A Socio-political Pressure Group : A Study of the Moro Movement of
Guadalcanal
Tarcisius K. Tara
INTRODUCTION
Solomon Islands attained its Independence from Great Britain on July 7th 1978. Many of those
who celebrated, did not acknowledge the important contributions that many socio-political
movements contributed for independence.
Solomon Islanders, before independence, showed their dissatisfaction with the British Colonial
administration in a number of ways. Political pressure groups, such as the Maasina Rule
movement (Marching Rule movement) and the Moro Movement emerged, but outside scholars
described them as “ cargo cults “. They are thought of as psychological fantasies and irrational
phenomena which promise material cargo or wealth. Because of this, their positive contribution
towards the development of Solomon Islands’ politics, especially the emergency of an
independent Solomon Islands was not recognized.
Although the presence of cargo cult characteristics in Ma’asina and Moro Movements cannot be
denied, they were not their core aims. The movement structures have reasons for their
formations.
In this paper, I consider that the basis of the Moro Movement is socio-political. This view is
certainly contrary to those labeling it a ‘’cargo cult” movement
The term ”socio-political” in my context refers to a movement which has organized its followers
to gain political status and recognition in a changing environment where people suddenly find
themselves without power and status.
Moro Movement is not an irrational ”cargo” movement or a ”millenarian” movement.
Cochrane described the Moro Movement as having many similarities with conventional cargo
cults without giving any evidence to justify his stance. Millenarian movements are movements
which expect and prepare for a period of supernatural bliss.1 There is no evidence to justify such
an expectation as the main objective of the Moro Movements. Davenport and Coker who, to
date, have written the most extensive report of the Moro Movement, made their shortcomings
apparent when they labeled it as having an expression of cultural readaptation or reintegration.2
Although the Moro Movement starts at a time of changing society with the use of steel
technology, this does not justify the description of it as an expression of cultural re-adaptation
or reintegration because the movement has in itself more than this assumption. Neither is the
Moro Movement an entirely socio-cultural movement, though elements of socio-cultural
responses to the changing environment may be present.
The leader of the movement acquired his status through his knowledge of Guadalcanal history ,
the creation myth , and the hope he gives to the people for a better standard of the life through
political, and co-operative economic evolution. He understands the social changes that took
place, and so tries to organize the movement, taking into account the changing environment of
the time.
This paper is based on the research I did on the Moro Movement on Weather coast of
Guadalcanal at the beginning of 1988. I spent two weeks at Makaruka village, the movements
headquarters. Each day I visited Komuvaolu, the village of Pelise Moro (founder of Movement),
which is about a mile from Makaruka. Interviews and discussions were held with Moro and
other enthusiastic supporters of his movement. Some of these interviews are on tapes which
are on tapes which I have in my procession.
A one day visit was made to Nagho Village where a number of supporters were also interviewed.
A three day visit was made to the Solomon Islands National Archives in Honiara.
BACKGROUND
The group of islands now known as Solomon Islands was an archipelago unknown to Europeans
until about four hundred years ago when the Spanish Navigator, Alvaro de Mendana discovered
the group in 1568. He named the group, “Solomon Islands” because he thought that he had
found King Solomon’s long lost source of gold.
Solomon Islands consists of a double chain of six large islands, many small ones, located
between 5 and 12 degrees south latitude, and 155 and 170 degrees east longitude. The islands
are Guadalcanal, Choiseul, Santa Isabel, Malaita, New Georgia, and Makira (San Cristabal).
Guadalcanal, 150km long by 48 km wide extending from east to west, is the largest island. It also
has the group’s highest mountain, Mt. Makarakomburu, which rises to a height of 2447m.
After Mendana’s discovery, European trips to Solomon Islands were minimal, and those made
were usually very brief. It was not until 1849, when whaling ships began frequent visits to the
group that Europeans began to have an impact on Solomon Islands. The whaling ships were
followed by an inflow of blackbirders, labour recruiters, and missionaries.
The relationship between indigenous Solomon Islanders and Europeans was that of ‘masterboy” relationship. The indigenous people were treated harshly by blackbirders and recruiters
who took them in sugarcane plantations Fiji and Queensland .They retaliated to this harsh
treatment by killing some of the blackbirders, recruiters, and at times missionaries. 3
By 1850 onwards, missionaries and other European traders were beginning to grow in numbers.
There was a growing labour traffic. There was also a growing desire by the British to protect
British and other European missionaries who began to carry out evangelical missions throughout
the country. Britain eventually declared Solomon Islands a British Protectorate in 1893, and by
1896, the islands were beginning to feel the might of the British colonial power when Mr. C.M.
Woodford was appointed the first Resident Commissioner of the protectorate.
With the declaration of the Protectorate, Britain began to impose its laws on Solomon Islanders.
For example, in 1920 the Native Tax regulation was passed, imposing head tax on every ablebodied male Solomon Islander. In 1924, the Protectorate was divided into eight districts, each
with a District officer. The District officer, whose powers were laid down in Native
Administration Ordinance of 1922, was the one who had the power to act as a one man
government …… he fined village communities that do not work satisfactorily on Government communal
projects such as roads; he rationed those whom he exercised power over like the ‘big man’ had
rationed youths who came to stay with him; he taxed every able bodied man in the community
(similar to traditional payment to the ‘bigman’); he was the magistrate and he fined theft, and
resolved land disputes.4
Although the District Officer was frequently friendly towards Solomon Islanders, he treated
them as interior because he did not want to identify himself with them.
The colonial administration under the District Officer was not accepted by many Solomon
Islanders. This often led to uprisings which were usually followed by punitive expeditions led by
District officers. Solomon Islanders resisted the District Officer’s wish to impose stronger
measures of control over them. Examples of such resistance occurred in 1927 on Guadalcanal
and Malaita. On Guadalcanal, February 1927, three members of the armed constabulary and a
boy were murdered as the result of a three pound fine on Billy Viti whose three wives
constituted adultery under the Adultery Regulations of 1924. The second murder place on
Malaita , 4th October the same year when District officer W.R. Bell, a cadet, a clerk and twelve
Solomon Islanders were killed as a result of the natives’ refusal to pay tax and to surrender
arms. Such resistance by the local people were usually responded to with punitive expeditions
which destroyed villages killing many of the local people by the British government. The nature
of the British colonial administration was that of the subjugation of Solomon Islanders. As
Cochrane put it,
…..emphasis was on evolution, once objectionable customs had been eradicated, with
conformism to European standards for those who chose civilization. Britain’s role in the
Solomons simply to keep the peace and help create the right conditions for commercial
expansion .5
As such any forms of resistance were suppressed, especially those that were seen to have a
political nature.
