UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI
December 3rd
02
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, 20 _____
Peter John Anderson
I,______________________________________________,
hereby submit this as part of the requirements for the
degree of:
Doctorate of Philosophy (Ph.D.) Greek and Latin Philology
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in:
the Department of Classics of the College of Arts & Sciences
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It is entitled:
'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry
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among the Elite in Flavian Rome
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________________________________________________
________________________________________________
Approved by:
William A. Johnson
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Kathryn J. Gutzwiller
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Harold C. Gotoff
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry
among the Elite in Flavian Rome
A dissertation submitted to the
Division of Research and Advanced Studies
of the University of Cincinnati
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D.)
Greek and Latin Philology
in the Department of Classics
of the College of Arts and Sciences
2002
by
Peter J. Anderson
BA (Honours) University of Ottawa (Canada), 1995
MA University of Ottawa (Canada), 1997
Committee Chair:
Dr. William A. Johnson
In this dissertation I situate and analyze expressions of renown in nugatory poetry of the
Flavian period – Statius, Martial, and Pliny –within the context of Roman elite attitudes
toward memoria and the literary tradition of the poet's own success and renown. I assess
the extent to which elite concern for commemoration affect literary expressions of the
poet's own renown. I begin in Chapter One "Memoria" with a series of illustrative
examples in support of the base assertion that concern for memoria is symptomatic of
Roman elite culture. I suggest – through brief analyses of Cicero's post-consular and post
reditum speeches, Tacitus' de vita Julii Agricolae, the so-called damnatio memoriae and
the Senatus Consultum de Pisone Patre, and two quasi-case studies on the importance of
memoria for writers under the early empire – that the major motivation which seems to
underpin this need to commemorate is the desire to ensure individual posterity and/or to
assure a corporate family influence. In Chapter Two "Terms of Praise" I focus on those
words used by poets in the Flavian period to describe their own excellence and success as
poets. Five key terms dominate this discussion: fama, laus, nomen, honor(-os), and
gloria. In Chapters Three (Statius), Four (Martial), and Five (Pliny) I undertake focused
analysis of the expressions of and attitudes towards their own success and renown.
Statius, a professional poet, serves in many respects as a counter example to Martial and
Pliny, most of all because Statius shows no interest in the Silvae as vehicles for his own
memoria or renown. He looks instead to his epic poetry in that regard. Martial, the jaded
raconteur of elite attitudes and habits, provides an informative perspective on the criteria
for a poet's success, and on the consequences of success for memoria and renown. With
Pliny I describe the motivations and assumptions underlying the production of literature –
especially nugatory poetry – among his group of elite friends, relating these to similar
aspects of literary culture in Martial.
for Lisann
my best and most perfect joy
Acknowledgments
It has been said, I'm unsure by whom, that gratitude expressed is in reality hope for more
of the same. At the end of the dissertation process this statement is in many ways utterly
false. And yet, it is also so very true. After five years in the Department of Classics at the
University of Cincinnati, among many friends and colleagues, I have a very long list of
people I could thank, and for a very long list of things. But in the interest of space, I shall
be brief. To Harry Gotoff, who answered my early inquiries into the graduate program
here with his usual good grace, who supported my early forays into Cicero, and who
expected excellence – yet dealt patiently with my work nevertheless – thank you. To Holt
Parker, who has influenced my approaches to ancient culture and literature, and who gave
me a bottle of wine for limericks – proving once and for all the value of nugae – thank
you. To Kathryn Gutzwiller and Ann Michelini, who supported and encouraged my
development as a research student in uncountable ways, thank you. I also feel a great debt
of gratitude to the Department and the trustees of the Semple fund for supporting my
work in practical ways, to Jean Wellington, Mike Braunlin, and David Ball for making
research in the Burnam Library such an enjoyable and low-frustration task, to the faculty
as a group for working hard to create an atmosphere which balances the needs of creating
high quality researchers and teachers with the needs of being human. Special thanks must
go to John Wallrodt for years of technical advice.
If I were to begin to thank William Johnson for the many ways in which I have been
privileged to have worked with him and become a friend I should not be able to stop
easily. I must simply say a heartfelt, "Thank you".
There are of course, several people made conspicuous by their absence from this list, my
parents Peter and Rosemary Anderson, my wife Lisann's parents Jack and Do Gurney,
my suavissimi liberi Christopher and Megan, and many close friends both here and
elsewhere. To all of these I am profoundly indebted.
Joy comes in many forms, and most of all in the faces of those you love and who love
you. As for Lisann, my best and most perfect joy ... I hope to repay my deep, deep thanks
to you over many lifetimes and in many places.
'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................4
CHAPTER ONE: MEMORIA ................................................................................................10
1.1
Memoria.......................................................................................................................12
1.2
Controlling Memoria ....................................................................................................15
1.2.1
Cicero and Memoria: Construing the Past for the Future .......................................16
1.2.2
Tacitus' Agricola: Remembering virtus .................................................................24
1.3
Memoria Controlled .....................................................................................................31
1.3.1
Sanctions against Memory ....................................................................................32
1.3.2.1 Assumptions and Terminology .............................................................................35
1.3.2.2 Intent and Teleology .............................................................................................38
1.3.3
Sanctions and Memoria: the SCPP........................................................................41
1.3.4
Sanctions and Literature: Cremutius Cordus .........................................................58
1.4
Remembering Rufus.....................................................................................................61
CHAPTER TWO: TERMS OF PRAISE...............................................................................73
2.1.1
Existimatio, Fama.................................................................................................74
2.1.2
Laus, nomen, honos ..............................................................................................79
2.1.3
Gloria...................................................................................................................84
2.2
Gloria in Elite Society..................................................................................................90
2.2.1
Cicero: gloria and virtus .......................................................................................91
2.2.4
Seneca: gloria and Philosophy ..............................................................................95
2.2.4
Gloria in Augustan Minor Poetry .........................................................................97
2.2.5
Tacitus' Dialogus: The Concerns of the Elite ...................................................... 104
CHAPTER THREE: STATIUS ........................................................................................... 109
3.1
Background................................................................................................................. 109
3.1.1
In the Poet's Image.............................................................................................. 118
3.2
The Poets .................................................................................................................... 121
3.2.1
Stella and the end (?) of poetry ........................................................................... 121
3.2.2
Laudatio Lucani: Silvae 2.7 ................................................................................ 127
3.2.2.1 Incongruity and Praise ..................................................................................... 130
3.2.2.2 Praising Lucan ................................................................................................. 133
3.2.3
The Elder and the Younger Papinii ..................................................................... 136
3.2.3.1 Statius' Renown ............................................................................................... 137
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
CHAPTER FOUR: MARTIAL............................................................................................ 139
4.1
Background ................................................................................................................ 139
4.1.1
Vital Statistics and Vital Speculations................................................................. 140
4.1.2
Chronology of the Books .................................................................................... 146
4.2
A Poet's Renown ......................................................................................................... 148
4.2.1
Failure ................................................................................................................ 149
4.2.2
Being Successful ................................................................................................ 155
4.2.3
Martial's success ................................................................................................. 159
4.2.3.1 Books 1-3 ........................................................................................................ 162
4.2.3.2 Books 4 – 9...................................................................................................... 163
4.2.3.3 Books 10 – 12.................................................................................................. 170
4.2.4
Readership and Success ...................................................................................... 172
4.3
Conclusions: The Rewards of Success......................................................................... 180
CHAPTER FIVE: PLINY .................................................................................................... 183
5.1
Background ................................................................................................................ 184
5.1.1
Publication of letters ........................................................................................... 185
5.1.2
Studia ................................................................................................................. 186
5.1.2.1 Studium/Studia................................................................................................. 187
5.1.2.2 Studia in Pliny ................................................................................................. 189
5.1.2.3 Abstracting Studia ........................................................................................... 195
5.1.2.4 The otium and negotium of studia .................................................................... 199
5.1.3
Memoria and Motivations................................................................................... 203
5.2
Success in poetry......................................................................................................... 209
5.2.1
Praising Poets ..................................................................................................... 210
5.2.2
Praising Pliny ..................................................................................................... 212
5.3
Literary gloria in Pliny's Epistulae and the magnus vir................................................ 212
5.3.1
All for gloria, and gloria for all? ........................................................................ 213
5.3.2
Pliny's Literary Success and gloria ..................................................................... 221
5.3.3
Private lusus ....................................................................................................... 223
5.3.4
Ep. 9.25 and gloria ............................................................................................. 225
5.3.4.1 Pliny's political gloria ...................................................................................... 227
5.3.4.2 Epistula 9.25.................................................................................................... 229
CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................... 235
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
BIBLIOGRAPHY................................................................................................................. 248
Ancient Authors...................................................................................................................... 248
Modern Scholarship and Commentaries on Ancient Authors................................................... 250
APPENDIX A: TERMS OF PRAISE .................................................................................. 263
A.1
Terms of Praise in Statius ........................................................................................ 263
A.2
Terms of Praise in Martial ....................................................................................... 269
A.3
Terms of Praise in Pliny .......................................................................................... 280
INDEX OF PASSAGES DISCUSSED ................................................................................. 292
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
Introduction
"'If I should die,' I said to myself, 'I have left no immortal work behind me –
nothing to make my friends proud of my memory – but I have loved the principle
of beauty in all things, and if I had the time, I would have made myself
remembered'" Keats to Fanny Brawne (1820)
John Keats, whether he knew it or not, was dying of consumption when he wrote this letter to his
beloved Fanny Brawne in 1820. In certain respects, this famous quotation would not seem out of
place in a letter written by a member of the Roman elite. Pliny, for example, laments the death of
his young friend Julius Avitus who died at sea returning from his quaestorship (Pl. Ep. 5.21) on
similar grounds. Quite apart from the loss to family and friends, and to the state, Pliny remarks
on the ill-fortune of his untimely death for literature because Avitus did not have the opportunity
to publish his writings; they died with him, leaving nothing for posterity to enjoy (quae nunc
omnia cum ipso sine fructu posteritatis abierunt, 5.21.5). Keats' remarks we understand more
easily, perhaps, as those of a mercurial, very young man facing a terrible death more or less
alone. For Pliny's part, the feeling of loss for a talented young friend as full of potential as Avitus
is understandable. But why did Pliny feel such a deep sadness because Avitus had not passed on
his writings to posterity?
The drive to be esteemed in life and remembered after death was a sine qua non among
the Roman elite of any period. Monuments and statues with tituli, inscriptions, funerary markers,
funerary traditions that preserve the images and deeds of illustrious men (and women) – all
signified to the community the prominence of an individual and the family. Excellence in public
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
life, particularly in military or political arenas, was the essential means through which
individuals and their families achieved and maintained such social prominence. Within this
general culture of commemoration, literature of certain genres (epic, tragedy, history, even lyric)
became a fundamental tool in the preservation of the memoria of an elite individual – as subject
– and of his deeds (e.g. Fulvius Nobilior in Ennius Annales, and Caesar in Ovid's
Metamorphoses). Nugatory poetry (epigram and other forms of playful verse, i.e. vers de
société1), as also other forms of verse, was used to commemorate elite Roman individuals as
subjects; this seems true of Greek epigram also.2 For example, Cicero – perhaps tongue in cheek
– thanks Atticus in 1.16.15 for epigrammata about his consulship since no one else will write
other poetry about him. And certain elegies of Tibullus and Propertius were composed with the
commemoration of a particular elite individual in mind.
At the same time, however, there was a separate and distinct tradition of the poet
commemorating his own success and renown as a poet. This tradition is the broader subject of
my dissertation. In particular, I seek to examine how the interests and attitudes of the Roman
elite toward memoria (i.e. commemoration) – discussed above briefly and at length in Chapters
One and Two – may have affected the tradition of the poet commemorating his own success as
1
A rather anachronistic term, yet ultimately descriptive of much Latin epigram; cf. The Concise Oxford
Dictionary of Literary Terms (1990) where vers de société is defined as "the French term ('society verse')
for a kind of light verse that deals with the frivolous concerns of the upper-class social life, usually in a
harmlessly playful vein of satire and with technical elegance."
2
In the Imperial period examples of praise epigrams remain in, for example, Crinagoras (e.g. AP 16.40).
K. Gutzwiller notes (pers.comm.) that the examples of the commemoration of elite individuals that may
also be found in the new Posidippos text show this practice existed already in the Ptolemaic period.
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
poet. I chose to focus my investigation on the nugatory poetry of the Flavian period – when there
seems to have been a strong revival of elite interest in composing literature – because of the
richness of evidence. From this period we have texts of nugatory poetry (or in Pliny's case letters
which reveal his attitudes towards his nugatory poetry) from three different authors: Statius,
Martial, and Pliny. Until the Flavian period, members of the Roman elite did not traditionally
strive for commemoration as poets of light verse. These three authors offer the opportunity to
observe whether two different types of elite poet (Martial as lower status elite and Pliny as higher
status elite) employ significantly different terms to describe and commemorate their own success
as poets. A fundamental premise of the dissertation is that an elite poet would exploit the
tradition of the poet's own renown and success from within the specifically Roman elite culture
of memoria.
In this dissertation, then, I situate and analyze expressions of renown in nugatory poetry
of the Flavian period – Statius, Martial, and Pliny – both within the socio-cultural context of
specifically Roman elite attitudes toward memoria (commemoration) and within the literary
tradition of the poet's own success and renown. In particular, I assess the extent to which elite
Roman concern for commemoration, and the conditions on which it is predicated, affect literary
expressions of the poet's own renown, especially post mortem. The dissertation falls into three
parts: 1) an attempt to situate memoria (commemoration) in Roman elite culture and examine its
significance, 2) a detailed survey of terms of renown commonly used by Statius, Martial, and
Pliny, with a special focus on gloria, and 3) the analysis of these poets' attitudes towards and
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
expressions of the success and renown of poets in general, and of themselves as poets in
particular.
The analysis of the literary sources, however, requires specific socio-cultural grounding,
as I have already indicated. And so, I begin in Chapter One "Memoria" with a series of
illustrative examples in support of the base assertion that concern for memoria is symptomatic of
Roman elite culture. I suggest – through brief analyses of Cicero's post-consular and post
reditum speeches, Tacitus' de vita Julii Agricolae, the so-called damnatio memoriae and the
Senatus Consultum de Pisone Patre, and finally two quasi-case studies on the importance of
memoria for writers under the early empire – that the major motivation which seems to underpin
this need to commemorate is the desire to ensure individual posterity and/or to assure a corporate
family influence. These examples are chosen as representative of elite Roman thought about why
and how one goes about controlling memoria, in what spheres the desire and methods for
controlling memoria play out, and how great the significance of commemoration is for the elite
individual and family.
In Chapter Two "Terms of Praise" I focus on those words used by poets in the Flavian
period to describe their own excellence and success as poets. Five key terms dominate this
discussion: fama, laus, nomen, honor(-os), and gloria. I attempt to provide a concise semantic
description of these important terms and others, especially in relation to each other and their
antonyms, as a necessary background for my analysis of the poetic texts in Chapters Three, Four,
and Five. My immediate concern is to map out any conceptual boundaries for the application of
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
these terms in general. At the end of Chapter Two I focus on the term gloria, arguing for its
importance as signifier of social and political standing for the elite individual. The word
encapsulates the zero-sum competition that lies at the root of elite interaction in every period of
Roman history. In particular, I draw attention to the development of the term's application in the
philosophical texts of Cicero and Seneca, and to the use of the term gloria in the light verse of
the Augustan period, as it was applied by the poet to himself. In conclusion to this chapter, and
as an introduction to the next three, I employ the first debate of the Dialogus de Oratoribus (that
between Aper and Maternus) in order to situate the concerns of memoria, gloria, and renown as
poets among the elite within the context of literary society of the Flavian period.
In Chapters Three (Statius), Four (Martial), and Five (Pliny) I undertake focused analysis
of the expressions of and attitudes towards their own success and renown in the nugatory poets
of the Flavian period. Statius, a professional poet, serves in many respects as a counter example
to Martial and Pliny, most of all because Statius shows no interest in the Silvae as vehicles for
his own memoria or renown. He looks instead, as we shall see, to his epic poetry in that regard.
In addition, I suggest that Statius' Silvae allow us a glimpse at three types of poets to be found in
literary society of the Flavian period. I examine these singly from the perspective of renown: the
elite dilettante (L. Arruntius Stella, St. Silv. 1.2), the "serious" elite poet (M. Annaeus Lucanus,
St. Silv. 2.7), and the professional poet (P. Papinius Statius the Elder – Statius' father, St. Silv.
5.3). Martial, the jaded raconteur of elite attitudes and habits, provides an informative
perspective on the criteria for a poet's success, and on the consequences of success for memoria
and renown. With Pliny, in his turn, I describe the motivations and assumptions underlying the
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
production of literature among his group of elite friends, relating these to similar aspects of
literary culture in Martial especially. Of particular interest are the ideas of studia, otium, and
negotium, and their interaction or juxtaposition in the elite culture Pliny describes. For Pliny the
key motivation for the production of literature is the drive to be respected in life and remembered
in death. This goal traditionally was realized through the public life of the magnus vir and its
fruit, gloria, and not through the private life of the poet. Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid, certainly,
had all played with attaching gloria to their own success as poets; but as we shall see, in these
examples gloria functions as a metaphor for success adopted most often from the military
sphere, and used most often of the poet within a series of military images or in a clearly parodic
manner. Pliny, however – who of all the poets examined in this dissertation has the strongest
claim on gloria in the traditional sense – works towards a compromise position, and explicitly
attempts to integrate his public (political) life as a magnus vir with his private (literary) life as a
poet through gloria. I return in the Conclusions to Tacitus' Dialogus as an interpretative tool for
the findings of the earlier chapters.
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
Chapter One: Memoria
The concern for proper, monumental, and enduring commemoration is symptomatic of Roman
elite culture. The "epigraphic habit" has received considerable scholarly attention from this
perspective,3 and monuments have always been central to the study of Roman culture. But
commemoration as enacted through the elite pursuit of literary studies, particularly poetry, has
been less adequately studied. In this project I undertake a detailed and targeted investigation of
how elite interest in composing literature, especially poetry in the minor genres, and
commemoration interlock. To pursue this question properly, however, the analysis of the literary
sources requires specific socio-cultural grounding. And so I have chosen as the focus of the
investigation elite culture under the early empire, and more precisely for the literary applications,
the Flavian period. I begin in this chapter with a series of illustrative examples in support of the
base assertion that concern for commemoration is symptomatic of Roman elite culture. In
particular, I suggest that the major motivation that seems to underpin this need to commemorate
is the desire to ensure individual posterity and to assure a corporate family influence.
In section 1.2 "Controlling Memoria", I suggest that a drive to control memoria arises
from these basic anxieties, for in a society such as Rome in any period, it is not whether, but how
one is remembered that counts. I expand on the observation concerning elite use of literature for
commemoration in sections 1.2.1-2 using, as background, Cicero's consular and post reditum
3
See for example MacMullen (1982), Corbier (1987), Eck (1987); and, especially in regard to
commemoration of the dead, Meyer (1990).
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
writings and, as foreground, Tacitus' Agricola – only two possible sources among a great many.
The choice of Tacitus in a study ultimately concerned with the Flavian period is obvious; no less
so the choice of his Agricola for the study of commemoration. But Cicero’s writings, separated
though they are in time and by social upheaval, provide an equally valuable perspective (since
his anxiety over commemoration betrays its importance for elite society in general), as well as a
specific point of reference from which we may track shifts or continuity in elite notions about
commemoration. His value as a model to emulate or reject in the post-Augustan period cannot be
overstated. But my focus on these particular works has other motivations as well. As groundwork
for my study into how members of the elite commemorated themselves in their own literary
works as writers and poets (and not simply as actors in the political arena), I deliberately
emphasize how Cicero's consular and post reditum writings and Tacitus' Agricola represent a
dynamic and ongoing attempt on the part of an individual to control memoria in the elite arena
through literature. In section 1.3 "Controlled Memoria", I examine the so-called damnatio
memoriae from this perspective of control (section 1.3.1), questioning in section 1.3.2 earlier
assumptions about the purpose of these sanctions by re-evaluating the factual evidence. I apply
this set of observations to the recently uncovered Senatus Consultum de Pisone Patre in section
1.3.3. I argue that the sanctions applied to Calpurnius Piso and his family were not intended to
destroy or to eradicate memoria but to control how and for what the individual would be
remembered in the public arena by diverting public attention from gloria to scelus. These
sanctions against memory (i.e. both the damnatio memoriae in general and the specific example
of the SCPP) are inarguably an attack on the commemoration of elite individuals and will serve
as another specific and socio-historically grounded example of the culture of commemoration.
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
Section 1.3.4, an assessment of the significance of sanctions against memoria for composers of
literature (in the broadest sense) and literary achievement, discusses the prosecution of the
historian Cremutius Cordus. In the concluding remarks to this initial chapter, section 1.4
“Remembering Rufus”, I discuss how the drive to control memoria manifests itself also in the
strategy Pliny adopts to portray and commemorate his intimate L. Verginius Rufus, and finally in
the strategy which Verginius adopts to commemorate himself in a poem, his self-epitaph.
These few examples are chosen as representative of elite Roman thought about why and
how one goes about controlling memoria, in what spheres the desire and methods for doing this
play out, and how great the significance of commemoration is for the elite individual and family.
To explain with a metaphor: in this chapter I am tracking specific ripples (the topics and related
issues of these investigations) on a much larger pond (elite culture and literature in general) in
order to try to understand the importance of water (memoria) for the pond. It is inevitable that
some ripples intersect at certain points, and others at other points; but I am more concerned to
track the paths of ripples singularly, not their confluences. First, however, I need to describe in
general terms the nature of that water.
1.1
Memoria
Memoria has a fairly precise set of core meanings:4 1) the physical seat of remembering;
the remembering of a past event, a dead person, etc. (a subjective use); 2) an objective meaning
4
Following in less detail the basic plan of O. Prinz's TLL article (8.665-680). It is clear that the
boundaries of these "core meanings" are extremely fluid. Fortunately I am not so much concerned with
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
very close, and often linked expressly, to oral-historical tradition; 3) and a metonymic roughly
equivalent to spatium temporis or even aetas. The subjective "remembering" (1) and the
objective "memoria=tradition" (2) are of most interest here for the notion that a place in this
tradition may be created, or secured, for an individual. Ideally, memoria becomes an immortal
existence for a dead person in the active recollection of his descendants (posteri) and of the
wider public (posteritas); the public existence in reality depends either on an active public
remembering by those with an interest in perpetuating the memoria of the person (e.g. in the
pompa funebris, or the laudatio, or some other kind of public act) or on symbols which prompt
memoria in those without such a stake (e.g. buildings, monuments, historical writing).5 On the
individual level, memoria often seems to be construed as a sort of living remembrance of a
person, closely associated with nomen, gloria, and especially posteritas.6 It has a social
significance for the individual (and for his family) after death. For this reason we read that the
memoria of a person can be mistreated publicly,7 or that care was taken by the family or
the precise limits and range of these meanings as with their significance in connection with controlling
memory through literature, and the viability of memoria as a commodity to be controlled in public life.
5
For a discussion of the implications of private vs. public memoria for Geschichtsschreibung see Timpe
(1996) 277-299, esp. 285-287. Timpe rightly distinguishes publica memoria from privata as a collective
remembrance of virtus and res gestae.
6
Cf. Cic. Inv. 2.4 nomine et memoria digni sunt scriptores; CIL IX 5439 honorem statuae in patris sui
nominis memoriamque transmisit; Liv. 28.43.5 in memoriam ac posteritatem. Many more examples may
be found in the TLL 8.671-673, 676-679.
7
Tac. Ann. 6.2 atroces sententiae dicebantur, in effigies quoque memoriam eius [sc. Livia]; cf. SCPP 6870 numen quoq(ue) divi Aug(usti) violatum esse ab eo arbitrari senatum omni honore, qui aut memoriae
eius aut imaginibus, quae antequam in deorum numerum referre{n}tur, ei r[. . . .]tae erant, habeba{n}tur,
detracto.
