.6ForSpain,however,conversionand
domesticcrusadewerethestoryofdailylife.7Themetaphorsofmixedmarriageand
conversionforthedramaofAndalusiandCastilianhistorypartofbothlocalhistory,
andtoasignificantextent,dailyreality.JustasFrenchroyalsoftenintermarried
withtheroyalhousesofneighboringkingdoms,bothAndalusiMuslimandChristian
Iberianroyalshadlongformedpoliticalbondsthroughmarriage.8Inthethirteenth
6LeadershipofthecrusadeswaslargelyFrench,andinthecaseoftheFourthandFifthCrusades
launchedbyLouisIX,almostentirelyFrench(Lloyd35–38).Religiousleadershipalsocamefrom
France.UrbanIIappointedthebishopofLePuyaslegatetothefirstcrusade,andPaschalIIchosethe
ArchbishopofLyonashis(Richard28).Iberianparticipationwas,forvariousreasons,morelimited,
butnotinsignifcant,onwhichseeFernándezdeNavarrete.
7ThoughmanyrankandfilecrusadersfromtheLatinWestlivingintheLevantmarriedEastern
ChristianandconvertedMuslimwomen(Kinoshita,“Crusades”96),thisrealitydoesnotseemto
havepenetratedtheliteraryimaginationexceptincasesofwhentheheromarriesaconverted
'Saracen'kingorqueen.
8'Abdal-RahmanIII(r.912-961)wasthesonofaChristianslavewomanfromNorthernSpainwhose
ancestrywasonlyonequarterArab(Fletcher53).PoliticalintermarriagebetweenChristiansand
MuslimeliteswasquitecommonduringtheUmayyadperiodandintothe11thcentury(Crow61–62;
El-Hajji).Al-Mansur'snephew'Abdal-RahmanwaslikewisesonofaChristiannoblewomanandwas
knowninthefamilyas'Sanchuelo'('littleSancho,'afterhismaternalgrandfatherSanchoAbarcaof
Navarre)(Kennedy124).
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
5
century,dailycoexistencewithMuslimsinChristiankingdomsaswellaspolitical
conflictwiththeKingdomofGranadawasnotsomethingthattookplace,asinthe
Frenchversion,'longlongago'and'farfaraway.'
ThesenarrativesofconversionhaveverydifferentvalencesinFrancethanin
Spain.FranceeffectivelyhadnoMuslimpopulationinthethirteenthcentury.For
Frenchaudiences,IslamwaseitherpartoftheirexperienceinOutremeraspartof
theCrusadingeffort,orperhapsthroughtradewithMuslimsinNorthAfricaandthe
Levant.Inanyevent,talesoftheconversionofaprotagonistinagivenromance
wouldnothavebeenunderstoodasbearingondomesticpoliticsinanyidentifiable
way.9EveninAucassinetNicolettewhenAucassinconvertstoChristianityinSpain
thisisonlyadesiretoseeFrance’sneighborputtheirspiritualhouseinorder,and
atbestajustificationoftheparticipationofFrenchknightsincrusade,whether
PeninsularorEastern.ButtheIberiancasesspeaktodomestichistoryandpolitics.
TherewerehistoricalMuslimkingsinSpainbornofChristianmothers.
Biconfessionalfamilieswerenotunheardofandinanyeventsocietyingeneral,at
leastduringtheperiodwhentheCrónicadeFloresyBlancaflorwaswritten,was
multiconfessional.ThereevenexistedavocabularyofconversioninmedievalSpain,
wherehistoricallymanypeopleconvertedfromonemonotheisticreligionto
another,andwherethetrafficinsoulswasnotsimplyaquestionofChristian
conversionasitwaselsewhereinLatinChristendom.LiteraryconversionstoIslam
ortoChristianitywerenotsimplyembodimentsoftheCrusaderdreamofa
ChristianEast;theyweremorelikesnapshotsfromaparticularlyturbulentfamily
life.WhenliterarycharactersinIberianromancesconvert,theyareenactinglocal
historyandlocalculture.
Weseethisfamiliarityreflectedinhowtheauthorsimaginethephysical
appearancesofChristianandMuslimcharacters.IntheFrenchAucassinetNicolette,
Christiancharactersdarkentheirskinchemicallyinorderto‘pass’asSaracen.Inthe
Iberianromancesreligionandskincolorarenotconnected.Rather,foraChristian
charactertopassasMuslim,suchaswhenParistravelstotheeastinParisyViana,
hesimplychangeshisclothes,growshisbeard,andspeaksArabicinsteadofFrench
(GalmésdeFuentes204).