World War 2 created a new era in the history of Solomon Islands. Following the American
mariners’ landing on the Red Beach on August 1942, the name ‘Guadalcanal’ caught newspaper
s headlines worldwide. Guadalcanal was the scene of bitter fightings which the American and
their allies barely won.
For Solomon Islanders, “the war was a time of unprecedented excitement, of wonderment, and
of unparalleled prosperity.”6 The Americans came in as a much superior, richer and powerful
nation. Many British colonial administrators withdrew from Solomon Islands or went into hiding,
so that the influence of the colonial administration was weak for the duration of the war. This to
Solomon Islanders was a cowardly action by the British, and there was a desire for powerful
Americans to be their masters.
For Guadalcanal, the war resulted in the establishment of a massive military complex on the
northern coast of the island, around Henderson and other airfields. Here thousands of Solomon
Islanders were employed. They were astounded at the massive supplies of military stores and
cargo that the Americans brought .They had never seen such extensive supplies before and this
shattered their previous conceptions of the European world.
At the end of the war, the Americans withdrew, leaving behind cast-off junks, military stores,
and a legacy of political change to Solomon Islanders, many of whom had returned to their prewar occupations. In local eyes, the British had lost face. They lacked the material wealth the
Americans possessed and equal treatment shown towards Solomon Islanders. There were Black
Americans and Fiji soldiers who, to Solomon Islanders, enjoyed equal privilege as the whites.
After the war Solomon Islanders again found themselves under British colonial rule. Now,
however, they would no longer tolerate colonial suppression. This triggered a desire for a move
towards self-government.
It was against the historical background of colonial suppression, of the effects of the war, the reevaluation by Solomon Islanders of their inferior status under the Protectorate, and of post-war
restiveness, which led to the formation of socio-political movements such as the Maasina Rule
movement of Malaita, and the Moro Movement of Guadalcanal. This is not to suggest that the
movements should be depicted primarily as a reaction to mighty American presence during the
war. Rather they have their roots in the World War II political pressure groups in Solomon
Islands.”7
The Maasina Rule Movement which preceded the Moro Movement and was very active in many
of the islands from 1944 to 1952 can be seen as an important agent in effecting the formation of
Moro Movement.
The Moro Movement was formed immediately after the decline of the Maasine Rule Movement
as a political pressure group in Solomon Islands. In 1954, the Marau Hauba Council was formed
on the east Guadalcanal to resist the formation of a Guadalcanal Council by the Colonial
administration. The Marau Hauba Council was disbanded, and from it emerged the Moro
Movement .Certain characteristics of the Ma’asina Rule were later found in the Moro
Movement. Positions such ” duties “and “clerks” are found in both movements. Both
emphasized payment of taxes or contributions from members; the establishment of large
villages, planned social services such as schools and farms; a recognition of native “customs”;
and for customs to be codified and written down. Both have some forms of expectation for
cargo or material wealth, especially as a predecessor to political pressure groups. In summary
Davenport and Coker put it that,
Marching Rule combined sophisticated element s of revolutions, insurrection, and elemental
statecraft along with completely unrealistic expectations of receiving ‘cargo’ and wealth as gifts,
as well as deliverance from dependency status. While it sought to establish a new social and
political regime with many organizational innovations consciously derived from European
society, at the same time there were vigorous attempts to repudiate European ways by a return
to Melanesian”custom”.8
The term “custom” is used in this context to refer to the culture and the overall social
organization of the society and the people’s way of life.
Maasina Rule started on Malaita and later spread to Santa Isabel, Guadalcanal, and to San
Cristabal (Makira) and the other smaller islands to the east. Its ideas did not find many
supporters in the Western islands of Choiseul, Vella La Vella, and the New Georgia groups. At
the height of its influence, Solomon Islanders from many islands supported the Maasina Rule
wholeheartedly and with wild enthusiasm. They saw it as a way of getting out of British
subjugation and be able to rule themselves. Maasina Rule offered to them an alternative from
the colonial administration.
On Guadalcanal, Maasina Rule ideas were passionately accepted, in the first place, by the
people of Marau Sound. The Marau people, who speak the AreAre language, are recent
emigrants from the AreAre district s of Malaita. They live on the cluster of islands and adjacent
villages on the main land, at the eastern tip of Guadalcanal.
The island of Guadalcanal is divided into two parts, known to the locals as the Tasi Mate and Tasi
Mauri areas. Tasi Mate which literally means “dead sea” refers to the northern side of the
island because of the calm seas in the area. Along this northern coast lie the plains where the
battle for Guadalcanal raged and the major military installations were established. Tasi Mauri,
literally meaning “life sea” (“active sea”) is the area along the southern coast known for its very
rough seas. Here the mountains drop steeply to the coast which is relentlessly pounded by
heavy seas. Steep valleys harbor innumerable streams and rivers which become raging torrents
after each frequent down pour. During heavy seas, boat transport is virtually impossible, and
travel by land is very difficult. This southern coast is known, appropriately as the “Weather
Coast”.
Until the late 1950’s the Weather Coast was a much neglected area. Colonial administrators did
not initiate development projects, but concentrated on the plains of the northern side,
Tasimate. The people’s feeling of being neglected, was being expressed even as late as 1965,
when acting High Commissioner visited the Roman Catholic Mission station of Avuavu. Their list
of grievances included lack of education facilities, the government’s failure to provide a way for
the people to earn money, and to preserve traditional customs, and the ineffectiveness of the
local Government Council.
It was the missionaries who influenced the area a great deal. Missions from several
denominations were set up. The most active was the Roman Catholic with a strong mission
station at Avuavu established in 1913. The Marist Priests first came to Avuavu in October 1899.
They stayed for a brief time but later returned in 1904, when Joseph Chatelet intervened to save
a party of Queensland returnees from being robbed by Gona, the former owner of the mission
Land.
Fr. Jean Coicaud was among the first to start the Avuavu Mission in 1902. He was joined by Fr.
Jean Boudard who remained at Avuavu from 1907 to 1942. In 1942, appalled at the rampant
infanticide, he (Fr. Jean Coicaud) and Fr. Emeli Babonneau founded a crèche at Avuavu and
announced their willingness to buy children for pipes and tobacco.
