Ashurbanipal's Headhunt: An Anthropological Perspective
Author(s): Dominik Bonatz
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Iraq, Vol. 66, Nineveh. Papers of the 49th Rencontre Assriologique Internationale, Part
One (2004), pp. 93-101
Published by: British Institute for the Study of Iraq
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4200564 .
Accessed: 04/11/2011 05:43
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
British Institute for the Study of Iraq is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Iraq.
http://www.jstor.org
93
ASHURBANIPAL'S HEADHUNT: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL
PERSPECTIVE
ByDOMINIK BONATZ
The severedhead is a topicthathas alwaysattracted
In Christian
popularattention.
art,for
and fearless
resistance
example,itwas an imageofmartyrdom
In contrast,
againstsuppression.'
forWestern
havebeenusedto conveyan imageoftheprimitive
popularaccountsofheadhunting
has long
audiencessincethenineteenth
century
(e.g. Panel 1992).In anthropology
headhunting
and evolutionary
models.Onlyrecently
havebeen
beendiscussedin termsofmaterialist
attempts
madetoplacethephenomenon
ina widerhistorical
andregional
context
ofheadhunting
(Hoskins
inthesearch
1987;idem1996b;George1991).Theheadhunter
hasbecomea professional
recruiter
tofillhigh-level
forexecutives
mostscholarswouldnotlooktourbansocieties
positions.
However,
whenresearching
thetopicof thepracticeof headhunting,
namelythetakingofa head.We still
of violenceand primitive
warfare
habitually
perceiveit as an expression
thatoccursin stateless
In opposition
to thatview,thisarticlewillfocuson an urbansociety
inwhicha headhunt
societies.
was, in at leastone case,carriedout in a strictanthropological
sense:thatis theheadhuntof
of the ElamitekingTe-Ummanand
Ashurbanipal,
describedin the annalsas the overthrow
on thereliefs
at Nineveh.
portrayed
The severedheads of enemieswerean indispensable
elementin Assyrianwarfare.In the
ofa battletheyweredisplayed
aftermath
as trophies
andcountedas themostprestigious
testimony
to thewarlikequalitiesof thevictorious
army.The takingand countingof headsare vividly
described
twicein theAssyrian
annalsand on thereliefs
themilitary
depicting
campainsof the
II inhiscaptureofthecityofDirrureports:
Assyrian
kings.Forexample,
Ashurnasirpal
"I felled
800 oftheircombattroopswiththesword(and) cutofftheirheads.... I builta pileoflivemen
and of heads beforetheirgate" (Grayson1991:A.O.101.1,ii 107-9). The countingof head
is frequently
on thewallslabsinthepalacesofTiglath-pileser
III (e.g.Barnett
trophies
represented
and Falkner1962:Pls. 37,49, 59), SargonII (Albenda1986:P1. 111),Sennacherib
(e.g. Barnett
et al. 1998:Pls. 173-7),and Ashurbanipal
et al. 1998:P1.213).
(e.g. Barnett
Sincetheaccumulation
ofheadswas themainaimofthedisplayofmilitary
power,thesingle
headnormally
an anonymous
remained
whohad beenbeheadedwas only
object.The individual
namedin rarecases withthefirstevidence,earlyin thesecondmillennium
BC, whenseveral
minor-ranking
Amorite
kingsweredecapitated
and theirheadswerepresented
to morepowerful
kings,suchas Zimri-Lim
or Shamshi-Adad
(Charpin1994:51-2). In Neo-Assyrian
times,the
earliestevidenceforindividually
namedheadsis givenby Esarhaddon(infra),butnowheredid
thesymbolic
connection
betweenthehead as humantrophyand imageof powerbecomemore
evidentthanin thereignofAshurbanipal.