9TheironicwrinkleinthisprocessisthatmanyoftheIberiantextsthatfeaturetheconversionof
heroesareadaptationsfromFrenchoriginals.FloresandBlancaflorisanadaptationofatwelfthcenturyFrenchnarrative,asisthefifteenth-centuryParisyViana(GalmésdeFuentes).Theproblem
oftheencounterbetweenIslamandChristianityasitisconceivedinFrancerespondstoavery
differenthistoricalentanglementwiththeMuslimworld,ofwhichFrancewasneverapart.Christian
Iberia,ontheotherhand,by1300hadstakedmuchofitsidentityonitsrelationshipwithIslam.The
romancesoftheencounterwithIslam,therefore,didnottakeplace“longlongagoandfarfaraway,”
butweremoreaboutthehereandnow.JustastheCantardeMioCidlackedtheepicdistanceofthe
ChansondeRolandandconsequentlygivesusamuchmorerealisticandlessmelodramaticpictureof
therelationshipbetweenChristianityandIslam,FloresyBlancaflor’sportrayalofthisencounteris
morenuancedthanthatfoundinitsFrenchcounterparts.
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
6
ThesolutionproposedbyFloresyBlancaflorissimilartoothersuch
arrangementsinArthurianromanceswherewarringfactionsburythehatchetby
intermarrying,andpositsapolitical/proselyticalternativetothenarrativeofholy
war.Theconversionofanentirekingdomachievedbytheconversionoftheruleris
notauniquecaseormerelyfiction.TheCentralAsianKhazariKingBulanconverted
hisentirekingdomtoJudaismintheninthcentury.TheNavarreseauthorJudah
Halevi(borninTudela)famouslydramatizedthissituationinhisreligiouspolemic
theKuzari,completedaproximatelyonecenturypriortoFloresandBlancaflorbut
contemporarywiththeFrenchromancesofconversion(Brook).
WhentheFrenchfantasyoftheMuslimotherisretrofittedforIberian
audiences,theresultisacuriousinternal-Orientalistnovelizedencounterbetween
ChristianityandIslaminwhichtheroleoftheMuslimotheristransformedfrom
crusademetaphortonationalhistoricalallegory.Atthesametime,Iberian
monarchsareusingtheCarolingiannarrativeagainsttheircounterpartsacrossthe
PyreneesbytryingtolayclaimtoCharlemagne’slegacy.Thatis,whiletheFrench
kingsusedtheromancetolegitimizetheirdynasticclaims,theauthorofthe
Castilianversionappropriatesthenarrativeforhisownpoliticalendsagainstthe
Frenchthemselves,stabbingthem,asitwere,withtheirownCharlemagne.
Betweenfictionandhistory
OneofthemostcuriousfeaturesoftheCrónicadeFloresyBlancafloristhe
extenttoandwayinwhichitisinterwovenwiththechronicle'saccountofthe
AsturiankingsandtheirstrugglewiththeUmayyadCaliphate.10Ultimatelythe
romanceisafictionalallegoryfortheCastilianmilitaryandspiritualdesignsonalAndalus.TheMuslimFloresembodiesthedreamoftheconquestandconversionof
al-Andalus;BlancaflortherecuperationofChristianHispanialostintheMuslim
invasionsof711.TheunionofthetwoallegorizesCastile'sdualclaimtothe
Umayyad(Flores)andCarolingian(Blancaflor)politicallegacies.
Howdoesthisuseoffictionfitintohistoriographicalandnarrativepractice
ofthetimes?Thesearenotthe'eventsthatmighthavetakenplace'oftheclassical
andmedievalhistorians(Green3ff;Mehtonen149),butsomethingdifferent:events
andfiguressetinrealtimethataremeanttomakeapoint,toanalogizethe
ideologicaloraffectivegoalsofthewritersinnarrativeform.JustasWalshwritesof
fictionasarhetoricaltroperatherthanasagenreormode(6),thechroniclerhereis
deployingtheromanceofFloresyBlancaflornotinordertorepresenthistory
logically,butratherrhetorically,inanattempttoappealtotheaffectoremotional
facultyofthereader.Muchasonemightarguethatromancesofadulteryappealto
theindividual'sdesireforfreedominchoiceofromanticpartnerinanagewhen
10Thereisanothersuchexampleofa(non-historical)romanceintercalatedintoachronicleinthe
caballerodelcisneinGranconquistadeUltramar(Ramos;QuerolSanz,CruzadasandLeyenda).
