Undergraduate Review
Volume 8 | Issue 1
Article 9
1995
The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case
Study of Illinois History
Anne Peterson '96
Illinois Wesleyan University
Recommended Citation
Peterson '96, Anne (1995) "The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case Study of Illinois History," Undergraduate
Review: Vol. 8: Iss. 1, Article 9.
Available at: http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/rev/vol8/iss1/9
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Peterson '96: The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case Study of Illinois H
The Effect of Mobs Upon the
Majority: A Case Study of Illinois
History
.9lnne Peterson
1
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 8, Iss. 1 [1995], Art. 9
When Alexis De Tocqueville, in his essay The Omnipotence of
sentative of majority opinion. I will argl
the Ma.jority in the U.S. a.nd its Effects writes that "[T]here is no
majority is more latent; it does not expo
freedom of spirit in America," (Tocqueville 257) he was in a sense
subverts the balances of justice in each c
repudiating America's nationalistic creed. What happened to the
tional law of the land, which will furthel
Spirit of 1776? America was created with a good measure of pluck
lence. This isn't to argue that Ford and
and inventiveness. How could a nation that was molded and
add to the debate. As the site and subst
shaped by the enterprising hands of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams,
conflict changes, Tocqueville and Ford'~
and James Madison fail to foster a respect for independent thought
more or less applicable. For example, tI
within its citizens when their government was rooted in equality
denounced the South's exploitation of ~
and liberty-the two fundamental agents of democracy?
force. Had Lovejoy printed his abolitio
Ironically, both Tocqueville and Thomas Ford, Governor
would not have met with the same resp
of Illinois from 1842-1846, argue that individualism and free think­
Alton. The Smiths had built a Mormol
ing are not guaranteed by the Constitution even to the citizens who
complete consensus on all issues. Theil
are bound to adhere to it, because of the inevitable strength and
from people outside of their sphere, nc
authority of majority opinion. From his observations of mob activi­
ty in Alton and Carthage, Illinois, Ford deduced that when "the
Carthage.
Ford's theory on how the tyran
general sentiment is in favor of martial law ... these are fearful evi­
based on the lack of law enforcement a
dences of falling away from the true principles of liberty" (Ford
cians that are willing to stand up to pre
331). Both Tocqueville and Ford wrote that the tyranny of the
politicians that are elected to serve the
majority exists when the judicious processes and outcomes that are
to the interest groups and people who
based upon the Constitution are disregarded by the legislative
They tug at the politicians' strings, ren
branch of the government or by the citizens.
ate or support policies which may cont
Ford and Tocqueville, however, cannot fully explain how
interest group. County leaders incite t
minority groups such as the one led by Reverend Elijah Lovejoy
when they form diques to control the
persuaded the majority of citizens to advocate mob riots. Nor do
Moreover, the checks and balances of I
they explain why Joseph and Hyrum Smith, the founders of the
of justice to the point where people nc
Mormon religion, were murdered by a mob that stormed their jail
voluntarily to the laws of the land. Fo
cells in the Carthage County Jail as they awaited trial. What their
strength of democratic government is
analysis lacks is the understanding that mobocracy, the primary fac­
the mass of the people db not need gc
tor which led to the deaths of Lovejoy and the Smiths, is not repre­
governs himself and, if need be, assists
2
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Peterson '96: The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case Study of Illinois H
, De TocquevilJe, in his essay The Omnipotence of
sentative of majority opinion. I will argue that the tyranny of the
1.8. lind its Effects writes that "[T]here is no
majority is more latent; it does not expose itself in violent forms: It
America," (Tocqueville 257) he was in a sense
subverts the balances of justice in each county through the constitu­
.'s nationalistic creed. What happened to the
tional law of the land, which will further its ends more than vio­
lerica was created with a good measure of pluck
lence. This isn't to argue that Ford and Toqueville have nothing to
-low could a nation that was molded and
add to the debate. As the site and substance of majority/minority
)rising hands of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams,
conflict changes, Tocqueville and Ford's arguments can be made
fail to foster a respect for independent thought
more or less applicable. For example, the North publicly
len their government was rooted in equality
denounced the South's exploitation of slaves as their primary labor
,fundamental agents of democracy?
