Spiritual Health
and the Well-Being
of Urban Young People
a report by
Gwyther Rees, Leslie J. Francis and Mandy Robbins
The Commission on
Urban Life and Faith
9055/06/05
Photograph: posed by models for The Children’s Society. The Children’s Society Charity Registration No. 221124
Spiritual Health and the Well-Being
of Urban Young People
Gwyther Rees, Leslie J Francis & Mandy Robbins
The Commission on Urban Life and Faith / University of Wales, Bangor / The Children’s Society
Contents
Contents......................................................................................................................................ii
Acknowledgements.................................................................................................................... iii
About the authors ...................................................................................................................... iii
List of tables and figures............................................................................................................iv
Foreword.....................................................................................................................................v
Introduction.................................................................................................................................. 1
Background................................................................................................................................ 2
Contemporary approaches to measuring quality of life and well-being..................................... 3
The approach to well-being taken in this report......................................................................... 5
Definitions and notes ................................................................................................................. 6
Research findings ....................................................................................................................... 8
Summary of findings for urban young people............................................................................ 8
Comparisons of young people living in different kinds of areas .............................................. 11
Factors associated with well-being in the personal domain .................................................... 15
Factors associated with well-being in the communal domain ................................................. 17
Factors associated with well-being in the environmental domain ........................................... 19
Factors associated with well-being in the transcendental domain .......................................... 21
The role of religion and of a ‘sense of purpose’....................................................................... 21
Summary and conclusions....................................................................................................... 25
The well-being of young people in urban areas....................................................................... 25
Measuring the well-being of young people .............................................................................. 28
References ................................................................................................................................. 29
Annex: Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 32
ii
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the Commission on Urban Life and Faith for providing the initial
idea and the opportunity to produce this report.
We would also like to thank the contributions of colleagues within the Church of England, the
Methodist Church, The Children’s Society and the Welsh National Centre for Religious
Education who have provided valuable feedback and support throughout the development of
the work described in this report.
Finally, we would like to acknowledge the contribution of young people and schools staff to the
survey on which this report is based.
About the authors
Gwyther Rees is Head of Research for The Children’s Society.
Professor Leslie J Francis is Director of Welsh National Centre for Religious Education and
Professor of Practical Theology in the Department of Theology and Religious Studies,
University of Wales, Bangor.
Dr Mandy Robbins is Teaching and Research Fellow at the Department of Theology and
Religious Studies, University of Wales, Bangor
iii
List of tables and figures
Figure 1: Four domains of spiritual health and well-being ........................................................... 5
Figure 2: Analytical framework ..................................................................................................... 6
Table 1: Personal domain: Overview............................................................................................ 8
Table 2: Communal domain: Overview ........................................................................................ 9
Table 3: Environmental domain: Overview (1) ........................................................................... 10
Table 4: Environmental domain: Overview (2) ........................................................................... 10
Table 5: Environmental domain: Overview (3) ........................................................................... 10
Table 6: Transcendental domain: Overview ............................................................................... 11
Table 7: Personal domain: Comparisons for different types of areas ........................................ 11
Table 8: Communal domain: Comparisons for different types of areas ..................................... 12
Table 9: Environmental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas (1) .......................... 13
Table 10: Environmental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas (2) ........................ 13
Table 11: Environmental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas (3) ........................ 14
Table 12: Transcendental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas............................ 14
Figure 3: Factors associated with feeling life is worth living ...................................................... 16
Figure 4: Factors associated with being worried about bullying ................................................ 18
Figure 5: Factors associated with agreeing that ‘there are too many Black people living in this
country.................................................................................................................................. 19
Figure 6: Factors associated with young people saying that they believed in God ................... 21
Table 13: Purpose in life and well-being..................................................................................... 22
Table 14: Multiple regression model predicting purpose in life (Model B).................................. 23
Figure 7: The potential links between religious factors, sense of purpose and well-being ........ 24
iv
Foreword
Urban life is getting more and more complex. Globalisation and all it brings, including diversity,
rapidity of change, and the growing gap between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’, all have an
impact – and a particular impact on young people. Sensing that you have a place and a
purpose in a rapidly changing world is a challenge for everyone, but it places a particular burden
on young people who are just at the point of trying to shape their identity and their values.
Given this context, it is hardly surprising that the well-being of young people is not what might
be expected, given all the material goods and apparent advantages available today.
Government and others are concerned about young people’s social and economic well-being,
and increasingly physical health has come into focus, but very little interest is expressed in
spiritual well-being. The research that is presented here makes clear that spiritual resources
provide a positive – even vital contribution to the well-being of young people in urban settings.
The implications of this need to be owned and acted on by many agencies and not just the faith
communities.
The research also reveals some concerns, particularly in relation to diversity. Human flourishing
requires all of us to feel at home in neighbourhoods formed from people of different ethnicity
and culture. This research suggests that we cannot be confident that growing up in multi-ethnic
neighbourhoods translates into an acceptance of difference. More work has to be done and
new methods found that enable anxieties about difference to be addressed.
What this research demonstrates is the importance of information if policies and actions are to
be formulated on evidence rather than hearsay. It is hoped that resources can be found to
ensure that research is regularly undertaken to establish the level of well-being – or distress of
young people.
The Welsh National Centre for Religious Education and The Children’s Society are to be
commended for pioneering this type of inquiry. The Commission on Urban Faith and Life, which
I am pleased to chair, is grateful to have this research available to give strength to our
recommendations to faith communities and to government.
Reverend Baroness Kathleen Richardson
Chair of the Commission on Urban Life and Faith
v
1
Introduction
This report has been commissioned by the Commission on Urban Life and Faith to explore the
extent to which the spiritual dimension of urban young people’s lives contributes towards their
overall well-being. It is based on a new analysis of a large-scale national survey of 13- to 15years olds undertaken in the late 1990s, together with a review of more recent relevant
literature.
This report comes at a time when young people have a particularly high profile in policy debates
and in the media. There has been a great deal of attention paid to youth issues both in terms of
concerns about young people’s welfare and about their behaviour.
In terms of welfare, concern has recently been expressed about the mental health of young
people. Suicide rates amongst young men rose sharply during the 1970s and 1980s, and after
stabilising during the 1990s, there was another sharp rise in 2000, although rates appear
subsequently to have stabilised (Office for National Statistics, 2004). A national survey in 1999
showed that over 11% of young people aged 11 to 15 had a mental ‘disorder’ (Meltzer et al,
2000). There was also evidence of increased alcohol and drug use in the 1990s (see Boreham
& Shaw, 2002) amongst 13- to 15-year-olds (rates have fluctuated since, Department of Health,
2005) which triggered government strategies to tackle drug misuse.
At the same time, the behaviour of young people has been the subject of some scrutiny. Youth
crime and anti-social behaviour have been the topic of Government-funded research (e.g.
MORI, 2003 and 2004; Hayward & Sharp, 2005) and these issues have been increasingly
highlighted by policy makers and the media.
We are also in the midst of a period of significant change which affects young people. At a
policy level, the Government is developing a new agenda for children including Every Child
Matters, the Children Act 2004, the development of Children’s Trusts and local Safeguarding
Boards. This pace of change will be continued with the imminent publication of the Youth
Green Paper.
Finally, there are significant demographic changes which affect young people. First, family
structures within which young people live continue to change and evolve. Between 1972 and
2004 the proportion of dependent children in the UK lived in lone-parent families, more than
tripled to 24% (Summerfield & Gill, 2005). Second, the proportion of the population in urban
areas belonging to Black and minority ethnic groups is gradually increasing. The number of
people who come from an ethnic group other than white grew by 53% between 1991 and 2001,
and in the 2001 Census totalled 4.6 million people, and this trend is even more pronounced
amongst children and young people (ONS, 2005). The population of new migrant families is
also concentrated in urban areas. Thus there is increasing ethnic and cultural diversity in most
major population centres in the UK.
This report has relevance to all of the above trends and issues. We hope that the material
presented will make a useful and distinctive contribution to the ongoing debate about the
welfare of young people in our society.
1
Background
The Commission on Urban Life and Faith
The Commission on Urban Life and Faith, was set up in light of the twentieth anniversary of
‘Faith in the City’ – which was a ground breaking report when it was published (Commission on
Urban Priority Areas, 1985).
The Commission has been tasked to re-visit some of the issues that were at the heart of ‘Faith
in the City’. The situation in cities and urban estates has changed considerably and so too has
the response of churches. The Commission aims to ‘promote a vision of urban life which
analyses and addresses the realities of its delights, injustices and its needs’.