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
concerned party for a person's memoria.8 This fascinating pseudo-existence for the individual
through memoria is the ideological basis for sanctions against memory, “memoria damnata”.9
Posteritas in this context fits tightly within the same semantic frame as memoria: one exists in
the minds of posteritas through memoria.10
From this perspective, the potential of memoria as the source of ‘immortality’ for
individuals is plain to see. There are numerous passages in all periods in which memoria is
sempiterna, immortalis, and the like; e.g. Immortalis humanorum operum custos memoria, qua
magnis viris vita perpetua est (Sen. Suas. 6.5).11 Remembrance is not necessarily passive; if we
consider the importance of the maiores and the mos maiorum for Roman elite culture, such a
remembrance can be productive, too, brought forward as a model to imitate or avoid: Testantur
et mortuos nostros imperatores, quorum vivit immortalis memoria et gloria, Scipiones, Brutos,
Horatios, Cassios, Metellos, et hunc praesentem Cn. Pompeium, ... (Cic. Balb. 40.1-3). In this
way an outstanding individual may become part of cultural memory (the mos maiorum),
influencing current debates in speeches or adduced for effect in literary works as an exemplum,
beyond simply becoming part of the historical record. Given the prevailing ethos of the elite,
8
Cf. Cic. Red. Sen. 15; Tac. Ann. 4.38 Tiberius addressing the Senate; cf. below on Nicomachus
Flavianus.
9
See below section 1.3.3 on the SCPP, and n. 62.
10
In the following pages, posteritas is understood as roughly equivalent to memoria in that it represents
the vehicle in which memoria resides, i.e. future peoples. Likewise posteri, except that here the 'future
peoples' are specifically descendants.
11
See TLL 8.672.1-40 for examples.
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whose record and authority such exempla perpetuated both within the group and in society at
large, it was the actions in war or politics which dominated, and it should come as no surprise
that memoria is very often linked with res gestae. 12 Such models were perpetuated through
litterae. Thus litterae become an important witness – and battleground – for the elite’s effort to
negotiate the promotion and control of not only certain models of behavior but also the memoria
of particular individuals. That memoria also signifies an oral or written tradition of recorded
events and people is surely proof enough of the organic connection of these two concepts,
memoria and litterae. So Livy: litterae ..., una custodia fidelis memoriae rerum gestarum (6.1.2).
Still, Livy's assertion (one hardly unique, see Sen. Suas. 6.5 above) needs to be tempered
somewhat by the observation that while literature, especially "historical" writing, functions as a
safe-keeper of memoria (custodia fidelis memoriae), memoria is effected by a great deal more,
including oral tradition and material culture. Non solum memoriae testimonio, sed etiam
annalium, said Cicero (Cic. prov. 21).13
1.2
Controlling Memoria
It was never enough simply to be remembered. It was important to be remembered well
for one's achievements and contribution to the res publica, to be esteemed even in death. And so,
it was necessary to control memory by emphasizing precisely those elements of an individual's
life that would be recognized as worthy of aestimatio. The family in particular had a great stake
12
See TLL 8.676.72-677.5.
13
Cf. Cic. Leg. 1.1.1-2.
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in how an ancestor was remembered, for their collective tradition played a fundamental role in
the family's survival and influence. The larger context of the funeral was the occasion for
remembrances of precisely this sort, in both the pompa funebris and the laudatio. Here the
family celebrated and publicized their history and influence.14 Before turning to Tacitus'
Agricola for an example of the family's attempt to control the memoria of a deceased member,
let us turn first to Cicero. It would be extremely misleading to assert that Cicero's concern for
memoria did not include some thought for his family.15 But I concentrate here on the individual's
attempt to manipulate the public (and his peers) in order to construe for himself a lasting and,
equally important, positive memoria.
1.2.1
Cicero and Memoria: Construing the Past for the Future
In the famous letter to L. Lucceius on how to write history (Fam. 5.12), Cicero complains
about the falsification and exaggeration of family records (specifically laudationes) and
monuments;16 and yet at the same time he encourages Lucceius to exaggerate and stretch the
14
For fuller recent treatments of the socio-political impact of the pompa funebris see Bodel (1999b),
Flower (1996), Wesch-Klein (1993); see also the discussion of the sanctions against Piso Pater below.
15
The prominence of his brother Quintus in the post reditum speeches immediately belies this, for
example. For Cicero's concern for posterity, and its importance for descendants, cf. De Off. 2.44-45.
16
Cf. Cic. Brut. 61-2, for which see n. 18. Later, in the De Legibus, Cicero remarks in a similar context
that while inaccuracy is generally to be avoided, poetry treats of events differently, even to the point of
elaborating fables, because "the object of the historian is truth in all its relations, that of the poet
amusement": [Qvintvs] Intellego te, frater, alias in historia leges obseruandas putare, alias in poemate.
[Marcvs] Quippe cum in illa ad ueritatem, Quinte, <quaeque> referantur, in hoc ad delectationem
pleraque; quamquam et apud Herodotum patrem historiae et apud Theopompum sunt innumerabiles
fabulae (Cic. De Leg. 1.5.1-7).
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truth.17 The reasons for the alteration of family records, of course, are plain to see: a desire to
'improve' the memoria of the deceased, and thus augment the influence of his family.18 Cicero’s
writings, separated though they are in time from the Flavian period, provide a valuable
background perspective on elite concern for commemoration. For this section of the dissertation,
Cicero will be representative of earlier traditions of thinking about memoria inherited by early
Imperial writers. As already noted, Cicero's example serves to emphasize the elite individual's
response to the need to control his own memoria.
After his consulship down to the time of his return in 57 BC (and indeed thereafter – the
letter to Lucceius discussed above is dated to 55 BC) Cicero weaves through many of his writings
a thread of self-justification for his actions before exile as an attempt to interpret favorably the
political and personal disaster of his exile.19 I shall suggest below that this "version" represents
not only Cicero's attempt to salvage his reputation and influence while alive, but also to control
his memoria for posterity, to direct – through literature – how he is remembered. Cicero faced
17
Cic. Fam. 5.12.3 Itaque te plane etiam atque etiam rogo, ut et ornes ea vehementius etiam, quam
fortasse sentis, et in eo leges historiae negligas gratiamque illam, de qua suavissime quodam in prooemio
scripsisti, a qua te flecti non magis potuisse demonstras quam Herculem Xenophontium illum a
Voluptate, eam, si me tibi vehementius commendabit, ne aspernere amorique nostro plusculum etiam,
quam concedet veritas, largiare.
18
Cic. Brut. 61-2 et hercules eae quidem exstant: ipsae enim familiae sua quasi ornamenta ac
monumenta servabant et ad usum, si quis eiusdem generis occidisset, et ad memoriam laudum
domesticarum et ad illustrandam nobilitatem suam. quamquam his laudationibus historia rerum
nostrarum est facta mendosior. multa enim scripta sunt in eis quae facta non sunt: falsi triumphi, plures
consulatus, genera etiam falsa et ad plebem transitiones, cum homines humiliores in alienum eiusdem
nominis infunderentur genus.
19
The fundamental work is now Nicholson (1992).
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serious challenges in restoring his previous prominence after his return from exile, even in
maintaining political viability at the onset of the triumviral period, challenges which he never
properly overcame. There is a visible attempt to place the best possible light on earlier decisions
and alliances – in particular on the events of his consulship – and hyperbolic (perhaps even
mendacious) explanations for his departure after Clodius' attacks. In fact, the sheer volume of
writing devoted solely to this expediency which has been lost (details below), tallied with the
constant references in surviving post-consular speeches, is a testament not simply to Cicero's
obsession with his reputation but also to the importance of memoria (and posteritas) in political
life at Rome.20 It is certainly not the case that memoria was the single motivation for these selfjustificatory statements; but memoria would become the means by which Cicero could preserve
his dignitas, honor, auctoritas for posterity.
Cicero began the drive to secure his version of events with a collection of his consular
speeches, which were compiled as such by at least June 60 BC.21 He clearly states his purpose in
doing so through comparison of his motivation with that of Demosthenes in publishing the
Phillipics, ut semnovterov" ti" et politikwvtero" videretur (Cic. Att. 2.1.3). The consulship,
especially the defeat of Catilina and the political fall-out from his execution, become the focus of
20
See Cic. Fam. 5.12.1 neque solum commemoratio posteritatis ac spes quaedam immortalitatis rapit sed
etiam illa cupiditas ut vel auctoritate testimoni tui vel indicio benevolentiae vel suavitate ingeni vivi
perfruamur. Cicero's obsession was not out-of-keeping with others of his class and rank (see Sullivan
[1941] and Allen [1954]). As far as writings are concerned, we know of two poems in six books, a
commentarius in Greek by Cicero (and perhaps also a Latin version), a monograph by Atticus, and a
speech before the senate.
21
Cf. Cic. Att. 2.1.3 for the list of speeches.
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what seems a frenzy of writing and revision through the late 60s and 50s
reports to Atticus that Archias, who appears to have begun a poem in 62
continued to write, and that Thyillus will not.23 The year 61
BC
BC .
BC,
22
In 61
BC Cicero
has at least not
also saw the publication of de
consulatu suo,24 a speech given by Cicero in senatu as a response to Pompey's public snubs and
Crassus' praise.25 A commentarius26 in Greek seems to have circulated widely in the east after 60
BC,
and may even have been as well regarded by others as by the author, Cicero, himself.27 In
any event he also considered a Latin translation.28 Atticus, too, wrote a prose account in Greek of
his friend's consulship.29 Cicero still desired a poetic instantiation of his glory, and had set to
22
Cic. Arch. 28 Nam quas res nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro salute huius <urbis> atque
imperi et pro vita civium proque universa re publica gessimus, attigit hic [sc. Archias] versibus atque
inchoavit. Cf. also Arch. 31.
23
Cic. Att. 1.16.15 Epigrammatis tuis, quae in Amaltheo posuisti, contenti erimus, praesertim cum et
Thyillus nos reliquerit et Archias nihil de me scripserit. In light of Arch. 28 (see note above), I wonder if
the poem was ever actually begun.
24
See Crawford (1984) 102-4. She postulates a fairly certain publication ("on the whole it seems likely
that the oration was published", [1992] 104) based in part on Cic. Or. 210 Adhibenda est igitur numerosa
oratio, si aut laudandum est aliquid orantius, ut nos in accusationis secundo de Siciliae laude diximus ut
in senatu de consulato meo, aut exponenda narratio, quae plus dignitatis desiderat quam doloris, ut in
quarto accusationis de Hennensi Cerere, de Segestana Diana, de Syracusarum situ diximus.
25
See Cic. Att. 1.14.
26
Commentarius can be used of almost any set of notes or writing (see OLD s.v. and TLL), including
notes for a speech (cf. Quint. Inst. 3.8.67), but it is better understood here as in Cic. Brut. 262.1-3 (where
the distinction between the two types is clearly made): Tum Brutus: orationes quidem eius mihi
vehementer probantur. compluris autem legi; atque etiam commentarios quosdam scripsit rerum suarum.
27
As well as a copy to Atticus (which Cicero invited him to make widely available to Greek readers: tu, si
tibi placuerit liber, curabis ut et Athenis sit et in ceteris oppidis Graeciae [Cic. Att. 2.1.2]), one had
already been given to Posidonius (Cic. Att. 2.1.1) from whom its circulation appears to have increased
among Greek readers. This commentarius was a major source for Plutarch.
28
Cic. Att. 1.19.10 Latinum si perfecero, ad te mittam.
29
Cic. Att. 2.1.1.
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work on it at least as early as March 60
BC,
probably finishing it by the end of the year.30 This
poem was never well received, perhaps because it was too baroque;31 Cicero was forced to
defend it several times.32 De temporibus meis,33 finished at least in draft between 56
end of 54
BC
BC and
the
(i.e. after his return),34 fared somewhat better, even in the hands of Caesar in
Britain.35 Cicero may have harbored doubts about its reception, but his anxiety in this regard may
actually have been more to do with subject matter than style.36 Again, after his return from exile
further attempts were made to have a prose version of his consulship produced by another. Much
attention has focused on Cicero's request of Lucceius to write on his consular successes (Cic.
Fam. 5.12) in 55
BC,
and rightly so,37 although Cicero's motivations for writing to L. Lucceius
are complicated. Certainly, the letter goes beyond a simple request to write a favorable history of
30
Ewbanks (1933) 11, taking Cic. Att. 1.19 and 2.3 in conjunction.
31
Ps.Sall. In Cic. 2.3 describes Cicero admitted to the council of the gods (Cicero se dicit in concilio
deorum immortalium fuissse, inde missum huic urbi civibusque custodem. cf. 4.7); cf. Q fr. 9.4 and 11.1,
Juv. 10.122. Many point to the Bobbio scholiast (165 Stangl) for the ultimate judgment: "de consulatu suo
scripsit poetico metro, quae mihi videntur opera minus digna talis viri nomine".
32
Cf. Cic. In Pis. 29.72 ff, Phil. 2.8.20, De Off. 1.22.77.
33
Not extant. Perhaps written in hexameters in three books describng the events of his consulship; cf. Cic.
Fam. 1.19.23.
34
Cic. Fam. 1.9.23, to Lentulus 54. Lentulus left for Cilicia in 56. Quintus Cicero saw it apparently in 55
(cf. Cic. Q fr. 2.7.1). Cicero was still tinkering in autumn 54, cf. also Cic. Q fr. 3.1.11, Att. 4.8a.3.
35
See Cic. Q fr. 2.15.5.
36
Cic. Q fr. 2.15.5 Sed heus tu! celari videor a te. Quomodonam, mi frater, de nostris versibus Caesar?
Nam primum librum slegisse scripsit ad me ante et prima sic ut neget se ne Graeca quidem meliora
legisse; reliqua ad quendam locum rJaqumovtera; hoc enim utitur verbo. Dic mihi verum, num aut res eum
aut carakth;r non delectat? Nihil est quod vereare; ego enim ne pilo quidem minus me amabo. Hac de re
filalhqw'" et, ut tu soles scribere, fraterne.
37
Cf. also Cic. Att. 4.6.3, 4.9.2, 4.11.2.
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Cicero's consulship, and borders on literary polemic for one style of historical writing. It seems
fairly clear, in any case, that besides the immediate benefit for his reputation at that time (the
more dominant concern in the letter),38 Cicero also had his eye on the preservation of his deeds
for posterity.39 And of course, Cicero wished Lucceius to write a slightly more gripping account
than he might have otherwise, given his stylistic affinities.40 Lucceius never met Cicero's request.
That Cicero used self-justification as a therapy for his damaged reputation has been the
subject of close study.41 But in the speeches post reditum ad Quirites and in Senatu, and in the
De domo sua, Cicero is concerned not only with the current state of his reputation but also his
reputation after death. While it would be inappropriate to maintain that renown after death is
38
Cic. Fam. 5.12.1 [rapit] illa cupiditas ut vel auctoritate testimoni tui vel indicio benevolentiae vel
suavitate ingeni vivi perfruamur. Cf. also 5.12.7 Atque hoc praestantius mihi fuerit et ad laetitiam animi
et ad memoriae dignitatem si in tua scripta pervenero quam si in ceterorum ..; and esp. 5.12.9 illa nos
cupiditas incendit de qua initio scripsi, festinationis, quod alacres animo sumus ut et ceteri viventibus
nobis ex libris tuis nos cognoscant et nosmet ipsi vivi gloriola nostra perfruamur.
39
Cic. F a m. 5.12.1 neque enim me solum commemoratio posteritatis ac spes quaedam immortalitatis
rapit...; 5.12.6 neque autem ego sum ita demens ut me sempiternae gloriae per eum commendari velim
qui non ipse quoque in me commendando propriam ingeni gloriam consequatur.
40
Cic. Fam. 5.12.3 itaque te plane etiam atque etiam rogo ut et ornes ea vehementius etiam quam
fortasse sentis et in eo leges historiae neglegas gratiamque illam de qua suavissime quodam in
prohoemio scripsisti, a qua te flecti non magis potuisse demonstras quam Herculem Xenophontium illum
a Voluptate, eam, si me tibi vehementius commendabit, ne aspernere amorique nostro plusculum etiam
quam concedet veritas largiare.
41
Nicholson (1992) 23 "But the speeches are not devoid of serious political purposes. The exigence
behind them is deeper that the simple polite acknowledgment of favors and statements of appreciation.
Were this all that mattered, Cicero could simply have thanked his friends privately—which he did, both in
person and in letters. But he also felt compelled to make a formal, public statement of thanksgiving
incorporating important political aims. The underlying motive behind the two orations PR is Cicero's need
to redeem his reputation after the disgrace of exile, to restore his dignitas and to reassert his former
auctoritas as a leading consular statesman."
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Cicero's primary concern in these speeches, nevertheless, the notions of memoria and posteritas
do play an important role, especially – significant to my mind – in the speech to the senate.42 In
contrast to a general recognition of the enduring nature of his recollection of the people's
kindnesses in the speech ad Quirites,43 Cicero seems at pains in the speech before the Senate to
link his memoria first with that of the Senate in general, and second with that of the consul
Lentulus specifically. The first words of the speech (Si, patres conscripti, pro vestris
immortalibus in me fratremque meum liberosque nostros meritis parum vobis cumulate gratias
egero, quaeso obtestorque ne meae naturae potius quam magnitudini vestrorum beneficiorum id
tribuendum putetis, Cic. Red.Sen. 1) evoke future memory, in a general sense perhaps, through
immortalis; the hyperbaton certainly draws attention to immortalitas, and likewise to Cicero, his
brother, and his children. At 3, a transition from the expressions of gratia with which the speech
begins to a recognition of the senate's constant support during his exile, Cicero far more
explicitly links his memoria with that of the senate as a whole. Here Cicero claims to have
achieved immortalitas through the undying memoria of the senate's beneficia toward him:
Itaque, patres conscripti, quod ne optandum quidem est homini, immortalitatem quandam per
vos esse adepti videmur. Quod enim tempus erit umquam cum vestrorum in nos beneficiorum
memoria ac fama moriatur? (Cic. Red.Sen. 3). At 27 Cicero goes even further, claiming that the
42
Mack (1937) pointed out long ago the different emphases in the speeches cum senatu and ad Quirites.
In general see Mack (1937) 3-17; for "die Reden nach der Rückkehr" see 18-48. But Mack did not
comment on the fact that Cicero's emphasis on memoria is far more clearly focused in the speech in
Senatu than it is in that ad Quirites.
43
Cic. Red.Pop. 24 Quapropter memoriam vestri benefici colam benivolentia sempiterna, <nec tantum>
dum anima exspirabo mea, sed etiam cum me <vita defecerit, illa> monumenta vestri in me benefici
permanebunt.
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memory of the day of his recall will be eternal (ad sempiterni memoriam temporis), preserving
the victory his restoration represents.44 Cicero links his memoria to the consul of that year also.
In 8 P. Lentulus, a primary force behind Cicero's recall, is named parens ac deus nostrae vitae
fortunae memoriae nominis (Cic. Red.Sen. 8), an appellation repeated nearly verbatim in the
speech ad Quirites.45 The phrase is marvelously pregnant, and seems otherwise unparalleled.
Following 4-7, which equate Cicero's safety with that of the res publica,46 Cicero may even be
attempting a play on the title parens patriae, a title he himself received in 63.47 The genitives
underscore the significance of Lentulus' actions: Cicero is 'reborn' into the life of good fortune
(vitae fortunae) and is restored to prominence (memoriae nominis). Cicero is at pains to control
the memory of events in ways that reflect positively his policies and actions. Memoria, the
recollection of these res gestae, is something that can be championed in the public arena.
44
Cf. Cic. Red.Sen. 27 denique illo die, quem P. Lentulus mihi fratrique meo liberisque nostris natalem
constituit, non modo ad nostram verum etiam ad sempiterni memoriam temporis, quo die nos comitiis
centuriatis, quae maxime maiores comitia iusta dici haberique voluerunt, arcessivit in patriam, ut eaedem
centuriae quae me consulem fecerant consulatum meum comprobarent–eo die quis civis fuit qui fas esse
putaret, quacumque aut aetate aut valetudine esset, non se de salute mea sententiam ferre?
45
Cic. Red.Pop. 11 P. Lentulus consul, parens, deus, salus nostrae vitae, fortunae, memoriae, nominis.
46
Cf. esp. Cic. Red.Sen. 4 Nam consules modesti legumque metuentes impediebantur lege, non ea quae de
me, sed ea quae de ipsis lata erat, quam meus inimicus promulgavit ut, si revixissent ii qui haec paene
delerunt, tum ego redirem; quo facto utrumque confessus est, et se illorum vitam desiderare, et magno in
periculo rem publicam futuram si, cum hostes atque interfectores rei publicae revixissent, ego non
revertissem. Idemque illo ipso tamen anno, cum ego cessissem, princeps autem civitatis non legum
praesidio sed parietum vitam suam tueretur, res publica sine consulibus esset, neque solum parentibus
perpetuis verum etiam tutoribus annuis esset orbata, sententias dicere prohiberemini, caput meae
proscriptionis recitaretur, numquam dubitastis meam salutem cum communi salute coniungere.
47
See TLL 10.360.17ff for variations on parens patriae.
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1.2.2
Tacitus' Agricola: Remembering virtus
For the culture of commemoration in the Imperial period and the attempt by a family to
control a deceased member's memoria Tacitus' Agricola holds the position of prominence.
Indeed, the championing of memoria and res gestae is exclusively and explicitly undertaken in
Tacitus' De Vita Iulii Agricolae from the first words:
Clarorum virorum facta moresque posteris tradere, antiquitus usitatum,
ne nostris quidem temporibus quamquam incuriosa suorum aetas omisit,
quotiens magna aliqua ac nobilis virtus vicit ac supergressa est vitium
parvis magnisque civitatibus commune, ignorantiam recti et invidiam. sed
apud priores ut agere digna memoratu pronum magisque in aperto erat,
ita celeberrimus quisque ingenio ad prodendam virtutis memoriam sine
gratia aut ambitione bonae tantum conscientiae pretio ducebatur. ac
plerique suam ipsi vitam narrare fiduciam potius morum quam
adrogantiam arbitrati sunt, nec id Rutilio et Scauro citra fidem aut
obtrectationi fuit: adeo virtutes isdem temporibus optime aestimantur,
quibus facillime gignuntur. at nunc narraturo mihi vitam defuncti hominis
venia opus fuit, quam non petissem incusaturus: tam saeva et infesta
virtutibus tempora. (Tac. Agr. 1)
The observation that Tacitus deliberately echoes the opening of Cato's Origines dates back at
least to Wijkström.48 Ogilvie is likely correct to suggest that this nod to Cato's Origines seems to
48
Wijkström (1937) 159-168. Ogilvie (1967) 126 ad loc. "Similarly the introduction of the Dialogus
recalls the introduction of Plato's Symposium, and Annals 1.1,1 'urbem Romam a principio reges habuere'
is modelled on the opening of Sallust's Catiline (6,1). The first words of the Germania (G. omnis...) may
be compared with Caesar, B.G. 1.1,1 Gallia omnis and stamp the work as a piece of ethnographical
writing. This conceit ... makes it certain that Tacitus is recalling Cato directly and not second hand
through Cicero..."
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be an acknowledgment of "his [Tacitus'] agreement with Cato's belief that success in life is to be
won by personal achievement (virtus) rather than by circumstances, birth or position".49 But it
seems equally important to recognize the common effort to commemorate the individuals as
contributors to the prominence of the Roman state (through their virtutes and res gestae). The
whole of the Agricola seems focused on the person of Agricola and the specifically individual
virtutes which lie behind his res gestae; Cato, while he may have deliberately avoided attaching
names to events in his historical writings,50 was ready enough to point out his own contribution
to the state, and (although the contexts are lost) apparently condones the praise of glorious men
in other social contexts such as the convivium.51
There is much less doubt as to the genre of the Agricola than perhaps there once was: it is
a biography.52 Ogilvie cogently argued that the elements of the Agricola which had led earlier
49
Ogilvie (1967) 126. Cf. Nep. Cato 3.3. Horsfall (1989) 56-7 raises some possible motivations for not
naming individuals.
50
For the background and arguments see Astin (1978) 211-239, esp. 231-6.