Of all histriumphs,
theone bestdocumented
bothin
is thatin653BC overTe-Umman,
textsandreliefs
kingofElam,andoverDunanu,hisGambulean
ally.2Ourvisualsourcesforthiseventareslabs1-6 fromroomXXXIII oftheSouthwest
Palace
and slabs 5-9 fromroomI of theNorthPalace,bothat Nineveh.3
Theyare accompanied
by
written
on theslabs,andmentioned
epigraphs
ingreater
detailon tabletswithcaptionsforreliefs,
publishedby Weidnerin Archiv
far Orientforschung
8 (1932-3) as "Assyrische
Beschreibungen
derKriegsreliefs
Assurbanaplis".4
The tabletswereprobablywritten
whilethereliefs
werebeing
1 For instance,the head of Johnthe Baptistpresentedto
Salome, the decapitationof St Alban, David taking the
head of Goliath, and Judithbeheading Holofernes are
themesvividlyportrayedby book illustrators,
paintersand
sculptorsfrommedievalto modem times.
2 For thehistorical
backgroundofthisconflictsee Gerardi
1987: 138-57; Frame 1992: 121-5; Mayer 1995: 405.
3See Barnettet al. 1998: 94-100, Pls. 286-320 for the
slabs in roomXXXIII of theSouthwestPalace and theartIraq LXVI (2004) = RAI 49/1(2005)
critical
studyon thesereliefs
byKaelin1999.Fortheslabs
fromthe NorthPalace see Barnett1976:Pis. 25-6). A
comprehensive
ofbothversions
overview
oftheTe-UmmanDunanurelief
cycleintheSouthwest
PalaceandtheNorth
Palaceis givenbyReade 1979:96-109.Attempts
to reconstruct
therelief
cyclewiththehelpofthecaptionsarealso
madebyWafler
1975:288-9and Gerardi1987:138-44.
4In thispaperthecaptions
arecitedfollowing
Weidner's
numbering
from1 to 37.
94
DOMINIK BONATZ
on thewalls.5
as proposalsforcaptionslaterto be written
designed,
and can thusbe regarded
which
also
concernthe
texts
B
and
C,
reports
on
Prism
Furthermore
thereare theannalistic
campaign.6
Elamiteand Gambulean
event,namelythe
detailof thishistorical
Textsand reliefsbothpointout a veryparticular
severedhead of Te-Ummanwhichemergedas themostprecioustrophyfromthebattleand
Thestorystartswiththebattle
ceremonies.
prominently
in a seriesoftriumphal
thereafter
figured
Palace in Nineveh.
at theriverUlai, depictedon threeslabsin roomXXXIII of theSouthwest
- easilyrecognizable
deathofTe-Umman
andsubsequent
theflight
Slabs2 and 3 (Fig. 1) picture
and caption9 ofthe
on therelief
The epigraph
cap - and hisson,Tammaritu.
byhisfeathered
tabletsbothreport:
Tammaritu,
hiseldestson,tookhimby
battlewas wounded,
kingof Elam,whoin fierce
Te-Umman,
Withthehelpof
thehand,(and) to save (their)lives,theyfled.Theyhid in themidstof theforest.
etal. 1998:95;cf.
ofeachother.(Barnett
Ashurand Ishtar,I killedthem.TheirheadsI cutoffinfront
Weidner1932-3:9.24-8)
Ashurbanipal,who did not participatein thecampaignagainstElam, paradoxicallyput himself
in the positionof the headhunter.In othersocietiespractisingheadhunting,thiswould not be
unusual;oftenheadhuntersare paid withoutthoseemployingthemlosingprestige(e.g. Scarduelli
as an index
1990:457-61). For Ashurbanipal,moreover,thedecapitationof Te-Ummanfunctions
of the active role whichhe, as Assyrianking,had to play in a militarycampaign.The indexical
qualitiesof theseveredhead becomeevenmoreevidentwhenone considersthesequenceof events
in whichit was involvedthereafter.