The Archbishops of the Church of England asked the Reverend Baroness Kathleen Richardson
to chair the Commission. In recognition that the urban context is diverse in culture, faith and
ethnicity, the Chair has drawn members of the Commission from a wide variety of backgrounds,
experiences, denominations and faiths.
The origins and aims of this report
The Commission was interested to explore issues in relation to young people in urban settings.
To this end, it commissioned Professor Leslie Francis at the University of Wales, Bangor – in
partnership with The Children’s Society – to produce a report on urban life and faith amongst
young people.
The key aim of the report is:
To provide those who are influential in relation to the lives of young people with
information and insights drawn from empirical theology regarding the factors that
contribute to the spiritual health and well-being of young people in urban and
globalising contexts.
The report makes use of new and previously unpublished analysis from a large national survey
undertaken with over 30,000 young people in England and Wales in the late 1990s. It also
makes reference to recent relevant literature from the UK and other countries.
The aims of the report are:
1. To examine and summarise evidence on the well-being of young people in urban areas
2. To explore the relationship between religious affiliation, religious belief and prayer on
the one hand; and urban young people’s sense of purpose and well-being on the other.
Information sources
The primary information source for the report was a survey of young people. All told 163
schools across England and Wales agreed to invite their year nine and year ten pupils to
complete a detailed values survey. Around 34,000 pupils accepted this invitation. The survey
was completed with assurances of anonymity and confidentiality during normal school time.
Conferring was not allowed between the pupils. The schools represented the national mix
between the independent and state-maintained sectors. The appropriate balance between
Catholic, Anglican and non-denominational schools was included within the state-maintained
sector.
The work for the report also involved a literature review covering academic, governmental and
other sources from the UK and overseas. Searches were carried out using academic journal
databases, governmental sites, and internet search engines. The aims of this review were twofold:
1. to identify relevant statistical data on the lives of urban young people in the UK
2. to identify relevant conceptual literature regarding the well-being of young people.
The range of literature falling into these categories is potentially vast and the report makes no
claims to comprehensive or complete coverage of these topics.
2
Contemporary approaches to measuring quality of life and well-being
There is a huge range of contemporary responses to the question of what constitutes well-being
or ‘quality of life’ for children. Our literature search has indicated that a comprehensive review
of these approaches would require a substantial report in its own right. We restrict ourselves
here to identifying a few of the most prominent approaches which have recently been developed
in the UK and in other countries, before going on to describe the approach which we have
chosen to utilise for this report.
One major relevant strand has been the development of the concept of ‘resilience’. Resilience
does not directly refer to quality of life, but rather to the factors which predispose people to have
‘positive outcomes’ even in the face of adversity. According to O’Donnell et al (2002) resilience
in relation to children and young people was first conceptualised by Werner (1984) who defined
it as:
the ability to cope effectively with stress and to exhibit an unusual degree of
psychological strength for one’s age and set of circumstances (O’Donnell et al, 2002:
1266)
The concept has been used to explore people’s resilience to a range of adverse events and
circumstances. For example, Rutter (1985) looked at factors which protected against
psychiatric disorder; Mrazek & Mrazek (1987) looked at resilience in child maltreatment victims;
O’Donnell et al (2002) explored resilience in urban children exposed to community violence; and
Flynn et al (2003) look at resilience amongst young people in care. Research into resilience
has identified a wide range of protective factors in relation to children, their family, in their
interpersonal relationships and in the community which are associated with more positive
outcomes.
A similar approach to identifying protective and risk factors has been taken by the Communities
that Care initiative which originated in the US and has recently been adapted and utilised in the
UK (Beinart et al, 2002). This model looks at 17 risk factors in the family, at school, in the
community and in peer relationships; and six protective factors. The theory underpinning the
model:
sees the development of pro-social factors as a means of protecting children from the
consequences of risk factors. Protective factors are seen as more cross-cutting and
contribute to reducing risk in all areas. (Crow et al, 2004: 3)
A different perspective is offered by the New Economics Foundation’s approach to measuring
the well-being of young people. A pilot study conducted in Nottingham (New Economics
Foundation, 2004) focused on two aspects of well-being – life satisfaction and personal
development:
‘Personal development means being curious, and engaging in challenging and
absorbing activities. Whilst most studies have only focused on life satisfaction, other
research has shown that the second dimension of well-being, personal development, is
important for people’s overall ability to cope well with life’s challenges ..’ (New
Economics Foundation, 2004: 2)
Key findings from this pilot study were that well-being fell as children got older, and that as
many as a third (32%) of the young people surveyed were ‘at the very least unhappy in life and
may be at risk of mental health problems’ (New Economics Foundation, 2004: 2).
Save the Children Fund have launched a regular publication which provides an independent
summary of information on the well-being of children in the UK. So far, two editions have been
produced (Bradshaw, 2002; Bradshaw, 2005) focusing on a range of aspects of children’s lives
including poverty; mental health; physical health; and time and space.
The Government has also recently focused increasing attention on the dimensions of positive
outcomes for children and young people. As part of the ongoing work within the Every Child
Matters agenda, a common outcomes framework has been developed (HM Government, 2004)
which consists of five broad outcomes for children: ‘be healthy’, ‘stay safe’, ‘enjoy and achieve’,
‘make a positive contribution’, and ‘achieve economic well-being’. Each outcome has a set of
associated aims. For example the five aims which contribute to the ‘be healthy’ outcome are:
physically healthy; mentally and emotionally healthy; sexually healthy; healthy lifestyles; choose
3
not to take illegal drugs. Key targets and indicators are then identified for each aim. For
example, the infant mortality rate is an indicator under the ‘physically healthy’ aim. This is an
important development which is likely to become central to the way in which the well-being of
children and young people is conceptualised in the UK.
Similar frameworks have been developed in other countries. The US government has
developed a set of indicators of well-being for children which are also grouped under five
headings: population and family characteristics; economic security indicators; health indicators;
behaviour and social environment indicators; and education indicators. An example of an
indicator under the first category is the percentage of children under 5, with employed mothers,
who were cared for by non-relatives. Each year a report on the latest trends in these indicators
is published (Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2004).
In the US also, academics have developed frameworks of the measurement of child well-being.
Researchers at Duke University have developed an Index of Child and Youth Well-Being (Land
et al, 2001) based on 28 available time-series indicators organised into seven domains (see
below). Land et al note that the available indicators in certain domains of their index are only
indirect measures. For example, they highlight the fact that spiritual well-being is not measured
directly (the indicator is the rate of weekly attendance at religious ceremonies).
This work builds on a literature review undertaken by Cummins (1996), who identified seven key
domains that commonly appeared in quality of life indices:
•
material well-being
•
health
•
safety
•
productive activity
•
place in community
•
intimacy
•
emotional well-being (including mental health, morale, spiritual well-being).
The Australian government has developed a framework for measuring well-being (Trewin,
2001), focusing on eight ‘areas of concern’ – family and community, health, education and
training, work, economic resources, housing, crime and justice, and culture and leisure. The
government has also published several reports specifically on the health and well-being of
children, the most of recent of which (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005) focuses
on answering the following questions: How healthy are Australia’s children? How well are we
promoting healthy child development? What factors can affect children adversely? How safe
and secure are Australia’s children? How well are Australia’s children learning and developing?
What kind of families and communities do Australia’s children live in?
As in the US, there has also been substantial academic research activity in relation to children’s
and young people’s well-being in Australia, particularly in relation to mental health and wellbeing (Sawyer et al, 2001).
Finally, there have also been attempts to develop comparative frameworks of children’s wellbeing between different countries. In 1994 the National Council for the Child in Israel initiated
an international collaboration regarding methods for measuring the well-being of children
(Bowers & Ben-Arieh, 1999). This later became the Multi-National Project for Monitoring and
Measuring Children’s Well-Being. The project has come to focus on five domains of children’s
well-being – safety and physical status; personal life; civic life; children’s economic resources
and contribution; and children’s activities – although it is acknowledged that these domains do
not cover all aspects of well-being for children. Within each domain a number of indicators have
been identified.
Some of the thinking underlying this initiative is worth noting. Bowers & Ben-Arieh (1999) argue
that knowledge about children tends to be ‘deficit-based, emphasizing children’s problems
rather than strengths’, to ‘regard children as human “becomings” rather than human beings’,
and that ‘indicators of child well-being are based on data that do not directly access the child at
all; rather the unit of analysis is the family or the mother’.
4
One of the goals of the multi-national project, which aims to overcome these problems, is:
‘To re-examine "old" measurements and indicators of children's well-being and compose
a new set of them that will:
•
Use the child as a unit of observation.
•
Accept the concepts of children's rights and childhood as a stage in itself.
•
Be based on a variety of sources of information.