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
7
arrangedmarriageswerederigueuramongtheupperclasses,FloresyBlancafloris
ahistoricalfantasyinwhichaspiritual(notmilitary)reconquestofal-Andalusis
brokeredbyaninterreligiouslovestory.Inthisway,FloresyBlancaflorisakinto
otherallegoricaltalessuchasthealjamiadoDoncellaArcayona,inwhichtheabused
Arcayona(orCarcayonainsomeversions)rebelsagainstherincestuousandcruel
paganfatherbyconvertingtoIslamandthusgainingthepowersheneedsto
overcomeadversity(ValeroCuadra521-30).
FloresandBlancaflorarenotinanywayhistoricalcharactersasinthecase
ofArthurianlegend.Instead,theyareasortofhistoricalfictionthatismeantto
mobilizeaudiences’affectiveinvestmentinthebroaderhistoricalworkbeing
carriedoutbythechroniclewithwhichtheirtaleissotightlyinterwoven.Tospeak
ofnovelizationinthethirteenthcenturymayseemoutofthegatetobeacrass
anacronism.ByitImeantheadditionofrealisticorextra-historicaldetail,dialogue,
descriptionofphysicalsurroundings,clothing,arms,socialandchivalricpractices
thatobtainedatcourt,allofwhicharehighlycharacteristicofmedievalprose
fiction,andtoalesserextent,historiographicalwriting(Desmond139).Aworkwith
theword“chronicle”initpreparesusasmodernreadersforabird’seye(oratleast
court's-eye)viewofevents,majorbattles,successions,politicalstruggleswritlarge;
thelongshot,incinematicterms.Prosefiction,likecontemporaryfilm,givesusthe
othershots,theemotionalunderpinningformovingthelargernarrativeforward.
Bythetwelfthcenturytherewasalreadyapronouncedtrendinnovelizing
historiographyinallegoricalnarratives.UmbertoEcofamouslyobservedthat
allegorywasthedominantaestheticintheMiddleAges(Eco52).NorthropFrye
writesthathistoricalallegoryandnovelizationareanaturalreactiontoalackof
abstractionofhistoricalconsciousness.Inthemodernagewehavedeveloped
abstractconceptsofhistorybasedoncollectivenationalidentityandsupportedby
mechanicalreproduction,andabstractideasofthebodypolitic(thoughstill
ultimatelyrelyingonembodiment).Inthemiddleageshistoricalconsciousnesswas
embodiedinthepersoneitherofanarratororinawell-knownhistoricalfigure
whoseexploits(asinepic)servedasthehistoricalreferentforthecommunity.
Therefore,peoplewantedtheirhistoryinstoriesaboutgreatheroesandvillains,
withnamednarratorsandmediators,andintheformofpalpable,weightybooks
thatborehistoricalfact.Thedifferenceliesinwhatweregardedasfactthenand
now.Truthclaimsthattodaywouldrequirescientificsupportcouldthenbe
legitimatelymadethroughnarrative(Frye50–58).
IfFloresandBlancaflorarenothistorical,theyarenotexactlyallegorical
either.Iffictionalheroesofhistoricalnarrativesembodysocietalideals,historical
allegoriesembodytheactualeventstheyprotagonize.1Thebestknownexamplein
Spanishisprobablytheballad“Abenámar,”inwhichKingJuanIIisportrayedas
beinginlovewithGranada,whichhedesirestoconquer(DíazRoig93–94).Some
criticshavesuggestedanallegoricalinterpretationforthelatefourteenth-century
taleofParisetViennebywhichParisrepresentstheFrenchCrownandVienne
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Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
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FloresyBlancaflor
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representstheDauphinateofBurgundy(GalmésdeFuentes13-14).Theirunion,
then,justifiestheannexationoftheDauphinatebytheCrown.Otherpopular
narrativessuchastheAljamiadoDoncellaArcayonahaveservedasabroadallegory
forthemarginalizationsufferedbytheMoriscosinthecenturyleadinguptotheir
expulsionfromtheIberianPeninsulaatthebeginningoftheseventeenthcentury
(ValeroCuadra;Perry25–35).2
Thesubordinationofhistoricalrealitytoafictionalromanceisawayof
dressinguptheabstractconceptsofspiritualillintheformofyoung,attractive,
noblelovers.IntheageofallegoriessuchastheRomandelaRose,withwhichFlores
yBlancaflorisroughlycontemporary,thistextisnotsimplyasubtleyetoutrageous
literaryinvention;ratheritisinstepwiththetimesasyetanotherexperimentin
historicalandintellectualallegoriesthatwereverymuchinvogueatthetime.