51
For his own contribution, note for example that Cato seems not have have shied away from including at
least two of his own speeches in the Origines: the Rhodian speech in Book 5 and that against Galba in
Book 7. See Astin (1978), esp. 234; Cf. Cic. Rep. 2.2. Astin goes on to assert that the aim of self-display
will not answer all of our questions regarding the form or method of the Origines (234). For Cato's
apparent approval of the praise of men at convivia, Cf. HRR 12, fr. 118 (=Cic. Tusc. 4.2.3): Gravissimus
auctor in originibus dixit Cato, morem apud maiores hunc epularum fuisse, ut deinceps qui accubarent
canerent ad tibiam clarorum virorum laudes atque virtutes.
52
For a clear discussion of scholarship on this question to 1966 see Ogilvie (1967) 11-20. The question
has now moved more or less from strict definitions of genre (but not entirely; cf. Petersmann [1991] [=
ANRW II.33.3 1785-1806], and the perceptive summary of Ogilvie [1991] [= ANRW II.33.3 1714-1740]
1715-16) towards the issue of purpose.
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scholars to argue against considering it biography are in fact secondary to its form.53 The lessons
and motivations behind the Agricola suggest its function. Ogilvie writes, "...it is difficult to
escape the feeling that there is an ulterior purpose or occasion behind its publication."54 I am
ready to admit a multiplicity of purposes for this interesting work.55 But one of them is clearly
the preservation of Agricola's deeds (narrare vitam, Tac. Agr. 1.4) in a version complimentary to
the dead man (Hic interim liber honori Agricolae soceri mei destinatus, professione pietatis aut
laudatus erit aut excusatus, Tac. Agr. 3.3), that is, the desire to control public memoria about
Agricola – or more precisely how and for what he would be remembered.
That commemoration is the function of the Agricola and the purpose to which it was
aimed is explicitly stated in the final section of the work. This elegant passage56 seems to
encapsulate an aristocratic view of renown after death. The importance of the passage to what
follows merits a full citation:
Si quis piorum manibus locus, si, ut sapientibus placet, non cum corpore
extinguuntur magnae animae, placide quiescas, nosque domum tuam ab
infirmo desiderio et muliebris lamentis ad contemplationem virtutm
tuarum voces, quas neque lugeri neque plangi fas est. [2] admiratione te
potius et immortalibus laudibus et, si natura suppeditet, similitudine
colamus: is verus honos, ea coniuctissimi cuiusque pietas. [3] id filiae
53
Ogilvie (1967) 19.
54
Ogilvie (1991 = ANRW II 33.3.1714-1740) 1716.
55
For summaries of recent approaches, see Ogilvie (1991 = ANRW II 33.3.1714-1740); Turner (1997).
56
For the lyrical qualities of this final section, see Austin (1939) 116-117.
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quoque uxorique praeceperim, sic patris, sic mariti memoriam venerari, ut
omnia facta dictaque eius secum revolvant, formamque ac figuram animi
magis quam corporis complectantur, non quia intercedendum putem
imaginibus quae marmorae aut aere finguntur, sed, ut vultus hominum, ita
simulacra vultus imbecilla ac mortalia sunt, forma mentis aeterna, quam
tenere et exprimere non per alienam materiam et artem, sed tuis ipse
moribus possis. [4] quidquid ex Agricola amavimus, quidquid mirati
sumus, manet mansurumque est in animis hominum in aeternitate
temporum, fama rerum; nam multos veterum velut inglorios et ignobilis
oblivio obruit: Agricola posteritati narratus et traditus superstes erit.
(Tac. Agr. 46)
A second person address in which Agricola calls his domus57 away from grief to the
consideration of his virtutes brings to mind the importance for the aristocrat of family traditions
of excellence (witnessed in the pompa funebris, laudatio, and imagines for example) and the
emulation of ancestral greats,58 as well as exempla virtutum in general.59 The phrase admiratione
57
Tac. Agr. 46.1 nosque domum tuam ab infirmo desiderio et muliebris lamentis ad contemplationem
virtutum tuarum voces, quas neque lugeri neque plangi fas est. et has been inserted by some editors
between nosque and domum tuam (since Tacitus was not strictly part of Agricola's domus). –que et,
although Ogilvie cites Agr. 18.5.4, seems a more common combination in sequences of three or more in
the Agricola at least (cf. Agr. 5.3.1, 17.3.3, 33.1.2, 41.2.3). And, Ogilvie points out, Tacitus seems to be
speaking for the domus in 45 (Ogilvie [1967] 312 ad loc.).
58
See Flower (1996) passim. The tradition was brilliantly manipulated by Cicero against Clodia (Cic.
Cael. 33-34).
59
Cf. Val. Max. 8.14.praef., and esp. Val. Max. 8.15.praef. Candidis autem animis uoluptatem
praebuerint in conspicuo posita quae cuique magnifica merito contigerint, quia aeque praemiorum
uirtutis atque operum contemplatio iucunda est, ipsa natura nobis alacritatem sumministrante, cum
honorem industrie appeti et exsolui grate uidemus.
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... similtudine colamus60 has important resonances with the language of amicitia (and memoria)
as well as well-worn associations with ancestor emulation;61 the familial concern for emulation is
reinforced in the text by is verus honos ... pietas, which recalls the final words of the proem hic
interim liber honori Agricolae soceri mei destinatus, professione pietatis aut laudatus erit aut
excusatus (Tac. Agr. 3). Familial concerns are also apparent in Tacitus' exhortation to Agricola's
widow and daughter, his own wife, to worship Agricola's memory (memoriam venerari, Tac.
Agr. 46.3).62 Thus the family is placed in prominent position in the final sections of the Agricola,
just as they are in other contexts central to the preservation of individual's memoria (the laudatio
and pompa funebris).
60
Tac. Agr. 46.2 admiratione te potius et laudibus et, si natura suppeditet, similtudine colamus: is verus
honos, ea coniunctissimi cuiusque pietas. The correction similtudine colamus from the MS reading
militum decoramus is well argued by Ogilvie (1967) 314 ad loc.
61
amicitia and memoria cf. Cic. Red.Pop. 27 memoriam vestri benefici colam benevolentia sempiterna;
de Fin. 2.102.1 (in a similar context) quaero autem quid sit, quod, cum dissolutione, id est morte, sensus
omnis extinguatur, et cum reliqui nihil sit omnino, quod pertineat ad nos, tam accurate tamque diligenter
caveat et sanciat ut Amynomachus et Timocrates, heredes sui, de Hermarchi sententia dent quod satis sit
ad diem agendum natalem suum quotannis mense Gamelione itemque omnibus mensibus vicesimo die
lunae dent ad eorum epulas, qui una secum philosophati sint, ut et sui et Metrodori memoria colatur; cf.
also Suet. Nero 57.2.3.
62
Apparently a new coinage; see TLL 8.678.70 and 58-70 for similar later usages. For statements in kind
cf. Sen. ad Marc. 1.3ff (Marcia's service to the memory of Cremutius Cordus). Two exempla are
produced by Seneca, Livia and Octavia. Livia is the model of proper grief, who seeks to maintain the
memory of Drusus (Non desiit denique Drusi sui celebrare nomen, ubique illum sibi privatim publiceque
repraesentare, libentissime de illo loqui, de illo audire: cum memoria illius vixit; quam nemo potest
retinere et frequentare, qui illam tristem sibi reddidit. Sen. Ad Marc. 3.2). The opposite reaction is
presented in 2.4 where Octavia's inordinate grief acts against the symbols of memory: as well as refusing
to have an imago of Marcellus, or hear him spoken of, Octavia also ignored Marcellus' honors in poetry
(Tenebris et solitudini familiarissima, ne ad fratrem quidem respiciens, carmina celebrandae Marcelli
memoriae composita aliosque studiorum honores reiecit et aures suas adversus omne solacium clusit,
Sen. ad Marc. 2.4). For similar thoughts see Sen. Ad Polyb. 18.7-8.
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In the proem, after its assessment of monographs on individuals during earlier periods,
Tacitus remarks on the perils of biographical writing under Domitian. One of the motivations
ascribed by Tacitus to the destruction of books and monuments, the destruction of the vox populi
Romani,63 has great significance for our understanding of sanctions against memory (discussed
in more detail in Section Two). The vox populi Romani may have been destroyed, but (as Tacitus
remarks at the end of A g r . 2) memoria was not: memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce
perdidissemus, si tam in nostra potestate esset oblivisci quam tacere (Tac. Agr. 2.3).64 In
63
Tac. Agr. 2.1-2 Legimus, cum Aruleno Rustico Paetus Thraesa, Herrenio Senecioni Priscus Helvidius
laudati essent, capitale fuisse, neque in ipsos modo auctores, sed in libros quoque eorum saevitum,
delegato triumviris ministerio ut monumenta clarissimorum ingeniorum in comitio ac foro urerentur.
Scilicet illo igne vocem populi Romani et libertatem senatus et conscientiam generis humani absoleri
arbitrantur ...
64
The vox populi is often adduced by writers as a signal of consent and support, or of discord (Cic. De
Leg. Agr. 2.4.7-10 Itaque me non extrema diribitio suffragiorum, sed primi illi vestri concursus, neque
singulae voces praeconum, sed una vox universi populi Romani consulem declaravit; Pro Flac. 103.4-8
Sed quid ea commemoro quae tum cum agebantur uno consensu omnium, una voce populi Romani, uno
orbis terrae testimonio in caelum laudibus efferebantur, nunc vereor ne non modo non prosint verum
etiam aliquid obsint?; Liv. Ab Urbe 39.49.9.1-10.4 aegre summouentes obuios intrare portam, qui
adducebant Philopoemenem, potuerunt. aeque conferta turba iter reliquum clauserat; et cum pars
maxima exclusa a spectaculo esset, theatrum repente, quod propinquum uiae erat, compleuerunt, et, ut eo
adduceretur in conspectum populi, una uoce omnes exposcebant; Tac. Hist. 3.67.10 XV kalendas
Ianuarias audita defectione legionis cohortiumque, quae se Narniae dediderant, pullo amictu Palatio
degreditur, maesta circum familia; ferebatur lecticula parvulus filius velut in funebrem pompam: voces
populi blandae et intempestivae, miles minaci silentio.). For divided vox populi as sign of
discord/disruption, cf. Tac. Hist. 1.40.1-8 Agebatur huc illuc Galba vario turbae fluctuantis impulsu,
completis undique basilicis ac templis, lugubri prospectu. neque populi aut plebis ulla vox, sed attoniti
vultus et conversae ad omnia aures; non tumultus, non quies, quale magni metus et magnae irae silentium
est. Othoni tamen armari plebem nuntiabatur; ire praecipitis et occupare pericula iubet. The context here
brings an interesting parallel to mind which connects vox with libertas, namely the statement of the
Thessalians against Philip recorded by Livy; in the absence of the Romans (the guarantors of their
libertas), the Thessalians vox (the symbol of their libertas) is ignored by Philip: Itaque ergo in tantum
metum omnes Thessalos coniectos, ut non in civitatibus suis, non in communibus gentis conciliis
quisquam hiscere audeat. Procul enim abesse libertatis auctores Romanos: lateri adhaerere gravem
dominum, prhibentem uti beneficiis populi Romani. Quid autem, si vox libera non sit, liberum esse? (Liv.
Ab Urbe 39.25.11)
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essence, this survival of memoria is what lies behind Tacitus' assessment of biography in the
proem. And, in essence, this survival of memoria is what Tacitus claims also for Agricola, not
only in recording his life for posterity (Agricola posteritati narratus et traditus superstes erit,
Tac. Agr. 46.4), not only by giving his own vox to Agricola's memory (non tamen pigebit vel
incondita ac rudi voce memoriam prioris servitutis ac testimonium praesentium bonorum
composuisse, Tac. Agr. 3.3), but perhaps also in giving Agricola a vox through his writing, one
with which Agricola draws attention to his virtutes and impels his family to emulation (nosque
domum tuam ab informo desiderio et muliebris lamentis ad contemplationem virtutum tuarum
voces, Tac. Agr. 46.1).65
We see then, in these two representative examples, how elite Romans conceived of
memoria, and especially how they went about attempting to control memoria. Although in the
one case the individual attempts to control his own memoria while still alive and, in the other, an
individual attempts to control the now instantiated memoria of a dead family member, both
represent the same essential process. In Cicero we saw that the interests of the individual in
respect to the preservation of a positive memoria could precipitate a dynamic and ongoing
campaign to assert in the public sphere a version of events and an interpretation of motives
which accentuate the positive and play down (or veil) the negative. As much as an individual's
concern for the control of memoria underpinned the discussion of the Ciceronian material, the
65
Tacitus's famous comment on the purpose of history shows strong influences from this thought, except
for its focus on the family: Exequi sententias haud institui nisi insignis per honestum aut notabili
dedecore, quod praecipuum munus annalium reor ne virtutes sileantur utque pravis dictis factisque ex
posteritate et infamia metus sit (Tac. Ann. 3.65.1-4).
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concern of the family for the memoria of a deceased member was fundamental to my analysis of
Tacitus' Agricola. In the Agricola we saw the relevance for the family of the deceased's memoria,
and the importance of the family in controlling and perpetuating that memoria. In the analysis of
these examples I have isolated the individual from the family for emphasis. It should be clearly
understood, however, that while memoria as a concept may be so dissected and discussed, the
full complexity of this organic and living part of Roman elite culture cannot be fully appreciated
in this way. The reality is much less tidy. Setting aside for now, then, discussion of ways in
which memoria was conceived and strategies for controlling memoria (a positive control), let us
turn to a re-evaluation of a rather untidy manifestation of memoria, the so-called damnatio
memoriae, from the perspective of control adopted above (but now negative). I shall argue that
these "sanctions against memory" were not intended to destroy or to eradicate memoria but to
control how and for what the individual was remembered in the public arena by diverting public
attention from gloria to scelus.
1.3
Memoria Controlled
In section 1.3 I examine the so-called damnatio memoriae from the perspective of control
(section 1.3.1), questioning in section 1.3.2 earlier assumptions about the purpose of these
sanctions by re-evaluating the factual evidence. I apply this set of observations to the recently
uncovered Senatus Consultum de Pisone Patre in section 1.3.3. I argue that the sanctions applied
to Calpurnius Piso and his family were not intended to destroy or to eradicate memoria but to
control how and for what the individual would be remembered in the public arena by diverting
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public attention from gloria to scelus. These sanctions against memory (i.e. both the damnatio
memoriae in general and the specific example of the SCPP) are inarguably an attack on the
commemoration of elite individuals and will serve as another specific and socio-historically
grounded example of the culture of commemoration. Section 1.3.4, an assessment of the
significance of sanctions against memoria of literary achievement, discusses the prosecution of
Cremutius Cordus.
1.3.1
Sanctions against Memory
The following discussion of the so-called damnatio memoriae needs to be prefaced by a
short comment about terminology, the sources of information, and their interpretation. As most
recent writers on the subject have pointed out,66 what modern scholarship knows as damnatio
memoriae is simply the observed set of traditional punishments that were applied against an
individual on a case-by-case basis. A variety of terms and periphrases are used by the ancient
sources in narrating and listing the post mortem punishments that affect the memoria of a
criminal. I should note first of all, however, that no technical term is found in extant sources
before the jurists to describe these punishments as a group,67 and even these later legal texts are
consistent in using memoria damnata, not damnatio memoriae.68 Of the literary and historical
sources, only Suetonius uses a phrase remotely similar to that of the jurists in the context of
66
Cf. e.g. Vittinghoff (1936) 12; Varner (1993) 1-2; Flower (1998) 156, (2000) 58; Hedrick (2000) xii.
67
See below and esp. Vittinghoff (1936) 64-74 for ancient terminology.
68
See Zedler (1885) 1-27 passim and Vittinghoff (1936) 64-74 (a more coherent treatment of the juristic
sources).
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sanctions against the remembering of a dead individual – memoria abolenda – first of Gaius (and
the other Caesars) and then of Domitian.69 Livy, Velleius Paterculus, and Tacitus do not use the
term, although they narrate events which scholars associate with damnatio memoriae.
Sanctions against memory as they are traditionally understood were enacted against
Gaius and Domitian; but Suetonius uses the phrase memoria abolenda in each case.70 It seems
clear on consideration of the passages (see n. 69), that the phrase is not used of the punishments
as a whole, but simply identifies one of the punishments carried out against the two graves
domini. Livy uses the phrase at 7.13.4 in a similar sense of "put out of mind" with a similar
69
Suet. Cal. 60, Dom. 23. The description of the Senate's angry attack on the symbols of Domitian's
power after his death is striking, but not surprising, in its resemblance to some (but by no means all) of
the traditional punishments inflicted (Contra [sc. the armies] senatus adeo laetatus est, ut repleta certatim
curia non temperaret, quin mortuum contumeliosissimo atque acerbissimo adclamationum genere
laceraret, scalas etiam inferri clipeosque et imagines eius coram detrahi et ibidem solo affligi iuberet,
novissime eradendos ubique titulos abolendamque omnem memoriam decerneret, Suet. Dom. 23.1). The
phrase memoriam abolendam cannot here be any sort of technical term describing a group of sanctions
against memory, as is memoria damnata later, since it appears rather to be one of the punishments
inflicted, closely linked to eradendos titulos. Nor does it describe a consequence of these earlier actions.
Looking back in time on the reaction to Caligula's death, a similar juxtaposition of memoria abolenda and
the destruction of physical symbols of power occurs (et senatus in asserenda libertate adeo consensuit, ut
consules primo in curiam, quia Iulia vocabatur, sed in Capitolium convocarent, quidam vero sententiae
loco abolendam Caesarum memoriam ac diruenda templa censuerint, Suet. Cal. 60). There too,
memoriam abolendam is presented as concommittant with the destruction of the temples, rather than as a
consequence. Presumably also "the other Caesars" (Caesarum) would include even the great Julius Caesar
and Augustus. Since, however, their memoriae were manifestly guaranteed by large areas of Rome
herself, it is difficult (even given the intensity of the Senate's dissatisfaction at this time) to construe this
as "destroy/eradicate [their] memory".
70
Varner (1993) 14-76 Gaius, 216-294 Domitian. For questions raised over the extent of the sanctions
against Domitian see Pailler&Sablayrolles (1994) 16-17 where they suggest only 44% of total inscriptions
suffered erasure of name, and only 18.5% total in Rome and Italy.
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notion of replacing the memory, in this case memory of disgraceful conduct.71 Livy 8.11.1
(concerning the devotio)72 and 9.36.1 (referring to the humiliating defeat at the Caudine Forks)73
should be construed likewise. Elsewhere Livy uses memoria with abolescere of an event or thing
"forgotten". At 3.55.6 he describes the sacrosanctity of the tribunes as something that prope iam
memoria aboleverat,74 until its restoration under the Valerian-Horatian rogation. Tacitus uses
memoriam abolere with a defining genitive once in the same sense of "put out of mind".75
Suetonius uses the phrase memoria abolita at de Grammaticis et Rhetoribus 24.2 of M. Valerius
Probus Berytius who, frustrated at his lack of advancement, gave himself over to the study of
71
Livy 7.13.3.2-7.13.5 is [sc. Tullius] praecedens militum agmen ad tribunal pergit mirantique Sulpicio
non turbam magis quam turbae principem Tullium, imperiis oboedientissimum militem, 'si licet, dictator'
inquit, 'condemnatum se uniuersus exercitus a te ignauiae ratus et prope ignominiae causa destitutum
sine armis orauit me ut suam causam apud te agerem. equidem, sicubi loco cessum, si terga data hosti, si
signa foede amissa obici nobis possent, tamen hoc a te impetrari aequum censerem ut nos uirtute culpam
nostram corrigere et abolere flagitii memoriam noua gloria patereris.
72
Livy 8.11.1. haec, etsi omnis diuini humanique moris memoria aboleuit noua peregrinaque omnia
priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi uerbis quoque ipsis, ut tradita nuncupataque sunt, referre.
73
Livy 9.36.1 silua erat Ciminia magis tum inuia atque horrenda quam nuper fuere Germanici saltus,
nulli ad eam diem ne mercatorum quidem adita. eam intrare haud fere quisquam praeter ducem ipsum
audebat; aliis omnibus cladis Caudinae nondum memoria aboleuerat.
74
Livy 3.55.6.2-3.55.7 et cum plebem hinc prouocatione, hinc tribunicio auxilio satis firmassent, ipsis
quoque tribunis, ut sacrosancti uiderentur, cuius rei prope iam memoria aboleuerat, relatis quibusdam ex
magno interuallo caerimoniis renouarunt, et cum religione inuiolatos eos, tum lege etiam fecerunt,
sanciendo ut qui tribunis plebis aedilibus iudicibus decemuiris nocuisset, eius caput Ioui sacrum esset,
familia ad aedem Cereris Liberi Liberaeque uenum iret.
75
Tac. Hist. 1.84.11-13 paucorum culpa fuit, duorum poena erit: ceteri abolete memoriam foedissimae
noctis. Cf. Tac. Ann. 1.3.25-28 bellum ea tempestate nullum nisi adversus Germanos super erat,
abolendae magis infamiae ob amissum cum Quintilio Varo exercitum quam cupidine proferendi imperii
aut dignum ob praemium; Tac. Ann. 1.78.7-8 ita proximae seditionis male consulta, quibus sedecim
stipendiorum finem expresserant, abolita in posterum.
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writings while in provincia, writings remembered there but forgotten at Rome.76 Consequently, I
suggest that Suetonius' use of the phrase for Domitian is of a similar meaning, as it must be with
Caligula (who could "destroy the memory" of the Caesars, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius?). This is
simply a periphrasis for "forget" or "put out of mind". To be sure, behind the phrase lies a
conscious decision "to put out of mind", an intention felt more strongly in the instances cited
above which hint that memoria might be “replaced”. Obviously, the concepts of "destroying"
memory, "forgetting" (both deliberate and incidental), and "replacing" memory are not at all
distinct enough to make a sure argument. On the other hand, I think it would be likewise
imprudent to claim that the phrase memoria abolenda77 is used by Suetonius in these two
instances to refer to "the destruction of memory" or the even later damnatio memoriae. It seems
at least as valid to interpret these two passages as showing the Senate's willingness to manipulate
and replace the memory these emperors were building for themselves. By destroying the
emperors' symbols of power, the Senate constructs a new memoria designed to replace the one
these very symbols instantiated.
1.3.2.1
Assumptions and Terminology
The terminology in use in modern scholarship, and the lack of terminology in the early
sources (i.e. before the jurists) lies at the root of our difficulty in understanding the phenomenon
of damnatio memoriae as a whole. It may very well be that the terminology traditionally
76
Suet. De Rhet. 24.2: legerat in provincia quosdam veteres libellos apud grammatistam, durante adhuc
ibi antiquorum memoria necdum omnino abolita sicut Romae.
77
Even the grammatical construction is revealing: contrast the gerundival form of this phrase with the
past participle of memoria damnata. Cf. n. 75 Tac. Ann. 1.3.25-28.
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employed has pre-determined the focus of the debate. Damnatio memoriae, although invented by
the jurists for reference to a specific legal phenomenon, was long ago extrapolated by scholars
onto earlier, seemingly similar, cases. As a result, the terminology has created false categories
and expectations, and the scholarship on the subject is still reacting to the discrepancies between
the evidence and the construct. Early scholarly works on damnatio memoriae were as concerned
with examining the legal basis and implications of memoria damnata as they were the types of
punishments. Vittinghoff, for example, attempted to limit damnatio memoriae as a juristic
terminus technicus referring to a punishment applied to the dead reus criminis perduellionis, and
created abolitio memoriae to refer to punishments for maiestas.78 To abolitio memoriae ("der
Vernichtung von Bild und Namen, im Grab- und Trauerverbot, teilweise auch in der
Verfluchung des Geburtstages oder der festlichen Feier des Todestages ..., zumal in der Bild- und
Namensstrafe") Vittinghoff connects supplementary punishments (Zuzustrafen) contingent on
the social rank of the individual ("abhängig von der sozialen und politischen Stellung des
Verbrechers").79
The basis for this distinction between damnatio and abolitio is difficult to ascertain,
depending a great deal on Vittinghoff's larger purpose in this work, the juxtaposition of sources
separated in time and intent, and his understanding of perduellio and maiestas. I do not have the
78
For damnatio memoriae as t.t. see Vittinghoff (1936) 66 "Es muß zunächst festgestellt werden, daß die
memoria damnata (damnatio memoriae ist ausschließlich moderne Prägung) ein rein juristicher terminus
technicus ist, der siebenmahl begegnet." Cf. also 70-72, esp. 70 "die m.d. [memoria damnata] gehört
allein in den Zusammenhang des crimen perduellionis." For distinction of abolitio memoriae see 12-13.