First,the head of Te-Ummanwas taken away by a soldier
from
(Fig. 1). Afterthat,it appears twicein the upperregisterof slab 1 (Fig. 2). It is identified
among othersthatare piled up in a tentand thencarriedoffby an Assyriansoldierin an Elamite
on thereliefsays:
cart.The inscription
kingof Elam,whichin thethickbattlea commonsoldierinmyarmycutoff.To
Head ofTe-Umman,
et al. 1998:95)
(it) to Assyria.
(giveme)thegoodnewstheyhastily
dispatched
(Barnett
to a commonsoldier.With that,a
the role of the headhunteris transmitted
Here, interestingly,
clear statementwas made thatthe death of the Elamitekingwas in no way a heroicfate.
For the eventswhich followedwhen the head arrivedin Nineveh,we only have the textual
reliefswere
evidence.No reliefsof thisscenehave survived,and it may be thatthecorresponding
neverexecuted.The descriptiongivenin captions 10 and 11 of the tablets,however,elucidates
ritualemerges:
fromwhichthesymbolismof headhunting
one of themostambigousperformances
kingof Elam,whichbythepowerofAssur,Sin,Shamash,Bel,Nabu,Ishtar
The headofTe-Umman,
and
ofmyarmycutoffandbrought
quickly,
ofNineveh,
Nergal,thesoldiers
IshtarofArbela,Ninurta,
The
in front
RulerGrowOld" castdownbeforemychariot-wheels.
of thegate"May Assur'sPriestly
I cut thesinewsoffhis faceand I spaton it. (afterWeidner1932-3:10.29-34,
head of Te-Umman,
1927:402,No. 1099)
11.35-6;cf.Luckenbill
on thereliefs.Even without
It is veryhardto imaginehow thisscenewould have been represented
the visual evidence,however,we can understandhow the mutilationsubstantially
changed the
Elamite
it
was
that
a
the
king,
proof
person,
meaningof Te-Umman'shead. Untilthen,as trophy,
had been killed. From that momenton, however,it became the focus of ritual and political
attention.The storythen continuesin two directions.One is the processionfromNinevehvia
Arbela (Erbil) to Ashur,and the otheris the entryinto Nineveh.It is not clear how thesetwo
theseveredheadwas in reality
and logicalorderand whether
eventsfitintoone chronological
it was addedto at leastone
in
whether
two
or
an
as
attraction
ceremonies,
displayedseparately
In any case, the head musthave been prepared,forexamplesmoked,to be
of themsymbolically.
conservedforsubsequentintendeduses.
The processionto Arbela is describedin caption 34, in anothertabletK 2652: 45-5, and in
PrismtextsB and C as part of Ashurbanipal'seighthcampaignagainst the Gambuleans.The
entryinto Arbela is also depictedon the upperregistersof slabs 5-7 fromroom I in the North
5Weidner 1932-3: 175-6; Kaelin 1999: 40, n. 94. A
compilationof thetextswithproposalsforcaptionsis given
in Borger1996: 299-307.
transinbothtextsareidentical;
records
6The historical
1933:60-77;re-edited
inPiepkorn
andtranslation
literation
byBorger1996:97-108,224-6.
ASHURBANIPALS HEADHUNT
95
PalaceatNineveh
ofTe-Umman's
head,slab3,roomXXXIII,Southwest
Fig. 1. Thecapture
(Barnettet al. 1998: P1. 296).
Palace (Barnett 1976: P1. 25; Reade 1979: Pls. 21-2). The kingproceedsin his chariotfromleft
to right,surroundedby a triumphalprocessionand precededby an Elamitecartwhichdoubtless
heldTe-Umman'shead. The sceneis describedin caption34: "Withtheseveredhead ofTe-Umman,
the Elamiteking,whom Ishtar,mymistresshad handed over to myhands,I joyfullyenteredthe
cityof Arbela" (afterWeidner1932-3: 34.45-7; cf. Luckenbill1927: 395, No. 1043). Thereafter,
of the cityof Arbela,pouringa libationover the head of
the kingreappearson the battlements
Te-Umman(Fig. 4). The reliefis veryworn,but the followingdetailsmay stillbe recognizedon
96
DOMINIK
BONATZ
in a tentand takenawayto Nineveh,slab 1, room
head identified
Fig.2. Te-Umman's
XXXIII, SouthwestPalace at Nineveh(Barnettet al. 1998: P1. 288).