Nonetheless,theauthorofFloresyBlancaflortakestheallegoricalprincipleonestep
further.Theeponyousloversarenotmeanttoallegorizehistoricalevents;they
appealtotheaudience'saffectiveinvestmentinhistoricalevents.3
Internalorientalisminfiction
InFloresyBlancaflorthisplaysoutinaninternalorientalistmodethatis
uniqueinLatinChristendom,theauto-exoticizingofChristianIberianhistorical
allegory.KarlJubrancoinedtheterminternalorientalismwithreferencetomodern
Spain’sengagementwithitsAndalusilegacy.Forhimitistheorientalizingprocess
performedonone’sownnationalhistory:
SpanishOrientalismisaninternalprocesswhichinvolvesthe
celebrationofthe'other'withinthehistoriographyofSpanish
nationalcultureandidentity.Althoughthisrepresentsaunique
processwhichbreaksdownthemodelofbinaryoppositions
presentedbySaid,andotherpostcolonialscholars,ofthe'East/West'
'Christian/non-Christian',itisstillaprocessconcernedwith
modernizationthroughimperialistaspirations.Inthismanner,this
newprocesscouldbecalledan'internal-Orientalism.'(45)4
Thischronicleisperhapsthefirstsuchexample.Itisthere-appropriationofan
ultra-PyreneanorientalizingnarrativeputintheserviceofaCastilianroyalhistory.
Asintheso-calledMoorishnovel,theMuslimprotagonististhemirrorofChristian
chivalry,anddistinctfromtheChristiansonlybyreligionandperhapsoutward
apprearance.5And,asinmodernOrientalistnarratives,theMuslimOtheristhe
objectofconversionandconquest.Howeverthisorientalizingnarrativeisdifferent
becausetheotherisnotsimplytobedominatedthroughconquestandconversion,
butultimatelybecomesassimiliatedtotheself;thisiswhatJubranmeansby
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
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"internalOrientalism,"theexoticizationandobjectificationofone'sowncultural
history.
Theprocessofassimilatingtheothertoselfhasabiologicalbasis.The
MuslimFloresisnursedbythecountess,whohas“goodmilk.”Ostensiblythis
predisposeshimtoChristianity,calanaturalezadelalechedelaCristianalomouioa
ello(“forthenatureoftheChristianmilkmovedhimtothat”).Hiseventualdecision
toconvertisthennatural,andexplainedintermsofthescienceandtheologyofthe
day(Arbesú-Fernández53).6Thisideaofabiological/chemicalbasisforreligious
identitypredatesbysomecenturiestheconceptoflimpiezadesangre(theideathat
Muslimand/orJewishancestrypersistedinone'sbloodlineevenafterconversionto
Christianity)thatwouldcometobesoimportantinshapingSpanishsocietyinthe
fifteenthcenturyandforward(Kaplan;Sicroff).
ThisideaoftheherobornofChristianandMuslimparentsisafamiliartrope
inmedievalSpanishliterature.InthePoemadeFernánGonzález,thePrinceMudarra
issonofGonzaloGustiosandaMuslimcourtierwoman,insomeversionsthesister
oftheHajibAlmanzorhimself(MenéndezPidal220–221and262;Lathrop).The
narratorattributesbothhisoutstandingmoralcharacterandphysicalbeautytohis
Christianheritage,whicheventually‘wins’outoverhisMuslimheritageandmakes
himaChristianhero.Likewise,theMuslimAbenámar(i.e.,Ibn`Ammar),protagonist
oftheabovementionedballad,wasbornofaChristianmotherwhotoldhimneverto
lie(DíazRoig93–94).LikeFlores,whotookinmoralexcellencealongwiththe
‘Christianmilk’ofthecountess,theseprotagonistsembodythedreamofconquest
andconversionthatwasthedominantideologyofthetimes.