The first classes started in 1909 under Fr. Jean Boubard. It was from these children that some of
Tasi Mauri’s important catechists and leaders would later emerge. Among them was Dominic
Alebua of Talise, who now settles at Haimatua, and Petero Cheni of Alu Alu. These two were
among the first students at the Roman Catholic catechist school at Gausava, Tangarare. Gausava
was opened in May 1928 and was directed by Fr. Rinaldo Joseph Pavese. The first class
graduated in 1930. Dominic, Alebua and Petero Cheni were catechists who later became
“bigmen” in their respective areas. They became Headmen for the Colonial administration and
were very influential in their respective areas. Thus when the Moro Movement started, the Avu
Avu and Alu Alu areas became staunchly anti-Moro Movement.
From Marau Sound, Maasina Rule spread along the Weather Coast where its sentiments burned
even after the movement was suppressed. When the Malaita Native Council was formed, the
Marau people wanted to be included. As a result of their allegiances to the Maasina Rule
Movement, the Marau people, in 1953 resisted the formation of a Guadalcanal Council. They
were supported by Maasina Rule supporters in villages along the Weathercoast about 20 miles
to the west in the Veuru Moli sub-district (with leaders like Labina and Ludovic Lui from Longu,
and Talise sub-districts).
Eventually, a formal request was made jointly by the Marau and Veuru Moli peoples to the
protectorate officials in April 1954 to form an independent council to be called Marau – Hauba
Council. The lack of a good leader, poor administration, poor management, and the differences
between the Marau people and those from the rest of Guadalcanal led to the downfall of the
Marau – Hauba Council. It was officially disbanded on February 1st 1958.
Here is the fall of a second attempt by Solomon Islanders to form an independent political
group. The failure of political pressure groups to effectively organize themselves, first the
Maasina Rule Movement, and later the Marau – Habau Council, became evident. While Maasina
Rule movements covered many parts of Solomon Islands, the Marau – Habau Council covered
only a part of Guadalcanal.
On Guadalcanal, around 1956 when the Marau – Habau Council was destabilizing a ‘back to
Custom’ rage was noted centering on the villages of the Suta area, which is far in the interior
and on the northern side of the mountains.
It was within this context of colonial subjugation, the neglect felt on the south east coast, at
Makaruka village and Veuru Moli, that a self styled “bigman” named Pelise Moro emerged.
Being a crude politician, Moro adopted that ideology of “Back to Custom”, for his own political
purposes. He preached that people must return to their customs, and to a new way to be
independent from the British Colonial administration. His was another movement showing
dissatisfaction in the colonial administration in a relatively depressed area. A myth of origin
which was familiar to most of the islanders was used as his foundation story. By 1957, Moro’s
ideas and influences were spreading rapidly westward along the coast, up the valleys and over
the mountains and down through the interior villages along the northern drainage. This assisted
in the rapid disintegration of the Marau – Habau solidarity which was quickly replaced by the
Guadalcanal Council hence the return to strong Colonial influence.
Moro and His Vision
As a child, in the early 1970’s I occasionally saw Moro call in at Haimatua my village to say
“hello” to my grandfather, his bitter rival although they are both of the Qaravu clan. Haimatua is
near the Roman Catholic Mission at Avuavu. My grandfather, Dominic Alebua, was the colonial
administrative headman, and a very dedicated Roman Catholic catechist, who graduated from
Gausava. Moro, on the other hand, was the political leader of a group which was opposed to the
colonial administration, and preached in favour of the return to custom which the church
opposed. Both men were very influential. As two locals of the area, whenever they met, they
forgot their differences, but discussed more of what they had in common. They joked and
laughed freely, making me see little of what I heard of Moro in his absence. In his absence, I was
usually warned against Moro; he was said to be against the church, and the government, was
backward, practiced “customs”, and was a liar. His belief of a ‘church’ which emphasized the
importance of traditional culture and way of life, made him look inferior to a modern Western
educated person.
In his presence however, I feel that Moro is a kind man, affable, more outgoing, relaxed and a
good supplier of betel nuts. Moro is a charismatic leader who exerts a magnetic power over his
admirers. His leadership was not persuasive, but attracted his followers. Like other bigmen,
Moro gained his position and prestige.
Moro, now about sixty-six to seventy years old, is a man who has nothing about him to indicate
his exalted position among his followers. Even in the 1969’s Davenport and Coker spoke of him
”…..there is nothing singular about his personal appearance and demeanour”.
At the beginning of 1988, I saw Moro at his village like any other village men doing his ordinary
duties. He returned from his garden at about 3.00pm wearing a Kabilato10 around his waist. He
said he was just like any other village men. However, his words were spoken with deliberation
and confidence.
Beyond being simple, Moro is a man of ideas and innovations. He was and still is a charismatic
politician who captured the admiration of Guadalcanal people, the attention of the British
Colonial administration, and the country as a whole. In a large gathering, Moro is regarded by
those about him as someone who may not be larger than life, but at least someone who knows
more about the world around him and is somewhat greater than the ordinary man.
Moro was born in Makaruka village but much of his childhood was spent with his mother’s
brother who lived in a hamlet of the Suhu area, east of Makaruka, about one and half an hour’s
walkaway. According to Dominic Alebua, Moro’s descendants come from Nabua village, in the
inland Areata area, in the Talise subdistrict. Moro is the descendant of a woman who was taken
to Makaruka as a “Checka” (slave). After his mother’s brother died, Moro inherited his lands and
continued to reside where his uncle had lived. This is normal, since the land belongs to Moro’s
maternal relatives, demonstrating Guadalcanal as a matrilineal society. Moro was very attached
to his mother’s family. Moro’s father, Tavoruka, was a “Bigman” in Makaruka who held
hereditary ritual powers to calm stormy seas, make torrential rains abate, and promote the
fertility of yams and taros. Moro learned the three skills and inherited them when his father
died in 1961. Moro baptized a Roman Catholic by Fr. Jean Boudard, did not attend a mission
school, and is illiterate.
In 1962 Moro married a girl from an inland village. They now have two children – a son and
daughter, still singles in their twenties living with their parents.