79
Vittinghoff (1936) 12-13.
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space to deal with these points in detail; but a note on Vittinghoff's larger project in connection
with perduellio and maiestas is in order. The first half of the work (1-74) seems designed to
isolate perduellio as described in the late juristic texts (where it is the worst type of maiestas)
from similar types of crimes found in the historical sources, often associated with maiestas.
Furthermore, perduellio is in the jurists associated with the death of the accused prior to the
beginning of the proceedings (64-74), and on this point too Vittinghoff tries to draw a fine
distinction between these individuals and those accused of maiestas, who often "died" mid-trial.
In the legal texts, only a trial on perduellio would continue past the death of the accused.
Because memoria damnata is a term applied only in the jurists, and there only to those convicted
of perduellio, Vittinghoff created a new term (abolitio memoriae) for the set of punishments in
evidence in the historical sources.
There are several problems with this set of arguments, not least of which is that the jurists
do not to my knowledge offer a consistent description of the punishments which comprise
memoria damnata. Second, the distinction between perduellio and maiestas can only be argued,
on the basis of the juristic sources, to be valid for that time period and not earlier. For the same
reason, the importance of the status of the individual, living or dead, is reduced, and even further
lessened by the fact that punishments meted out to those accused of crimen maiestatis were often
post mortem in any case. If we reconsider Vittinghoff's argument from the point of view of the
punishments inflicted (assuming that memoria damnata and abolitio memoriae share the same
basic sanctions against memory), the distinctions disappear altogether.
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1.3.2.2
Intent and Teleology
As for the sources and interpretation of evidence, reliance on anecdotal evidence (our
only other evidence connected with sanctions against memory beyond the Senatus Consultum de
Pisone Patri – S C P P – and the physical evidence of erasures and image vandalism and
reworking, which may be the result of a number of motivations80), immediately raises a rather
serious question. Do we have only "failed" examples of these sanctions? In other words, did
others suffer similar fates more completely, so that their existence is truly obliterated from the
historical record?
There are several ways to deal with this question of evidence. We might suggest that the
evidence we have is by chance, and that there may be many more cases that have simply
disappeared from the record. Here basic assumptions come into play. Flower, for example,
although she does suggest that shaming the memory was also part of the intent,81 seems quite
80
See Varner (1993) and Matheson (2000) on the reworking of portraits. Varner (1993) 7 suggests that
damage or destruction of these images "approximate attacks on the emperor's actual physical being". See
further discussion below on the destruction of Piso's statues. While he places this destruction – and a
similar sort of regularized vandalism which preserves the identity of the portrait while marring its features
– in the context of damnationes, I call attention to the statement of Vittinghoff (1936) 14 "Die
Niederreißung der imagines principis ist der Anfang der Revolte gegen den Princeps und wird immer so
gedeutet." The passages Vittinghoff cites are revealing since, in all the examples the destruction of images
happen before an official act of damnatio occurred: Dio 63.25.1 Rufus' troops destroy images of Nero;
Tac. Hist. 1.41, 1.55 Galba's images are torn down or stoned to show favor to Otho; Dio 65.10.3, Tac.
Hist. 3.13, 3.31 Vitellius' images are destroyed by troops changing allegiance to Vespasian. Note that
only for Nero – by virtue of the fact he was declared hostis (Suet. Nero 49.2 se hostem a senatu iudicatum
et quaeri ut puniatur more maiorum) – can we be certain that there was a damnatio, but even then it was
after his death and burial. Varner supposes damnationes for other emperors on the basis of the destruction
and damage of images (the circularity of this argument is astonishing) or pure conjecture; see for example
Varner (1993) 205-215.
81
Flower (1998) 158.
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prepared to admit that there are individuals against whom such sanctions were applied,
knowledge of whom was lost because (as she asserts) the purpose of such sanctions was to erase
the individual from the record.82 She writes, "The easiest and most obvious way to attack an
inscription which honored or mentioned the targeted individual would be to destroy it. Obviously
this is also the hardest for us to detect."83 This basic assumption of intent can lead to rather
serious distortions of the evidence, if not checked. One example: John Bodel, in an otherwise
carefully argued paper, attributes a motivation for the SCPP of AD 20 (for details see below) on
the part of the Senate which is evident neither in the text of the SCPP itself, nor in Tacitus'
version of the events (cf. esp. Tac. Ann. 3.17):
"First, despite the expressed aim of the senators condemning Piso to
eradicate all memory of him and his misdeeds, the clause of their decree
mandating its publication in major cities and at military headquarters
throughout the empire 'so that the order of the whole affair could be
handed down to the memory of future generations and they would know
what the Senate had decided about ... the crimes of the elder Cn. Piso,'
fundamentally undermines its ostensible purpose." (my italics). 84
82
Flower (1998) 155 referring to the SCPP "I will argue that the decree attests a traditional form of
damnatio memoriae whose aim was to remove an erring citizen while enabling both the family of the
traitor and the larger community to continue as if the offender had never existed." [my underline] See also
Flower (2000) 59 "We should also keep in mind that a truly successful damnatio memoriae would indeed
have completely removed an individual from the historical and material record. We will never know how
often this actually happened." Flower (1996) seems to stress the dishonor of the sanctions more strongly
(cf. e.g. 29 "The imagines appear at the centre of the penalties designed to dishonour the memory of
Piso.")
83
Flower (2000) 60. Linderski (1987) uncovered an "erased", but manifestly not completely, person.
84
Bodel (1999a) 44. The text translated (with omission of Germanicus) is SCPP 165-72 et quo facilius
totius actae rei ordo posterorum memoriae tradi posset atque hi scire<nt> quid et de singulari
moderatione Germ(anici) Caesa(ris) et de sceleribus Cn. Pisonis patris senatus iudicasset.
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There simply is no indication whatever of any such motivation on the part of the Senate. The text
of the inscription at 165-72 is in fact quite plain in asserting the two motivations for and the
ostensible purpose of the SC: to record the Senate's sententiae concerning Germanicus'
moderatio and Piso's scelus, and "to preserve the whole affair for the memory of those to come"
(totius actae rei ordo posterorum memoriae tradi posset).85
It is here that I suggest the evidence for sanctions against memory might be profitably reevaluated as attempts on the part of the state to control the memoria of a deceased enemy. To this
end, the individual's negative qualities and actions are "immortalized" in the cultural record
(memoria) in a number of ways (for which see below). The memoria is not "destroyed", but
deliberately and publicly construed for posterity in a negative light. This approach alleviates
somewhat a recurring problem in the scholarship on the subject, namely, the paradoxical need on
the one hand to destroy memory of an individual, and on the other hand to preserve the memoria
as a deterrent example for future wrong-doers.86
85
Compare the formulation memoriae tradi to the end of Tac. Agr. 46.5: Agricola posteritati narratus et
traditus superstes erit. Cf. TLL 8.677.60-678.4. See also Potter (1999) on "motivation clauses" in
epigraphic material; Potter draws attention to the ideology of Imperial virtues outlined in the SCPP
contrasted with Piso's own actions.
86
Hedrick (2000) attempts in large part to examine the paradoxes associated with sanctions against
memory, adopting a complicated approach based on the paradoxical significance of erasure: "The
damnatio memoriae should be understood as dissimulatory, a masquerade. It works to produce significant
[sic] silences and erasures. The key is to recognize that the silences and erasures are themselves signs. To
be sure, they are signs that pretend to be the opposite, the negation of representation – just as damnatio
memoriae purports to be the destruction of memory and not its dishonoring. To notice silence and
erasures, however, is to treat them as representations: what is recognized is always a sign, and a sign is
never merely itself, but always something that stands for something else." (2000, 117). Hedrick, although
he recognizes the dishonoring aspect of sanctions against memory, nevertheless maintains the primacy of
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It should be increasingly clear that there is a problem in reconciling the evidence with the
general scholarly assumptions about the purpose and effect of sanctions against memory. Our
interests lie in the possible repercussions for memory of the sanctions; the working hypothesis is
that these sanctions (with the possible exception of pecuniary damages) are directed at the public
memory of the individual. The case of Piso Pater arguably offers the best overall evidence for the
application of sanctions against memory, and has the extra merit of being relevant in time and
circumstance to the study of the elite in Flavian Rome. In the following pages I examine in detail
the implications of these sanctions for the memoria of an individual and a family, challenging
certain standard assumptions that lie behind the interpretation of evidence. I will be most
interested in showing how the sanctions cannot be intended to erase Piso's memoria in the short
term, but rather seem intended to dishonor the individual and control how he is commemorated
in the public arena.
1.3.3
Sanctions and Memoria: the SCPP
The Senatus Consultum de Pisone Patri has received a great deal of scholarly attention
since its discovery in 1991. Not only do analytical texts exist in German and English editions,
the destruction of memory, often seeming to contradict himself at several points (e.g. 2000, 93: "the
damnatio memoriae was intended to eradicate memory."). Clearly, Hedrick has attempted to understand
the very difficult issue of how memory can or cannot be destroyed; the difficulties arise in his arguments
because Hedrick perpetuates the notion that the initial intent of sanctions against memory is to
destroy/eradicate memory (see Hedrick [2000] xii "So there is a tension implicit in damnatio memoriae,
between its apparent purpose, which is to destroy memory, and the effects of its implementation, which
work in a backhanded way to confirm memory."). Much of the paradox and tension would be negated if
we were to alter Hedrick's statement to read: 'the apparent purpose of sanctions against memory is to
dishonor an individual in memoria; their implementation sometimes works to facilitate the exclusion of
the individual from memoria altogether.'
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but the comprehensive commentary of Eck, Caballos, and Fernandez (1996) has now joined
almost ten years of intense scholarly activity. The sanctions themselves have been the subject of
two excellent discussions, Flower (1998) and in particular Bodel (1999a), which focuses on
implications of the sanctions for public image at Rome. My debt to these articles will be obvious
in what follows. Nevertheless, the sanctions, all of which have earlier or contemporary parallels,
will bear discussion concerning how they might have affected the memoria of the individual (in
the sense of the perpetuation of public image after death); working from the assumptions argued
above, these sanctions are not intended to eradicate memoria but to control how and for what the
individual is remembered in the public arena by diverting public attention from gloria to scelus.
The suggestion that the SCPP was intended to eradicate memory of Piso has been dismissed
above. Indeed, the purpose of the SC was quite the opposite; the emphasis in the text on the
contrast between the virtutes and pietas of the Imperial family and the scelus and nefaria of Piso
is quite clear.87 Scelus replaces gloria in public memoria. I cite the portion of the SCPP relevant
to the sanctions against Piso below in full, citing portions relevant for specific discussions in
footnotes:88
Quas ob res arbitrari senatum non optulisse eum se debitae poenae, sed
maiori | et quam inminere sibi ab pietate et severitate iudicantium
intellegebant | subtraxisse; itaque his poenis, quas a semet ipso exegisset,
adicere: ne quis luc-|tus mortis eius causa a feminis quibus eis more
87
"The list of virtutes pertaining to members of the imperial household constitutes, in effect, a Tiberian
successor to the clipeus aureus (RGDA 34.2 virtus, clementia, iustitia, pietas), adducing moderatio,
iustitia, pietas, partus, concordia, aequitas, sanctitas morum." Damon and Takáks (1999) 9 describing
Potter's contribution to the seminar. Cf. SCPP 132-65 and Potter (1999).
88
The text is based on that of D.S Potter (1999), whose reconstructions are accepted throughout.
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maiorum, si hoc senatus consultum factum | non esset, lugendus esset,
susciperetur; utique statuae et imagines Cn. Pisonis | patris, quae ubique
positae essent, tollerentur; recte et ordine facturos, qui qu-|andoque
familiae Calpurniae essent, quive eam familiam cognatione | adfinitateve
contingerent, si dedissent operam, si quis eius gentis aut quis eo-|rum, qui
cognatus adfinisve Calpurniae familiae fuisset, mortuos esset, lugen-|dus
esset, ne inter reliquas imagines, <quibus> exequias eorum funerum
celebrare solent, | imago Cn. Pisonis patris duceretur neve imaginibus
familiae Calpurniae i-|mago eius interponeretur; utique nomen Cn.
Pisonis patris tolleretur | ex titulo statuae Germanici Caesaris, quam ei
sodales Augustales in campo ad | aram Providentiae posuissent; utique
bona Cn. Pisonis patris publicarentur | excepto saltu, qui esset in
Hillyrico; eum saltem placere Ti. Caesari Augusto prin-|cipi nostro, cuius
a patre divo Augusto Cn. Pisoni patri donatus erat, reddi, cum | is idcirco
dari eum sibi desiderasset, quod <gentes>, quarum fines hos saltus
contin-|gerent, frequenter de iniuris Cn. Pisonis patris liberorumque et
servorum | eius questae essent, atque ob id providendum putaret, ne
postea iure meritoque | soci populi Romani queri possent; item senatum,
memorem clementiae suae ius-|titiaeque <atque> animi magnitudinis,
quas virtutes quom a maioribus suis acce-|pisset, tum praecipue ab divo
Augusto et Ti. Caesare Augusto principibus suis didicisset, | ex bonis Cn.
Pisonis patris publicatis aequom humanumque censere, filio eius | Pisoni
maiori, de quo nihil esset dictum, qui principis nostri quaestor fuisset,
quem | Germanicus quoque liberalitate sua honorasset, qui complura
modestiae| suae posuisset pignora, | ex quibus sperari posset,
dissimillumum eum patri suo futurum, donari | nomine principis et senatus
bonorum partem dimidiam eumque, cum tan-|to beneficio obligaretur,
recte atque ordine facturum, si praenomen patris | mutasset; M. etiam
Pisonem, qu<o>i inpunitatem senatus humanitati et mode-|rationi
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principis sui adsensus dandam esset arbitraretur, quo facilius | inviolatum
senatus benificium ad eum pervenire<t>, alteram partem dimi-|diam
bonorum paternorum dari, ita ut ex omnibus bonis, quae decreto | senatus
publicata et concessa iis essent, nummum quadrigies centena milia
daretur. item | placere, uti Cn. Piso pater supra portam Fontinalem quae
inaedificasset | iungendarum domum privatarum causa, ea curatores
locorum publico-|rum iudicandorum tollenda dimolienda curarent. (SCPP
71-109)
The SC is not devoted solely to the listing of the crimes and punishments of Piso. The cultivation
on the part of the Senate of an ideology of the principate and the family of the princeps is quite
apparent. Potter, in his article in the collection of papers on the SCPP published as AJP 120
(1999), studies the fascinating use of Republican and Augustan virtues in describing Tiberius and
Germanicus.89 The SC cites four matters referred by Tiberius to the Senate for their
consideration, of which the case and death of Piso was only the first. Nevertheless, the concerns
of Piso will loom large in this section for obvious reasons. I simply draw to the reader's attention
that the concerns of the Senate in this SC were wider than Piso alone.
The first sanction recorded against Piso prohibited any mourning by any woman who
ought to have mourned him.90 As commentators have remarked, this group of women was
89
Potter (1999).
90
SCPP 73-5.
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potentially very large, although we cannot be certain how large.91 Loraux points out that
women's mourning had a highly visible and formal role in the life of the community.92 That
mourning might have political significance during Piso's time in particular is evidenced by
Tacitus Ann. 6.10 in Tiberius' punishment of Vitia, mother of Fufius Geminus.93 Furthermore,
since the period of mourning for women was ten months to one year,94 the display was more
protracted than that of the men, whose period of mourning ended after the novemdialis.
Presumably, prohibitions were not applied to men (or professional mourners, for example) since
the burial and the novemdialis was probably finished by the time of the final decisions published
in the SC.95
The removal (not destruction) of all statues and portraits of Piso Pater has immediate
repercussions, of course.96 The wide public recognition of the individual's features are most
91
As Bodel (1999a) 46 points out, quibus more maiorum, while not precise for us, may not have been
ambiguous for the Roman reader. Loraux (1990) 50-52 emphasizes the role of the matronae over all
others. Flower (1998) 159 suggests that even professional mourners might be included. See discussions in
Kierdorf (1980) 196ff and Van Sickle (1987) 45-47.
92
Loraux (1990) 50-51, citing in particular Livy 2.40. On women's grief Loraux writes further (51-2): "La
douleur en forme de blessure fait d'elle l'équivalent du soldat couvert de cicatrices." See Sen. Helv. 3.1
and 16 for full development of the metaphor. Further in the same chapter Loraux seems to point to the
political nature of women's grieving as Roman interpretation and not a Greek one (53-4).
93
Tac. Ann. 6.10 Ne feminae quidem exsortes periculi. Quia occupandae rei publicae argui non poterant,
ob lacrimas incusabantur; necataque est anus Vitia, Fufi Gemini mater, quod filii necem flevisset. Haec
apud senatum; Cf. Pl. Ep. 3.16 on Attia. See further below on the political and civic aspects of the
aristocratic funeral.
94
See Plut. Num. 12 and Paul. Sent. 1.21.12 as well as Sen. Helv. passim.
95
On the complicated issue of chronology see Talbert (1999) and Flower (1999).
96
SCPP 75-76.
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affected, and so one might argue that the person is forgotten in image. The most obvious
objection to sanctioned "forgetting" of a person's image is that in most cases the removal or
destruction of statues is a public response to an event, rather than to a directive.97 In any case, it
is difficult to assess the extent and comprehensiveness of responses to ordered destruction of
statues beyond pointing out that in some instances we have reports of statues surviving such
destruction.98 In other cases, too, as Vittinghoff pointed out,99 the attack on the images of an
individual is a mark of disrespect, an outward expression of changed loyalty or displeasure. This
is obviously the case for the principes,100 but equally true of lesser figures. The toppling and
destruction of Sejanus' statues is quite celebrated, but apparently motivated by invidia.101
Gregory discusses the close connection of images with political life.102 Among many
possible motivations, Gregory suggests, "Many of these physical attacks on statues were
intended not simply to harm or kill an individual through his representation but also to obliterate
97
See n. 80.
98
The ones at Rome most revealing: a statue of Domitian was in Rome down to time of Procopius (Hist.
Arc. 8); in Augustus’ reign a statue of Brutus was noticed in Mediolanum (Plut. Comp. Brut. and Dio 5;
cf. Tac. Ann. 4.35); Augustus let L. Sestius honor Brutus among ancestors (Dio 53.32.4, App. BC 4.51).
Names were also found (see Vittinghoff [1936] 29-33).
99
Vittinghoff (1936) 14: "Die Niederreißung der imagines principis ist der Anfang der Revolte gegen den
Princeps und wird immer so gedeutet. Wenn bei Demonstration oft zum Zeichen der Sympathie Bilder
umhergetragen werden, so ist ihre Zerstörung stärkster Feindschaft." Cf. Gregory (1994) 95.
100
Cf. inter alia accounts of the Year of the Four Emperors, n. 80.
101
Juv. 10.56-7 quosdam praecipitat subiecta potentia magnae | invidiae ...
102
Gregory (1994).
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his memory."103 While it cannot be denied that the destruction of images effectively removes an
avenue of public commemoration by destroying it, there are other consequences to consider. A
great merit of Gregory's article is that he draws attention to the interplay between image and
political allegiance or imitation.104 Brutus and Cassius had a long ideological influence in
Imperial Rome, not only in literature, but in visual media as well. As Gregory writes:
The long history of the ideological influence exerted on members of the
senatorial order under the Principate by the memory of the liberators,
Cassius and Brutus, and of the attacks on those same senators by the
emperor and his informers, and other bans on the use of certain imagines,
coalesces around this double notion that portraits both indicated political
allegiance and prompted political imitation.105
The irony of this observation is, of course, that Brutus and Cassius both suffered sanctions
against memory. The comment of Tacitus at Annals 3.72 on the pompa funebris of Junia is
telling: Viginti clarissimarum familiarum imagines antelatae sunt, Manlii, Quinctii aliaque
eiusdem nobilitatis nomina. Sed praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus eo ipso quod effigies eorum
non visebantur. The political response to images falls also at the other extreme, mob violence.
While among the elite the response to images seems to have been more ideological, Gregory
cites Cicero describing the reaction of the general populace to images as emotional.106 The
103
Gregory (1994) 97.
104
See in particular Gregory (1994) 90 ff.
105
Gregory (1994) 92.
106
Gregory (1994) 91 citing Cic. Rab. perd. 9.24 Statuerunt equites Romani illo iudicio improbum civem
esse et non retinendum in civitate, qui hominis hostilem in modum seditiosi imagine aut mortem eius
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physical attack on an image is the manifestation, as Gregory argues, of the emotional state of the
people.107 But in suggesting that, in the majority of cases, the initial impulse for the attacks
comes from "above and not from below", Gregory misstates the evidence.108 It is clear from his
following examples, and from those I have cited above, that it is really the populace which
initiates the action in response to its own perception of events. To take Piso's case, the populace
attacked and dragged images of Piso to the Gemonian steps during the trial process. It would be
an indulgence to suppose an official or even semi-official impulse for this action. The answer is
closer to hand: Tacitus describes the growing anger and grief of the populace over the death of
Germanicus that reached a head during the trial, erupting finally in mob violence. And it is surely
worthwhile to point out that Tiberius ordered the statues rescued from the mob and restored to
their places.109 It seems more plausible to argue that the crowd was motivated by a desire to
signal its own wishes, rather than to respond to the Senate's anticipated verdict.
honestaret, aut desideria imperitorum misericordia commoveret, aut suam significaret imitandae
improbitatis voluntatem.
107
Gregory (1994) 93 "Ultimately, the violent reaction focuses itself as a direct physical attack on the
image. Such physical attacks manifest themselves in several ways: when Nero entered Rome after the
murder of his mother, a leather bag was hung over one of his statues, implying that he should receive the
traditional punishment for parricides; statues of Agrippina were pulled down; slogans were written below
another. The most intense reaction, of course, is an outright attack on the image: dismemberment of a
statue or pulling it down from its position of display."
108
Gregory (1994) 95 "Under the empire the destruction of images often occurred after the emperor or
senate had ordained it, or at least when the emperor had made clear his feelings about an individual ... the
initial impulse came from above and not from below. Far rarer are the attacks on images of individuals
before any formal condemnation by a public body or a genuine fall from power."
109
Tac. Ann. 3.14 Simul populi ante curiam voces audiebantur: non temperaturos manibus si patrum
sententias evasisset. Effigiesque Pisonis traxerant in Gemonias ac divellebant, ni iussu principis
protectae repositaeque forent.
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In the case of Piso Pater, in addition to a general invidia and mob activity (motivations
adduced by Gregory in other cases), there are the Senate's motivations to consider. While the
comprehensiveness of the Senate's order to remove statues of Piso may have been traditional, it
may equally have been motivated by a reaction to Piso's own removal of Augustus' statues
(SCPP 68-70), an act which violated the numen and memoria of Augustus through the dishonor
shown; Piso exerted his own control over the display of Augustus' image.110 The Senate thus
directed an equal dishonoring of Piso's images through control of their display (and note here
that the Senate did not order destruction of the images). It is uncertain whether or not any
inscriptions associated with the images were removed. Kajava's hesitations on this question111
are bolstered perhaps by evidence from Sicily in the case of Verres,112 but in the end we cannot
truly be certain. To argue that the removal of statues does not also remove the image of the
individual from the public space would be wrong-headed. But as the passage from Tacitus on
110
SCPP 68-70 A similar basis of reaction (connection with Augustus) may lie behind the land
confiscation in Illyricum; see Flower (1998) 163-5, esp. 165 "Nevertheless, here again the penalty is
particularly apt. It was the deified Augustus, whose numen Piso was convicted of violating, who had
given him the estate."
111
Kajava (1995) 202.
112
Cf. Cic. Verr. 2.2.160 Tauromenitani, quorum est civitas foederata, homines quietissimi, qui maxime
ab iniuriis nostrorum magistratuum remoti consuerant esse praesidio foederis,–hi tamen istius evertere
statuam non dubitarunt; qua abiecta basim tamen in foro manere voluerunt, quod gravius in istum fore
putabant si scirent homines statuam eius a Tauromenitanis esse deiectam quam si nullam umquam
positam esse arbitrarentur. Tyndaritani deiecerunt in foro et eadem de causa equum inanem reliquerunt.