force. Had Lovejoy printed his abolitionist paper in the North, he
lOth Tocqueville and Thomas Ford, Governor
would not have met with the same response as he encountered in
,-1846, argue that individualism and free think­
Alton. The Smiths had built a Mormon community that shared a
~d
complete consensus on all issues. Their greatest obstacles came
by the Constitution even to the citizens who
to it, because of the inevitable strength and
from people outside of their sphere, namely the people of
opinion. From his observations of mob activi­
Carthage.
lage, Illinois, Ford deduced that when "the
Ford's theory on how the tyranny of the majority thrives is
n favor of martial law ... these are fearful evi­
based on the lack of law enforcement and intelligent, ethical politi­
, from the true principles of liberty" (Ford
cians that are willing to stand up to prevent mobocracy. The
ille and Ford wrote that the tyranny of the
politicians that are elected to serve the majority become the puppets
the judicious processes and outcomes that are
to the interest groups and people who aided their election to office.
titution are disregarded by the legislative
They tug at the politicians' strings, rendering them useless to initi­
ment or by the citizens.
ate or support policies which may contradict the position of the
queville, however, cannot fully explain how
interest group. County leaders incite the tyranny of the majority
as the one led by Reverend Elijah Lovejoy
when they form cliques to control the eminent political offices.
:t of citizens to advocate mob riots.
Moreover, the checks and balances of government slow the wheels
Nor do
ph and Hyrum Smith, the founders of the
of justice to the point where people no longer want to subscribe
re murdered by a mob that stormed their jail
voluntarily to the laws of the land. Ford writes that the principal
County Jail as they awaited trial. What their
strength of democratic government is that "[I]n free countries ...
Iderstanding that mobocracy, the primary fac­
the mass of the people do not need government at all. Each man
leaths of Lovejoy and the Smiths, is not repre­
governs himself and, if need be, assists to govern his neighbor.
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 8, Iss. 1 [1995], Art. 9
Religious principles and feelings incline to justice. Industry inclines
to peace" (Ford 39). Mobocracy, therefore, would not be the
this day you are a stranger among us ...
authority of choice for a community which was founded on the
weakly developed democratic state has in
Yet communities in Illinois, Ford argues, are centered
around a set of governmental, social, and religious systems advocat­
~ajority.
If a minority candidly and openly espouses a
different paradigm of government, this is oftentimes perceived as a
threat to the majority. Such beliefs can upset the natural balance of
the majority and incite them to quell the minority's message
However, when the love of equality starts
people, they do not see their own destiny
Perhaps that is why when Reverer
around "the absolute sovereignty of the will of the majority" and is
administered to the public via public opinion, the moral authority
of the majority. Those who are a· part of the majority believe that
"there is more enlightenment and wisdom in a numerous assembly
than in a single man" (Tocqueville 247) and consequently each
Illinois. When the citizens of Alton thre\
river, Lovejoy presumed that the people c
his intention, as he was not an abolitionis
slavery. Lovejoy, it is assumed, promised
ue the inflammatory anti-slavery slant in :
Lovejoy went back on his word, the peo~
individual, even if they are unabashedly dumb or prejudiced, is
fully persuade Lovejoy to return to his or
assessed to have an equal measure of idea and foresight as their
would not budge, thus setting the stage I
neighbor. The advancement of the minority's opinions, therefore,
can easily be quelled by the majority's control on government and
to either tolerate one another or fight fm
rights.
public opinion, thus circumventing the development and natural
Men could not endure such an 01
I
II
I
progression of ideas and thoughts of the time.
for mobs, all of which I would cr
Individuals cherish their equality more so than their liberty
this free country. But no
because it gives the common man a "host of small enjoyments"
langua~
cient severity for the fanaticalleae
(Tocqueville 505) and it will endure forever, unlike liberty, which is
lence, by their utter disregard for
easily lost and neglected. The omnipotence of the majority plies its
peaceful community to a tempore
craft upon the people in a subtle manner; "No longer does the mas­
ter say 'think like me or die.' He does say: ' You are free to not to
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exercisin~
consider the effects of his message in the
Tyranny of the majority, in Tocqueville's estimation, coalesced
'I
selves, they must band together to pursue
could only perceive that he was
Some of Ford's statements are echoed by Tocqueville.