Moro and his supporters, Sio Bubuli (Moro’s right hand man), and Philibereto Kiki, a village
leader in the movement, stated that in 1956 Moro and a group of men from Komuvaolu,
Makaruka, Bokasughu, Nagho villages went to Korasaghulu reef to stop some men from
Wanderer Bay and villages on the Weathercoast diving for trochus shells. The Moli people who
claimed ownership to the reef considered this as stealing. Upon their return, Moro became very
ill at Lauvi Point. On his way back to Makaruka from Lauvi Point, he saw “The Eagle” (Chacha).
Moro took a copra knife and wanted to cut the bird, but it turned and flew making him fall to
the beach digging the sand. With other’s help Moro made it back to Makaruka where he
became very ill and fell into a coma. All signs of breathing ceased from about seven in the
evening until the next day, although according to Davenport it was about daylight until midday
only. As most people believed him already dead, his friends and relatives began to make
arrangements to dig his grave and to get pigs for his funeral feast. According to Moro, one of his
brothers told the people to delay the funeral until the next and that the people should return to
their villages, leaving him responsible for the funeral.
It was on the second day that Moro began to breath and he regained semi-consciousness. Even
after this he still could not hear or see and was fed with food and water pushed into his mouth.
Moro admitted that this was the story told to him after he recovered. It was after the fourth day
that he recovered and regained consciousness. According to Davenport it was after three
months before Moro was fully recovered from his illness. This time length goes contrary to
Moro who stated to me in January 1988 that it was after six months before he was fully
recovered.
During these six months, Moro acquired the ability to know who had stolen anything, who
performed sorcery, and who was guilty of possessing “Vele” or “Piro” (type of witchcraft). Moro
also claimed that at the same time he was somewhat mad or mentally ill. His six months
extraordinary experience was often highlighted by Moro. He told people a story of the origin of
the island of Guadalcanal which according to Sio Bubuli, a chief leader of the movement, was an
original tradition but was forgotten by the people due to the influence of the Colonial
administration. This assertion was against Davenport’s statement that “this is not surprising in
this area where no origin myths exist today”.
Moro’s creation story is only the revival of the most popular of the Guadalcanal origin myths
and people were impressed by it. This marked the beginning of the Moro movement. There was
no attempt to proselytize. Moro did not ask people to join him, but he continued to tell his story
and as the story spread by word of mouth, admirers began the movement that he preached.
Moro said that during his months of illness he had a visit:
I saw a bird but it was a man. At first it was a bird, it came out of some swirling dust like that
behind a truck on the roads of Honiara. The bird changed into a man who spoke and instructed.
You must do the things I tell you. Everything in this land and sea belongs to you. You must ignore
all those who scoff or tell you not to do it. The things you should start is an association
(Kampani, Pidgin English “Company”) to make money. All the things that are yours should be
used, not allowed to stand unused or to be exploited by others. Your people own it and control
it.
The aim of the movement is to achieve its goals, (pp 18ff) working together with a co-operative
theme. This is described as “Sai lima horohoro tuali”, which Davenport and Coker misinterpreted
as meaning “working together as before”13 when it should be “putting lands together in living as
before”.
CREATION MYTHS
After his recovery Moro began recounting the details of his vision. His stories spread and
admirers began to come in large numbers. They wanted to hear it, and they agreed with it.
Moro’s stories and visions were organized and written down by a few people. One of them was
David Valusa, a co-villager of Moro who later became one of the movement’s important
supporters. Valusa, a school teacher then at the Oa Primary School, was educated at the
Anglican School at Pawa. He became the main figure writing down the Moro doctrine and
translating them into English. These documents were typed and kept at Makaruka, the head
quarters of the Moro Custom Company.
Most important of the Moro Document, is the creation myth of the island of Guadalcanal or
referred to as Isatabu. Unfortunately, during my stay in Makaruka in January 1988, Moro was
hesitant in showing me the documents, saying that most were destroyed by bad weather and
poor preservation. He also refused to tell me the creation story, stating that it could only be told
after the performance of some ritual. Despite my agreement to comply, the rituals were never
performed, and so the story was never told. 14
Except for the addition of some punctuation, a few spelling alteration, with some explanatory
notes, I shall use the story as they appear in Davenport and Coker which they claimed was the
original, kept at Makaruka15.
THIS IS THE STORY OF WHAT OUR ANCESTORS IN THE BEGINNING OF THE ISLAND ISATABU.
This story is concerning the person who created the land, his name was called Ironggali. He
always lived in the air. He lived without ground. He always worked day and nights, and the dust
of his body fell on the sea. And when he wanted to sit down and rest, he flew down to the sea
and wagged his legs in the sea. And so we called him Isobotua (“sitting on salt water”), it
actually means “Floating leg” because he could sit with his legs on the water. He only lived by
himself. And then he starts to think what he can do. He thought of who (what) he could do to sit
on. And when the dust of his body fell on the water and formed the land. He was later called
again Ironggali (“on top looking all about”), because he could see everywhere around him from
his dwelling place. The dust from his body became larger and became an island. The name given
to the island is Isatabu. Isatabu had no trees at the beginning, neither plants, no ropes (lianas),
or creepers (vines). The first thing grew was kind of a grass we called ‘lei’, or spinefex. Then the
other trees grew. Some of them were good trees and were bearing edible fruits until today.
The beginning of human being was on this way. Isobotua said to himself, “I would like to see
something on this island”. And there were two dogs came out, male, female. Isobotua gave
them names; their names, Laula (male) and Lauili (female), and they lived on fruits of tree. He
was very pleased to see them. He think of what he could do next. While he was thinking he
thought it would be better to have some wise creatures like himself. So there were (created)
some persons living on the island. He saw them around the island. The first two were Kaputua
and his sister Lavegauna. They also lived on fruits as they had no idea of cooking food. Tsobotua
was very pleased to have them on his island. And he said, “Ask anything you need”. And they
asked Tsobotua to give them some food planted. So Tsobotua told them to make the gardens.