TheauthorofFloresyBlancaflorattributesthechaptersonthetaleofthe
eponymousloverstoawriterhecalls'Sigiberto,'thetwelfth-centuryFrenchmonk
andhistorianSigebertofGembloux,authorofaninfluentialuniversalhistory,the
ChroniconsiveChronographia(Arbesú-Fernández49).7Wehavenomanuscriptof
Sigebert'sEstoriadelosseñoriosdelaAfrica,thoughauthorsoftextscontemporary
withFloresyBlancaflorciteSigeberts'otherworks(Catalán,“Estoria”349).Putting
asideforthemomentthequestionofwhetherornotSigebert'stextisreal,fora
discussionoftherelationshipofthefictionalstoryofFloresyBlancaflortothe
historicalmaterialinthetext,themorecentralconcerniswhythecompilerwould
attributeplainlyfictionalmaterialtoanauthorwhomadehisreputationwriting
non-fictionprose.DiegoCatalánexplainsFloresyBlancaflorismorefictionaland
morenovelizedthanothercontemporaryworksofhistoriographybecausethe
authorwasamonk,notacourtwriter.HeseesFloresandBlancaflorasanewkind
ofhistoriography,of'monasticinspiration,lesslearned,notveryrespectfulof
historicaltruth,[and]clearlysetdowntheroadofnovelization,'whereasthecourt
historiesofAlfonsoXandSanchoIVweremorescientific,morelearned,andmore
respectfulof'historicaltruth.'(Catalán,“Estoria”354).8
Ifthisisthecase,ifwebelievethatmonastichistory(thegenrethatCatalán
proposeswepayincreasedattentionto)ismorefiction-prone,perhapsitwas
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
10
SigibertwhoinsertedFloresyBlancaflorintotheEstoriadeEspaña.However,the
factthatmanyofthedetailspeculiartotheCastilianversiondonotappearinthe
other(French)versionsofFloireetBlancheflorwhichfortheFrenchauthorSigebert
wouldhavebeenmoreproximate,complicatethehypothesis.What,then,isat
stake?NoneoftheotherexamplesofSigebert'sworkmentionedinCrónicade
CastillaandtheothertextsmentionedbyCatalánaresoboldlyfictitious.Whywould
hesuddenlybreakrankswiththestoryofFloresandBlancaflor?
Thesaferbetisthatthethirteenth-orfourteenth-centurycompiler
attributedthefictionalinterpolationstoSigebert,whilefullwellknowingtheywere
hisowninvention.Ifthisisthecase,wehavehereabitofpre-Cervantine
deconstructionofhistoriographyingeneral,anearly'foundmanuscript'tropeall
themoreinventivefornaminga(mostly)historicalmanuscriptasthesourceforhis
fictionalmaterial.IfthemonasticchroniclessuchasthoseofSigebertalreadyhad
acquiredareputationforliberalnovelizationofhistoricaleventsandfigures,the
brazenintroductionofawell-knownfictionalnarrativesuchasFloresy
Blancaflorintoahistoricalchronicle(andattributedtoSigebert)mighthavebeena
waytomockSigebertandotherclericalchroniclerswhosenon-scientificapproach
(whencontrastedwith,sayAlfonsinewriters)waslaughableforSancho'scourt.
Thatis,thecompilermaysimplybehavingabitoffunatSigebert’sexpense.
ThetastefornovelizedhistoryandforallegorycometogetherinFloresy
BlancaflorinthemetaphorofthereligiousconversionofFloresandtheKingdomof
Almería.SharonKinoshitahaswrittenonseveraltwelfth-centuryFrenchromances
ofconversion,includingLaPrised’Orange,LecharroideNimes,FloireetBlancheflor,
AucassinetNicolette.Accordingtoher,theseromancesdepictingtheconversionofa
MuslimroyaltoChristianityarebornofahistoricalborderanxietythatis
resuscitatedintheageoftheCrusadeswhenCarolingianlegendsaboutconflictwith
IslamarepressedintotheserviceofthecontemporarystrugglewithIslam
(Kinoshita12).FrenchversionsofFloireandBlancheflorandAucassinetNicolette
are"orientalizing,"inthattheyrepresentanembodiedencounterwiththeEast.In
somecasesthebodyoftheMuslimwomanstandsinforthedesireforterritorialand
spritualconquest.Kinoshitapointsouthowthisgambitisstillusedinartistic
representationsofmoderncolonialisms.9
However,thecaseofSpainisdifferent.WhileFrenchmonarchsandnobles
contendedwithIslamicpoliticalpowerintheEasternMediterranean,Iberian
ChristianswereengagedinstrugglingwithpoliticalIslamathome.Thishad
technicallybeenthecasesincetheearliestcampaignsoftheAsturiankingsagainst
Umayyadforces.However,bytheeleventhcenturysucheffortswerebackedby
Papalbullsofcrusadeandbythetwelfth,bychurchandcourthistoriographiesthat
framedsuchconflictintermsofHolyWar(O’Callaghan,Reconquest24–33;Goñí
Gaztambide).