Leontinis, misera in civitate atque inani, tamen istius in gymnasio statua deiecta est.
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Junia's funeral shows us, image is not synonymous with memoria: Cassius and Brutus were most
conspicuous by their absence.113
If we consider the removal of statues with these motivations in mind, it becomes
necessary to ask for what reasons such statues were erected in the first place. Public statues were
generally an honor reserved for those who had served the state with distinction, who had earned
gloria. This is especially true of the Augustan and post-Augustan periods. Removal of the statues
effectively removed from public gaze not simply the image of an individual, but the justifications
for the presence of that image among other summi viri, that is, the individual's gloria. Gregory
has outlined two potential political implications of private statues, emulation and allegiance. The
question of the survival of the inscriptions on the bases of these statues, which recorded the name
and honors of the man, does not substantially affect this argument: if they survived, the absence
of the statue would signal the disgrace more keenly; if not, the public commemoration of the
individual's gloria is controlled through removal.
In this context, the removal of Piso's statues and the removal of his imago from public
use in Calpurnian funeral processions are largely two sides of the same coin.114 Again, the
importance of such a ban lies not so much in the obliteration of the man's physical image (no
113
Tac. Ann. 3.72. Cf. also Tac. Ann. 6.2 on Livilla: atroces sententiae dicebantur in effigies quoque ac
memoriam eius.
114
SCPP 76-83. The careful detail of this prohibition concerning the use – not simply display – of the
imago (contrast the general statement on the removal of statuae ... quae ubique positae sunt 76; both
amount to the same scope of prohibition) underscores its socio-political importance.
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mention is made of the destruction of the family's ancestor mask – imago), but in the use of that
image in public.115 So, for instance, the imago may not be displayed in the atria of family
members; it cannot then contribute to the public display of the family's greatness and political
success for clientes or guests, nor can it serve as a model of imitation for family members
themselves.116 Furthermore, the ban on the imago in funerary contexts, as Flower so precisely
argues, effectively removes that person from public commemoration in the laudatio.117 Without
the imago, the gloria of that individual cannot be publicly recalled as part of the family's
collective achievement. Again, with Tacitus, we must remember that image is not memory. That
image is perhaps more closely tied to honor is the implication of Plutarch's comments on the
restoration of Marius' imago to Julia's funeral procession by Caesar: ejpi; touvtw/' ga;r ejnivwn
katabohsavntwn tou' Kaivsaro", oJ dh'mo" ajnthvchse, lamprw'/ dexavmeno" krovtw/ kai; qaumavsa"
w{sper ejx [Aidou dai; crovnwn pollw'n ajnagonta ta;" Marivou tima;" eij" th;n povlin.118
115
Wesch-Klein (1993) 21-24, 213-214 suggests a similar restraint as the motive behind the granting of
the funus publicum during the Augustan and Tiberian period; the funus publicum becomes a means of
controlling elite competition in the public arena. Cf. Bodel (1999b) 271 "When Augustus incorporated
these honors among his prerogatives as princeps he curbed a potent and possibly dangerous arena of
aristocratic competition. Both he and his successor Tiberius were noted for granting public funerals
freely; when combined with restraint in the level of pomp authorized, this apparent generosity served
effectively to dilute and diminish the honor. Public funerals with eulogies pronounced from the Rostra
continued to be awarded to prominent senators outside the Imperial family down through the first century
CE, but the task of delivering the oration was now normally assigned to a leading senator, rather than to a
descendant, so that the occasion for the exhibition of family pride was transformed into a purely civic
ceremony." For comparisons of the funeral procession with the triumph see Versnel (1970) 115-129.
116
Excellent discussion of the civic implications of the funeral in Bodel (1999b), esp. 259-61, see also the
more in depth discussion of Flower (1996) Chapter Three.
117
Flower (1996) 29-30, and 128-158. See also Kierdorf (1980) and Vollmer (1892) 446-528. Cf. Polyb.
6.53.3 tou;" pollou;" ajnamimnhskomevnou" kai; lambavnonta" uJpo; th;n o[yin ta; gegonovta ... ejpi; tosou'ton
givnesqai sumpaqei'" w{ste mh; tw'n khdeuovntwn i[dion, ajlla; koino;n tou' dhvmou faivnesqai to; suvmptwma.
118
Plut. Caes. 5.3.
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The erasure of the name is slightly less problematic than the destruction or removal of
statues and the imagines, for here, in the case of Piso at least, we have clear evidence of the
extent of official sanction against his name: erasure was only ordered from the titulus of the
statue to Germanicus set up on the Campus near the Ara Providentiae by the sodales
Augustales.119 The problems lurking behind the assumption of destruction of memory come into
play more strongly on this issue. No comprehensive collection of inscriptions containing erasures
exists, but (a small irony) PIR2 lists erased inscriptions as well as those with name intact for
many individuals marked by Vittinghoff as having suffered abolitio nominis.120 The erasures are
linked to the individual, either because the name is still legible under the erasure, or because the
information in the inscription somehow supports an identification. What's more, for every
erasure listed there are as many or more inscriptions with name intact. Most important of these,
of course, are the fasti, which arguably record – by their very nature – the political achievement
of those named. In Piso's case the single "approved" erasure has somewhat more to do with the
public commemoration of the relationship between Piso and Germanicus than it has with the
commemoration of Piso himself.121 As Flower writes,
119
SCPP 83-84.
120
Vittinghoff lists all those whom he thinks were charged with maiestas or perduellio; the logic of his
argument then dictates that they all suffered some form of damnatio memoriae.
121
Bodel (1999a) 51-58 argues for a political symbolism engineered by Tiberius involving the
relationship between the Ara Providentiae and structures associated with it. Cf. esp. 58 "Tiberius
preferred to reinforce the positive message of a secure succession and domestic solidarity in the areas set
aside for the familial piety of the domus Augusta."
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The single erasure of Piso's name served an important function, but one
that was largely symbolic. It was the honorific link between Piso and
Germanicus that had become a political problem. Consequently, Tiberius
did not feel the need to enjoin erasure of Piso's name where it appeared
with his own in inscriptions recording their joint consulship. The fact that
such erasures have been found can now be attributed to private initiative
on the part of individuals who are not readily identifiable.122
If we take Piso's case as indicative on the whole of the types of sanctions associated with
damnatio memoriae we may be closer to offering a solution to the problem of the lack of
comprehensiveness in erasures which has so puzzled scholars; total erasure may never have been
intended (and anyway, as Flower indicates, most erasures may have been privately motivated),
but rather selective erasure(s) on public monuments which affected how the individual was
remembered. In Piso's case, his name in association with Germanicus and the Imperial family –
notably in his capacity as sodalis Augustalis – was erased.123 In this case it is not only the erasure
which has significance; the SCPP itself signifies whose name has been erased, and why.
The fifth sanction recorded in the SCPP concerns the property and family of Piso, and to
a certain extent the effect on the commemoration of Piso himself recedes in the face of the
family's future. The confiscation of Piso's entire holdings124 is a standard action against a civis
hostis, and signals his loss of rights within the community. The clauses which follow, as Eck122
Flower (1998) 162.
123
See n. 119.
124
SCPP 84-5.
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Caballos-Fernandez, Bodel, and Flower all note, restore the children of Piso to the community.
Indeed, the Senate is quick to obligate the family to its own and Tiberius' debt through this
restoration, invoking the (imperial) virtues of clemency, justice, and magnanimity.125 The
patrimony was taken and for the most part returned to Piso's heirs in exchange for a change of
praenomen.126 As Flower shows, the division of the goods depends on the laws of intestacy.127
The confiscation of the saltus in Illyricum has been discussed briefly above (see n. 108); it does
not seem motivated by any intent to dishonor or destroy memory, except in so far as, if the
suggestion above is correct, it removes visible ties of the friendship between the Augustus and
Piso pater.128 At the Senate's urging, and with the reward of his inheritance close to hand, the son
changed his praenomen. There are precedents for this mutatio nominis (as an act, however,
undertaken and regulated by the family): the Claudii did not use the praenomen Lucius,129 and
after the death and conviction of M. Scribonius Libo Drusus, no Scribonius would use the
cognomen Drusus. Flower suggests that the ban on the praenomen is "closely linked to the
receiving of family property", although Solin sees a subtler manipulation of the politics of
125
SCPP 90-92.
126
SCPP 98-99.
127
Flower (1998).
128
Flower (1998) 163-5; see n. 108. The SCPP also records that the fact that Piso and members of his
familia acted wrongly toward those neighbouring this property motivated Tiberius' repossession of the
land (SCPP 87-90).
129
Suet. Tib. 1.2 cum praenominibus cognominibusque uariis distingueretur, Luci praenomen consensu
repudiauit, postquam e duobus gentilibus praeditis eo alter latrocinii, caedis alter conuictus est.
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aristocratic naming practices.130 This directive is prefaced by the stated hope that, on the basis of
indications of modestia already evidenced in his conduct, Cn. Piso filius would be utterly unlike
his father.131 The change of name may simply have been a way for the younger Piso to prove his
modestia towards the Emperor and Senate.
With the last sanction we return again to Piso pater through his domus. The destruction of
a portion of Piso's house over the Porta Fontinalis abutting on the forum, an addition which he
himself had built, has been closely examined by Bodel.132 Indeed, there has been a great deal of
scholarly interest in the social and cultural importance of houses as status symbols in general.133
Tacitus in his description of Piso's arrival in Rome from the East makes clear the physical
imposition of the domus that will have stood as a monument to the political prominence of the
family.134 The complete razing of the domus of a treasonous person is fairly well attested.135 The
partial destruction of Piso's house seems particularly pointed in contrast. It is, as the SCPP makes
clear, a portion of the domus for which he was responsible, and Bodel suggests that this
130
Flower (1998) 165; Solin (1989), esp. 252-3, 259.
131
SCPP 95-98.
132
Bodel (1997), (1999a).
133
e.g. Zanker (1988), Saller (1984), Wallace-Hadrill (1988), Clarke (1991), Purcell (1995).
134
Tac. Ann. 3.9.3.
135
See Bodel (1997) 7 for loci classici. Bodel (1997) 7 writes, "Originally, the wholesale destruction of a
man's house was associated with a charge of aiming at kingship, and by Cicero's day tradition had settled
on a trio of names – Sp. Amelius, Sp. Cassius, and Manlius Capitolinus – to evoke both the folly of regal
ambition and the people's traditional manifestation of hostility to it."
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destruction "seems designed ... to rectify metaphorically the wounding of the domus Augusta."136
The plot of land left by the destruction of the house of a traitor was often left unused, or
dedicated to public or sacred use.137 Occasionally the name of the offender was preserved in a
toponym.138 In most cases it is interesting to note that the name of the offender was somehow
associated with the land or building left behind after the destruction; it cannot be that the
destruction removed memoria of the individual's existence.139 What's more, unless one should
argue for the significance of the gap left between the two residences as one might for an erasure
of a name, it is difficult to see a purpose behind the destruction of only a portion of Piso's domus
beyond the reduction of physical dominance of the forum so adroitly argued by Bodel (1999a). It
might even be possible to extrapolate from Tiberius' famous reaction to proposals for
monuments, ob externas ea victorias sacrari dictitans, domestica mala tristitia operienda (Tac.
Ann. 3.18), that total destruction of the domus might have indicated that Piso had posed a greater
threat than Tiberius would publicly acknowledge.
136
Bodel (1999a) 60.
137
Mommsen (1887) 1189.
138
See Bodel (1997) 7-8 for examples.
139
Bodel (1997) 8, attempting to make a contrast with the Greek practice which commemorated the crime
and punishment; Bodel contradicts himself slightly a paragraph later: "It is worth remarking, however,
that no new structures were erected on these plots; instead they were left open so that memory of the
crime should be associated with nothing but a vacant area." Cic. Dom. 101, which he cites here, indicates
otherwise, since the vacant area is named after the wrong-doer (thus both crime and criminal are
preserved in memoria): in Vacci pratis domus fuit M. Vacci, quae publicata est et eversa ut illius facinus
memoria et nomine loci notaretur. Cf. Livy 8.19.4.
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The immediate result of the first four sanctions discussed above, as I have argued, will be
best viewed as a dishonoring through control of the public memory of Cn. Piso Pater. The other
sanctions, those dealing with Cn. Piso filius and the domus Pisonis – there were also sanctions
beyond these against Visellius Karus and Sempronius Bassus, as well as a pardon of M. Piso and
Plancina, Piso's second son and widow – seem motivated more by a concern with the future
prominence of the Calpurnius family, although even these sanctions have relevance for the
public commemoration of Piso as villain. The case of Scribonius Libo Drusus provides a useful
comparandum for this assertion. Convicted of treason after suicide, he too suffered confiscation
of his property, the banning of his imago from family funerals, and the disuse of his name.140 As
with Piso, I argue that these punishments affected his commemoration, but did not destroy his
memoria for posterity. Although with Piso's case we have learned to be cautious about the
completeness of Tacitus' reports, there seems to have been no attack on Libo's statues, no
restriction on mourning, and no destruction of his domus. Indeed, public thanksgiving was
declared for the anniversary of his death, an action that guaranteed his commemoration as a
criminal.
The control of memoria after death was a real concern for members of the elite at Rome,
seemingly in all periods. There was more at stake than an individual's survival in the memory of
posterity; there were real and tangible benefits for the families and descendants if an ancestor
was revered in this way. And so, the effort was taken by individuals before death and especially
140
Tac. Ann. 2.32.
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by their families after death to publicly preserve their significant achievements and virtutes in
some more permanent form. Opponents sought in turn to control the memoria of these
individuals themselves, turning public view away from the deeds and achievements as indicators
of virtus to a less favorable interpretation. So with Piso, whose wrong actions (and not the
qualities and accomplishments, his gloria, which won him the Eastern command in the first
place) were closely detailed and defined as scelus in the SCPP, which was posted in every major
military center in the Roman world.
1.3.4
Sanctions and Literature: Cremutius Cordus
The implications of this assessment of the evidence from the material sources for
sanctions against memory as control, not destruction, greatly influence the interpretation of
literary sources concerned with memoria. This is, of course, the goal of the project as far as
minor poetry of the Flavian period is concerned. The analysis of one last historical example of
the intersection of such sanctions with literary endeavors specifically will demonstrate the value
of this approach.
With his portrayal of Cremutius Cordus, tried under Tiberius nominally because of his
approbation of Brutus and Cassius in his annales, Tacitus seems to revisit concerns raised in the
Agricola. Tacitus’ Cremutius inveighs against the censure of opinions about men long dead (de
iis, quos mors odio aut gratiae exemisset, Tac. Ann. 4.35), who have entered memoria (partem
memoriae apud scriptores retinent, Tac. Ann. 4.35), and threatens that by his condemnation not
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only would the commemoration of Brutus and Cassius be secured, but also his own (non modo
Cassii et Bruti, set etiam mei meminerint, Tac. Ann. 4.35). After self-starvation, his books were
ordered burned (we hear from Seneca that his daughter Marcia preserved some copies; see
below). Tacitus comments – in his own voice:
Libros per aediles cremandos censuere patres: set mansuerunt, occultati
et editi. Quo magis socordiam eorum inridere libet, qui praesenti potentia
credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. Nam contra
punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem
saevitia usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere. (Tac. Ann.
35)
Hedrick uses this passage to illustrate the paradox of the destruction of memory.141 But caution
should be exercised on two accounts. First, there is no indication in any source that Cremutius
suffered “damnatio memoriae” at all, and to relate this example to damnatio memoriae
specifically seems awkward. Second, I am unwilling to trust Tacitus as the source for the
motivations of others in general. More to the point, the interplay of memoria, dedecus, and gloria
within the context of the permanence of memoria (in spite of attacks against it) resonate with the
arguments presented above that attempts were made to control memoria in the public sphere after
(and even before) death.
The patres, in burning Cremutius’ books, were not seeking to eradicate the memoriae of
Brutus and Cassius, but rather to condemn the eulogistic version of it presented by Cremutius
141
Hedrick (2000) 115, 123, 162-3.
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(editis annnalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ulitmum dixisset, Tac. Ann.
4.34). There is no indication, as I have already said, that any sentence was passed against
Cremutius beyond the burning of his books, an act which attacks commemoration of him as
scriptor more than anything else. But Tacitus in his own Annales, ironically enough through the
speech of Cremutius himself, ensures the commemoration of Cremutius Cordus as a scriptor,
and even asserts for him a growing auctoritas and fides rerum. Seneca years earlier praised
Marcia for restoring her father’s books to their place among the publica monumenta, and for
restoring his ingenium, the very terms used by Tacitus above; rescued from oblivio, Cremutius’
memoria will endure as an exemplum for posterity and he will not fear the passage of time as
long as he is read.142 Marcia, as Seneca recognized, not only ensured the existence of her father’s
memoria, but ensured that he would be remembered as an ‘historian’ and true vir Romanus. And
Cremutius’ enemies, who procured the destruction of his books? They will be passed over in
silence (as Tacitus might have said, they will have no vox to speak for them, see supra pp.25-27),
and will be remembered only for their scelera: at illorum carnificum cito scelera quoque, quibus
142
Sen. Ad Marc. 1.3-4: Vt uero aliquam occasionem mutatio temporum dedit, ingenium patris tui, de quo
sumptum erat supplicium, in usum hominum reduxisti et a uera illum uindicasti morte ac restituisti in
publica monumenta libros quos uir ille fortissimus sanguine suo scripserat. Optime meruisti de Romanis
studiis: magna illorum pars arserat; optime de posteris, ad quos ueniet incorrupta rerum fides, auctori
suo magno inputata; optime de ipso, cuius uiget uigebitque memoria quam diu in pretio fuerit Romana
cognosci, quam diu quisquam erit qui reuerti uelit ad acta maiorum, quam diu quisquam qui uelit scire
quid sit uir Romanus, quid subactis iam ceruicibus omnium et ad Seianianum iugum adactis indomitus,
quid sit homo ingenio animo manu liber. Magnum mehercules detrimentum res publica ceperat, si illum
ob duas res pulcherrimas in obliuionem coniectum, eloquentiam et libertatem, non eruisses: legitur,
floret, in manus hominum, in pectora receptus uetustatem nullam timet; at illorum carnificum cito scelera
quoque, quibus solis memoriam meruerunt, tacebuntur. See pp. 23-26 for several close parallels framed
in the Agricola.
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solis memoriam meruerunt, tacebuntur. (Sen. Ad Marc. 1.4).143 The elite at Rome did not leave
memoria to chance, nor did they simply seek to rescue it from attack. As we have seen above in
the case of Cicero’s consular and post reditum speeches, concern for commemoration was the
task of the living. In this general culture of commemoration, it is not unreasonable to expect
members of the elite to attempt to construct commemoration on their own terms. Thus it is
equally reasonable to expect those who placed importance on literary pursuits to view
commemoration from this perspective. And so we turn to Pliny the Younger and Verginius
Rufus in order to begin the transition from historical and documentary examples to the literary
milieu of the Flavian period.
1.4
Remembering Rufus
Pliny wrote to Lucceius Albinus in 107 A.D. of a visit to his estate in Alsium, a property
which had previously belonged to his guardian L. Verginius Rufus (Pl. Ep. 6.10). On this
property, or nearby, Verginius Rufus had arranged to have a monument erected to his memory
with the self-epitaph HIC SITUS EST RUFUS, PULSO QUI VINDICE QUONDAM |
IMPERIUM ADSERUIT NON SIBI SED PATRIAE.144 The significance of this inscription
143
It is very tempting to suspect, after reading the Ad Marciam, Annales 4.34-5, and Agricola together,
that Tacitus had Seneca’s consolatio in mind for his portrayal of Cremutius, for the emphasis (in both
Annales 4.34-35 and Agricola) on vox and libertas, and for the final assertion of the permanence of
Agricola’s memoria in 46.4 manet mansurumque est in animis hominum in aeternitate temporum, fama
rerum.
144
Pl. Ep. 6.10.4. cf. Dio 68.2.4 t o;n de; JRou'fon to;n Oujergivnion, kaivper pollavki" aujtokravtora
ojnomasqevnta, oujk w[knhsen uJpateuvsa" sunavrconta proslabei'n: ejf j ou| tw'/ mnhvmati teleuthvsanto"
ejpegravfh o{ti nikhvsa" Oujivndika to; kravto" oujc eJautw/' periepoihvsato ajlla; th'/ patrivdi.
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would hardly have been missed by any of Pliny's readers. L. Verginius Rufus (whom Brouzas
called "the George Washington of Rome"145), consul ordinarius three times (63, 69, and 97),
moved in the very highest circles of elite Roman society, despite his undistinguished ancestry.146
Offered the purple by his troops no fewer than three times, he nevertheless survived ten
emperors. The first instance, after his defeat of Vindex in 68, is that alluded to in the epitaph
above, but he narrowly avoided being made Imperator at the death of Galba and Otho also.147
Pliny is understandably effusive in his praise of Rufus, and expresses intense emotion in
the letters concerning him, since Rufus was his guardian and sponsor.148 His confidence in
Rufus' immortality through memoria and writing (specifically history and carmina149) in Ep. 2.1
and other letters150 belies the apprehension expressed at 6.10.5 (parata oblivio mortuorum) in
145
Brouzas (1931). There has been a great deal of work done on Rufus in connection with the events of
68/9 and of Nerva's brief reign. For some pertinent discussion and bibliography see Levick (1985).
146
Tac. Hist. 1.52 merito dubitasse Verginium equestri familia, ignoto patre, imparem si recepisset
imperium, tutum si recusasset. Townend (1961) 339, n.3 suggests that these words "would fit Vespasian
uncomfortably well."
147
After the defeat of Vindex see Tac. Hist.1.8; after Galba see Plut. Gal. 6.2-3, 10.2; after Otho see Tac.
Hist. 2.51.
148
Pl. Ep. 2.1, 6.10, 9.19. Rufus and the Elder Pliny also appear to have had close ties (Pliny entrusted the
Younger Pliny to Verginius' care on his death). Chilver (1941, 101) went so far as to posit a Cisalpine
clique headed by Verginius, who procured appointments.
149
Pl. Ep. 2.1.2 Triginta annis gloriae suae superuixit; legit scripta de se carmina, legit historias et
posteritati suae interfuit. cf. also 6.10.4 where the sad state of the commemorative tomb does not seem to
have affected Rufus' fame: Subit indignatio cum miseratione, post decimum mortis annum reliquias
neglectumque cinerem sine titulo sine nomine iacere, cuius memoria orbem terrarum gloria peruagetur.
150
Plin. Ep. 2.1.2 Triginta annis gloria suae supervixit; legit scripta de se carmina, legit historias et
posteritati interfuit. Cf. 6.10.4, 9.19.3, 6-7. Ep. 2.1 announces the funus publicum of Verginius Rufus,
relates his death, and serves as a vehicle for Pliny's expressions of grief and kinship.
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regard to the permanence of memory. Remembering Tac. Agr. 46.4 (nam multos veterum velut
inglorios et ignobilis oblivio obruit), the latter seems more a general complaint than one specific
to Rufus' case. Oblivion here seems to arise from neglect of monuments (as visible symbols of
the person) and negligence on the part of relatives in actively remembering that individual. It is
surely part of the conceit of 6.10 (and even more so next to the companion pieces 2.1 and 9.19,
on which see below) that Pliny has inscribed Verginius Rufus' epitaph for his readers in the letter
itself, in addition to the fact at least of the monument's existence and location. Ep. 2.1, the
announcement of Verginius' death and funus publicum, is an eloquent portrait of Rufus' res and
mores, ending with a sentiment parallel to that seen above in the Agricola.151 In both texts, in
addition to following a frank assertion of familial bonds, there are strikingly significant parallels:
the hint at the impropriety of grief and the relevance of death for men of accomplishment (cf.
Tac. Agr. 46.1), the survival of the individual in hearts of all men (Tac. Agr. 46.4), the
contemplation of virtue (Tac. Agr. 46.1), and the difficult task of emulation (Tac. Agr. 46.2). Ep.