So Kaputua did what Tsobotua said. Things he planted in the gardens called taro, yam, banana,
sugarcane, and many other vegetables. And Kaputua owner of all the food were (which)
Tsobotua told him to use. And he gave them axe and knife to cut the trees or sticks, and then he
told them to build a house. So they build it. And he told them to make a pot stone (earth oven)
for cooking food, and they make it, and he showed them how to make a fire, and some medicine
to health their body when they sick. Every medicine they use them before we also use them
today and when Kaputua live on the island, he needs money also. And Tsobotua said to him,
“when you sell all your things you must cost (charge) each tablet (one small disc) of shell for
each things”. So he did what he told them. And when Kaputua lived in the island he visit the
island every time. Then he find their names called (were) Irotala and Lautala. On the next day
Kaputua visited again and found six women and he gave them names, their names Taonaalu and
her daughter Balovaga; Dakitavola and her daughter Tavola. Then he divided their generations
(offspring, lineage) and made four generations (descent groups) in the island. And he said
Kaputua owner your line called Garavu (‘Eagle’), and Taonaalu owner the line called Manukiki
(‘Hawk Eagle’), and Saunununa owner the line called Koinahao (‘cockatoo’), Dakitavola owner
the lines called Lasi (‘a diving sea bird’), it is actually a ‘sea fish’. So Kaputua gave them order
how to keep their generations (descent) in the future. So the four generations begat people to
work in each of their island. So he gave the law how to rule over their own boundary. So if any
of you do wrong (you) must be put to death. So that is why we kept that law. So Isotobua give
permission for his island and said everything in this island you owner. And he told them to did
(do) another thing more. He said I have put the peck in this island. So that’s why we kept that
story until today. So he gave order how to keep their own peck. So not to go over to another
generation’s peck. So we kept that law until today.
We owner every kind of animals lived in the (fresh) water, and in the sea and in the land. And
every kind of plants in the island. Also every kinds of foods in this island. And gold and silver,
brass and iron, and every kinds of stones in the ground of Isatabu. All these things here the
people in the beginning they use and live with until today. We used and live with and today the
chiefs owned all these things in place all the chiefs in the beginning.
The significance of this myth for the movement is that the creature, Ironggali, later named
Isobotua, created the whole Guadalcanal together. This myth suggests that Guadalcanal should
be united as one, which is one of the aims of the movement. It also serves as a manifesto of the
rights and claims over all resources of Guadalcanal by the Guadalcanal people. A second
document reads as follows:
CUSTOM COMPANY MAKARUKA AND HISTORY OF THE ISLAND ISATABU AND ITS
PARAMOUNT CHIEFS
1. The original ancestral chief (Taovia) of the island called Isatabu was a man called
Ironggali. He is the creation of all local chiefs in the island and its native customary law.
Paramount chiefs in the island of Isatabu at Tinavera Mountain (also called
Vatupochau).
2. Ironggali appointed Tuimauri as successor in his place as paramount chiefs. He told
them start with a farm of vegetables, fruits, piggeries, fishing, coconut and all sorts of
nuts (nut trees). And when the farm was ready they divided into two parts: one part was
used as their rations and the other was to sell to their chiefs for money.
3. Taumauri taught them how to become a hunter in the jungle for pigs, oppossums, etc
and how to become a fisherman at sea and in the river. And sold parts of the things to
their chiefs for money. He taught them how to build houses, so they build houses and
sold it (them) to their chiefs for money.
4. He taught them how to build canoes so that they can visit friends in the other islands, so
they sold them to chief for money. He taught them how to make customary law for their
people to settle the wrongdoer into peaceful fashion or if the wrong is bigger, the
wrongdoer must pay compensation to the good people so they can be happy on both
sides. He taught some of them to be their priests (also a gare tabu) and some of them to
be their witch doctors (also a gare tabu ‘sacred man’).
5. He appoint some of them who was wise and brave to be their local (chiefs) to look after
the various boundaries in the island and to encourage their people to keep the native
customary law in the island. He give them money, pigs, and other things up with their
boundary. They used river or streams as boundary. He taught them traditional way of
transferring land from one line to another line is by agreement between respective land
chiefs (after consultation with all the members of their line in the area) resulting in a
large feast involving large quantities of native money, food and pigs.
6. He appointed Qarehoba to take his place as paramount chief for his island to keep up
the native customary law for his people up to a future generations.
7. This is the name of all Paramount Chiefs who successor in the Qarehoba’s place (village
and areas) – Visutabu, Halitabu, Sulugaliniatu. Sulugaliniatu had been appointed as local
chief in his own boundary situated at Makaruka. He own Makaruka to Louvi (Lauvi
Point) also the seaside. Suluhali situated (living at Louvi, he own (had authority) from
Louvi to Longgu, also at seaside. Kaku situated Talise, he own Talise to Kuma, Mocho
situated at Kuma, he own Kuma Koleula, then to Kuitsuioda (and) also Sabagaboho.
Lapeo situated at Vulugau, he own Vulugau to Halovatu. Qarepari situated at (had
authority from) Inabetu to Tetere. Vunganalavo situated at Tatuve to Latinarau.
Hesunate situated at Taonarogo own Taonaroga to Koai. Ichuvetugu situated at Ura, he
own Ura to Mabulu. Hanikada situated at Inatita, he own Inatita to Kaichui. Tangisikada
situated at Inahoba to the mountain and the plain. Kokoranamate situated at Balo, he
own up the hill and down to the seaside. Hema situated at Kolohuva, he own Kolohuva
to the seaside and around Kopiu. Punga situated at Kopiu, he own Kopiu to Tarariua. Visi
situated at Tarariua, he own Tarariua to Bali and also the seaside. Turanga, situated at
Manunu, he own Manunu to Rere. Tavoruka situated at Tiviale, he own Tiviale to Koli.
8. These story was the history of the island called Isatabu and its chiefs from Ironngali and
his successors. These is no land called waste land (or) public in the island which is later
know as Guadalcanal island. This name is unknown by the natives of the island. Today
we have Moro as successor from Tuimauri’s line. His position is to keep up the history of
the island and it’s chiefs from.
The document proclaims Moro as paramount Chief in the line of succession from Tuimauri. This
gives him the right over the island of Guadalacanal, as the only exixting successor of Tuimauri.
The creator Ironggali established a paramount chief over Isatabu in the person of Tuimauri who
was a culture hero in his own right. The importance of economic transactions and boundaries
(district boundaries) are given value and the document repudiates waste and Public Land
concepts. This was done against the Protectorate Government which declared lands not
occupied by the people, as waste and public lands. By implications the document states that the
Protectorate Government has no legitimate right over lands on Guadalcanal.
Although Moro’s creation myth has different versions as time passed, the meaning and
purposes are the same. Moro’s version which existed even before Moro emerged as chief is
much more widespread among his followers than other people’s versions. This suggests that his
influence on people apart from his dreams, came through people’s recognition that Moro as
indigenous expert who knows his myths and history, stands out as distinct as well as an
authority on himself.