Inthiscontext,FloresandBlancaflorisnotsimplyawayforaudiencesto
enactafantasyofconquestandcrusade,itisanallegorizationofIberianhistory,
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
11
verycarefullywovenintothehistoricalrecordoftheeventsitallegorizes.Thetale
ofFloresyBlancaflorissandwichedbetweenthehistoryoftheAsturiankingsand
thefinalconquestofal-Andalus.IntheCrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor,chapters
alternatebetweenthestoryofthetwoloversandthestruggleoftheAsturiankings
tomovetheirborderwithal-Andalussouth.ThusthelovestorybetweenChristian
andMuslimistextuallyfusedwiththefoundationalnarrativeofChristianSpain.10
ThistightweaveofchronicleandromanceishardlyuniquetotheEstoriade
España.Aswehavementionedmedievalchroniclersdidnotmakethesamegeneric
distinctionsasdomodernsbetween‘history’and‘fiction,’andinSecularScripture,
NorthropFryeremindsusthatromancesatisfiesverydeepseated-desiresfororder,
formoralsimplification,andforthingstobeok.Itisnotsurprisingnorrare,
therefore,thatromancesbesoreadilypressedintopoliticalservice.However,In
thiscase,theromancedoesnotsimply‘masquerade’ashistory,butratherbecomes
anallegoryforlocalhistoricalforces.11
Conclusion
Inclosing,theCrónicadeFloresyBlancaflorteachesusanumberofthings
aboutfictionalnarrativeandsocietyatthecloseofthethirteenthcenturyin
ChristianIberia.Initweseethatromance,farfrombeingastrictlyliterarygenrein
themodernsense,wasmoreofamodeofrepresentationwhichwasaperfectly
acceptableoptionforrepresentingthehistoryofthecourt.Inthekingdomof
Castile-LeónthiswasalocalhistorythatsoughttorivalFranceandtorepresent
itselfasthelegitimateheirtothetwinlegaciesofCharlemagneandtheUmayyad
Caliphate.Thelatterwasamatterofgenealogy,achievedbythekidnappingofthe
FrenchCountessinGalicia.Theformerisabitmorecomplicated,forthepolitical
andculturalgrandeurrepresentedbytheCaliphatemustfirstbestrippedofits
Islamiccharacter.ThisisachievedinthenarrativefirstbytheChristianmilkofthe
CountessandlaterbytheconversiontaleofFines.InbothcasestheChronicler
deploystheaffectiveresourcesofromanceinordertolendcredibilityand
coherencetoacomplicatedpoliticalandreligiousproblem,bywhichthecomplex
historyoftheninththroughthirteenthcenturiesintheIberianPeninsulabecomesa
taleofboymeetsgirl,boylosesgirl,boyconvertsforgirl.
DavidA.WacksisProfessorofSpanishattheUniversityofOregon.Heisauthorof
FramingIberia:FrametalesandMaqamatinMedievalSpain(Brill,2007)andDouble
DiasporainSephardicLiterature1200-1550:JewishCulturalProductionbeforeand
after1492(IndianaUniversityPress,2015).Heblogsonhiscurrentresearchat
http://davidwacks.uoregon.edu.
Thisistheauthor’sPostprintversion.Forpurposesofacademicpublicationpleasecitepublisher’s
version:Wacks,David.“CrónicadeFloresyBlancaflor:Romance,Conversion,andInternal
Orientalism.”NarrativeCulture2.2(2015):270–288.
http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/narrative/vol2/iss2/8/
FloresyBlancaflor
12
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