1
are "independent and weak." Inordertc
minister who came to Alton to establish ;;
through unconstitutional laws or violence.
I
,
full potential of the majority's authority e:
peaceful principles of Locke and Jefferson.
ed by the
think as I do; you can keep your life and I
commission of enormous crimes.
Where Lovejoy went wrong, according tl
4
50
fa
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••
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ld feelings incline to justice. Industry inclines
Mobocracy, therefore, would not be the
. a community which was founded on the
:-OCke and Jefferson.
es in Illinois, Ford argues, are centered
mental, social, and religious systems advocat­
a minority candidly and openly espouses a
,Tovernment,
this is oftentimes perceived as a
Such beliefs can upset the natural balance of
them to quell the minority's message
lallaws or violence.
; statements are echoed by Tocqueville.
y, in Tocqueville's estimation, coalesced
overeignty of the will of the majority" and is
blic via public opinion, the moral authority
who are a" part of the majority believe that
:nment and wisdom in a numerous assembly
Tocqueville 247) and consequently each
are unabashedly dumb or prejudiced, is
tal measure of idea and foresight as their
ement of the minority's opinions, therefore,
r the majority's control on government and
'cumventing the development and natural
d thoughts of the time.
ish their equality more so than their liberty
nmon man a "host of small enjoyments"
it will endure forever, unlike liberty, which is
1. The omnipotence of the majority plies its
1
a subtle manner; "No longer does the mas­
r die.' He does say: ' You are free to not to
Peterson '96: The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case Study of Illinois H
think as I do; you can keep your life and property and all; but from
this day you are a stranger among us ...'''(Tocqueville 255). The
full potential of the majority's authority eluded America because the
weakly developed democratic state has in tum created citizens who
are "independent and weak." Inorder to do anything for them­
selves, they must band together to pursue their self interests.
However, when the love of equality starts to spread out among the
people, they do not see their own destiny tied to their neighbors.
Perhaps that is why when Reverend Lovejoy, a Presbyterian
minister who came to Alton to establish a religious newspaper,
could only perceive that he was exercising his rights and did not
consider the effects of his message in the small town in southern
Illinois. When the citizens of Alton threw his printing press in the
river, Lovejoy presumed that the people of Alton had misconceived
his intention, as he was not an abolitionist, but rather opposed to
slavery. Lovejoy, it is assumed, promised that he would not contin­
ue the inflammatory anti-slavery slant in his newspaper. Yet when
Lovejoy went back on his word, the people of Alton tried to peace­
fully persuade Lovejoy to return to his original promise. Lovejoy
would not budge, thus setting the stage for two conflicting interests
to either tolerate one another or fight for the viability of their
rights.
Men could not endure such an outrage. I do not apologize
for mobs, all of which I would crush forever in every part of
this free country. But no language can be loaded with suffi­
cient severity for the fanatical leaders, who, by their vio­
lence, by their utter disregard for honest prejudices drove a
peaceful community to a temporary insanity and to the
commission of enormous crimes. (Ford 23)
Where Lovejoy went wrong, according to Ford, is that his actions
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 8, Iss. 1 [1995], Art. 9
threatened the established and accepted public opinion of the
is that the tyranny of the majority began
majority and in turn impelled the majority to stop Lovejoy's expres­
Lovejoy's press in the river, calling a pub
sion of ethical disagreement with the majority's established system
Lovejoy to stop circulating his newSpape.
of conducting their society. "In [this] case, as in every other where
the community. Violence was not an op
large bodies of the people are associated to accomplish with force
consent.
an unlawful but popular object, [Le. mobocracy] the government is
, !
powerless against such combinations" (Ford 42). It is difficult,
the tool used to implement the majority~
however, to understand how a Reverend's choice to publish an abo­
states, the individuals who comprise the
litionist paper, which was protected under the Constitution, drove
change on a different issue. People belo
law abiding citizens to "a temporary insanity and commission of
and the minority when a myriad of issue:
enonnous crimes" to accomplish their point. Ford appears to imply
only one, like the anti-slavery issue. If a:
that it was the majority's consensus that Lovejoy be killed in the
pates in the slaughter of the minority oV
heat of the moment.
anyone ever survive as a member of any
o
Yet he continues to write that a public meeting was called to
"peacefully persuade" Lovejoy to recant his abolitionist articles in
his newspaper and that when the situation degenerated to the point
I:
ii
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II
!