9.19, a defense of Verginius' inscription in the context of a defense of that mode of
commemoration in general, also relies heavily on such assertions of gloria and worth. Verginius
is worth commemorating for his distinguished military and political actions and social
prominence as vir magnus.
151
Pl. Ep. 2.1.10-12 Quibus ex causis necesse est tamquam immaturam mortem eius in sinu tuo defleam,
si tamen fas est aut flere aut omnino mortem uocare, qua tanti uiri mortalitas magis finita quam uita est.
Viuit enim uiuetque semper, atque etiam latius in memoria hominum et sermone uersabitur, postquam ab
oculis recessit. Volo tibi multa alia scribere, sed totus animus in hac una contemplatione defixus est.
Verginium cogito, Verginium uideo, Verginium iam uanis imaginibus, recentibus tamen, audio adloquor
teneo; cui fortasse ciues aliquos uirtutibus pares et habemus et habebimus, gloria neminem. Vale.
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In addition to his preeminence in Pliny's eyes as general and statesman, the subject of Ep.
2.1., 6.10, and 9.19, Verginius Rufus also has a place among the senatorial greats (doctissimos
gravissimos sanctissimos homines) listed in Ep. 5.3 who are known to have written nugatory
poetry.152 Cicero, Calvus, Asinius Pollio, Messala, Hortensius, Brutus, Sulla, Quintus Catulus,
Scaevola, Servius Sulpicius, Varro, and Torquatus are all invoked as examples from the past. Of
his own age, Pliny includes the Torquati, Memmius, Gaetulicus (cf. Mart. Epigr. 1, praef.),
Seneca, and Rufus himself, as well as the emperors Julius Caesar, Augustus, Tiberius, and
Nerva. He would also include Vergil, Nepos, Accius, and Ennius despite the fact that none of
them were senators, since sanctitas morum non distat ordinibus.153 While Pliny's motivation in
Ep. 5.3 for emphasizing Verginius' poetic activities is manifestly his own, he deliberately points
out in 6.10 and 9.19 that the epitaph is Rufus' own composition. Poetic skill is one of the aspects
of Verginius' life that Pliny considers to contribute to his excellence. We have nothing by which
to judge the quality of Rufus' poetry beyond the self-epitaph, but even this by itself speaks for a
subtlety of thought and expression (see further below).
152
In Epistle 5.3, ostensibly a response to criticisms for reciting his own poetry, Pliny adduces great
orators of the past as exempla for his poetic output, and this apologia for reciting is a pointed and, for
Pliny, grumpy, reminder of the "private" nature of the recitations. It also reminds us that even Pliny's
"private" recitations may go beyond what his exemplars did. This letter seems designed to disassociate his
versiculi from his "public" life, and at the same time to justify his writing of poetry as a "private" lusus.
(see further Chapter Five)
153
Pl. Ep. 5.3.5
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It has been noted that Rufus himself seems to have made a point of not trying to control
publicly how certain events were remembered, in particular his part in the affairs of 68 and 69.154
Certainly, the events in Gaul during 68 and 69 are somewhat confused in the sources; a great
deal of energy has been spent, not only in sorting out chronology, but also in assessing intent and
motivation for the central characters. The motivations and loyalties of Verginius in particular,
who with the German legions under his command stemmed Vindex's offensive at Lugdunum in a
brutal, one-sided battle, have been the focus for much of the scholarship. Indeed these
motivations and loyalties seem to have been questioned in antiquity also. This is surely true for
the Flavian dynasty, under whom Verginius received no office; his return to politics, with the
advent of Nerva, under the flag of libertas has rightly been seen as a significant indicator of
public opinion about him, if not the actual fact of the matter. Barbara Levick, however, has
recently made very convincing arguments that seek to make sense of the confused sources for the
bellum Neronis; her work also indicates that Verginius may not have been so careless of his
memoria and reputation after all. Levick's strategy for dealing with the sources is ingenious, and
convincing: she argues that the evidence is most easily reconciled if the existence of different
versions of the story is admitted, each put forward after the shifts in power from Galba to Otho to
Vitellius to Vespasian. If so, as I think must be the case, then this inscription by Rufus takes on a
real significance for the control of memoria: it represents a version which he himself wished to
154
An interchange is reported in Pl. Ep. 9.19.5-6 Ipse sum testis, familiariter ab eo dilectus probatusque,
semel omnino me audiente prouectum, ut de rebus suis hoc unum referret, ita secum aliquando Cluuium
locutum: 'Scis, Vergini, quae historiae fides debeatur; proinde si quid in historiis meis legis aliter ac uelis
rogo ignoscas.' Ad hoc ille: 'Tune ignoras, Cluui, ideo me fecisse quod feci, ut esset liberum uobis
scribere quae libuisset?'
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remain in public memoria. Through this inscription Verginius Rufus is attempting to exert his
own control over how and for what he is commemorated. Pliny, by including the inscription in
his letters (twice), and what's more playing a self-professed familial role,155 disseminates Rufus'
version to an even wider elite audience.
The exact events and details of this year are only marginally important for my discussion
of Verginius Rufus; I refer the reader to Levick. Whatever the chronology of the movements and
declarations of allegiance in 68, Galba held power and Verginius' legions had ravaged Galba's
henchman Vindex and his troops at Vesontio. Verginius, probably on the strength of his
connections to his German legions, survived the aftermath. But there was a real necessity to
integrate his actions with the aims of Galba, since Verginius' apparent loyalty to Nero (the fact of
the matter is irrelevant for this argument)156 and his equally apparent delay in recognizing
Galba's rule until the senate's announcement,157 precipitated, in Levick's opinion, friction
between Galba and Verginius.158 This friction was reconciled with a version of the events
suggesting co-operation between Verginius and Galba all along:
"The price of Verginius' life was that he should allow it to be put about
that he had been a sympathizer of Galba's all along, that he had been in
155
Cf. Pl. Ep. 2.1.9: ... me huius aetatis per quem excusaretur elegit, his quidem verbis: 'Etiam si filium
haberem, tibi mandarem.'
156
Cf. Tac. Hist. 1.8.2; see Levick (1985) 332-335.
157
Tac. Hist. 1.8.2 nec statim pro Galba Verginius. Cf. Tac. Hist. 52.3. Levick (1985) 336: [To the
Senate's decision] "Verginius acquiesced, rejected his troops' offer of the purple, and forced them likewise
to acknowledge Galba."
158
Levick (1985) 337.
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negotiation with Vindex and that the battle of Vesontio had been a tragic
mistake brought about by his legions getting out of control. Perhaps this
was the story that Verginius brought to Galba; at any rate he chose to
accept it. It had a double advantage: it allowed him to keep Verginius alive
and (more important) it forced Verginius to disown his troops."159
Under Otho, with his Neronian leanings, Verginius was "rehabilitated" as loyal to Nero, and
given extraordinary acknowledgement with a second consulship.160 A similar motivation on the
part of Vitellius to seem the heir of Nero will have ensured Verginius' survival after Otho's death
(when in fact he himself was offered the purple again, Tac. Hist. 2.51; Plut. Otho 18.3).161 Thus
the two traditions had a separate existence until the Flavian dynasty when Cluvius Rufus wrote
his history. With the advent of Nerva, Tacitus and Suetonius (and later Plutarch and Dio) were
free to choose from among the versions as suited their emphasis.162
Verginius Rufus' response to Cluvius Rufus when the latter protested fides historiae for
what seems to have been an unflattering account of these years was disingenuous: Tune ignoras,
Cluvi, ideo me fecisse quod feci, ut esset liberum vobis scribere quae libuisset (Pl. Ep. 9.19.5).163
The inscription written by Rufus himself which Pliny reports (twice!) was a less public statement
159
Levick (1985) 337.
160
Tac. Hist. 1.77.2; Plut. Oth. 1.2. See also Townend (1962) 120.
161
Tac. Hist. 2.71.1, 95.1.
162
See Levick (1985) 341-343.
163
See Townend (1961) 338 on quae libuisset as a curious way to describe history.
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given its removal from Rome; here we have a case in point for how such 'private' material
becomes 'public' whether by oral or written means.
But the inscription has been read as an attempt by Rufus to record for posterity his own
position during that troubled time. The text of the inscription thus will bear some scrunity:
HIC SITUS EST RUFUS, PULSO QUI VINDICE QUONDAM
IMPERIUM ADSERUIT NON SIBI SED PATRIAE
The placement of quondam at line's end followed by imperium as the first word of the
pentameter seems deliberate; in epitaphs quondam may designate the person as deceased (e.g.
CIL 8.4546) in a quasi-adjectival fashion,164 but given the number of opportunities presented him
to take on a greater imperium, it seems legitimate to read quondam as a more general temporal
marker with imperium adseruit.165 The phrase imperium adseruit – an exceptionally strong one
with distinct overtones (see below) – only draws more attention to this nuance, and the final non
sibi sed patriae leaves the reader in little doubt as to Rufus' constitutional inclinations.166 We
might remember that our sources, by and large, portray a man determined to uphold the right of
164
OLD s.v. quondam 1a.
165
OLD s.v. quondam 1a; cf. Quint. Inst. 12.11.3 Vidi ego longe omnium quos mihi cognoscere contigit
summum oratorem Domitium Afrum ualde senem cotidie aliquid ex ea quam meruerat auctoritate
perdentem, cum agente illo quem principem fuisse quondam fori non erat dubium alii, quod indignum
uideatur, riderent, alii erubescerent: quae occasio illo fuit dicendi malle eum deficere quam desinere.
This is the tack taken by sources (Plutarch and Dio) positive towards Rufus who number his salutations as
imperator pollavki".
166
Levick (1985) 340, following Sherwin-White (1985) 502, argues that patria and res publica should be
read as nationalistic slogans rather than constiutional ones aimed at so-called Imperium Galliarum. But
given the emphasis in the sources on Verginius deference to the Senate and the parallels adduced above, I
prefer to read these terms as consitutional.
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the senate to chose a successor, even at sword point (cf. Dio 63.25; Plut. Gal.10.2). Townend
draws attention to the "contrast with Vespasian's reactions to the same situation" in 75.167
Townend points out the similarity of the social and political situations of Verginius and
Vespasian – and the difference of their responses to imperium – as the reason for Verginius'
subsequent removal from politics until 97.168 Aliquem asserere seems based in juridical technical
uses like aliquem manu asserere and asserere in libertatem, all connected to servitude and its
opposite, freedom.169 The phrase here (imperium adseruit non sibi sed patriae) has a number of
parallels in literature of the Flavian period, and more specifically from works by authors closely
connected with Pliny himself, all of which reflect on the assumption of imperial power. Martial
in a poem comparing Domitian to Hercules uses a similar phrase (adseruit possessa malis
Palatia regnis 9.101.13); Suetonius describes likewise the assumption of divine affectation by
Gaius (uerum admonitus et principum et regum se excessisse fastigium, diuinam ex eo
maiestatem asserere sibi coepit; Suet. Cal. 22.2) and on that emperor's death notes that the
conspirators did not designate a successor (neque coniurati cuiquam imperium destinaverunt,
Suet. Cal. 60.1) but convened the senate to take counsel for the future in asserenda libertate
(loc.cit.)170; so too with Otho.171 The phrase non sibi sed patriae as a republican-like slogan has
167
Townend (1961) 339 Jos. B.J. 4.508-604; but Dio 65.8.3f, Tac. Hist. 2.7 and 74f, Suet. Vesp. 6 make
no mention of the incident; see Chilver (1957) 29-35.
168
Townend (1961) 339-41.
169
TLL s.v. assere 2.863.51-864.25 from which it appears other usages devolve.
170
The events surrounding the accession of Claudius are described similarly (... consules cum senatu et
cohortibus urbanis forum Capitoliumque occupauerant asserturi communem libertatem. Suet. Cl. 10.3).
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several parallels, but I would point in particular to Lucan who, in describing the joyless
(re)marriage of Marcia and Cato before he entered the war, writes hi mores, haec duri immota
Catonis | secta fuit, servare modum finemque tenere | naturamque sequi patriaeque impendere
vitam | nec sibi sed toti genitum se credere mundo (Luc. Phars. 2.380-3);172 Silius Italicus writes
of the vileness of the leading Capuans nec, quos uile genus despectaque lucis origo |foedabat,
sperare sibi et deposcere primi | deerant imperia ac patriae pereuntis habenas (Sil. Pun. 11.4850); of the several parallels outside of the Flavian period, I draw attention in particular to
Valerius Maximus on P. Decius Mus173 and Iustin's Epitome of Pompeius Trogus 6.8.5 on
Epaminondas.174 But perhaps the most interesting parallel to the pentameter is the reported
advice given by Vindex to Galba ut humano generi assertorem ducemque se accommodaret
(Suet. Gal. 9.2).
On his monument, which he mandated to his heirs, Rufus chose to have his military
victory and political achievements (and arguably his political ideology) commemorated for
171
Suet. Oth. 9.3 ac statim moriendi impetum cepit, ut multi nec frustra opinantur, magis pudore, ne tanto
rerum hominumque periculo dominationem sibi asserere perseueraret, quam desperatione ulla aut
diffidentia copiarum.
172
The substitution of toti mundo for patriae is an appropriately Stoic notion.
173
Val. Max. 5.6.5 P. Decius <Mus>, qui consulatum in familiam suam primus intulit, cum Latino bello
Romanam aciem inclinatam et paene iam prostratam uideret, caput suum pro salute rei publicae deuouit
ac protinus concitato equo in medium hostium agmen patriae salutem, sibi mortem petens inrupit
factaque ingenti strage plurimis telis obrutus super corruit. ex cuius uulneribus et sanguine insperata
uictoria emersit.
174
Pomp. Trog. 6.8.5 Nam et imperium non sibi semper, sed patriae quaesivit, et pecuniae adeo parcus
fuit, ut sumptus funeri defuerit. The importance of Epaminondas as an – albeit Greek – exemplum of
military and literary virtues cannot be understated (certainly Nepos did not, see Nep. Vit. pref), nor can
Pompeius Trogus' place among the four canonical Roman historians.
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posterity in an elegant and subtle epigram of his own writing.175 He was attempting to control his
memoria. The slight ambiguity of expression – which hides loyalties but not principles – even on
a monument removed from Rome, may perhaps be forgiven such an important general and
senator, an upholder of the Senate's sovereignty, who nevertheless survived 68/69 and the
Flavian dynasty. Rufus' nomen, preserved within this epigram, would be associated with his
deeds for as long as the stones had a family to care for it; this is clearly the thrust of Pliny's
criticism and concern in Ep. 6.10. Pliny, to be sure, does assert that Rufus' gloria and memoria
still have an existence apart from the physical symbol of the monument, but he also suggests that
they will endure only as long as there are friends and family such as he to ensure their
continuance.176
Like Tacitus at the close of the Agricola (nam multos veterum velut inglorios et ignobilis
oblivio obruit. Tac. Agr. 46.4) and Seneca in his letter to Cremutius Cordus' daughter Marcia
(illum vindicasti morte ... cuius viget vigebit memoria, Sen. Ad Marc. 1.3), Pliny was aware that
without action on the part of true intimates personal oblivion (the death of memoria) was
inevitable. The scarcity of true friends might lead a man to trust rather in himself (as Cicero did):
Tam rara in amicitiis fides, tam parata oblivio mortuorum, ut ipsi nobis debeamus etiam
175
Pliny himself calls the lines versus (At ille mandauerat caueratque, ut diuinum illud et immortale
factum uersibus inscriberetur, Pl. Ep. 6.10.4).
176
The Rufus letters (Ep. 2.1, 6.10, 9.19) are replete with references to memoria; cf. for example 6.10.3
Subit indignatio cum miseratione, post decimum mortis annum reliquias neglectumque cinerem sine titulo
sine nomine iacere, cuius memoria orbem terrarum gloria pervagetur. Note Pliny's insistence on filial
ties with Verginius in Pl. Ep. 2.1.9: ... me huius aetatis per quem excusaretur elegit, his quidem verbis:
'Etiam si filium haberem, tibi mandarem.'
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conditoria exstruere omniaque heredum officia praesumere. Nam cui non est verendum, quod
videmus accidisse Verginio? (Pl. Ep. 6.10.5-6). It seems likely that with this inscription, which
Pliny later recorded for posterity in a literary monument – an irony of which he was well aware,
and one identical to Tacitus’ Cremutius (see above p. 60) – Verginius Rufus acted from a similar
conviction, and commemorated himself in this precise and meaningful way, seeking to retain
control of his own memoria. Pliny for his part remembered Rufus not only for his military and
political achievements, but also as a composer of nugatory verse (Ep. 5.3) along with a host of
some of the most significant political figures of earlier times. Verginius Rufus' selfcommemoration does not take this form: his poetic ability is not explicitly mentioned on his
monumentum, but is rather covert in the epigram (and even so, it is Pliny who reveals that the
epigram is Verginius' own composition).177 When we turn to Pliny, we shall see that he, at least,
is much less reluctant to integrate his poetic and political achievements in his own literary
monumentum, his Epistles, and to link gloria to poetic achievement.
177
The possibility of figural representation with the monumentum is intriguing in its potential importance
for this problem.
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Chapter Two: Terms of Praise
There are a great many words in Latin used to praise the excellence of individuals and
things, and a number of different modes or qualities in which excellence might manifest itself
(beauty, manliness, skill at speaking, etc.). In this chapter I focus on those words used by poets in
the Flavian period to describe their own excellence and success as poets. It will quickly become
apparent that five key terms dominate this discussion: fama, laus, nomen, honor(-os), and gloria.
In the following pages I shall attempt to provide a concise semantic description of these
important terms and others, especially in relation to each other and their antonyms, as a
necessary background for my analysis of the poetic texts in Chapters Three, Four, and Five. My
immediate concern here is to map out any conceptual boundaries between the application of
these terms in general, and to poets in particular.178 I am interested in ascertaining to what extent
and in what ways there may be significance in the specific words a poet uses to describe his
success.
Hellegouarc'h produced in the early 1960's a remarkable piece of work that examines the
political vocabulary of the late Roman republican period.179 The volume is nearly encyclopedic
178
A discussion of the semantic relationship of a group of words – especially of a group of words so
entangled, and which form a web of associations itself entangled with Roman elite culture – has two
consequences. First, any analysis, however much it proceeds from the texts themselves, will only be able
to present conclusions that attest to the majority of instances of a given word; second, no analysis can be
absolute. The conclusions that I draw below are intended to present a general framework from which to
discuss the poetic texts of the Flavian period.
179
Hellegouarc'h (1963).
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in its scope; a section (entitled "Les récompenses dues à l'homme politique et la notion de
célébrité" 363-424) is devoted to the study of many of the terms I shall analyze here. My debt to
his discussion will be obvious. But it is the several TLL articles that serve as the basis of my
discussion,180 since they provide an appropriately wider perspective than the predominantly
Republican, political exemplars found in the scholarship. In what follows, I buttress the excellent
observations of the scholarly literature with examples from the early empire.
2.1.1 Existimatio, Fama
I have chosen to discuss existimatio and fama together for several reasons. First, they
both share a curious ambiguity, in the sense that neither is inherently probative;181 this is,
perhaps, especially true of fama by the Flavian period. The two terms also depend logically on a
reasoned judgment of a sort, an opinio; this is especially true of existimatio at all times. In simple
terms both words describe the result of a reaction, an opinion, or a judgment formed by a person
or group in consideration of an act or the character, sim., of an individual; as such they are
personal.182 But there are significant differences also.
180
Friedrich "Existimatio"; Vetter "Fama"; Knoche "Gloria"; Mehmet "Honor"; von Kamptz "Laus".
Forcellini's thesaurus is used for "Nomen".
181
A point made most obvious by the frequent use of phrases such as mala fama, bona fama. Cf. TLL s.v.
existimatio, fama passim.
182
By which I mean that the fama or existimatio rests on the individual judged only, and cannot be
directly transferred to another.
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Existimatio, derived from aestimo, has its roots in the notion of actively setting a value on
something. Accordingly, its subjective meanings carry the notion of judgment or opinion
(iudicium, arbitrium, opinio) on courses of action183 or especially individuals.184 In particular,
existimatio seems to express the conscious judgment of a person's fitness for political activity;
the fact that it seems rarely found outside of prose literature with a political context is telling. As
I said above, however, there is nothing inherently probative in existimatio: it can as naturally
reflect a positive as a negative judgment: "Remove," says Seneca to Lucilius, "existimationem
hominum; dubia semper est et in partem utramque dividitur."185 The ambiguity of existimatio is
also apparent in its objective sense, where the sense approximates the English "reputation".186
Here also uses in bonam partem as well as in malam partem may be found. In general, however,
as we shall see with fama, the positive uses outweigh the negative.187
183
Cf. TLL 5.1513, I. (Friedrich); cf. Tac. Hist. 4.7.1 sorte et urna mores non discerni; suffragia et
existimationem senatus reperta, ut in cuiusque vitam famamque penetrarent.
184
TLL 5.1513-14; cf. Suet.Caes. 75 (in connection with scurrilous poems): itaque et detectas
coniurationes conuentusque nocturnos non ultra arguit, quam ut edicto ostenderet esse sibi notas, et
acerbe loquentibus satis habuit pro contione denuntiare ne perseuerarent, Aulique Caecinae
criminosissimo libro et Pitholai carminibus maledicentissimis laceratam existimationem suam ciuili
animo tulit.
185
Sen. Ep. 26.6; cf. also e.g. Cic. Ver. 2.3.190 In hoc genere facilior est existimatio quam reprehensio,
ideo quod eum qui hoc facit avarum possumus existimare, crimen in eo constituere non tam facile
possumus, quod videtur concedendum magistratibus nostris esse ut iis quo loco velint frumentum
accipere liceat. Rhet. Her. 4.20.11-14 'Quem senatus damnarit, quem populus damnarit, quem omnium
exe<i>stimatio damnarit, eum vos sententiis vestris absolvatis?'
186
cf. e.g. Suet. Nero 12.1 exhibuit autem ad ferrum etiam quadringentos senatores sescentosque equites
Romanos et quosdam fortunae atque existimationis integrae, ex isdem ordinibus confectores quoque
ferarum et uaria harenae ministeria.
187
Hellegouarc'h (1963) 363 "les emplois laudatifs l'emportent tellement sur les autres que le mot se
trouve couramment seul avec cette nuance. Il est juste cependant de remarquer qu'il est alors très souvent
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Existimatio is very rarely found in poetic texts beyond Plautus and Terence (the metrical
shape of the word probably plays a part in this restriction). But fama, very nearly an exact
synonym,188 is extremely common. Like existimatio, fama has a subjective sense and objective
sense possessing basically the same semantic values as those for existimatio. A slightly different
nuance, however, can be traced. Hellegouarc'h states:
L'origine différente d'existimatio et fama conduit cependant à une nuance
de sens qui ne me paraît pas négligeable. Existimatio désigne la
«réputation» qui résulte d'un jugement personnel, fondé sur l'opinon que
l'on a de la personnalité d'un individu; fama implique une opinion
collective provoquée par des actions importantes, écaltantes.189
This nuance is particularly obvious given the fact that an individual as well as a group can
possess in the subjective sense an existimatio of another individual;190 fama, on the other hand,
has an inherent general quality, and in the subjective sense does not appear to have been
localized to an individual.191 What is more, fama is also often used in the abstract, as if
associé à d'autres mots du même ordre de vocabulaire ou situé dans ue phrase dont le contexte éclaire ce
sens laudatif."
188
Cf. Cic. Quinct. 50 cuius bona ex edicto possidentur, huius omnis fama et existimatio cum bonis simul
possidetur. Cf. Diff. Gramm. 7.522.32 opinio hominem suspectum facit, fama vel commendat vel destruit,
rumor indicat. opinion ostendit, fama iudicat, rumor tumultuatur.
189
Hellegouarc'h (1963) 365.
190
Note, for example, the occurrence of such phrases as existimatio hominum.
191
See TLL s.v. fama 6.211, s.v. II "i.q. opinio vulgi, existimatio hominum"
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synonymous with rumor.192 Seneca Minor provides in Ep. 102 a number of important definitions
for the terms I examine in this section; of fama he says: fama non est unius sermo.193 Quintilian
likewise: famam atque rumores pars altera consensum civitatis.194 These two statements are
borne out in the examples from the TLL.