•
Include positive indicators.
•
Be policy oriented’
(Source: http://multinational-indicators.chapinhall.org)
Other international comparative work has been undertaken by UNICEF, who have published a
series of working papers and reports (see Fajth, 2000; Micklewright & Stewart, 2000;
Commander & Bornhorst, 2004; UNICEF, 2004) and by the World Health Organisation who
have initiated an international study of the health behaviour of school-aged children. Some
findings from one of the products of the latter study (Currie et al, 2000) are cited in relevant
sections of Chapter 2.
The approach to well-being taken in this report
The approach we have chosen to take in this report reflects the Commission’s interest in
exploring the way in which religion and spirituality can contribute to the well-being of people
living in urban areas. We note that the approaches reviewed above tend to neglect the spiritual
dimension of young people’s well-being. Our approach draws on the work of Fisher who
identifies four domains of spiritual health: personal, communal, environmental and
transcendental (Fisher, Francis & Johnson, 2000).
The report aims to fill this gap and to explore the relationships between spirituality and wellbeing. It presents a fresh analysis of the well-being of young people in four key domains –
relating to the young person themselves, the community, the environment and the
transcendental:
Figure 1: Four domains of spiritual health and well-being
Personal
Communal
Environmental
Transcendental
Young people’s relationship with themselves
Young people’s inter-personal relationships
Young people’s relationship to the environment
Young people’s relationships to things beyond the human level
It looks at some of the factors which are associated with higher or lower well-being in these
areas, includes exploring the link between spirituality, religion and well-being.
The framework used for analysis is illustrated in Figure 2.
5
Figure 2: Analytical framework
Factors
Sex
Economic factors
Age
Family structure
Religious factors
Geographical area
Domains of spiritual health and well-being
Personal
domain
Communal
domain
Environmental
domain
Transcendental
domain
The presentation of findings in Chapter 2 focuses initially on relationships between variables
under the six factor headings above, and measures of well-being within each of the four
domains.
The measures of well-being relate to young people’s responses to statements which are listed
in detail in the tables in Chapter 2. For each statement young people were asked to tick one of
the following options: ‘Strongly agree’, ‘Agree, ‘Not sure’, ‘Disagree’, ‘Strongly disagree’. For
the purposes of the analysis presented in this report the first two categories and the last two
categories have been combined to create a three point scale, and for bivariate comparisons the
responses have been collapsed further into those who agreed with each statement and those
who were either unsure or disagreed.
The factors which have been analysed in relation to the above measures were as follows: sex
(female / male); age (year 9 / year 10); geographical area (North / South); paternal employment
status (employed / unemployed); maternal employment status (full-time / part-time /
unemployed); family structure (both birth parents / not both birth parents); frequency of prayer
(never / sometimes / daily); belief in eternal life (disbelief / uncertainty / belief); religious
affiliation (yes / no).
In Chapter 2, we first present overview findings within each domain. We then go on to present
findings of analysis of the association between each of the above factors and measures of
young people’s well-being within each domain. Finally, we present multivariate analysis
examining the relative contribution of the above factors to young people’s well-being.
Definitions and notes
We conclude this introductory chapter with some notes about the usage of key words and
phrases within the report.
Urban
There is no universally agreed definition of the term ‘urban’. The Office for the Deputy Prime
Minister (ODPM, 2005) identifies two recommended definitions:
•
The ODPM (DTLR) definition of 1991 Urban Settlements. Using this standard, all
settlements of over either 1,000 or 10,000 population are treated as urban areas.
6
•
The Countryside Agency’s Administrative Area Classification based on socioeconomic
variables (England). This classification uses a range of socio-economic
characteristics.
Under these two definitions, the proportion of the total population living in England is 80% and
72% respectively.
The approach taken to defining ‘urban’ in this report is based on information gathered directly
from young people through the survey questionnaire. The questionnaire asked young people to
self-define the area where they lived by choosing from the following options:
•
small village (less than 500 people);
•
large village;
•
small town (less than 50,000 people);
•
large town (50,000 – 2000,000) or small city;
•
major city centre;
•
major city suburb.
For the purposes of the report, the first two categories were merged and termed ‘rural’, and the
last two categories were merged and termed ‘city’.
Young people
The findings in this report relate to a survey of young people aged 13 to 15. However, other
research cited relates to a variety of age ranges from around 11 years of age upwards. For
brevity we have generally used the term ‘young people’ also to refer to this wider age range.
Where necessary we have clarified the exact age ranges involved.
Faith, spirituality and religion
The research tradition to which this report belongs offers a clear demarcation between the
constructs of spirituality and religion. Spirituality is defined in terms of Fisher’s four domains of
spiritual health. In this sense spirituality is concerned with the young person’s relationship with
themselves, with others, with the environment, and with the transcendent. Religion is defined
broadly in terms of the identity, beliefs and practices of recognised faith groups. In line with
current practice in the social scientific study of religion, clear distinctions are made between
three key dimensions of religion: religious affiliation (belonging to a faith group), religious beliefs
(say, belief in God or belief in life after death) and religious practices (say private prayer or
public church attendance)
Spiritual health and well-being
The framework of spiritual health and well-being incorporating a number of measures within four
domains has been explained above. For brevity, in most cases we have used the term ‘wellbeing’ to refer to ‘spiritual health and well-being’ as defined by this framework.
Statistical notes
With the exception of the regression analysis presented at the end of Chapter 2, all statistical
tests for this report were chi-square tests of cross-tabulated data. Where the word ‘significant’
is used in the text this refers to a p-value of less than 0.01 – i.e. a confidence level of 99% –
unless otherwise specified.
Percentages in tables may not add up to 100% due to rounding.
7
2
Research findings
In this central chapter of the report we present findings from the survey of young people
described in Chapter 1, and also refer to other relevant recent research findings on the wellbeing of young people (and, where available, urban young people in particular).
The findings are presented in the following order:
•
Overview findings for urban young people across the four domains of well-being.
•
Comparisons between young people within different types of urban areas, and also
between urban young people and rural young people.
•
An analysis of factors which are associated with well-being in each of the four
domains.
•
Some further discussion of patterns within the data, using multivariate analysis.
Summary of findings for urban young people
In this first section, we provide an introduction to the statements used to measure well-being in
each of the four domains, and provide overview statistics for all urban young people in the
survey.
The personal domain
Table 1 shows young people’s responses to the seven well-being statements in the personal
domain.
Table 1: Personal domain: Overview
Yes
Not
sure
No
I feel my life has a sense of purpose
56%
35%
10%
I find life really worth living
70%
21%
9%
I feel I am not worth much as a person
13%
22%
65%
I often feel depressed
52%
19%
29%
I have sometimes considered taking my own life
27%
15%
58%
I often long for someone to turn to for advice
35%
26%
39%
I am happy in my school
71%
17%
12%
Only just over a half (56%) of urban young people felt that their life had a sense of purpose
although a greater proportion (70%) found life ‘really worth living’. Nevertheless half (52%)
often felt depressed and a quarter (27%) had suicidal thoughts.
8
The communal domain
The eight statements in the communal domain included two statements regarding worries in
relation to other people; three statements about seeking help with problems; one statement
about safety issues in the local area; and two statements about relationships with peers at
school.
Table 2: Communal domain: Overview
Yes
Not
sure
No
I am worried about my attractiveness to the opposite sex
34%
23%
43%
I am worried about how I get on with other people
51%
22%
27%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with my mother
50%
20%
31%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with my father
32%
23%
45%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with close friends
64%
19%
18%
I am worried about going out alone at night in my local area
33%
15%
52%
I am worried about being bullied at school
28%
22%
51%
I like the people I go to school with
90%
7%
3%
It is notable that young people were generally more likely to find it helpful to talk about problems
to their mother than to their father (although there may be some impact here of the proportion of
young people in lone-parent families, which tend predominantly to be lone mothers). The
figures also confirm the importance of peer support networks for teenagers, with young people
being more likely to find it helpful to talk to a close friend than to a parent.
Worries about personal safety and bullying were significant issues for up to a third of urban
young people. This is consistent with other research which has shown that over a third of
young people express worries about being bullied at school and around half are worried about
being physically assaulted – although the proportion of young people who are worried about
these things appears to have reduced between 2000 and 2004 (MORI, 2004).
The environmental domain
Within the environmental domain, we looked at 14 statements from the survey questionnaire.
For clarity, these have been divided into three sub-groups in the tables below, relating to :
•
feelings about the local area in which young people lived
•
views about immigration and ethnic diversity
•
the extent of concern about wider environmental and global issues
Table 3 shows young people’s responses to a set of eight statements about the area in which
they lived. The figures show high levels of concern about crime and anti-social behaviours,
which suggest that these may be important ‘quality of life’ issues for young people. Around
three-quarters (74%) of urban young people liked the area they lived in, but only a fifth (20%)
felt that their area cared about its young people.