There is a very strong and logici
their individualism and self interests in
~
bly contradict the position of the majori.
Yet people do continue to place.
that a mob was threatening the abolitionists who were stationed to
in some issues. Because of this dilemma
protect their printing press, "armed men everywhere came rushing
know that it is better to manipulate the I
to the scene of action. Some were urging the mob and others
aspire for their interests to someday repr
sought to ally the tumult" (Ford 30). How then, can it be assumed
advocate and participate in violent meas.
that the mob's actions were indicative of majority opinion?
ests to prevail. Although Ford and Toec
Although there was definitely not a consensus within the majority
majority does not have to control the mi
to implement violence against the Reverend, Ford still insists upon
the Lovejoy situation starkly shows how
counting everyone at the scene as part of the anti-Lovejoy mob.
submit to violent factions (yet another II
Moreover, Ford's analysis of the event at Alton directly con­
tradicts Tocqueville's argument that the majority no longer has to
that a bullet and a torch deliver their me
and caprice than the peaceful and persev
murder the minority to uphold their interests and instead utilizes
The death of Joseph and Hyrum
public opinion to civilly persuade the individual, as well as politi­
. strate the need to analyze minority and [
cians, to pass laws that support the majority's position. Perhaps
ferent perspectives in order to show the
then, the conclusion that should be drawn from the events at Alton
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of both Ford and'Tocqueville's argumen
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Peterson '96: The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case Study of Illinois H
ished and accepted public opinion of the
is that the tyranny of the majority began and ended with throwing
impelled the majority to stop Lovejoy's expres­
Lovejoy's press in the river, calling a public meeting to persuade
:ement with the majority's established system
Lovejoy to stop circulating his newspaper, and ostracizing him from
ociety. "In [this] case, as in every other where
the community. Violence was not an option exercised with majority
~ople
consent.
are associated to accomplish with force
tlar object, [i.e. mobocracy] the government is
There is a very strong and logical reason why violence is not
h combinations" (Ford 42). It is difficult,
the tool used to implement the majority's will. As Tocqueville
nd how a Reverend's choice to publish an abo­
states, the individuals who comprise the majority on one issue
was protected under the Constitution, drove
change on a different issue. People belong to both the majority
o "a temporary insanity and commission of
and the minority when a myriad of issues are considered instead of
accomplish their point. Ford appears to imply
only one, like the anti-slavery issue. If an individual's ally partici­
ty's consensus that Lovejoy be killed in the
pates in the slaughter of the minority over one issue, how could
anyone ever survive as a member of any minority by promoting
ues to write that a public meeting was called to
their individualism and self interests in associations that might possi­
, Lovejoy to recant his abolitionist articles in
bly contradict the position of the majority?
at when the situation degenerated to the point
Yet people do continue to place themselves in the minority
tening the abolitionists who were stationed to
in some issues. Because of this dilemma, the majority of people
press, "armed men everywhere came rushing
know that it is better to manipulate the laws of government and
t.