it: the attendantstandingbehind the king,the figureof Ashurbanipal,his bow, the streaming
table,and an attendantfacing
libation,the incenseburner,the head of Te-Umman,7the offering
the king.The descriptionof thisscene is givenon tabletK 2652: 44-5: "At thattimeI grabbed
in my hands thatbow, I set it up over the head of Te-Umman,kingof Elam" (afterLuckenbill
textin caption 14 can also be cited:"I cut offthe heads
1927: 360, No. 930). The corresponding
of myenemies(= Te-Ummanand his allies),I pouredout wineoverthem"(afterWeidner1932-3:
14.3; cf. Luckenbill1927: 397, No. 1056).
The analogythatemergesfromthissceneis veryclear.We recognizetherepetitionof the same
scene in the libationritualat the end of Ashurbanipal'slion hunt(Barnett 1976: P1. 57). Thus,
the public image of the triumphant
kingas headhunterand as lion huntermergedinto a single
figure- thatof Ashurbanipal(cf. Weissert1997: 349-50). However,thisis not the last stage in
the storyof Te-Umman'shead, in whichtheseveredhead servedas an indexforthecoherenceof
the royaltriumph.
PrismtextB (VI: 17-99, VII: 1) relatesthe detailsof the captureof Dunanu, the Gambulean
king,who was the ally of Te-Umman.During the processionto Arbela,Dunanu was kept alive.
He was executedonly upon the king'sreturnto Nineveh.On the way back to Ninevehhe was
forcedto carrythe head of Te-Ummanhangingroundhis neck,whilehis brotherSamgunushad
to carryanotherhead. This scene,near whichtheGambuleansare tortured,is depictedon slab 5
in room 33 (Fig. 3). A descriptionof thisis givenin PrismB (VI: 50-6):8
7In contrast to the drawing in V. Place's Ninive et
l'Assyrie,whichis reproducedhere as Fig. 4, the head of
Te-Umman does not appear on the drawing made by
W. Boutcherand publishedin Barnett1976: P1. 26. The
head, however,is clearlyvisibleon the photographplaced
nextto the drawingon P1. 26.
'Probably also in caption 25, but the textis veryfragmentary(see Weidner1932-3: 25.47-9).
ASHURBANIPAL
S HEADHUNT
-A
Fig. 3. Dunanu carryingthe head of Te-Umman,slab 5, room XXXIII, SouthwestPalace
et al. 1998:Pl. 304).
at Nineveh(Barnett
97
98
DOMINIK
A~~~~~~
-,
K,
BONATZ
<
L~1
ir.
F.
_'-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~m
Fig. 4. Ashurbanipalpouringa libationoverthehead of Te-Umman,slab 9, room I, North
Palaceat Nineveh(Place 1867:PI. 41).
The head of Te-Umman,the Elamiteking,I hungon the neck of Dunanu. ... Withbooty fromElam
prspctiv,
tw
man which
qustins
Tefrtcnen
h ntr Ashur,
rs.
fAhraia'
fromGambulu,
I had conquered
withthe help of the
and accompanied
booty
god
by singersand music,I enteredjoyfullyinto Nineveh.(afterPiepkorn1933: 73; cf. Borger1996: B ?36,
VI: 50-6)
logial
and
In this case, the head hanginground Dunanu's neck was the most effective
visual sign of the
humiliationof the defeatedkingshortof executionin Nineveh.