9
Table 3: Environmental domain: Overview (1)
Yes
Not
sure
No
Crime is a growing problem in my area
45%
31%
24%
Vandalism is a growing problem in my area
48%
28%
24%
Drug taking is a growing problem in my area
32%
38%
31%
Violence is a growing problem in my area
35%
33%
33%
Drunks are a growing problem in my area
26%
39%
35%
Unemployment is a growing problem in my area
37%
44%
19%
I like living in my area
74%
12%
14%
My area cares about its young people
20%
41%
39%
Two statements within the environmental domain related to young people’s views about ethnic
diversity and immigration (see Table 4). The responses show that almost a third (32%) of urban
young people felt that immigration into Britain should be restricted and a significant minority
(17%) felt that there were too many black people living in this country. A MORI poll on prejudice
(MORI, 2001) found that 18% of adults felt less positive towards ethnic minority people,
although the proportion tended to be lower amongst younger adults.
Table 4: Environmental domain: Overview (2)
Yes
Not
sure
No
There are too many black people living in this country
17%
15%
68%
I think that immigration into Britain should be restricted
32%
39%
30%
Finally, four of the statements in the environmental domain referred to wider environmental and
global political issues. As Table 5 shows, the majority of young people were concerned about
pollution, third-world poverty and the risk of nuclear war. However, just over a quarter (26%) of
urban young people felt that there was nothing they could do to help solve the world’s problems.
Table 5: Environmental domain: Overview (3)
Yes
Not
sure
No
I am concerned about the risk of pollution to the environment
64%
26%
11%
I am concerned about the poverty of the third world
59%
27%
14%
I am concerned about the risk of nuclear war
55%
26%
19%
There is nothing I can do to help solve the world’s problems
26%
31%
43%
The transcendental domain
We used five statements to measure young people’s relationships to transcendental issues.
43% of young people said that they believed in God and 45% believed in life after death.
Substantial proportions of young people also believed in the supernatural, including over a third
(35%) who believed in their horoscope.
10
Table 6: Transcendental domain: Overview
Yes
Not
sure
No
I believe in God
43%
32%
26%
I believe in life after death
45%
38%
17%
I believe in my horoscope
35%
29%
36%
I believe fortune-tellers can tell the future
20%
30%
50%
I believe it is possible to contact the spirits of the dead
31%
32%
37%
Comparisons of young people living in different kinds of areas
In this section we briefly explore some of the differences between young people living in
different kinds of urban and rural areas.
As discussed in the introductory chapter, there is no agreed definition of the distinction between
‘rural’ and ‘urban’ areas, and several different official definitions are in common use. For the
purposes of this report we have used self-definition by young people from a list of options as
explained in Chapter 1. The comparisons in this section relate to four types of areas – rural,
small town, large town or small city, and major city – see page 7 for further details.
We were able to compare responses in each of the four domains for young people living in
different types of areas.
Personal domain
As Table 7 suggests, there were few significant differences between urban and rural young
people, or between young people living in different types of urban areas.
Table 7: Personal domain: Comparisons for different types of areas
Rural
Small
town
Large
town
Major
city
I feel my life has a sense of purpose
56%
54%
57%
56%
I find life really worth living
69%
70%
67%
71%
I feel I am not worth much as a person
13%
14%
13%
13%
I often feel depressed
52%
53%
53%
51%
I have sometimes considered taking my own life
26%
27%
28%
27%
I often long for someone to turn to for advice
34%
35%
35%
35%
I am happy in my school
73%
71%
69%
72%
Other UK research (Meltzer et al, 2000) also found little evidence of differences in the mental
health of young people in metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas of England. However there
were some indications that young people living in inner London had somewhat worse mental
health than young people living in the rest of England, and this has been supported by findings
of a research study in East London (Institute of Community Health Services, 2003).
The only notable significant difference in the personal domain in the survey was that young
people in rural areas were more likely (73%) than young people in urban areas ((71% when
grouped) to be happy in school. However the actual percentage difference was relatively small.
Thus, if we were to view well-being purely in terms of these personal measures, there was little
or no evidence of differences in well-being for young people living in areas of different
population densities.
11
However, there were more substantial differences within the other three domains which make
up our overall framework of well-being as defined in this report.
Communal domain
Table 8 shows a comparison of young people’s responses to the communal domain questions,
across different types of areas.
Table 8: Communal domain: Comparisons for different types of areas
Rural
Small
town
Large
town
Major
city
I am worried about my attractiveness to the opposite sex
37%
34%
34%
35%
I am worried about how I get on with other people
55%
50%
54%
49%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with my mother
49%
50%
50%
51%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with my father
33%
32%
32%
33%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with close friends
63%
63%
64%
64%
I am worried about going out alone at night in my local area
28%
31%
35%
35%
I am worried about being bullied at school
28%
26%
30%
29%
I like the people I go to school with
89%
90%
89%
89%
The key difference to note here is that worries about going out alone at night in the local area
were significantly higher for young people living in large towns and cities than for young people
living in small towns and rural areas. This suggests that personal safety within their community
is an important concern for young people in densely populated areas.
This pattern is backed up by other more recent UK research. Farmer (2005) found a number of
significant differences between rural and urban young people in terms of their experiences of
the communities and environments within which they lived. First, rural young people were more
likely than those living in non-rural areas to believe many people in their neighbourhood could
be trusted (46% compared with 26%). Second, young people living in rural areas were more
likely feel safe in their neighbourhood. Third, urban young people were less likely to participate
in groups inside and outside school than rural young people.
The MORI Youth Survey (Youth Justice Board, 2003) also found that urban young people feel
less safe in their local area than rural young people. In response to the question ‘How safe do
you feel walking outside in your local area after dark?’, 43% of urban young people said that
that they felt ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ safe compared to 57% of rural young people. Young people living
in London felt the least safe, with only 35% feeling ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ safe.
The issue of neighbourhood bullying in urban areas, and the impact it can have on young
people’s quality of life has also been highlighted in qualitative research with young people
(Percy-Smith & Matthews, 2001).
Environmental domain
There were a number of significant differences between young people living in different types of
areas within the environmental domain.
Table 9 shows a comparison of young people’s responses to the environmental domain
questions about the local area, across different types of areas.
.
12
Table 9: Environmental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas (1)
Rural
Small
town
Large
town
Major
city
Crime is a growing problem in my area
36%
42%
46%
50%
Vandalism is a growing problem in my area
37%
46%
48%
52%
Drug taking is a growing problem in my area
31%
31%
34%
32%
Violence is a growing problem in my area
25%
31%
35%
40%
Drunks are a growing problem in my area
22%
25%
27%
27%
Unemployment is a growing problem in my area
32%
38%
37%
34%
I like living in my area
75%
74%
75%
74%
My area cares about its young people
25%
19%
21%
20%
Looking first at young people’s views of their local area, there were significantly higher concerns
about crime, vandalism, violence, drunks and unemployment amongst urban young people as a
whole, when compared with rural young people. Furthermore there were significant differences
within different types of urban areas, with concerns about crime, vandalism and violence being
highest in major cities. Concerns about unemployment, on the other hand, were highest in
small towns.
In addition, young people in urban areas (around 20%) were significantly less likely to feel that
their area ‘cared about young people’ than young people in rural areas. On this point, Farmer
(2005) reported that young people living in urban areas were more likely to feel that young
people were treated like second-class citizens in shops or cafés.
Nevertheless, the proportion of young people who said that they liked living in their area was
relatively constant across different types of areas.
Turning to issues of immigration and ethnic diversity, the proportion of young people who felt
that there were ‘too many black people living in the country’ was significantly higher in urban
than in rural areas, and within urban areas it was highest in major cities. Similar patterns were
in evidence regarding the question of whether immigration should be restricted. As shown in
Table 10, in major cities, one-fifth (20%) of young people agreed with the statement ‘There are
too many black people living in this country’ and over a third (35%) agreed with the statement ‘I
think that immigration into Britain should be restricted’.