Sio Bubuli who was an active leader of the Moro Movement gave a different and shorter version
of the myth. The translation of Sio’s world are as follows:
When Moro died and returned to life, he told us the story. He told us that we must follow
Tuimauri, something like Ironggali, Yes Ironggali. We followed Ironggali. He is compared with the
eagle, Ironggali, is the creator of the island, making it into dry land. He collected together seafoams, thus making dry land out of them. It become sand and ground. He produced an egg. The
egg broke and became a dog, and then the dog broke and became a man. It changed and
became a man and formed the four descent groups or tirbes; (1) Qaravu; (2) Manukiki; (3)
Koinahao; (4) Lasi.
A single history for Guadalcanal and the establishment of the four descent groups took their
roots from the myth. This calls for the unity of the island of Isatabu, and protects the island and
its people from the Colonial Government.
The Organization
Moro, as paramount chief, has responsibility over District Chiefs who are said to have been the
successors of Qaregoba as in the second document. This suggests Colonial Administrative
structure influences. In 1965 Davenport recorded that the eight districts and their councils –
Veuru Moli district; Bubuli of Makaruka; Longgu district, Ngelea of Purepure and Okimo of Uma;
Talise districts, Manu of Ngalitahaverona; Koleula district Revele and Seve of Valechomara; Suta
district, Sakelua and Rupo of Tabilusu; Tanapoi district; Poa of Duidui; Malango district,
Talataoni of Tuhurutolu; and Lau district, Manevacha of Vironggono, 16 (See Map below). To
date, though these districts still exist, they do not have a formally designated chief or council to
represent them. These districts, of course, represent the areas of the most enthusiastic support,
and while they are within the so-called area of the Moro Movement, there are enclaves within
them that do not support the movement.
Since some of its prominent leaders were leaders of the Maasina Rule in the area in its early
days there is strong evidence of Maasina Rule influence on the organization. For instance,
Joseph Qoraiga and Ludovic Lui of Nagho who were ‘duties’ in the Maasina Rule, later became
village leaders (Taovia ni Vera) and duties in the Moro Movement. In villages of each district are
men who are Designated as Duties. They act as messengers, collectors, and general aides as
needs arise. It is through the duties that Moro and his councils keep in contact. These duties can
also be referred to as village chiefs ‘Taovia na Vera’. They are sometimes referred to be as
‘Passion’ (a pidgin word meaning a way of doing things). Hence the correct way of doing things.
Apart from their job duties they look after the general running of the village and make sure that
village rules and norms are adhered to. A Passion has under him a contingent of ladies whose
job is to look after visitors – to ensure that they are welcomed and feel comfortable. This group
of women is known as ‘Daki Nonoro’.
A similarity between the two movements is the organization of followers into large communal
villages. Before this, people lived in little villages comprising of extended families and close
relatives. The smaller villages came together to form bigger villages. In these villages there is a
‘Luma’ (Guest House) to accommodate visitors. There is also a ‘Tabu House’ set aside for
meetings and special ceremonies such as traditional rituals (healing of the sick etc). This house
does not look different from other houses in the village, although in some places the front is
painted. It is fenced by plants around a walled court neatly paved with water worn stones. Fruit
trees around the house are sacred and so are never harvested. The biggest Tambu House is the
“Custom House” at Makaruka, the headquarters of the Moro Movement. This house was meant
to store things of antiquity such as baskets of shell currency, traditional artifacts and other
objects which have special significance to the history of Isatabu as well as modern Solomon
Islands dollars.
The houses of the communal village are built close to each other around the Luma. Though the
village is made up of people of different clans and families, extended families still live close to
each other in the same village. Communal villages have as many as two hundred houses like the
one at Makaruka.
The organization has drastically changed over the years particularly in the decreasing number of
districts and its formal activities. This was due to the slow disintegration of the movement and
its declining activities. Members of the movement no longer contribute towards communal
funds and communal works were abandoned, although people still live in large villages. People
no longer carry stones to Makaruka and large meetings and feasts are rarely held. Although the
movement still exists , many of the once active leaders and supporters have gone to a
somewhat temporary retirement.
Lack of quick achievement of the aims and objectives of the movement, which is to ‘preserve
their custom ways and at the same time earn income from cash crops’ contributed to this
situation. As Sio Bubuli put it, “I see that the jobs were done for nothing and the pigs and
moneys do not have a place until today. We only work finished in little ceremonies”.17 Others
like Peter Ngelebolona and Valentino Vaena of Suta who now live in Makaruka blame the failure
of the movement on non-cooperation by members. Bubuli complained that too much shell
money is given for nothing to Europeans. Today the shell money are still in the House of
Antiquities. Benito Tangisivaka who currently looks after the House, alleged that some
individuals have take money out of the house for personal use. Moro’s hat and shirt which were
made entirely out of shell money are all taken apart. Bubuli alleged that he no longer works
because he wants to see organizational problems solved, and some interest be made from the
money so that people will be encouraged. These, obviously, are expressions of frustration on
the slow achievements.
Despite such frustration, Moro’s organization has its essential characteristic which marks Moro’s
Movement as a political movement rather than a mere cult.
Plans and Activities
To achieve social and economic improvement for the people of Guadalcanal, the Movement was
concerned to establish a socio-political organization with its visionary founder as leader, and the
launching of a number of co-operative economic enterprises aimed at elevating the standard of
living of its followers. At the same time, there was an attempt to define and re-establish what
was believed to be customary moral and legal precepts as the guiding principles for the new
social order. In a sense, as Bruce stated for Maasina Rule, the Moro Movement’s adherents
were torn between a desire to change and modernize their way of life and a wish to return to
old ‘custom’ ways of their forefathers.18
To make sure of future success, sums of money were collected from the followers. The first
source of money was through what was called the “census”. Moro called on every adult to
contribute one shilling to this cause. In addition to the census contribution, a “collection” was
also instituted. The “collection” demands one pound for each adult male and ten shillings for
each adult woman. Another contribution was shell currencies, most of which is still kept in the
House of Antiquities at Makaruku.