Ashurbanipal's triumphalentryinto Nineveh ensued, and there he displayed the head of
Te-Ummanand pouredwine over it (captions 13-14):
I Ashurbanipal,kingof Assyria,displayedpubliclythe head of Te-Umman,kingof Elam, in frontof
the gate insidethe city,wherefromold it had been said by the oracle: the head of yourenemiesyou
shall cut off,you should pour wineover them.(afterWeidner1932-3: 14.47-50, 1; cf. Luckenbill1927:
396, No. 1047)
Thus, Ashurbanipalset his actions withina traditionthat, accordingto his own words, had
always existed.
In a finalscene, for which we have no textualevidence,Ashurbanipaldisplaysthe head of
Te-Ummanonce again, now in a more privatesphere.This is the famous"garden scene" from
Room S' of the North Palace (Barnett 1976: PI. 65). Ashurbanipalreclinesopposite his seated
wife,witha laden table betweenthem.His eyes focuson the head of Te-Ummanwhichhangs in
a tree.' This shows that the royal repastis also consecratedto the triumphover an enemy.We
thatAshurbanipal
maynoticehow thehead of Te-Ummanhad becomea lastingtrophysignifying
had activelyand permanently
gainedcontrolover his enemies.
WhenviewingAshurbanipal'sbehaviourwiththeseveredhead ofTe-Ummanfroman anthropo9'Note Abraham Winitzer's paper "Assurbanipal's was anotherrebelbeheaded by orderof Ashurbanipal(see
'Garden Scene"' at RAI 49, which offereda different also infra,n. 13).
interpretation
of thehead as thatof Nabu-bel-shumati
who
ASHURBANIPALS HEADHUNT
99
headjust a trophyof combatand proofthattheElamiteking
Was Te-Umman's
headhunting.
thelatterwas
Certainly,
beyondthissinglemeaning?
had beenkilledor did it holdsignificance
thecase.
is definedas an organized,coherentformof
headhunting
anthropology,
In contemporary
is
and theact ofhead-taking
ritualmeaning
violenceinwhichtheseveredheadis givena specific
we
in someform(Hoskins1996:2). Followingthisdefinition,
and commemorated
consecrated
ritualin thestrictanthrohad indeedcarriedout a headhunting
mustadmitthatAshurbanipal
Assyrian
different
fromthatof thecustomary
was essentially
pologicalsense.Its significance
purposes.Te-Umman's
offtheheadsof enemiesfor"statistical"
practicein warfareof cutting
was thefocusof ritualattention,
and,evenif we do not knowwhatfinally
head,in contrast,
in bothtextualand
werealso commemorated
happenedto thehead,itstakingand consecration
thefactorsthatmadethe
visualform.Thus,thesecondquestionwhicharisesis thatregarding
heada potentritualact.
takingofTe-Umman's
theseveredhead
headhunting,
practising
factoris political.As inmanyothersocieties
The first
event- in
an important
historical
as a politicalsymbolwhichhelpsto commemorate
emerges
controloverthepast.'0
ideological
thiscase thedefeatofElam and to maintain
military
waragainstElamwas,likeotherAssyrian
Ashurbanipal's
is religion.
The secondfactor
and decapitating
thekingof Elamwho,
as a divinemission."Bydefeating
regarded
campaigns,
"did nothonorthegods" and ana A??ur
la musaqirilaini,
royalrhetoric:
accordingto Assyrian
sarilini... ihtu,"sinnedagainstAshurthekingofthegods"(PrismB V: 35,41-2), Ashurbanipal
that"The head of
fulfils
the divinecommandof Ishtarof Arbela.In PrismB he confirms
kingofElam,at thecommandofAshurand Marduk,thegreatgodsmylords,I cut
Te-Umman,
was laterable to
Ashurbanipal
offbeforehisassembledtroops"(PrismB VI: 1-3). As a result,
headin inscriptions
dedicatedto thegod Nabuf:"To Nabfu,
celebrate
thetakingofTe-Umman's
kingof
theexaltedlord,who livesin Ninevehin the E-zida,mylord:(I am) Ashurbanipal,
ordercut offin battlethe head of
Assyria,... who as a resultof his dutyand his weighty
kingof Elam" (afterLuckenbill1927:383,No. 992). Thisshowsthattheheadwas
Te-Umman,
not onlya constantobjectof visualpropaganda,but thatit had also becomea consecrated
ofheadhunting
withthegods.Hereagain,wetouchonthephenomenon
ofcommunication
medium
pointofview.