Table 10: Environmental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas (2)
Rural
Small
town
Large
town
Major
city
There are too many black people living in this country
13%
18%
16%
20%
I think that immigration into Britain should be restricted
29%
30%
31%
35%
Major cities have the most ethnically diverse populations in the UK, and thus the above findings
challenge the notion that living in ethnically diverse areas will necessarily lead to more positive
attitudes to diversity. This is backed up by other recent qualitative research with young people
which concluded that:
Multicultural communities do not necessarily inculcate more tolerant attitudes in young
people (Lemos, 2005: 56)
Lemos found a variety of reasons for prejudice amongst young people:
Perceptions persist among some young people that minority ethnic communities are
not entitled to live in Britain and should be in their own country. Some young people
feel that the UK will be overwhelmed by minority ethnic communities. They are also
said by some not to obey the widely accepted laws and norms of British society. Some
13
also see minority ethnic communities as the source, not the victim of hostility. Asian
people are believed by some young people to look down on white people. Some
young people say they just dislike difference. Black Caribbean communities continue to
be associated with crime in the minds of some young people. On the other hand, some
black and minority ethnic young people believe many white people are nasty, arrogant
and racist. (Lemos, 2005: 55)
Finally within the environmental domain, urban young people were significantly less likely than
rural young people to be concerned about broader environmental and world issues (pollution
and third world poverty). Urban young people were also significantly more likely to feel that
there was nothing they could do to solve the world’s problems. Within the sample of urban
young people there were also significant differences according to type of area, with young
people in major cities being the least concerned and the least likely to feel that they could have
an influence on these matters.
Table 11: Environmental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas (3)
Rural
Small
town
Large
town
Major
city
I am concerned about the risk of pollution to the environment
72%
64%
68%
60%
I am concerned about the poverty of the third world
63%
60%
61%
55%
I am concerned about the risk of nuclear war
56%
58%
56%
49%
There is nothing I can do to help solve the world’s problems
22%
26%
24%
28%
In summary, then, there were large differences in environmental well-being both within the
urban sample, and between urban and rural young people. Young people in major cities, in
particular, had the most worries about anti-social behaviour within their local area, the least
positive views about ethnic diversity and immigration, and the least concerns about broader
environmental issues. These findings tend to be backed up by other recent UK research and
raise major questions about urban young people’s relationship with the environment in which
they live.
Transcendental domain
Table 12 shows a comparison of young people’s responses to the transcendental domain
questions, across different types of areas.
Table 12: Transcendental domain: Comparisons for different types of areas
Rural
Small
town
Large
town
Major
city
I believe in God
39%
39%
46%
46%
I believe in life after death
45%
42%
48%
49%
I believe in my horoscope
34%
34%
37%
35%
I believe fortune-tellers can tell the future
19%
19%
20%
22%
I believe it is possible to contact the spirits of the dead
31%
31%
32%
31%
The proportion of young people who said that they believed in God was significantly higher in
urban areas than rural areas. The detailed breakdown of types of urban areas also shows
significantly higher rates of belief in large towns and cities than in small towns.
The proportions of young people who said that they believed in horoscopes, fortune-tellers and
the possibility of contacting the spirits of the dead did not vary between urban and rural areas,
or within types of urban areas.
14
Factors associated with well-being in the personal domain
This section, and the following three sections, look at the extent to which a number of
demographic and religious factors (see Figure 2) were associated with measures of well-being
across the four domains. In view of the large number of comparisons involved in this analysis,
and to aid clarity, the relevant statistical tables for this section are contained in Appendix 1, and
selected statistics are presented in charts to illustrate key points.
We begin exploring the extent to which other factors were individually associated with higher
personal well-being amongst urban young people. We have already seen that there were few
substantial differences within the personal domain between young people living in urban and
rural areas
Demographic factors
There were no significant differences here in relation to the age of young people (year 9 or year
10) or in relation to whether they lived in the North or the South. However, there were
differences in terms of the other factors considered.
Females fare significantly worse on five of the seven statements being:
•
less likely to find life really worth living
•
more likely to feel that they weren’t worth much as a person
•
more likely to often feel depressed (60% of females compared to 45% of males)
•
more likely to have considered taking their own life
•
more likely to often long to turn to someone for advice.
There were no gender differences in relation to sense of purpose. Females were, however,
marginally happier at school – a pattern which is consistent with other research in the UK and
overseas (Currie et al, 2000: 50).
There has been a substantial amount of research into gender differences in personal well-being.
The above findings of lower self-esteem amongst females are consistent with other research
findings about early adolescence. However later in adolescence these gender differences tend
to even out (Trust for the Study of Adolescence, 1999). The higher rates of depression
amongst females are also confirmed by international research (Currie et al: 25). The findings in
relation to suicide are more complex. Whilst female teenagers are more likely to self-harm than
males (Davis & Anderson, 1999), there are much higher rates of suicide amongst males (Office
for National Statistics, 2004).
Young people with employed fathers fared significantly better on all five variables than those
with unemployed fathers. For example, 31% of urban young people with unemployed fathers
had suicidal thoughts compared to 26% of urban young people with employed fathers. There
were less clear-cut differences in terms of mothers’ employment status, although young people
with employed mothers were happier at school and more likely to find life worth living.
There was also evidence that the family structure in which the young person was living was
associated with their feelings of personal well-being. Young people who were still living with
both birth parents scored significantly better on all seven measures than young people who
were not.
A sample of these findings are illustrated in the chart below which shows the percentage of
young people in different groups who responded positively to the statement ‘I find life really
worth living’.
15
Figure 3: Factors associated with feeling life is worth living
Female
65%
Male
74%
Father employed
71%
Father unemployed
64%
71%
With both parents
65%
Not with both parents
74%
Prays daily
69%
Does not pray daily
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Religious factors
Turning to the associations between religion and personal well-being, comparisons were made
between young people of different religious affiliations and those with no affiliation. There was
substantial evidence that having a religious affiliation was associated with higher well-being for
most of the measures used within the personal domain. Not all the differences were
statistically significant but this may have been due to the small sample size in relation to some
religions. The exception to this pattern was that young people with a religious affiliation were
more likely to say they often longed to turn to someone for advice than young people with no
affiliation.
The patterns of association between frequency of prayer and personal well-being crosstabulations show a complex pattern. Young people who prayed daily were most likely to have
sense of purpose and most likely to find life really worth living. On the other hand young people
who prayed sometimes were the most likely to feel depressed. This pattern is consistent with
some other studies which have looked at links between religion and depression. A study of
young urban adults in the US, may shed some light on this topic:
We find higher levels of depression among the moderately religious than among either
very religious or nonreligious respondents ... Our interpretation is that, while
established patterns of religious coping can routinely mitigate distress, heightened
stress exposure may elicit increased prayer among the less religious. (Eliassen &
Henry, 2005: 187)
A similarly complex picture was in evidence in relation to belief in eternal life. Young people
who believed in eternal life were most likely to feel a sense of purpose but also most likely to
often feel depressed and to have suicidal thoughts.
Summary
The analysis summarised above shows some strong associations between demographic and
religious variables and personal well-being. Although some of the detailed findings were quite
complex, the overall pattern was that young people with higher personal well-being were:
16
•
More likely to be male than female
•
More likely to have a father who was in paid employment
•
More likely to be living with both birth parents
•
More likely to have a religious affiliation
Factors associated with well-being in the communal domain
The factors associated with young people’s relationships to their community were more
complex.
Three of the eight statements within this domain related to whether young people found it
helpful to talk about their problems with their mother, their father, and close friends respectively.
The main demographic patterns were:
•
Young people tended to favour talking to a parent of the same sex about their
problems.
•
Girls were much more likely than boys to find it helpful to talk to a close friend.
•
Young people whose parent(s) were employed were more likely to find it helpful to talk
to a close friend than those whose parent(s) were unemployed
•
Young people who were not living with both parents were slightly less likely to find it
helpful to talk to a parent, and more likely to find it helpful to talk to a close friend.
•
There was some evidence of a shift in emphasis towards friends and away from
parents as young people got older.
In terms of the religious variables
•
Young people who prayed regularly and those who believed in eternal life were more
likely than other young people to find it helpful to talk to parents and friends than young
people who did not.
•
There were no clear patterns in terms of religious affiliation
Two of the statements related to worries about attractiveness and to getting on with other
people. Females, young people who prayed regularly, and young people who believed in
eternal life were more concerned about these issues than males, young people who did not
pray regularly, and those who did not believe in eternal life.
Finally, three of the statements related to whether young people liked the people they went to
school with; whether they were worried about being bullied at school; and whether they felt safe
in their local area. There were relatively few clear-cut patterns in relation to the first statement,
although females were significantly more likely to like the people they went to school with than
males.
There were strong patterns on almost all variables in relation to worries about being bullied.