Fama can be rather more disassociated from conscious judgment than existimatio. It is
represented as possessing, in a sense, an existence in the same way that a turba or vulgus has an
existence beyond the individuals which comprise them. This general understanding of fama is
supported by instances in which fama equivocates a sense close to memoria.195 The equivocation
with memoria raises some interesting possibilities, to be sure. Most important here, however, is
that fama can thus exist, or persist, over time:
parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis
astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum,
192
See TLL s.v. fama 6.219.23ff, esp. 219.63-220.17 (cf. e.g. Virg. Aen. 7.563-565 est locus Italiae medio
sub montibus altis, | nobilis et fama multis memoratus in oris, | Amsancti valles; Val. Fl. 1.790 nomina
magnorum fama sacrata nepotum) and TLL VOL.225-227 s.v. IV Fama personata.
193
Sen. Ep. 102.8.
194
Quint. Inst. Or. 5.3.
195
See TLL 6.209.65ff s.v. IB1; cf. e.g. Lucr. 5.328-29 quo to facta virum totiens cecidere neque usquam |
aeternis famae monimentis insita florent? Nep. Phoc. 1.1 itaque huius memoria est nulla, illius autem
magna fama, ex quo cognomine Bonus est appellatus. Cic. Fin. 3.3.57.6-15 qui autem post eos fuerunt,
cum Carneadem sustinere non possent, hanc, quam dixi, bonam famam ipsam propter se praepositam et
sumendam esse dixerunt, esseque hominis ingenui et liberaliter educati velle bene audire a parentibus, a
propinquis, a bonis etiam viris, idque propter rem ipsam, non propter usum, dicuntque, ut liberis
consultum velimus, etiamsi postumi futuri sint, propter ipsos, sic futurae post mortem famae tamen esse
propter rem, etiam detracto usu, consulendum; Pl. Ep. 3.10.3 Neque enim adfectibus meis uno libello
carissimam mihi et sanctissimam memoriam prosequi satis est, cuius famae latius consuletur, si
dispensata et digesta fuerit.
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quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris,
ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama,
siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam. (Ov. Met. 15.875-79)
Ovid's formulation is hardly exceptional,196 nor is the use of fama. Recall Tacitus on Agricola:
quidquid ex Agricola amavimus, quidquid mirati sumus, manet mansurumque est in animis
hominum in aeternitate temporum, fama rerum (Tac. Agr. 46.4).197 The manner of the
perpetuation of fama is also significant in assessing the qualities distinct from existimatio. The
semantic, and even etymological, roots of fama lie in the vehicle for its dissemination: fama is
explicitly associated, for example, with sermo in Seneca's definition (given above), and vox or
vocalization elsewhere.198 Fama thus, as memoria, seems to imply verbalization.199
Fama and existimatio, then, share some important characteristics, namely their
dependence on external judgment; both can also be particularized with defining genitives, as well
as generalized. But while existimatio seems more or less localized in either conscious individual
judgment, or the conscious collective judgment of a group (e.g. senatus, vulgus), fama can also
196
Cf. most famously, of course, Hor. Carm. 2.20, 3.30. See below for the significance of nomen.
197
Lucan 10.542-46: captus sorte loci pendet; dubiusque timeret | optaretne mori respexit in agmine
denso | Scaeuam perpetuae meritum iam nomina famae | ad campos, Epidamne, tuos, ubi solus apertis |
obsedit muris calcantem moenia Magnum. Suet. Nero 55 erat illi (sc. Neroni) aeternitatis perpetuaeque
famae cupido, sed inconsulta. ideoque multis rebus ac locis uetere appellatione detracta nouam indixit ex
suo nomine, mensem quoque Aprilem Neroneum appellauit; destinauerat et Romam Neropolim
nuncupare.
198
TLL s.v. fama; cf. esp. 6.219.63-220.58 and e.g. Cic. 2 Verr 2.18 O praeclare coniectum a vulgo in
illam provinciam omen communis famae atque sermonis...; Mart. Spec. 1.8 unum pro cunctis fama
loquetur opus.
199
For which observation the etymology from Greek fhvmh gives some support; Ernout-Meillet s.v. fama.
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take on a pseudo-existence of its own, however logically dependent on a voice to give it
utterance. What's more, fama seems not to be dependent on a rational "estimation" of worth, but
rather is simply the voicing of a reaction to a person or event; verbal expression of existimatio on
the other hand is corollary, and existimatio relies a priore on rational judgment. The pseudoexistence of fama, apparent in certain similarities and even equivocations with memoria, has
implications for the perpetuation of memoria, for poets as for those involved in public life, and
may explain the preference of poets for this term over existimatio in contexts where either would
be suitable.200 Where fama (and to a lesser degree existimatio) differ from the other terms of
praise I shall discuss is in the relative ambivalence of the term.
2.1.2 Laus, nomen, honos
"[P]ar nature, laus est, si j'ose dire, toujours laudatif".201 This statement is not quite as
banal as it at first appears, for the consistently probative nature of laus marks a distinct
movement away from the concepts fama and existimatio. Distinct, too, from fama and
existimatio are the fundamental ties of laus to aristocratic culture and virtutes. For, in general
terms, laus is the voiced and deliberate naming of an individual in recognition for his specific
virtue(s) or specific actions arising from them. Later writers singled out the connection with
naming as the earliest meaning of the term (laudare significat prisca lingua nominare
200
The metrical shape of existimatio also excludes it from the majority of verse poetry, and certainly any
with a dactylic foundation.
201
Hellegouarc'h (1963) 365.
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appellareque, Gell. 2.6.16),202 support for which is provided by Plautus, for example: Iovem
supremum testem laudo (Pl. Cap. 462). The constituent elements of the definition offered (voiced
and deliberate naming, an individual, virtues) resonate with the elite culture of commemoration
described in the first chapter. Indeed, laus as a term is often associated with elite funerary
contexts.203
The laudatio, as observed in Chapter One, served as a vehicle for the naming of ancestors
and a re-stating of their separate achievements – res gestae – (in terms of magistracies held, etc.)
and virtutes, among which the name and achievements of the recently deceased individual would
then take place. The notions of "celebrity" or "renown" (including in the Roman mind nomen,
see below) thus seem, in this area of the term's semantic range at least, a result of the actual act
of laus. Likewise, virtutes, or res (i.e. the actions devolving from the enactment of virtutes), give
rise to laus. The very close association of these three elements – especially res (act) and virtus –
generates, quite unsurprisingly, some overlap.204 In fact, laus seems sometimes to be a kind of
metonymy for virtus.205 In all cases, however, laus is consistently probative and linked to
202
Cf. P. Fest. (L.) 105.9 Laudare apud antiquos ponebatur pro nominare; and other examples in TLL s.v.
laudo, 7.1042.16-23. Laudo is glossed in Greek as ejgkomiavzw, ejpainw' (CGL Goetz VIsq.)
203
Cf. e.g. Tac. Ann. 2.73.1 funus per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. Luc. 9.216 si Roma
sonarent rostra ducis laudes.
204
Laus as "renown" cf. TLL 7.1064.33ff s.v. laus II
205
OLD s.v. laus; none of the examples given under OLD s.v. laus 3a,b are compelling enough to suggest
that this nuance is significantly different from the primary meaning. OLD 2 and 3 seem to be described in
TLL 7.1064.33ff s.v. laus II. This apparent equivalence of laus and virtus seems to be very early: cf.
Sarsila (1982) 23-25 for an discussion of an example from Livius Andronicus (trag. 16f. Ribbeck).
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aristocratic virtutes.206 Laus is a transient phenomenon, the intermediary step between virtus/act
and "renown".
The importance of nomen for the elite is central to this process of praise, for without a
nomen,207 virtues and deeds cannot be associated with a particular individual, or family, by
name; in a strict sense, the person cannot receive laus. But nomen is not essentially an elite or
political term: Nomen est, quod unicuique personae datur, quo suo quaeque proprio et certo
vocabulo appellatur (Cic. Inv. 1.24). Cicero's definition is unremarkable, perhaps, but the notion
of making an object or person distinct from others in this way is an essential step to praise, as we
shall see with the term honor: making an individual distinct and distinguishable – or known – is
a sine qua non. Nomen comprises two basic semantic fields. One centers around rather
straightforward "naming"; for an individual this act equivocates to presenting the minimum
evidence for individual existence or identity. The particularizing quality of nomen in comparison
with words having a similar semantic is made more or less explicit by Varro: Ut in articulis duae
partes, finitae et infinitae, sic in [vocabulis]<nominatibus> duae, vocabulum et nomen: non
enim idem oppidum et Roma, cum oppidum sit vocabulum, Roma nomen (Var. L. 10.19[20]).208
An intensification of this particularizing quality in the objective senses of the term generates the
206
See Hellegouarc'h (1963) 367-8, and especially Sarsila (1982) passim. Cf. Quint. Inst. Or. 3.7.6
proprium laudis est res amplificare et ornare; 5.10.83 virtus facit laudem..
207
Indeed, the nomen, praenomen, and cognomen were the mark of elite family.
208
See Taylor (1996) 66 for text, and 117 where he comments, "the distinction between common and
proper nouns is real, every bit as real as the manifest difference between any mere oppidum and Roma,
but Varro does not, either here or elsewhere, elaborate."
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other basic semantic field, where nomen takes on a pseudo-existence similar to that seen above
for fama – for from the beginning, it seems, nomen was construed as the renown or celebrity of a
person (i.e. the extent to which his name is known): Reges per regnum statuasque sepulcraque
quaerunt, | aedificant nomen: summa nituntur opum vi (Enn. Ann. 16.411).209 Metonymice, this
celebrity becomes "reputation": thus Ovid can say, "corpora si nequeunt, quae possunt, nomina
tangunt."(Ov. A.A. 2.633). This objective sense of celebrity or renown is totally lacking in the
verbal form nominare. Nomen, then, seems inextricably linked with aspects of praise in Roman
conceptual thinking, at least as far as words such as laus are concerned, that is, words which rely
on the naming of individuals or their distinctiveness from others. But it is not inextricably
confined to elite culture or the political sphere, whatever its importance for both.
Honos, likewise, betrays its fundamental meaning in the distinguishing of one individual
over others: Mehmet defines it as id quod aliquem vel aliquid egregium reddit, distinguit,
ornat.210 Unlike laus, however, which, although evident earliest in areas of public concern (laus
bellica, laus dicendi, laus eloquentiae, laus ducis), later expanded to other areas, honos from
very early on seems to denote distinction given alicui by virtue of the position or place held by
that individual within the social system.211 In fact, honos seems to have its origins in religious
contexts, and finds focus in the reverence due a deity and the respect due individuals in positions
209
Cf. Hor. Ars 400; Ov. A.A. 3.219; Sen. Suas. 2.15; Quint. Inst. Or. 10.1.72; Sil. 13.5
210
TLL 6.2916.80-1, s.v. honor (honos).
211
This is the argument of Klose (1933).
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of authority, positions which in the Roman system are sacer (see below).212 Thus honos, apart
from ritual contexts, can be applied to those things by which respect is shown to individuals. The
consequent association of honos and magistratus is understandable;213 but the words are not
synonyms. Hellegouarc'h:
Cependant honos n'est pas pour autant un synonyme exact de magistratus,
comme le montre notamment le fait qu'au singulier il peut désigner
globalement l'ensemble de magistratures, ce qui tend bien à prouvé que,
même dans ces emplois, le sentiment de la valeur primitive d'honos reste
parfaitement conscient: l'honos en général, c'est l'‹‹hommage›› du peuple à
l'égard d'un homme politique, 'amplissimus honos' est la forme la plus
élevée de cet hommage; il se rattache ainsi aux termes exprimant la
célébrité, comme existimatio, laus, ou gloria, ce qui n'est point
évidemment le cas de magistratus.214
As Klose makes clear, honos also has similar associations with sacerdotium and ornamentum
that belie any strict equivalence of honos and magistratus.215 Any number of things that by an act
212
See Klose (1933) 12-15, esp. 13-14 for connections to Lares and familia; Klose cites a passage from
Plautus, Rudens 185ff, and comments "Sie [sc. Palaestra] glaubt bei ihrer hervorragenden pietas
gegenüber Eltern und Göttern (v. 190, 192), von diesen ungerecht behandelt zu werden, ...Palaestra kränkt
es, daß die Götter ihr, obwohl sie keinerlei Schuld auf sich geladen hat, sondern regelmäig allen
Verpflichtungen ihnen gegenüber nachgekommen ist (pietas), die Anerkennung [i.e. honos] versagen."
(12). See also n. 214 below.
213
See Klose (1933) 35-36, Hellegouarc'h (1963) 384-5.
214
Hellegouarc'h (1963) 385-6, speaking, of course, to the political consequence of honos/magistratus.
For a broader view see Klose (1933) 35-37.
215
See Klose (1933) 37-39, where he cites an interesting papyrus by way of example, BGU II 628, II
14/15 Appella[ti]ones vero quae ad miagistratus et sacerdotia et alsios honores pertinebunt ...:
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(e.g. sacrifice, setting up a statue, bestowing of ornamenta, etc.) mark the distinguishing of an
individual can be called honores.216
Honos, as Klose argues, is an act.217 Thus, like laus, it is granted as a sign of the
community's recognition of an individual (or indeed a divinity). While laus is a verbal act
conceptually dependent on nomen, the expression of honos can take many forms, including laus.
The semantic boundaries of the laudabile do expand over time; thus the overlap between laus
and honos increases. Nomen has roots in a broader social context, and its political importance is
merely consequent. But while the connections of honos to the political vocabulary is strong, and
of laus exceptionally so, we must also be aware of the cultic/religious background for honos
(esp. in connection with the Manes).218
2.1.3 Gloria
The conceptual nature of the term gloria renders any brief discussion very difficult. In
fact, this nebulous term, a nexus for social, ethical, and political imperatives among the elite, is
fundamentally tied to notions such as virtus, and finds full expression in relation to other terms,
such as honor, laus, memoria, and fama. It is not simply a question of defining gloria, but of
216
Cf. TLL 6.2921.74-2922.54. See further esp. Klose (1933) 75-78, 84-5, cf. 75-6 "Die pietas eines
Menschen mu unbedingt von den Göttern anerkannt werden, honos is die Belohnung für die pietas."
217
See Klose (1933) passim, and 10 "Honos besitzt eine aktive Bedeutung, die Person, von der der honos
ausgeht und die ihn spendet, ist im stärkstem Maße als beteiligt gedacht und als ständig mitwirkend
empfunden (ab summis viris, populi).
218
See Klose (1933) 75, 84-85.
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describing its ambit in relation to the social realities described by the other terms. I will argue
that gloria is not glory, but a rather more restricted term than the English "glory"; no equivalence
should be suggested. The restrictions, as Knoche argued (see below), are two-fold. First, gloria is
restricted by its intimate connections to virtus, out of which res bene gestae arise. Second, gloria
is restricted to the vir magnus. In the following paragraphs I shall refer to the terms discussed
above in order to help define gloria. Indeed, in some cases it is possible to argue for the priority
of gloria (as a goal) in the political vocabulary: gloria seems to be the telos of elite public
activity and, as such, is necessarily the concern of the vir magnus . "Avec lui [sc. gloria]," writes
Hellegouarc'h, "nous sommes également en présence d'une notion qui touche au plus profond des
conceptions politiques des Romains. En effet la recherche de la gloria est la justification
fondamentale de leur activité politique..."219 The shifting boundaries or criteria for measuring
successful public life or for identifying the vir magnus in the various stages of the development
of the Roman state and the Roman elite seem to influence the application of gloria (see below on
Cicero and Seneca); but the basic semantic of gloria as a public recognition by elite peers for
virtutes and res gestae is constant.
The value of a secure etymology220 for a correct understanding of gloria is debatable, for
it has a very rich history in the Latin language.221 Knoche's TLL article, a substantial work in
219
Hellegourac'h (1963) 369.
220
See Ernout-Meillet s.v. gloria, gloriosus. The suggestions of Hamp (1982) are not convincing.
221
The etymology of gloria is far from certain, although the two linguistically plausible etymologies
suggested are discussed by Leeman (1949, 125-7). Both of these possibilities (one connected to klevo",
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itself that later resulted in the article discussed above,222 is fundamental. Cicero's definitions in
the oratorical and rhetorical works – the later philosophical works, as we shall see, pervert the
application of the term somewhat for ethical reasons – clearly point toward the essential meaning
of gloria: gloria est frequens de aliquo fama cum laude (Cic. Inv. 2.166); gloria est inlustris et
pervagata magnorum vel in suos vel in patriam vel in omne genus humanum fama meritorum
(Cic. Marc. 26); bonam famam bonorum, quae sola vere gloria nominari potest, expetunt (Cic.
Sest. 139).223 Gloria is a lasting, diffuse, positive, and qualitative recognition of the excellence of
someone or thing in relation to its "peers"; it is not necessarily an act, and unlike laus it can
extend in time beyond the immediate context of praising (thus it does not necessarily depend on
voicing).224 In its subjective sense gloria signifies the great distinctiveness of a person or thing, a
distinctiveness, however, which reflects on to something/someone else.225 In its objective sense,
gloria results for an individual from the perception and approval of virtus expressed in acts or
words, res gestae.226 Invidia, a common antonym of gloria in this objective sense, works in
the other to gelei'n [Hesychius s.v. gelei'n : lavmpein] and clarus) are justified by sense as much by any
strictly linguistic considerations.
222
Knoche (1934).
223
Other similar definitions are known; cf. TLL s.v. gloria 6.2063.1-25.
224
Although gloria might include all these things. TLL s.v. gloria 6.2062.79-82, I (Knoche's definition)
"gloria proprie est frequens fama cum laude, quae ultro sequitur nomen vel facta eorum, qui praeclaras
res bene gesserunt, fere i.q. dovxa, klevo", ku'do"."
225
Cf. TLL s.v. gloria 6.2067, I.A.1cb and d.
226
Cf. TLL s.v gloria 6.2067, I.A.1ca.
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similar manner: it is the perception and active disapproval of the actions and words of an
individual.227
For humankind, not things, gloria is used predominantly in its objective sense, associated
with and subsequent to virtus.228 The observations below are directed for the most part to this
objective gloria. Virtus, to be sure, finds expression in successful military action (res gestae, res
bellicae) in the earliest stages of its development and throughout Latin literature. Accordingly,
gloria clearly and consistently results from military success. But, because it is a public
recognition of virtus (a term in flux or at least of broad application), gloria shifts with virtus. "It
is due to the intellectualization of manliness that virtus developed into the normative
characteristic pertaining to all human intentions and actions," writes Sarsila, after demonstrating
that this intellectualization of manliness has begun already in Plautus.229 As a consequence, by
the time of Cicero, and perhaps (as Guillemin argues following Suster, see below) because of
Cicero himself, the boundaries for gloria have expanded to include res gestae in the wider sense,
incorporating political accomplishment, i.e. oratorical, etc. along with military achievements.230
Leeman showed quite clearly how Cicero attempted to value the virtuous life of the philosopher
equally against the traditional elements of public life, res gestae; the attempt proceeded from a
differently applied notion of virtus (see below, section 2.2.1)
227
Cf. TLL s.v gloria 6.2076.58-62, I.A.1k, and TLL s.v. invidia 7, I.A.2 and II.
228
See Sarsila (1982) 17-22. See also Knoche (1934) 114ff.
229
Sarsila (1982) 133.
230
Cf. TLL s.v. gloria 6.2071.6-2072.21, I.A.2.b.b.
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Unlike honos and laus in their primary senses, gloria was not "given" as an act, and
certainly not in a specific social context such as religious ceremony or the laudatio. Rather it was
a quality (like dignitas, or auctoritas) acquired by the approbation of peers for specific acts
arising out of inherent qualities or individual virtutes.231 But it is quite unlike dignitas and
auctoritas – qualities possessed by individuals – in that it can be transferred to posterity. Like
honos – and laus, too – it was always probative (thus the statement gloria est fama cum laude
made by Cicero, see above), but unlike honos and laus in that there was no necessary outward
sign of that approval. Gloria had an effect on the following generations – it was the gloria
maiorum with which members of the elite vied. Like fama, gloria seems to have had a pseudoexistence of its own, indeed, one as undying as memoria. Gloria immortalis (vel sim.) is a
common iunctura; gloria is not as immediately transitory as laus. This pseudo-existence of
gloria meant that it could have direct repercussions on the gloria of following generations, and
that it came with certain inherent obligations for family members. It is perhaps not entirely
surprising that gloria and memoria often appear together, esp. in literature with a "political"
focus. Cicero, as we saw in Chapter One, was most concerned to preserve his gloria (his res
gestae) through a manipulation of memoria. Habinek, discussing the manipulation of tradition
(here the record of men's deeds and offices) in the laudatio comments:
Yet what is evident to those of us who view the event from afar is the
degree to which it manipulates the audience as well. The ritual asks them
to believe not only what is said about the recently deceased and about the
231
Cf. TLL s.v. gloria 6.2071.6-2072.21, I.A.2.b
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ancestors, but to believe that this is what matters; that is, that the selfcongratulatory history of the clan should be the basis against which the
actions of the recently deceased, and more importantly, of those still
living, are to be measured.232
"What is said" about the ancestors is precisely this, gloria. It is the gloria of the deceased and the
ancestors which stands as a benchmark for the family, and which was deemed necessary to
commemorate.
With gloria, then, we approach closely the desires and concerns connected with
commemoration and memoria examined in Chapter One. A tremendous amount of scholarship
has been produced over the last 80 years dealing with the Roman concept of "renown" in the
political sphere and the self-fashioning of the elite. A recurring problem in the literature is
tendency to equate the notion of renown and "glory" – which is extremely broad – with the Latin
word gloria, the application of which is actually quite restricted. In the next section I attempt to
focus the discussion on developmental conceptions of the term gloria as it relates to elite life
(especially intellectual life).
232
Habinek (1998) 53.
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2.2
Gloria in Elite Society
Knoche's 1934 article, which likely arose out of his close study of the term gloria for the
TLL, ably avoids equivocating "glory" with gloria,233 for his concern seems to have been to
examine how gloria functions within the wider notion of elite renown. The thesis of Knoche's
article is that gloria (in its objective sense) can only belong to the vir magnus and none else,
given by his peers primarily for military and public service.234 The word encapsulates the zerosum competition that lies at the root of elite interaction in every period of Roman history.235 For
Knoche, there is no strict Greek equivalent for gloria,236 nor are there strict synonyms for the
term in Latin; honos and nomen, for example, reflect particular manifestations of, or are requisite
for, gloria.237 The centrality of the thirst for glory (der Ruhmbegier), which found its focus for
the Roman elite in gloria, led Knoche to theoretical reflection about the role of glory (focusing
233
Throughout this section, I use the term "glory" to denote the broad notion of "renown" not in order to
confuse (I might as well have used "renown") but to highlight a problem I see in most of the scholarship,
namely the assumption that glory = gloria. It will become apparent that, while gloria shares many aspects
with glory, the two words are not equivalent. This distinction is critical for such a semantic study. For
instance, Leeman asserts (1949, 174, cf. 190) that Horace speaks of his own "roem"/"glory" in Carm.
3.30: "Maar Horatius' non omnis moriar multaque pars mei / vitabit Libitinam toont ons de dichter van de
Augusteische tijd in al zijn zelfbewustheid en met zijn aanspraken op blijvende roem, zolang deze in
Rome zijn zetel zal vinden." In fact, neither there nor anywhere in his poetical works does Horace refer to
gloria accruing to himself through his poetry. The poetic trope of immortality through poetry has been
transmuted like Horace himself in Carm. 2.20 (another "glory" poem) into "glory"; from there "glory"
becomes linked or equal to gloria, and the argument has fundamentally shifted. Cf. Ennius' volito vivos
per ora virorum (Epigr. 17-18 V = ROL 9-10) similarly treated by Leeman on 135-6.
234
Knoche (1934) 105: "honos ist viel gleichmäßiger als gloria dehalb, weil honos dem vir honestus, dem
vir probus, zuteil wird ... gloria indessen nur dem vir magnus".
235
Cf. Knoche (1934) 122: "der Ehrgeiz und Tatwille der Nobilität erschlafft und abstirbt: der
Ruhmesgedanke hat seine lebenbestimmende Kraft und Potenz verloren."