froma veryanthropological
set theritualof headhunting
As alreadystated,Ashurbanipal
The thirdfactoris tradition.
youshallcutoff,you
enemies
"the
head
of
your
oracle:
citing
the
tradition
by
withinan age-old
followan existing
Ashurbanipal
wine
however,
did
is,
over
The
question
them".
shouldpour
I
was
the
case.We know
he
the
assume
that
the
latter
or
himself
invented
tradition?
tradition had
the
of
kingof Sidon,
Abdi-milkuti,
had
cut
off
heads
Esarhaddon,
father,
thatAshurbanipal's
of
that
he
the
of
kingsaround
both
Kundu.
Esarhaddon
heads
hung
and Sanduarri,
says
king
"in orderto displayto thepeoplethemightof mylordAshur"
thenecksof theirhighofficials
(Borger1956:50,A, III 20-38). However,forotherparallelswe haveto go backto a prophecy
hisvictory
overan enemywiththewords:"one willcutoff
of thetimeof Zimri-Lim
affirming
theheadofIshme-Dagan
and willplaceit at thefeetofmylord"(ARM X 4: 25-7; see Charpin
notonlytook
Ashurbanipal
to theserareexamplesof a royalheadhunt,
1994:52). In contrast
he also decapitatedking
the head of Te-Ummanbut later,withthe help of Tammaritu,
who had been installedby himon thethroneof Elam (PrismB VII: 30-5).12
Ummanigash,
whohad incited
of Merodach-Baladan,
grandson
thecorpseofNabu'-bel-shumati,
Furthermore,
1In thecase ofsoutheast
for
Asianheadhunting
rituals,
example,
Rosaldo(1980)hasshownhowheadhunting
works
as a centralmoving
forcein theshapingofhistorical
conHoskins( 1987),moreover,
sciousness.
arguesthat"history"
has becomea newgenreofauthoritative
discourse
at local
andnationallevelinIndonesiabyturning
headhunters
into
inthenational
totheDutchcolonial
heroic
figures
resistance
order.According
to Hoskins'approach,headhunting
is
neither
appliedcosmology
nora formative
episodein the
of socialorder.It is theproving
reproduction
groundfor
heroicfigures
crucialto ideological
control
overthepast.
" Forthereligious
oftheAssyrian
background
warssee
Oded 1992:121-35.
"2Borger 1996: 229. Afterhavingbeen bribedby
Shamash-shum-ukin,
senthistroopsagainst
Ummanigash
Ashurbanipal.
He was nevertheless
defeatedby Ashurbanipal'sallyTammaritu.
Captionsforreliefs
reportthe
of Ummanigash
hishead
decapitation
and thatafterwards
was brought
to the?utregiin Madaktuto givehimgood
news(Kaelin 1999:95; Borger1996:307-19,Nos. 51-83).
DuringAshurbanipal's
fifth
campaign,the head of the
governor
of Armenia
was cutoffand brought
to Niniveh
(B IV: 9-16; Piepkorn
1933:56-7).