Young people were more likely to be worried about being bullied if they were:
•
female (31%) compared to male (25%),
•
younger (31% amongst year 9 pupils and 25% amongst year 10 pupils)
•
living in the North (31%) compared to the South (24%)
•
had unemployed parent(s),
•
had a religious affiliation,
•
believed in eternal life (31%) compared with 27% of those who unsure and 22% of
those who did not
•
prayed regularly (33%) or often (32%) compared with those who did not
17
There were no differences on this issue for young people living with both parents and those who
were not.
Some of the key findings summarised above are illustrated in Figure 4 which shows the
proportions of young people in different categories who were worried about being bullied at
school.
Figure 4: Factors associated with being worried about bullying
Female
31%
Male
25%
Year 9
31%
Year 10
25%
31%
North
24%
South
31%
Religious affiliation
25%
No religious affiliation
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
There were also big differences in the extent of worry about going out alone at night in the local
area, with urban females (46%) being more than twice as likely to be worried about this as
urban males (20%).
The differences between the sexes in terms of worries about bullying and personal safety are
consistent with other recent research (MORI, 2004: 48-49) which found that females are more
worried about these issues than males, and also that these worries tend to lessen as young
people get older. This research also found that the likelihood of being worried about these
issues was not necessarily consistent with their likelihood of occurrence. Whilst the evidence
suggested that females and younger teenagers were more likely to be bullied, it also suggested
that males and older teenagers were more likely to be physically assaulted (MORI, 2004: 53)
Summary
The analysis in this section shows strong sex differences and strong differences in terms of
religious factors.
Females tended to emphasise the importance of their peer relationships more than males, and
also had more worries about perceived attractiveness, getting on with peers, and being bullied.
Similar patterns were in evidence for young people who prayed regularly and believed in eternal
life. Young people in these groups had higher than average likelihood of seeking support from
others, and also of having worries in terms of their relationships with others. The findings
regarding high worries about being bullied for young people with religious affiliation, beliefs and
practices raises concerns about religious harassment amongst young people.
18
Factors associated with well-being in the environmental domain
The report explores three aspects of young people’s relationships to the environment – their
feelings about their local area, their attitudes to ethnic diversity and immigration, and their
concerns about global environmental issues.
Feelings about local area
In relation to feelings about their local area:
•
Males were significantly more concerned about problems such as crime and drinking
and tended to have less positive views about other issues in their area than did
females. However, females were somewhat less likely to like the area they lived in and
to feel that it cared about young people.
•
Concerns about crime and anti-social behaviour also tended to be higher amongst
older young people, young people who lived in the North, and young people with one
or more parents who were not in paid employment.
•
There were less clear patterns in relation to prayer and belief in eternal life, although
the trend tended to be towards young people who believed in eternal life also being
more concerned about problems in the area in which they lived.
Factors which were associated with attitudes to diversity
The research shows some strong patterns in relation to attitudes about immigration and ethnic
diversity.
There were significant patterns in response to the statement ‘There are too many black people
living in this country’, as shown in Figure 5
Figure 5: Factors associated with agreeing that ‘there are too many Black people living in this
country’
Female
10%
Male
24%
Year 9
16%
Year 10
19%
21%
South
16%
North
14%
Prayed
Did not pray
0%
21%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
19
To summarise the findings here:
•
Males (24%) were much more likely to agree with the statement than females (10%)
•
Year 10s (19%) were more likely to agree than year 9s (16%)
•
South young people (21%) were more likely to agree than North young people (16%)
•
Young people who never prayed were more likely to agree than those who did.
•
Young people who did not believe in eternal life (25%) were more likely to agree
There were not significant differences in terms of parental employment status and whether
young people were living with both parents or not.
Similar patterns were in evidence in response to the statement ‘I think that immigration into
Britain should be restricted’:
•
Males (41%) were much more likely to agree than females (22%)
•
Year 10s (35%) were more likely to agree than year 9s (29%)
•
Young people living in the South (36%) were more likely to agree than young people
living in the North (31%)
•
Young people who never prayed (34%) and those who did not believe in eternal life
(38%) were more likely to agree
For this statement young people with employed fathers were also more likely to agree, but there
was no difference according to maternal employment status and whether the young person was
living with both parents.
There were also some differences in terms of religious affiliation for both the above statements,
with a tendency for young people with a religious affiliation (and particularly those who identified
themselves as Muslim, Hindu and Sikh) to be less likely to agree with the statements.
Environmental and global concerns
Finally, in terms of environmental and global social concerns, there was some evidence that
females were more likely to be concerned about issues such as third world poverty and
environmental pollution than males. Young people tended also to be less concerned about
these issues if they were not living with both parents and if their parent(s) were unemployed.
Young people with a religious affiliation, those who prayed regularly, and those who believed in
eternal life were significantly more concerned than average about these issues.
Summary
In summary there were a number of significant patterns in young people’s responses within the
environmental domain. Males were more concerned about some categories of anti-social
behaviour in their local areas, but also had slightly more positive views about their area than
females. Males held much less positive views about immigration and ethnic diversity, and
tended to be less concerned about environmental and global issues in general.
Young people in the North and those whose parents were not in paid work tended to be
significantly less positive about the area they lived in, and more concerned about criminal and
anti-social behaviours. On the other hand young people in the South were less positive about
immigration and ethnic diversity, and there were also some indications that economic
advantage (paternal employment) tended to be associated with less positive views in this
respect.
Religious affiliation, belief and practice all tended to be associated with more positive views
about immigration and ethnic diversity; and stronger concerns about environmental and global
issues.
20
Factors associated with well-being in the transcendental domain
Finally we look at the demographic factors associated with beliefs within the transcendental
domain.
Young people tended to hold stronger religious beliefs (belief in God and in life after death) if
they were female, younger, lived in the north, and had a father who was unemployed. These
patterns are illustrated in the chart below which shows the proportion of young people in
different categories who agreed with the statement ‘I believe in God’.
Figure 6: Factors associated with young people saying that they believed in God
Female
46%
Male
40%
Year 9
44%
Year 10
41%
South
41%
43%
North
42%
Father employed
44%
Father unemployed
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Similarly young people tended to be more likely to believe in the supernatural (e.g. horoscopes,
fortune-tellers, and contact with the spirits of the dead) if they were female, lived in the north, did
not live with both birth parents, and had a father who was unemployed.
The role of religion and of a ‘sense of purpose’
So far in this chapter, we have presented a large number of comparisons between demographic
and religious factors, and measures of young people’s well-being within the four domains we
have identified. This analysis has tended to support the idea that a spiritual dimension to young
people’s lives is strongly associated with their well-being. However, comparisons between pairs
of variables do not allow for an analysis of the relative significance of different factors in a way
which can provide a coherent overall picture. In this final section of the chapter we present
some multivariate analysis which attempts to draw together some of the patterns identified so
far, and to explore the relative contribution which religious factors make to urban young people’s
well-being.
The four domains of well-being discussed in this report contain 34 different measures (seven in
the personal domain, eight in the communal domain, 14 in the environmental domain, and five
in the transcendental domain). Multivariate analysis of the relative contribution of each factor to
all 34 measures would be hugely time-consuming and would also be likely to generate a
21
complex and detailed set of findings rather than to provide clarity. Thus, we have chosen to
take a different approach.
Previous analysis of the survey data set (Francis, 2005) has highlighted the potentially pivotal
role of young people feeling they have a sense of purpose. This has been confirmed by our
analysis of the urban data which indicates that urban young people with a sense of purpose
•
Had higher scores on other measures of personal well-being
•
Had lower worries in most areas
•
Were more likely to feel that they had people they can talk to
•
Had a more positive attitude to school
•
Had more positive views about the area they live in
•
Had more positive views on immigration and diversity
•
Had more strongly held social concerns
A sample of some of the statistics associated with these findings is shown in Table 13.
Table 13: Purpose in life and well-being
Sense of purpose in life
Without Unsure
With
I find life really worth living
36%
57%
84%
I feel I am not worth much as a person
36%
15%
9%
I often feel depressed
67%
57%
47%
I have sometimes considered taking my own life
51%
29%
22%
I am happy in my school
45%
64%
79%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with my mother
36%
46%
55%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with my father
24%
27%
37%
I find it helpful to talk about my problems with close friends
53%
61%
67%
I like the people I go to school with
77%
88%
93%
I like living in my area
55%
70%
80%
My area cares about its young people
16%
15%
23%
There are too many black people living in this country
26%
18%
16%
I think that immigration into Britain should be restricted
38%
30%
32%
I am concerned about the risk of pollution to the environment
52%
59%
68%
I am concerned about the poverty of the third world
46%
53%
66%
I am concerned about the risk of nuclear war
45%
52%
59%
There is nothing I can do to help solve the world’s problems
40%
27%
23%
I believe in God
22%
33%
52%
These patterns suggest that having a sense of purpose in life may be an important factor in
young people’s lives and this highlights the importance of understanding the underlying
characteristics and contexts which predispose young people to feel a sense of purpose. The
argument that a spiritual dimension to young people’s lives may be a factor which is linked to
enhanced well-being through providing a sense of meaningfulness in life has also been put
forward by others (e.g. Mallick & Watts, 2001).