With the Census and the Collection, the movement’s accumulation was estimated to be in
excess of two thousand pounds and probably was even more than three thousand pounds. In
1988 some members claimed that at one stage the movement had over six thousand pounds
which was very unlikely. Currently, with the money accumulated over the years, the high
demand for shell money in Solomon Islands, along with alluvial gold obtained from panning at
Gold Ridge, the financial situation of the movement is estimated to stand between $20,000 and
$30,000 or even more. There is no attempt to use this money or to deposit it in the bank. Moro
himself is vested with the wealth, most of which was accumulated as gifts. Alluvial gold is
presented to him free by followers. Apart from owning a little shop at Komuvuaolu, Moro has
been reluctant to show off his personal wealth. He very rarely hosted a feast in which he would
demonstrate his personal wealth.
With the money collected from the followers, a number of relatively large scale commercial
endeavours were attempted. A store at Makaruka was set up. Profits made from this store
contributed towards the movement’s funds. This however made very little progress. First , as
there were too many stores in the area, and in Makarura alone there are five in 1988, the
competition to make a substantial profit is very difficult because the customers were very few in
numbers. Second, it is very difficult to get cargo from Honiara quickly due to infrequent
transportation.
A piggery was set up in 1964, but this also did not yield any profit as most of the pigs were killed
during petty ceremonies such as welcoming guests.
One of the biggest commercial endeavors was the clearing and planting of a coconut plantation.
Initially this seemed very successful and members were very active in establishing one of the
biggest coconut plantations in the area. However, as cooperation declined, the plantation which
yields coconuts ready for making copra was left unattended.
In trying to make a profit, the movement then planned to buy a ship. This never eventuated
because they did not have enough capital, and instead they bought a car which was used as a
Taxi in Honiara. This began in 1970 and ceased to operate after one year because there were no
money to repair the car. The money obtained from the taxi service was claimed to have been
misused by those looking after the Taxi.
After the failure of the Taxi service a twenty-one foot fiber -glass canoe was bought, together
with a twenty-five horse powered outboard motor. This was meant for transport and fishing.
About two weeks after its arrival at Makaruka , the canoe was taken to Kolohauba. It was left
beside the Kolohauba river and a flood smashed it against a tree. It was alleged that the canoe
was pushed into the river by non-supporters of the movement. The canoe was later repaired
and is currently at Nagho, unused.
The panning of alluvial gold from Gold Ridge was also an encouraged activity among members of
Movement. This however, has decreased in the past few years because of the increasing
involvement of large mining companies. Most of the land owners where the mining companies
operated on Central Guadalcanal are members of the movement and as such are enjoying extra
financial gains.
Davenport discussed at length what he claimed to be a school set up by the movement in 1964.
Members of the Moro Movement I spoke to in 1988 claimed that the school was never as
advanced as Davenport described. It had only just started with David Valusa as the only teacher,
and when he had to leave to take up a teaching post on Malaita in 1965, the school was left
abandoned.
For social and cultural activities, the Movement’s supporters occasionally gathered in larger
numbers at Makaruka for meetings of the entire group or for feasts and when there was work
needed to be done. During these gatherings most, though not all, wear traditional dress: fibre
skirt for women and tree bark or ‘Kabilato’ for men.
Other activities include the collection of traditional artifacts and ‘sacred stones’ to be kept in the
House of Antiquities. Traditional artifacts include mostly carvings and traditional tools such as
stone axes and weapons. The collection of “sacred stones” was an activity which was very active
in the mid 1970’s. The stones were taken from the Offering Altars or ‘Peo’ of the different clans.
The stone and especially the ‘Peo’ are very important in that they signify the ownership of a land
area by the clan who owns a ‘peo’ in that area. These stones were collected from the ‘peo’ and
were taken to be kept at the House of Antiquities at Makaruka.
In the mid 1970’s I saw the transportation of stones to Makaruka done with great respect by
men and women who were dressed traditionally. The stones were carried like babies by women
under pandanus woven umbrellas as they made their way in along queue past my village on
their way to Makaruka. The purpose for keeping these stones in the House of Antiquities varies.
This activity was opposed by the local Roman Catholic Church, especially when the stones were
associated with the spirits of the ancestors. Replying to an accusation made by Father William of
Avuavu in 1973, Sio Bubuli claimed that the stones are kept in the house as souvenirs or
memories of the past. The movement wants to keep its memories in the house just as the
Catholic Church keeps the Eucharist in the Chapel. However, Ben Magore who currently looks
after the stones at Makaruka claimed that he does not know the reason for the collections. He
said that the stones will be kept until Moro releases their (stones) stories and history. He said
that the future depends on Moro and the cooperation of the members.
The plans and activities of the movement have been mostly a testimony of failure due mainly to
lack of proper management.
In the last decade there has been a flow away from the we-shall-do-it ourselves attitude. The
movement is now open to welcome help from what others outside the movement could offer.
Cargo Cult
The Moro Movement is basically a socio-political movement, aimed at establishing independent
development and political recognition of the people of Guadalcanal. Cargo cult evidence should
be expected in a movement which covers a wide area with a big population and poor
communication. Moro’s messages and orders cannot reach every member on the island equally.
In the Moro Movement, there was a single evidence of cargo cult activity in the Koleula area.
This however, is not regarded as part of the plans and activities of the movement. It was an
incident developed by individuals who were cut off from effective communication with the
Moro and the Headquarters at Makaruka.
In 1965 Diki Valerago and Pada of Valebaibai, in the Suta area went to Koleula and told the
people to wait for cargoes which they claimed would come from the Americans The people
were instructed to kill their pigs and other domesticated animals, to harvest their gardens and
then wait for a ship from America which would come and take them to another island where
they would be supplied with cargoes. Diki and Pada produced a letter they claimed to have been
written by Americans. It is alleged that the letter was later found to have been written by Diki
Valerago and Pada in a cave.
The news quickly reached Moro at Makaruka who respond with alarm. Sio Bubuli and other
leaders of the movement were sent to the scene at Kolochachara where a large crowd was
waiting for them. Diki Valegaro and Pada were taken to justice and the people were told that
the story was a fabricated one. Viviu, John Pea, and Maloni, of Koleula responded harshly and
requested that Diki and Pada be beaten up as compensation for their lie. Although this single
incident may have been seen as cargo cult activity, it was quickly stopped and the movement
operated as before.
Moro and his leaders were very concerned at exerting control over supports to make sure that
no activity was outside the objectives of the movement. The cargo and fear of sorcery incidents
did not deter the objectives of the movement and its characteristics as a political pressure group
which seeks for independence, and the recognition of the Guadalcanal people’s rights to their
lands to rule themselves, and to have their culture respected by those they term as intruders.