DOMINIK BONATZ
100
whocutoffhishead
of Ashurbanipal
was brought
intothepresence
anotherElamiterebellion,
of thewaragainst
"in orderto increasehis death"(PrismA VII: 46-7).13The circumstances
withthe"Bruderkrieg"
againstShamash-shumbecausetheconnection
Elam wereexceptional
charged(Mayer1995:403-8). The takingof
emotionally
ukinin Babyloniamadetheconflict
havehappened
moreorlessaccidentally
nothavebeenplannedandmight
Te-Umman's
headmight
king
in thecourseof thebattle.Thatit was notcommonpracticeto taketheheadof a foreign
"Does one
questionaddressedto Ashurbanipal
rhetorical
was laterconfirmed
by Tammaritu's
andbeforehisassembled
cutofftheheadof thekingofElamin themidstofhiscountry
[really]
case,Ashurbanipal
troops"(Streck1916:34-5,IV: 16-17). But,sinceitwas suchan exceptional
whichassuredthe severedhead a fixedplace in the royal
was forcedto createa tradition
symbolic
system.
sucha tradition
couldhavebeenmany.One,forexample,could
The methodsforinventing
betweenthe royallion huntritualand thatof thehumantrophy.
have been the parallelism
forAshurbanipal
whotookpridein beinghighly
interest
Another
wouldhavebeenofparticular
tabletoftheGilgamesh
to a toposwellknownfromthefifth
literate
andcouldhavebeenreferring
return
withit to
of theseveredhead overa longdistance,thetriumphal
epic. The transport
to
returned
to thegodsrecalltheepic storyin whichGilgamesh
Ninevehand itsconsecration
Like Ashurbanipal,
Nippurwiththehead of Humbabaand bootyfromthecedarmountain.14
thehead
to hisgodsin Nineveh,
consecrated
Gilgamesh
whoconsecrated
theheadofTe-Umman
of theseveredheadmusthavemadeit quite
of Humbabato Enlilin Nippur.The connotations
audienceto associatetheimageof victorious
kingwiththatof theheroic
easyfortheAssyrian
Te-Umman's
theritualinvolving
intheGilgamesh
therefore,
epic.ForAshurbanipal,
demon-slayer
butalso to assume
fromepichistory,
borrowed
head helpedhimnotonlyto asserta tradition
ofthedivinewill.
and maintainer
theroleofkeeperoftradition
oftheseveredhead,thatof
I wouldliketo emphasise
thattheindividualisation
In conclusion,
wasa newconceptin boththevisualand in thefigurative
languageofroyaltriumph
Te-Umman,
in thestrictanthropological
It becamea headhunt
developedduringthereignof Ashurbanipal.
senseonlyafterthehead had beentaken(perhapsby chance),butit was thengivena specific
as suchwas a well-established
thattheritualof headhunting
ritualmeaningwhichsuggested
in whichan urbansociety
startsto
themoment
In Ashurbanipal's
we can identify
reign,
practice.
Thisseemsto be themostintriguing
in itsownculturalsystem.
embedtheritualofheadhunting
perspective.
pointfroman anthropological
Bibliography
Paris.
Albenda,P., 1986:ThePalaceofSargon,KingofAssyria.
(668-627BC). London.
at Nineveh
fromtheNorthPalaceofAshurbanipal
Bamett,R. D., 1976:Sculptures
Bamett, R. D., E. Bleibtreu,G. Turner, 1998: Sculpturesfrom the SouthwestPalace of Sennacheribat
Nineveh.London.
III. London.
Barnett,R. D., M. Falkner,1962: The Sculpturesof Tiglath-pileser
Beiheft9.
Orientforschung,
Asarhaddons,KonigsvonAssyrien.ArchivfOir
Borger,R., 1956: Die Inschriften
A, B, C = K, D, E, F, G,
Die Prismenklassen
Assurbanipals.
zumInschriftenwerk
Borger,R., 1996:Beitrage
Wiesbaden.
H, J undT sowieandereInschriften.
N.A.B.U. 1994/No.3:51-2.
mysterieuse.
Charpin,D., 1994:Unedecollation
Frame,G., 1992: Babylonia689-627 Bc. A PoliticalHistory.Istanbul.
London(paperbackedition).