22
We thus undertook multivariate analysis using regression modelling to explore the relative
association between the range of demographic and religious factors discussed in this report and
sense of purpose.
The model we tested had 12 independent variables – seven of these were sex; age; paternal
employment status; family structure; religious affiliation; prayer; and belief in eternal life as
described in Chapter 1. The only difference in the regression model was that frequency of
prayer and belief in eternal life were measured on a five-point scale. The other five independent
variables were – a participation index (literally counting the number of activities or groups in
which the young people participated); and four variables measuring personality (social
conformity, extraversion, neuroticism, psychoticism). These additional variables were included
here because they have been found to have significant explanatory power in previous analysis
of this data set (Francis, 2005).
The dependent variable in both models was young people’s response to the statement ‘I feel my
life has a sense of purpose’ measured as a five-point scale (‘Strongly agree’, ‘Agree’, ‘Not sure’,
‘Disagree’, ‘Strongly disagree’).
Independent variables were included using fixed order entry in the order shown in Table 14,
which also shows the results of the regression analysis.
Table 14: Multiple regression model predicting purpose in life (Model B)
Change in
Predictor variables
r2
R2
F
P<
β
t
P<
sex
0.0001
0.0001
2.4
NS
–0.0144
–1.7
NS
age
0.0000
0.0000
0.1
NS
+0.0116
+1.6
NS
social conformity
0.0245
0.0244
398.7
.001
+0.0930
+11.1
.001
extraversion
0.0567
0.0322
544.5
.001
+0.1533
+19.7
.001
neuroticism
0.0852
0.0285
496.9
.001
–0.1944
–25.2
.001
psychoticism
0.0912
0.0060
104.9
.001
–0.0805
–9.3
.001
broken home
0.0924
0.0012
20.9
.001
–0.0201
–3.2
.01
unemployed father
0.0938
0.0014
24.7
.001
–0.0351
–4.8
.001
participation index
0.0944
0.0006
10.6
.001
+0.0146
+1.9
NS
religious affiliation
0.1077
0.0133
238.3
.001
+0.0491
+6.2
.001
personal prayer
0.1342
0.0265
488.6
.001
+0.1545
+18.9
.001
belief in eternal life
0.1455
0.0112
209.7
.001
+0.1100
+14.5
.001
What we learn from the above analysis is this:
•
Age and sex are irrelevant factors, in the sense that they do not predict individual
differences in purpose in life.
•
Personality is highly important. Routine personality testing could help to identify the
young people who are likely to experience a low sense of purpose in life, and
consequently likely to embrace the values and behaviours associated with low sense
of purpose in life.
•
Reconstituted families and unemployed backgrounds are both significant predictors of
a lower sense of purpose of life. However, having controlled for personality, the
amount of variance accounted for by these factors is incredibly small. In other words
they are not major influences.
•
Participation offers no further predictive power after personality has been taken into
account.
23
•
Religion, however, does offer significant additional predictive power after personality
has been taken into account. Indeed, the three religious indices included in the model
almost account for as much variance as the four personality indices. The religious
indices indicate that religious affiliation does count – simply knowing that a young
person belongs to any religious body provides important information. Personal prayer
adds additional power after affiliation has been taken into account. This indicates that
personal religious practice is important. Additionally, the present paper also shows
that what one believes about religion counts. Belief in eternal life is an important
predictor even after personal prayer has been taken into account.
In summary, our analysis suggests that a spiritual dimension to young people‘s lives may be
one of the factors associated with their having a strong sense of purpose which, in turn, has
beneficial links with many aspects of their well-being. The analysis thus highlights the potential
value of a spiritual dimension to young people’s life as illustrated in Figure 3.
Figure 7: The potential links between religious factors, sense of purpose and well-being
Religious
affiliation
Involvement
in prayer
Belief in
eternal life
Greater sense of purpose
Improved spiritual health and well-being
Personal
domain
Communal
domain
Environmental
domain
Transcendental
domain
It should be noted that, inevitably, our analysis is limited to the factors which were available
within the survey data set. There would be a case for also including other factors (e.g. ethnicity,
and more detailed information on economic factors) in such an analysis. Therefore the model,
as summarised in Figure 7, is presented as a potentially useful starting point for further
exploration and analysis of the connections between religious factors, spiritual health and wellbeing.
24
3
Summary and conclusions
The well-being of young people in urban areas
The report highlights some important issues for further consideration in relation to the well-being
of young people in cities and other urban areas. In particular, the findings emphasise some of
the concerns and stresses experienced by urban young people which may have an adverse
effect on their well-being.
Issues which are particularly relevant to urban areas
Whilst the analysis presented in this report focuses on urban young people, many of the issues
discussed are likely to be equally applicable to young people living in rural areas. However, the
analysis presented in Chapter 2 points to four key sets of issues which came across more
strongly for young people living in urban areas than those living in rural areas, and particularly
for those living in major cities.
First, urban young people were significantly more worried about bullying at school and about
their personal safety in their local area than rural young people. This pattern is backed up by
more recent research. Furthermore, young people living in major cities were more likely to be
worried than young people living in other urban areas. These concerns and worries are likely to
have a significant impact on the overall well-being of young people in major cities.
Second, young people in urban areas (and to an even greater extent in cities) were less positive
about the environment in which they live and were more concerned about a range of social
problems in their areas including crime, vandalism, violence, and alcohol/drugs use. This
suggests that ‘anti-social behaviour’ is an important issue for young people as well as for adults.
Third, urban young people tended to have less positive views about immigration and ethnic
diversity than rural young people. This finding, which again is consistent with other research, is
particularly worrying and warrants particular attention. Young people in cities are more likely to
be living in areas which are ethnically diverse and which have significant immigrant populations.
Yet these young people appeared to be less positive about these issues than young people in
towns and rural areas. This suggests that the increasing ethnic diversity of the urban
environment is not always welcomed by young people. Tolerant attitudes were not evenly
distributed and particular groups (including males, those living in the South and young people
with employed fathers) appeared to hold less inclusive views than other groups. The research
also suggests that having a clear sense of one’s own purpose and involvement in prayer
predispose young people to be more inclusive in relation to those of different ethnicity.
Fourth, urban young people were less concerned about pollution and Third World poverty and
less likely to feel they have a role in solving the world’s problems. This suggests a level of
disengagement from social and political issues, and a feeling of helplessness, which may
present a particular challenge to the development of citizenship amongst young people in innercity areas.
Despite these differences, there was no difference in personal well-being between urban and
rural young people, nor between different kinds of urban areas (small town, large town or city).
It may be that this finding indicates that there are compensating benefits to living in urban areas
25
not covered by topics in the survey which balance out the negative indicators above. For
example, other research has raised questions about the potential for social exclusion amongst
young people in rural areas (Harrop & Palmer, 2002) It may also be that there are protective
factors which are more prevalent amongst urban young people. More research is needed which
compares young people’s well-being in urban and rural areas.
Differences between females and males
Differences between females and males came out strongly in a number of respects throughout
the analysis.
In some respects, males appeared to fare relatively well. They tended to have higher well-being
scores within the personal domain and were less concerned about bullying at school. On the
other hand they tended to be less likely to have close friends they felt able to talk to; were more
concerned about issues such as crime in their local area; were less positive about immigration
and ethnic diversity; and were less concerned about environment and global issues. They were
also less likely to have a strong spiritual dimension to their lives. There are therefore a number
of areas for concern in relation to urban young males’ well-being in a broad sense.
Females, on the other hand, had lower personal well-being scores, and were more concerned
about bullying, but tended to emphasise social networks and support more than males. They
were more engaged with environmental and global issues; more positive about immigration and
ethnic diversity; and tended to have a stronger connection with religious and spiritual matters.
Family issues
Research studies of young people have often found differences according to the family structure
in which young people live. The findings described in this report indicate some important
differences between young people according to whether they were still living with both birth
parents at the time of the survey or not. Young people who were not living with both birth
parents had lower personal well-being scores, and tended to be less likely to feel they had
access to a parent who they could talk to about their problems. They were also less happy
about the area they lived in and were less concerned about environmental issues. This
suggests substantial variation in well-being according to family structure. Population trends
indicate that an increasing number of young people will experience the break-up of the
relationship of their birth parents by the time they are teenagers (Stewart & Vaitilingam, 2004).