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
Recent developments in the Moro Movement suggest that a new era started after the 1977
General Elections in the Solomon Islands. David Vasula was elected into the National parliament,
as a member of East Guadalcanal, defeating his rival, the more educated Malakia Sukuatu. To
Moro Movement supporters everywhere, this was triumphant achievement –an important
leader of the Moro Movement is now a member of Solomon Islands National Parliament. A still
bigger achievement came when supporters realized that Vasula was to lead them into an
independent Solomon Islands on July 7th 1978. Again, another achievement came on the
independent when a Moro Movement contingent was invited to put on a show during the
celebrations in Honiara. This shows that they are being recognized by Solomon Islands
Government. They saw themselves as major contributions in the trend towards independence.
In Parliament, Vasula continues to express views that are Moro Movement oriented. His
concerns for custom and land were evident. In November 1979 during a debate on a motion
moved by Mr Allan Taki (MP for West Kwara’ae), that Government consider reviewing the CDA
Policy regarding the purchase of cattle from farmers , Mr. Valusa said,
Mr. Speaker Sir, with your permission I would like to speak on outside the motion concerning
this subject. I think the cattle project should concentrate itself in a specific place. I d o not want
it spread throughout the country. I think this project will spoil the land of our people in the long
run. I want the government to find a suitable place where the people can concentrate their
effort on cattle and leave the other land alone. That is all I wish to say, Mr. Speaker.19
Along with the Moro Movement objectives, Valusa’s patriotism towards Guadalcanal towards
Guadalcanal was evident in Parliament. During debate on a motion in the second meeting of the
November 1979 session, Mr. Valusa said; … that this Government in consultation with the
Guadalcanal Province, consider taking steps to initiate a feasibility study on the road across the
island of Guadalcanal and to seek overseas aid to meet the cost of its construction.20
After independence Valusa was an important figure in the Movement, but his national eminence
was cut short when Ezekiel Alebua from the anti-Moro area of AvuAvu, and son of Dominic
Alebua a long time opposer of the Moro Movement, emerged victorious after the 1980 general
elections. This was a shock to the Moro Movement which had more supporters and was
expecting extra votes from the Marau area where Valusa was related because of his marriage to
a woman from Are Are.
Ezekiel Alebua, being an influential politician managed to find support from among members of
the Movement because of things he had done during the years when he was clerk for
Guadalcanal Province . From 1980 to 1984, Alebua managed to build a name in Parliament and
his constituency . He become Foreign Affairs Minister in the then Mamaloni Government. In
1984 General Elections, Alebua proved to Valusa and the Moro Movement that he had more
supporters when he again defeated Valusa and two other candidates who ran against him. The
swing of support from Valusa to Alebua was partly a result of Alebua’s strategic concentration
on the development of Moro movement villages. He made sure that the water supply systems
at Makaruka and Komuvaolu (Moro’s villages),where they were most needed were set up. A
copra-buying point was set up at Haimarau and its membership include Longgu and Nago
villages. At Marau, the Provincial Fisheries centre was improved. This was enough to get Moro’s
followers to become Alebua’s supporters.
In 1986 Ezekiel Alebua was elected of Solomon Islands, after the resignation of Sir Peter
Kenilorea. To Moro and his supporters, it was another big achievement that a member of
parliament from Moro’s constituency was elected as Solomon Islands leader. Ezekiel Alebua
government was succeeded by the Mamaloni government after the 1989 general elections.
In September 1985, Chief Moro and his followers celebrate three decades of the existence of
the Moro Movement at Turarana. The celebration was attended by many guests including
government officials. Among the guests were the British High Commissioner, Mr Stansfield and
his wife. Mr. Stansfield congratulated Chief Moro on the Movement‘s activities over the last 30
years and wished it success under its new title, the Gaena alu Movement.
The new name, Gaena alu is defined differently by different members . Some say it refers to the
octopus with eight hands while others refer to it as the eight rays of the sun. This name
however, is not however, is not widely used and Moro Movement is still the name used by
people.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
The Moro Movement emerged at a critical time in the development of Solomon Islands, for in
a few years Solomon Islands was rapidly going towards a style of local self- government very
much influenced by the Protectorate Government. European impact, and especially World War
2, caused rapid change to the Solomon Islander’s culture and society. Compared with some
other movements in Melanesia – New Guinea, it is relatively secular, sophisticated, and lacking
in realistic solutions to the social problems it seeks to ameliorate. The failures of the Moro
Movement’s plans and activities can only be blamed on poor management. Compared to the
preceding Maasina Rule Movement, the Moro Movement is a continuation of this political
pressure group. It is more a political group than a millenarian movement. This view is justified by
the Movement‘s increasing involvement in the contemporary politics and its ability to determine
election results for national parliament candidates because of the large numbers of members.
The nature and organization of the movement set it aside from cult movements towards a more
socio-political movement. This is to be found through hard work and cooperation. The activities
of the movement have not gone unrewarded, for as earlier noted, many achievement occurred.
Most of these achievements are political achievements which further demonstrate the nature of
the movement.
Reference
1. Cochrane 1970
2. Davenport and Coker 1967: 123
3. John Williams was murdered at Vanuatu and Bishop Coleridge Patterson on Nukapu
Island, the Reefs, Solomon Islands. See David Hilliard 1978, and John Garret 1982
4. Wale
5. Chochrane 1970: 75
6. Davenport and Coker 1967: 125
7. Wale updated p.28
8. Davenport and Coker 1967: 127
9. Davenport and Coker 1967: 140
10. Kabilato, traditional dress worn around one’s waist and under one’s buttock between
thighs
11. Davenport and Coker 1967: 141
12. Personal Communication with Moro 1988
13. Davenport and Coker 1967: 142
14. This, I feel, is the same kind of situation that Malama Meleslea found in Western Samoa
during his research described in his article ‘Pacific Historiography: An Indigenous View’. I
was denied as the indigenous person of the area, from listening to a story which Moro
was afraid I might use for personal political advantages. It is clear that the story is very
much valued by Moro because it helps in sustaining his position. In this regard, I respect
Moro and so did not press him further to tell me the story.
15. Davenport and Coker 1967: 142-145
16. Davenport and Coker 1967
17. Personal Communications, June – July 1988
18. Bruce 1980
19. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates Vol. 2, 15-29 November 1979
20. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates Vol. 3 , 13 November to 11 December, 1979