George,A., 2000:TheEpicofGilgamesh.
ofAsianStudies50/3:
and Exchangein UplandSulawesi.Journal
History
George,K., 1991:Headhunting,
536-64.
Ann
and PoliticalStudy.(Dissertation),
A Literary
ElamiteCampaigns:
Gerardi,P., 1987:Assurbanipal's
Arbor.
BC, I (1114-859 BC). The Royal
Rulersof theEarlyFirstMillennium
Grayson,A. K., 1991:Assyrian
Periods2. Toronto/Buffalo/London.
Assyrian
ofMesopotamia,
Inscriptions
inNationalHistory,
andtheirReinterpretation
as Hero:LocalTraditions
Hoskins,J.,1987:TheHeadhunter
14/4:605-22.
American
Ethnologist
...
raft,theylaid[thecedaron it.]Enkiduwas helmsman
Streck1916:62-3; Borger1996:59-60,A ?62.
" "'To thehouseofEnliltheEuphrates
theheadof Humbaba."(George
[carried]
shallbearit[the and Gilgamesh
doormadeofcedar],letthefolkofNippurrejoiceoverit! 2000:47, IM 29,V 300).
a
in it!' ... Theyboundtogether
Let thegod Enlildelight
13See
ASHURBANIPALS HEADHUNT
101
as Practiceand Trope,in: Hoskins1996b:1-49.
Headhunting
Hoskins,J.,1996a:Introduction:
and theSocial Imaginationin SoutheastAsia. Stanford,California.
Hoskins,J. (ed.), 1996b: Headhunting,
der
Vorbild.Zur PlanungundAusfuhrung
nach agyptischem
Kaelin, O., 1999: Ein assyrischesBildexperiment
266,Miinster.
"Schlacht
am Ulai".AlterOrientundAltesTestament
Luckenbill,D. D., 1927: AncientRecordsof Assyriaand Babylonia,II. HistoricalRecordsof Assyriafrom
Sargon to theEnd. Chicago.
der Assyrer.Miinster.
Mayer,W., 1995: PolitikundKriegskunst
Wiesbaden.
for Warin AssyrianRoyal Inscriptions.
Oded, B., 1992: War,Peace and Empire.Justifications
andtheOtherinthe
Appropriation
ofHeadhunting,
to OtherWorlds:Narratives
Panel,S., 1992:Travelling
Oceania62: 162-178.
EasternArchipelago.
Vol.III, planches.Paris.
Place,V., 1867:Niniveet l'Assyrie.
Piepkorn, A. C., 1933: Historical Prism Inscriptionsof Ashurbanipal,I. Editions E, B1-5, D, and K.
Studies5, Chicago.
Assyriological
10: 52-1 10.
Mitteilungen
in Assyrian
Baghdader
Sculpture.
Composition
Reade,J.E., 1979:Narrative
1883-1974. Stanford.
Rosaldo, R., 1980: IlongotHeadhunting
tot
of Food: Imagesof Powerin Nias. Bijdragen
of Heads,Distribution
P., 1990:Accumulation
Scarduelli,
146: 448-462.
de Tal-,Land- en Volkenkunde
Streck,M., 1916: Assurbanipalund die letztenassyrischenKonige bis zum UntergangNinivehs,II: Texte.
Leipzig.
Bibliothek,
Vorderasiatische
Darstellungen.Alter Orient und Altes Testament 26,
neuassyrischer
Wafler,M., 1975: Nicht-Assyrer
Neukirchen-Vluyn.
Orientforschung
Archivfiur
Assurbanaplis.
derKriegs-Reliefs
Beschreibungen
E., 1932-3:Assyrische
Weidner,
8: 175-203.
in:
(82-5-22,2),
of Ashurbanipal
in a PrismFragment
E., 1997:RoyalHuntand RoyalTriumph
Weissert,
S. Parpola/R.M.
Whiting
(eds.),Assyria1995,Helsinki:339-58.