The findings summarised above suggest the importance of ensuring young people with these
experiences have adequate support as teenagers.
It is notable, however that, in the multivariate analysis presented in the last section of Chapter 2,
family structure did not come out strongly as an independent influence on well-being. This
suggests that other factors may act in a protective way
Economic factors
Similar conclusions may be drawn according to the economic status of the families within which
young people lived. There were some indications that young people with unemployed parents
fared worse in key areas, particularly in the personal domain. Young people in these families
also had less positive views about the area they lived in, but this may have been due to living in
less advantaged areas rather than to do with specific family economic factors.
As with family structure, family economic status was not one of the factors that emerged from
multivariate analysis as being most strongly associated with well-being. Again, this is a complex
area but other research has also raised questions about the extent of the link between poverty
and well-being. For example, a research review by Quilgars (2002) cited contrasting findings
depending on whether economic status was measured by social class, family income, and
parental employment status. In some cases a significant link was found between economic
factors and young people’s mental/psychological well-being – for example, Meltzer et al (2000)
found higher rates of mental disorders amongst young people if both parents were unemployed.
In other cases no evidence of a link was found – for example Clarke et al (2000) found little
evidence of a link between poverty and well-being amongst 11- to 15-year-olds based on
measures of income and household assets. Research in other developed countries (Kerr,
2004) has also found a relatively weak link between income poverty and outcomes for children.
26
This is evidently a highly complex area and it is beyond the scope of this report to provide a
comprehensive review. However, our findings raise questions about the nature and strength of
the link between economic factors and young people’s well-being.
It should also be noted that there is an association between family breakdown and poverty –
half of all poor children live in lone-parent households (Bradshaw, 2002). So any patterns in
relation to well-being of young people according to family structure and economic factors are
likely to be inter-related.
The North-South divide
The North-South divide is a recurring subject of interest in the UK. Hence, we were interested
in exploring the evidence for such a divide amongst urban young people and have consideration
of this factor in the analysis presented in this report.
The findings suggest that there are not that many clear-cut differences between the well-being
of young people in the North and the South of England. However, some noteworthy differences
did emerge.
Young people in the North were more worried about bullying and about their personal safety in
their local area. They were also more likely to think that crime and anti-social behaviour were
growing problems in their local area. Nevertheless, they were more likely to feel that their area
cared about young people. On the other hand, young people in the North held more positive
views about immigration and ethnic diversity than young people in the South. If, as suggested
elsewhere in the report, there is a link between the ethnic constitution of an area and young
people’s attitudes, then demographic differences between urban areas in the North and the
South may explain this pattern.
Religion as a protective factor?
The report set out to explore the interaction between spirituality and well-being amongst urban
young people. Key findings from the analysis indicate that young people who identified as
having a religious affiliation, were regularly involved in prayer, and believed in eternal life
seemed to fair better than other young people on a number of different measures of well-being.
They were more likely to feel a sense of purpose (which has knock-on benefits as identified
above). They were also more likely to have an active and constructive relationship with their
community and their environment, and positive views towards ethnic diversity and immigration.
Additionally, young people with a religious affiliation tended to score higher on other measures
of well-being within the personal domain.
The significance of these factors was not diminished in the multivariate analysis presented
towards the end of Chapter 2. This analysis suggests that religious factors are independently
associated with a greater sense of purpose and hence with higher well-being across all four
domains, even when other factors such as age, sex, family structure, poverty and personality
are taken into account.
The findings presented in this report raises an important question about the extent to which a
spiritual dimension to young people’s lives might act as a protective factor which promotes wellbeing even when other aspects of the context are less positive.
The role of a ‘sense of purpose’
Overall the analysis presented in the report suggests an important central role for young
people’s ‘sense of purpose’. Having a sense of purpose was strongly associated with a number
of other, generally positive, tendencies as reviewed in Chapter 2.
These patterns suggest that having ‘a sense of purpose’ may be an important factor in young
people’s lives and this highlights the importance of understanding the underlying characteristics
and contexts which predispose young people to feel a sense of purpose.
27
Measuring the well-being of young people
The report also carries messages for the ongoing development of approaches to the
measurement of young people’s well-being.
The need to look beyond personal measures of well-being
First, the framework used in this report supports the Government’s approach, as evidenced in
the Every Child Matters agenda for taking a broad view of what might constitute well-being for
young people. The findings illustrate that it is important to go beyond measuring personal life
satisfaction. For example, whilst young people living in different types of areas had similar
levels of personal well-being, in other domains the research shows links between living in urban
areas and lower well-being. Thus, approaches to measuring young people’s well-being should
incorporate aspects of their interaction with other people (the communal dimension) and with
wider political and environmental concerns (the environmental dimension). The findings are
therefore broadly supportive of Government initiatives to promote citizenship, and the outcomes
framework for children which includes outcomes oriented towards communal as well as
personal well-being (e.g. ‘making a positive contribution’).
The need to incorporate a spiritual dimension
However, the report has also highlighted the relative neglect of the measurement of a spiritual
aspect of well-being in recent developments both in the UK and overseas. There is a case for
current approaches which view well-being in emotional, social and material terms to expand to
also incorporate a spiritual dimension. As we have noted above the independent significance of
religious affiliation and prayer in relation to sense of purpose and overall well-being suggests
that a strong spiritual dimension to young people’s lives might act as a protective factor,
promoting well-being and mitigating the impact of other factors such as poverty and family
change. There is a need for more research to explore these linkages.
Areas for further research and exploration
It is important to acknowledge that the survey on which this report was based was completed
more than five years ago. Whilst many of the patterns evident in the data are unlikely to have
changed during this period, there are issues such as immigration, ethnic diversity, family
change, crime and anti-social behaviour where substantial changes have taken place in policy
and in public perceptions since the millennium.
The report raises some important questions about measuring young people’s well-being and
about the role of spirituality in young people’s lives. We would suggest that a new attempt to
examine the relationships explored in this report would be warranted. There is a need to
regularly monitor the well-being of young people in urban and rural areas in order to further
develop our understanding of the factors which impact on this.
As Bradshaw has noted:
the UK has no systematic procedure for monitoring the well-being of children and there
is no survey which collects data regularly on what children think and feel. (Bradshaw,
2002)
We would suggest that systematic monitoring of young people’s well-being, incorporating a
spiritual dimension, could provide valuable information for policy makers in developing ways of
enhancing young people’s lives.
28
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31
Annex: Recommendations
On the basis of the findings presented in this report, the Commission on Urban Life and Faith,
supported by The Children’s Society, make the following recommendations:
1. The Government explores the potential for incorporating a spiritual dimension into the
outcomes framework which is currently being developed as part of the Every Child
Matters agenda, and into future policy and practice developments.
2. In the light of growing evidence about the significance of the spiritual health of young
people in relation to other aspects of their wellbeing, it is recommended that a similar
survey is carried out at ten-yearly intervals and for the surveys to include cohorts of
younger and older children
3. Sense of purpose is central to young people getting other things right in their life. There
are ways of helping young people to develop a sense of purpose and these approaches
need to have increased priority. Professionals working with young people need to be
alert to these approaches and encouraged to adopt them in their practice.
4. It is essential that anti-racist programmes are promoted in schools and youth clubs, in
line with the recommendations of the Macpherson Inquiry into the death of Stephen
Lawrence, as well as further research to explore the underlying anxieties that often
contribute to racist attitudes.
5. It is very important to listen to young people, from all backgrounds in shaping policies
and practice. Therefore, local authorities, police and other statutory bodies should hold
local forums or consultations with young people on a regular basis so that their views
can help shape the authorities’ strategic planning and to help inform an assessment of
what is working and not working in a local community.
6. This, and other research, confirms the impact that the quality of relationship between
parents has on the well-being of their children. If children are to flourish, parenting has
to be a life long commitment, even if the relationship between parents has broken down.
Faith communities and the Government must have the courage and imagination to
support this in their policies and practice. The evidence of a stable and enduring
relationship with a significant adult for young people is now beyond dispute and needs
to be taken into account at all levels of policy making.
7. The Government and youth agencies should give greater recognition to the significant
and distinctive contribution that faith communities make to the lives of children and
young people, especially in areas of multiple deprivation. Funding should be made
available for this work and to further this, the training that youth workers within faith
groups receive should be accredited by the appropriate agencies.
8. There needs to be greater recognition that repeated negative reporting about young
people, especially those in areas of multiple deprivation has a damaging impact. The
research suggests that 52% of young people in urban areas often feel depressed, and
27% have considered taking their own life. We call upon the Government to take a lead
in championing and valuing our young people and the positive contribution they make to
society.
32