Some were urging the mob and others
nult" (Ford 30). How then, can it be assumed
IS
were indicative of majority opinion?
aspire for their interests to someday represent the majority than to
advocate and participate in violent measures in order for their inter­
ests to prevail. Although Ford and Tocqueville purport that the
lefinitely not a consensus within the majority
majority does not have to control the minority with direct force,
e against the Reverend, Ford still insists upon
the Lovejoy situation starkly shows how the majority will, in fact,
the scene as part of the anti-Lovejoy mob.
submit to violent factions (yet another minority) because they know
rd's analysis of the event at Alton directly con­
that a bullet and a torch deliver their message with greater impulse
argument that the majority no longer has to
and caprice than the peaceful and persevering art of persuasion.
to uphold their interests and instead utilizes
The death of Joseph and Hyrum Smith in Carthage demon­
.lly persuade the individual, as well as politi-
strate the need to analyze minority and majority conflict from dif­
It support the majority's position. Perhaps
ferent perspectives in order to show the strengths and deficiencies
that should be drawn from the events at Alton
of both Ford and'Tocqueville's argument. When the citizens of
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 8, Iss. 1 [1995], Art. 9
Carthage asked Ford to send out the militia to assist with the expul­
The minority of anti-Mormons in Carth.
to draw from a wider context in order tc
sion of the Mormons, he adduced that the mayor, Joseph Smith,
desire to expel the Mormons from their
and the municipal court had acted in an illegal manner that was
and the militia, two political forces that e
independent of the State government. Smith was accused of cir­
Mormon's authority in Carthage. Becau
cumventing justice by discharging individuals accused of high
the Mormon leaders had committed a cr
crimes, condoning larceny and robbery, and denouncing the U.S.
an anti-Mormon press, he was determiOl
government as corrupt and claiming that it was to be replaced by
of the state and bring the Smiths to justi
the government of God. Despite all these accusations against the
tia and in the attempt to prevent moboc
Mormon community,
that they would support the capture and
The great cause of popular fury was that the Mormons at
strictly legal measures. Yet again, as wid
several preceding elections had cast their vote as a unit·,
Hyrum Smith were killed as they awaite.
thereby making the fact apparent that no one could aspire
to the honors or offices of the country within the sphere of
their influence without their approbation and votes. (Ford
they aided in the destr~ction of the pres
Were the citizens of Carthage so
swept under the rug by a Mormon cour
173)
mob in order to kill the two leaders befe
If Ford is assumed to be correct that this indeed was the bone of
contention for the citizens of Carthage, the fact that the Mormons
acted as a unit in governmental and religious matters allowed them
trial? If this was so, their fears were unf.
Ford became involved in extricating just
and the Mormons in Carthage, he had c
to act as the majority in the small sphere of Carthage, Illinois.
citizens of Illinois to the situation. Sud
Hence Tocqueville is correct in describing how the majority uses
the government to enact their policies. Although their government
was unconstitutional and primarily the homespun of Joseph, every
Carthage were supported by citizens of
longer a minority because the context 0
opinion had expanded.
Mormon in the community subscribed to the same values. Ford
Consequently the influence of tl:
goes on to say that the manner in which the Mormons voted was
"unfonunate in practice" and was "a fruitful source of mobocracy"
anum ber of ways during the trial of the
because the Mormons put their sense of peace in jeopardy by not
helped in determining who sat on the jt
voting to their individual preference.
to prevent Mormons from even showini
It is true that the Mormons' practices did incite the violence
. bullied the judge to overlook their bois!
of a mob, but they did successfully establish a community that
save his own skin from meeting the sam
endorsed their politics and values, which is the goal of any majority.
were to object to their manners. The
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Peterson '96: The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case Study of Illinois H
to send out the militia to assist with the expul­
The minority of anti-Mormons in Carthage decided that they had
:, he adduced that the mayor, Joseph Smith,
to draw from a wider context in order to find support for their
un had acted in an illegal manner that was
desire to expel the Mormons from their town. They enlisted Ford
tate government. Smith was accused of cir­
and the militia, two political forces that could override the
, discharging individuals accused of high
Mormon's authority in Carthage. Because Ford was convinced that
:ceny and robbery, and denouncing the U.S.
the Mormon leaders had committed a crime in the destruction of
>t and claiming that it was to be replaced by
an anti-Mormon press, he was determined to exert the whole force
00. Despite all these accusations against the
of the state and bring the Smiths to justice. He addressed his mili­
tia and in the attempt to prevent mobocracy, made them pledge
se of popular fury was that the Mormons at
that they would support the capture and trial of the Mormons in
ing elections had cast their vote as a unit,,
strictly legal measures. Yet again, as with Lovejoy, Joseph and
19 the fact apparent that no one could aspire
Hyrum Smith were killed as they awaited trial on the charge that
or offices of the country within the sphere of
they aided in the
~
without their approbation and votes. (Ford
destn~ction of the
press.
Were the citizens of Carthage so afraid that justice would be
swept under the rug by a Mormon court that they had to form a
be correct that this indeed was the bone of
mob in order to kill the two leaders before the case ever got to
izens of Carthage, the fact that the Mormons
trial? If this was so, their fears were unfounded because by the time
emmental and religious matters allowed them
Ford became involved in extricating justice regarding the Smiths
in the small sphere of Carthage, Illinois.
and the Mormons in Carthage, he had drawn the attention of the
correct in describing how the majority uses
citizens of Illinois to the situation. Suddenly the anti-Mormons of
act their policies. Although their government
Carthage were supported by citizens of the state and ~ere no
md primarily the homespun of Joseph, every
longer a minority because the context of majority and minority
lUnity subscribed to the same values. Ford
opinion had expanded.
le manner in which the Mormons voted was
Consequently the influence of the anti-Mormons was felt in
ce" and was "a fruitful source of mobocracy"
a number of ways during the trial of the Smiths' murderers. They
: put their sense of peace in jeopardy by not
helped in determining who sat on the jury, packed the courthouse
iual preference.
to prevent Mormons from even showing up during the trial, and
the Mormons' practices did incite the violence
bullied the judge to overlook their boisterous behavior in order to
i successfully establish a community that
save his own skin from meeting the same fate as the Smiths if he
: and values, which is the goal of any majority.
were to object to their manners. The men accused of murdering
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 8, Iss. 1 [1995], Art. 9
the Smiths were acquitted, and the Mormons lost their authority in
References
Carthage. In the end the mob had accomplished their task, yet it
proved to be a fruitless one since the majority of citizens had
already called for
a: higher level of justice to supervise the proceed­
ings, and with the help of Ford, would have resolved the situation
to their liking without violence. There is a good chance, as well,
Ford, Thomas. A History ofIllinois. Chi­
Co., 1854
Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in Am­
Anchor Books, 1969. Trans. Geo[
Mayer.
that Smith would not have served as the martyr to the Mormon
cause and propelled his newfangled religion to such exalted heights.
Lovejoy and Smith were not killed by majority opinion. It
is to be sure that the citizens of Alton and Carthage did not want
either of the ideas of these men to take root in their communities,
but neither did they want their towns to be a place of violence and
fear. Tocqueville and more importantly Ford correctly describe the
sentiments of the majority and minority, but fail to articulate that
mobs, although an offshoot of majority opinion, are in no way to
be described as the preeminent will of the majority. The arbitrary
and deadly power of mobs extends not only to minority groups that
fall out of line with majority opinion, but also to the citizens of
towns everywhere because they do not allow for the majority to
successfully and civilly instill its authority upon the minority in
question.
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Peterson '96: The Effect of Mobs Upon the Majority: A Case Study of Illinois H
itted, and the Mormons lost their authority in
References
l the mob had accomplished their task, yet it
ss one since the majority of citizens had
gher level of justice to supervise the proceed­
lp ofFord, would have resolved the situation
t violence. There is a good chance, as well,
Ford, Thomas. A History ofIllinois. Chicago: S.C. Griggs and
Co., 1854
Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. Garden City, N.Y.:
Anchor Books, 1969. Trans. George Lawrence. Ed J.P.
Mayer.
have served as the martyr to the Mormon
lis newfangled religion to such exalted heights.
:mith were not killed by majority opinion. It
citizens of Alton and Carthage did not want
these men to take root in their communities,
vant their towns to be a place of violence and
more importantly Ford correctly describe the
ority and minority, but fail to articulate that
fshoot of majority opinion, are in no way to
'eeminent will of the majority. The arbitrary
nobs extends not only to minority groups that
Lajority opinion, but also to the citizens of
:ause they do not allow for the majority to
. instill its authority upon the minority in
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