236
Knoche (1934) 106.
237
Respectively; see Knoche (1934) 104-5 honos, 108-9 nomen.
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on Cicero), especially in terms of who validates individual glory, and on what virtutes that
validation rests.238 For Knoche, it is gloria's connection to the vir magnus within competitive
elite society that is of the utmost importance in understanding the term's relationship to elite
attitudes toward this quality.239
2.2.1
Cicero: gloria and virtus
A good starting point for the discussion of gloria in Cicero is the proefschrift of A.D.
Leeman, Gloria: Cicero's Waardering van de Roem en haar Achtergrond in de hellenistiche
Wijsbegeerte en de romeinse Samenleving (1949). Leeman's work is an "investigation into the
history of the valuation of glory"240 limited to an examination of the influences of the concept of
renown in Hellenistic philosophy, specifically Panaetius and Posidonius, on the (various)
concepts of renown found in Cicero's philosophical works, and in his speeches and letters.
Leeman identifies Panaetius and Posidonius as the Hellenistic sources for certain arguments in
Cicero about renown, its sources, and its rewards. Cicero seems never to have completely
reconciled the contradictions arising from the intellectual juxtaposition of the desire for gloria as
a "psychological reality" of Roman political life,241 and the different valuation, or indeed
sometimes lack of value, placed on renown in the philosophical writers of the Middle Stoa. This
238
Knoche (1934) 120-123.
239
See Habinek (2000) 268 for some very thoughtful and incisive comments about the competitive aspect
of gloria in the aftermath of the civil war.
240
Leeman (1949) 177 (excerpt from English summary).
241
Leeman (1949) 148-58, 188-9.
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notion of renown for the Greeks, as Leeman points out, is reflected in the use of terms like dovxa
and klevo"; these two words, which are difficult enough in and of themselves, have by the time of
Posidonius and Panaetius drawn so closely together that they were often interchangeable.242
Cicero, argues Leeman, adopted the conventional divisions of renown into good/bad, true/false
(a division prevalent in the Hellenistic philosophical texts), and applied these divisions
unsuccessfully to gloria. Leeman, who understands the various terms laus, honor, fama, claritas
to be "aspects of the idea of glory",243 fails to speak explicitly to the matter of how far the notion
of renown in the Hellenistic philosophers actually matches the Roman elite conception of gloria.
The intellectual exercise of melding Roman gloria and Hellenistic conceptions of renown found
application (and perhaps a motivation) in the pursuit of otium.
The life devoted to literature, as much as that devoted to philosophy, was necessarily a
life of otium, occasionally requiring residence away from the urbs.244 As an otium pursuit, the
242
Leeman (1949) 10-45, 178-9. Cf. also 129 where Leeman argues that certain Latin words are
equivalents to Greek terms: "Wanneer wij echter goed toezien blijkt het, dat bijna elk van die termen een
Latijns aequivalent heeft: dovxa = gloria, eujdoxiva, eujfhmiva = bona fama, e[paino" = laus, timhv = honor,
e.d."
243
Leeman (1949) 186.
244
For examples of the development of this thought, see the observations of Riikonen (1976) 84-5: "The
writers of antiquity prescribe a country setting when they discuss poetic dedication. In the choice of
environment favourable for poetic creation they very often prefer the country, which is also the theme of
their poetry. ... Rhetors, on the other hand, regard the composition and writing of speeches as an essential
part of political activity, not suited to being carried out in the country. " Riikonen's assertion of the
rhetors' view of the country does not take into account that the prominence of the countryside as a theme
in Latin poets is imported from the Hellenistic tradition: Vergil no more wrote his Eclogues only in the
countryside than Sergius Catilina only plotted in the urbs. The real antithesis lying behind what Riikonen
observed follows not from the physical location, but in the absence or presence of otium.
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literary life was necessarily opposed to negotium, i.e. the public activity of the magnus vir. Thus
the rewards of negotium for the magnus vir (principally gloria) should not strictly be gained
from a life of literature. Anne-Marie Guillemin, in Pline et la vie littéraire de son temps (1926),
remarks that one of the major developments in the late Republic was the validation of literary
studies during periods of otium as a source of gloire.245 In this she followed Suster (1889), who
argued for the increased importance in Ciceronian thought of renown (It. gloria) arising from
literary pursuits (studia liberalia, and the otium litteratum) in comparison to traditional avenues
for procuring gloria, namely military and political service to the state.246 But Suster's arguments
are directed toward the phenomenon of renown through literature, not gloria, both for the poet
and for the poet's subject; and he links this renown through literature explicitly through the
activities of literary patrons in the Republic.247 Literature, for Suster, is the vehicle for presenting
another's gloria, not the poet's.
Certainly, Cicero's attitude to the life led apart from politics, as Leeman points out,248
vacillates according to his own political and "philosophical" fortunes in an often inversely
proportional manner. While he evidently did argue for the value of literary studium openly, not
245
Cf. Guillemin (1926) 14: "L'innovation de l'époque de Cicéron fut de consacrer ce temps non
seulement au soin de son patrimonie et de ses terres, mais à l'étude". I'm not certain in this case how we
should see the literary activities of the early epigrammatists, Naevius (who might be seen as an antecedent
of Tacitus' Maternus), or Cato. But her point is essentially valid.
246
This is the thesis of his book; cf. e.g. Suster (1889) 10-13.
247
Suster (1889) 15-6, and 13-27 in general on the importance of Greek writers for this process.
248
Leeman (1949) 158-67.
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only in his philosophical writings, but more prominently in speeches such as the Pro Archia, for
Cicero at no time was the production of literature as valuable or as commendable for men with
appropriate birth and talents (i.e. viri magni) as active participation in public life. As far as gloria
is concerned, I am hard put to find any passages in Cicero in which literary production in otium
(which I separate from the philosopher's virtuous lifestyle) ever produces gloria for a member of
the elite. A dominant Ciceronian attitude toward otium is well illustrated by De Officiis 1.21,
which I quote in full:
Quapropter et iis forsitan concedendum sit rem publicam non
capessentibus, qui excellenti ingenio doctrinae sese dediderunt, et iis, qui
aut valitudinis imbecillitate aut aliqua graviore causa impediti a re
publica recesserunt, cum eius administrandae potestatem aliis laudemque
concederent. Quibus autem talis nulla sit causa, si despicere se dicant ea,
quae plerique mirentur, imperia et magistratus, iis non modo non laudi,
verum etiam vitio dandum puto. Quorum iudicium in eo, quod gloriam
contemnant et pro nihilo putent, difficile factu est non probare, sed
videntur labores et molestias, tum offensionum et repulsarum quasi
quandam ignominiam timere et infamiam. Sunt enim qui in rebus
contrariis parum sibi constent, voluptatem severissime contemnant, in
dolore sint molliores, gloriam neglegant, frangantur infamia atque ea
quidem non satis constanter. Sed iis qui habent a natura adiumenta rerum
gerendarum, abiecta omni cunctatione adipiscendi magistratus et gerenda
res publica est; nec enim aliter aut regi civitas aut declarari animi
magnitudo potest.
Cicero complains that the man gifted for public office should perform in this capacity to his best
ability. Those who do not – despising and avoiding gloria and escaping into a life of otium –
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render a disservice to the state and eventually to themselves. Here the antithesis of gloria
specifically – and not fama, honos, nomen, or laus – and otium, the prerequisite for "serious"
literary production, is explicit. But it is only the vir magnus who avoids gloria through otium.
While the vir magnus may argue for gloria on the basis of the virtutes necessary for the
philosophical life, it is not readily apparent in Cicero that he can do so on the basis of his literary
output.
2.2.4
Seneca: gloria and Philosophy
If Cicero was interested in the relevance of philosophy for renown, Seneca the Younger
was interested in the relevance of renown for philosophy. As Newman writes in his 1988 article
on renown (and gloria) in Seneca the Younger:
Seneca represents an important step in the understanding of glory since, as
heir to both Roman and Stoic concepts of glory, he synthesized the two
and adapted the synthesis to his philosophy of Innerlichkeit by substituting
moral definitions for traditional political vocabulary ... Seneca subtly
redefined the nature of glory.249
In giving recognition to Seneca on this point rather than Cicero, I wonder whether Newman
misses to a certain degree the thrust of Leeman's (and Cicero's) arguments. Newman also falls
prey to the tendency to equate gloria and "glory". It cannot be denied that Seneca's writings
make the shift in the valuation and the sources of renown for the philosophical life much more
explicit; and Seneca certainly attempted to lower the estimation of a life of public service and its
attendant traditions enormously in comparison to the virtuous life of the philosopher (Cicero, by
249
Newman (1988) 145.
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way of contrast, tried to raise the estimation of the philosopher's virtuous life in comparison to
the life of public service). There remains the fundamental problem in equivocating glory and
gloria, since gloria and glory, although they do share some characteristics – are not necessarily
co-extensive. Newman tries to maintain a delicate balance on this point, dividing glory into
different grades (claritas ["the glory of virtue itself"],250 gloria ["the praise of a virtuous act by
others"],251 and fama ["the opposite of true glory", or "mere popularity"]252), but this division
itself only highlights the problem. The objection might be raised, on the basis of the evidence
produced by Newman, that in fact Seneca is redefining the notion of claritas rather than gloria,
an objection borne out by Newman's own conclusion (in respect to Seneca's gradation of glory)
that "Seneca thus preserved the ultimate importance of virtus and correct opinion without
prejudice to the Roman desire for glory."253 In either case, Newman is quite correct in
demonstrating Seneca's attempt to manipulate, with protrepic aims similar if not identical to
Cicero's, elite Roman notions of renown; but Seneca seems to be doing this with recourse – here
unlike Cicero and perhaps more sensibly – to another term altogether, claritas. Claritas is as
closely linked to the interior qualities of the Roman elite male (virtutes) as gloria, but perhaps
more malleable in its application to the moral aspects of Roman elite life because it is a quality
250
Newman (1988) 151, cf. 151-56.
251
Newman (1988) ibid; cf. 156-8.
252
Newman (1988) ibid; cf. 158-9.
253
Newman (1988) 159. That Seneca did in fact exploit and refine the term claritas/claritudo is the thesis
of Habinek (2000).
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intrinsic to the elite.254 Habinek suggests that part of Seneca's popularity with later Roman
authors arose, at least in part, out of Seneca's adroitness in claiming claritas for himself. "Instead
of gloria, a zero-sum type of honor that involved the diminution of a rival, Seneca enjoyed
claritas, or claritudo—brilliance, illumination that differentiated him from the obscure masses
yet did not necessarily diminish the brilliance of other leading Romans."255
2.2.4
Gloria in Augustan Minor Poetry
An understanding of the use of gloria in connection with a poet's own renown in
Augustan minor poetry will be beneficial to my investigation of how the term is used in Flavian
minor poetry. Gloria in Tibullus, Horace (Epodi, Carmina), Propertius, and Ovid (Amores, Ars
Amatoria, Remedia Amoris) shows little variation from the semantic range and the developments
in application noted in previous sections, appearing many times in the usual sense of military and
political success or in a metaphor derived from the military sphere (e.g. Tib. 1.8.49; Prop.
2.12.22, 2.16.41, 3.9.18, 3.11.60, 3.12.3, 4.10.3; Hor. Carm. 1.18.15, 3.26.2, Epod. 11.23; Ov.
Am. 2.9.6, 2.12.12).256 Indeed, its intimate connection to a military context is often an integral
254
See TLL s.v. claritas, II and s.v. clarus, III passim. For clarissimus as a designation of senatorial status,
see TLL s.v. clarus, III.2.
255
Habinek (2000) 266.
256
Gloria in both subjective and objective senses appears at Tib. 1.4.77, 1.5.2 (=gloriosus), 1.6.3, 1.8.49,
2.1.34, 3.7.29, 208, 3.19.7; Prop. 1.8B46, 2.1.74, 2.3.29, 2.7.17-18, 2.12.22, 2.16.41, 2.21.9, 3.9.9, 3.9.18,
3.11.60, 3.12.3, 3.15.39, 4.3.63, 4.10.3; Hor. Carm. 1.18.15, 3.26.2, Ep. 11.23; Ov. Am. 2.6.20, 2.9.6,
2.12.12, 3.15.8. The passages in which the poets refer to their own renown for their poetry are discussed
in the text.
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part of the function of gloria within a poem.257 There is, however, an interesting development in
Propertius (foreshadowed perhaps in Tibullus), which also appears in Ovid: the poet – who, it
must be said, rejects a traditional lifestyle – seems to suggest that the lover's lifestyle (which
includes poetry) and "victories" merit gloria. In what follows, I discuss only the five passages in
which the poets use the word in the context of their own renown: Tibullus 1.4 and Propertius 2.7
and 1.8B, and Ovid Amores 2.12 and 3.15.
Tibullus 1.4 foreshadows Propertius' claim for gloria in a number of ways. The selfdeprecatory tone of this poem – in which Tibullus reports first the advice of Priapus (taking over
the role of magister amorum from Priapus himself) and then his ultimate failure – is
unmistakable. There also seems to be vigorous parody of epic and didactic.258 And of course,
there is no delicate irony in making Priapus, the god (in the Roman tradition) of violent anal rape
and gross sexuality, a teacher in the art of boy-seduction.259 Any statement related to the poet
must be evaluated from the perspective of the parodic mode. The careful posturing at the end of
the poem further undercuts the claim of success (such as it is) in 1.4.77 gloria cuique sua est260:
257
This is true also of the instances I discuss below.
258
See Putnam (1973) 88-89 "It is a mock-didactic poem... enriched by parody of both hymn and epic,
particularly Ennius and Lucretius"; Cairns (1979) 175.
259
Richlin (1992) 121-24; Priapus in 1.4 may be more than a "shadow of his Priapic self", as Richlin
comments (1992, 126), if the poem is characterised by the kind of irony I suggest: Priapus' success does
not come from seduction and precepts, any more than Tibullus' success. The disjunction between verbal
assertions and "reality" in this poem are interesting.
260
Putnam (1973) ad loc. notes that this expression has a "proverbial ring" citing Cat. 22.20 and Verg.
Aen. 10.467. More than that however, Tibullus may be playing on Cat. 22 as a whole (in 22 Catullus
discusses the poetry of Suffenus, an otherwise pleasant fellow who suffers under the delusion that he is a
good poet). Catullus' final comment is suggestive: nimirum idem omnes fallimur, nequest quisquam |
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the poet presents himself as subsitute magister amorum (Tib. 1.4.75-80; cf. vos me celebrate
magistrum, | quos male habet multa callidus arte puer, Tib. 1.4.75-6) but then – in the lines
immediately following (Tib. 1.4.81-4) – bemoans his lack of success with his love-object,
suggesting that it will damage his credibility as magister (parce, puer, quaeso, ne turpis fabula
fiam, cum mea ridebunt vana magisteria, Tib. 1.4.83-4).
The use of gloria in two poems by Propertius (2.7 and 1.8B) is similarly ironic, but in
these poems the poet's gloria is explicitly juxtaposed with the more traditional notions of gloria
in the Republican period (i.e. gloria based on military or political success). Thus Propertius
seems to be asserting, in some respect, an ideal that runs counter to the kind of success
traditionally measured by gloria. Rather than approaching these poems through the problematic
issue of Propertius' relation to the Augustan Zeitgeist, I shall discuss how and for what the poems
ascribe gloria, especially in their deliberate contrast of traditional gloria with the lover-poet's
activities.
Propertius 2.7 maintains a deliberate contrast between traditional public activity and the
activity of the lover. This poem – deliberately pits the activity of the lover against the military
quem non in aliqua re videre Suffenum | possis. suus cuique attributus est error: sed non videmus
manticae quod in tergost. The similarity of the phrase suus cuique attributus est error may simply arise
from a similar proverbial source; but the similar contexts in both poems suggest to me that Tibullus is
deliberately tongue in cheek here, paralleling his own perceived "success" as magister (his gloria) with
Suffenus' perceived poetic skill (his error). Cf. Murgatroyd (1980) 132 "In 1.4 there are two sets of
contrasts, the second mirroring the first: Priapus appears initially as the usual comic and undignified
figure, but then is shown in a serious and learned pose; so T. appears next in the same dignified pose, but
is finally reduced to a laughing-stock."
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concerns of the Emperor. After the intial expressions (Prop. 2.7.1-5) of relief and happiness that
a lex,261 whatever it may have been exactly, has been repealed, Propertius concedes that, in any
case, not even Juppiter can separate true lovers. An imagined response "At magnus Caesar"
(Prop. 2.7.6) sets up the first contrast between love's success and military success: sed magnus
Caesar in armis: | devictae gentes nil in amore valent, (Prop. 2.7.6-7). The implication is, of
course, that the poet is equally successful in love, and equally unsuited for war. The following
lines devolve from this basic statement as the poet juxtaposes his love for Cynthia against
marriage and war: the poet prefers separation from his puella through beheading to marriage
with another (Prop. 2.7.7-10). Marriage and warfare are equated in lines 11-13: the tibia played
at the poet's marriage is as "deathly" for Cynthia as the tuba that sounds the charge (tibia funesta
tristior illa tuba, Prop. 2.7.12), and children – the proper result of a Roman marriage – are born
for military service and victory (unde mihi patriis natos praebere triumphis? Prop. 2.7.13). The
poet repeats his rejection of this paradigm in line 14: nullus de nostro sanguine miles erit. Lines
15-16, too, perfect the contrast between the activity of warfare and of love: if love for Cynthia
were like warfare, the poet would be a great warrior in her castra (quod si vera meae comitarem
castra puellae, | non mihi sat magnus Castoris iret equus, Prop. 2.7.15-16). This devotion to his
puella, says the poet, is the source of his gloria lata just as, by implication, military service is the
source of gloria for others (and Caesar): hinc etenim tantum meruit mea gloria nomen, | gloria
ad hibernos lata Borysthenides (Prop. 2.7.16-17). I suggest that the poet chooses gloria here to
261
It does not seem necessary to explore the problems associated with the Augustan marriage laws and
Propertius' possible views on Augustan policy. For opposed views about the nature of the law in relation
to this poem see (inter alia) Williams (1968) 531-35 and Stahl (1985) 139-56. For the exact nature of this
lex, see Ferrero Radista (1980), Badian (1985).
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assert his success not only because it continues the military imagery, but also because it sets his
claims in sharp contrast to the military imagery focused around Caesar, imagery for which the
term gloria would be better suited. The contrafactuals of lines 15-16 further inform our reading
of the poet's claim to gloria, for they remove the claim from reality: the poet derives his gloria
from his metaphorical service to his puella, from his willingness to serve an imagined role. In
any case, it is difficult to read this image of gloria except as one adopted from the public sphere
of the vir magnus, and incongruously applied by the lover-poet – who seems to reject traditional
ideals of marriage and military service that perpetuate gloria – to himself.
In Prop. 1.8B the poet crows over Cynthia's willingness to forsake a rival in favor of
himself, and travel to the Greek East in favor of residence at Rome; she has, he suggests, been
won over by the heartfelt arguments of 1.8A.262 Most commentators link the rival in this poem
with a person not only of wealth but also with an important military/political position, i.e. the
praetor of 2.16 (cf. Enk (1946) 74-5, Enk (1962) 229-31; also Camps (1967) 130, Hubbard
(1974) 58-9, Baker (1990) 94-5).263 And it is against the rival's wealth that the poet sets his
poetry: hanc ego non auro, non Indis flectere conchis, | sed potui blandi carminis obsequio
262
Richardson (1976) 166-7 suggests that Prop. 1.8A and 1.8B be taken together as a "poem within a
poem".
263
Richardson (1976) 166 may be right to discount earlier suggestions that the rivalis in 1.8 is the praetor
in 2.16, but the coincidence of destinations (Illyria) is remarkable. That Cynthia would enjoy a regna
dulcia (given the associations of regnum and imperium) with the rival in 1.8 is also suggestive of a
connection to an official.
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(Prop. 1.8B.39-40).264 The claim to gloria in 1.8B.45-46 (nec mihi rivalis certos subducit
amores:| ista meam norit gloria canitiem) thus seems to rest on this double victory: the poet's
victory over his rival, and the victory of poetry over wealth. Propertius' choice of gloria in this
context seems to indicate that the poet is co-opting the rival's terms of success just as he co-opts
the rewards, i.e. Cynthia.265 The use of gloria in 1.8B (a poem in which the poet sets his art
against conventionally valued standards of military/political success and wealth266) thus seems to
be a case parallel to 2.7.
Ite triumphales circum mea tempora laurus: | vicimus, writes Ovid at the beginning of
Amores 2.12; Corinna is finally his, captured by ars267 (qua posset ab arte capi) in spite of
husband, custos, and door (Ov. Am. 2.12.3-4). The military imagery continues: victoria digna
triumpho (2.12.5), sanguine praeda caret (2.12.6), non humiles muri, non parvis oppida fossis |
cincta, sed est ductu capta puella meo (2.12.7-8). He has received gloria beyond that of any
264
Baker (1990) 94-5 links 1.8 and 2.16 through money, suggesting that sinus ad 1.8.34 and the
references to the rival's wealth are paralleled at 2.16.11-12.
265
Contrast, for example, the more usual formulation of renown for poetry (depending on the assertion of
readership and immortality, and using the terms fama, nomen, honos, or laus) Propertius offers in 1.7.910: hic mihi conteritur vitae modus, haec mea famast, | hinc cupio nomen carminis ire mei. Cf. e.g. Cat.
1, 95; Hor. Carm. 2.20, 3.30, Ep. 1.19; Ov. Am. 1.15, 3.15.
266
By contrast, in 1.7 the poet wishes for renown within the context of arguments about the relative value
of the different genres relative to each other as inherited from the Alexandrians. The locus classicus for
this is Call. Fr. 465 Pf. to; mevga biblivon i[son e[legen ei\nai tw/' megavlw/ kakw/'. Useful lists of testimonia
and brief but learned discussion of Propertius' debt to Callimachean and Alexandrian aesthetics may be
found in Sullivan (1976) 107-21; cf. also Hubbard (1974) 68-115.
267
It is tempting to assume ars points to his poetry, and of course it does; but it does not point to his
poetry alone (anymore than the Ars Amatoria is only about poetry), but rather to the whole "bag of tricks"
the lover has at his disposal in the pursuit of his beloved.
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miles, and deserves a suitable titulus: he himself was general, he himself soldier, he himself
cavalry, he himself infantry, he himself signifer (2.12.11-14). The use of gloria in the context of
military images here is of the same kind (but of course less subtle) as that in Prop. 2.7; similarly
we must read gloria here as simply one among many military images transferred from the sphere
of the magnus vir, and applied to the lover-poet, the miles amoris. In Amores 3.15, the famous
statement of everlasting renown with which he ends the collection, Ovid also uses gloria in
connection with his poetry (3.15.7-8):
Mantua Vergilio gaudet, Verona Catullo;
Paelignae dicar gloria gentis ego
The fact that gloria here is used not objectively but predicatively with ego and the possessive
Paelignae gentis is significant: with this utterance Ovid attributes gloria to his municeps, not to
himself. The distinction may be a fine one, but as we have seen above (section 2.1.3), to be the
gloria of someone/something (a subjective use) is not the same as to possess gloria oneself (an
objective use). Contrast the more forthright assertion of everlasting renown in the parallel 1.15:
mihi fama perennis | quaeritur, in toto semper ut orbe canar (1.15.7-8). Ovid does not claim
gloria for himself because of his nugatory poetry (outside of the context of military imagery).
We shall see in Chapter 4 how Martial extends this subjective use of gloria somewhat further.
A pattern of the use of gloria within the context of Augustan minor poets' assertions of
their own renown seems, based on my readings of these important poems, to emerge with
Tibullus 1.4 as a somewhat self-deprecatory assertion, continuing in Propertius 1.8B and 2.7, as
well as Ovid Amores 2.12 as an ironic co-option of terminology from the public sphere of the
magnus vir associated with military imagery. Ovid's interesting usage in 3.15, although markedly
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different from the others in that it is not explicitly linked to military imagery, still does not
clearly suggest that the poet himself has gained gloria for his poetry and poetic success. This is
particularly significant for Ovid: although he has rejected the public life of the magnus vir, he
nevertheless remains a member of the elite.
2.2.5
Tacitus' Dialogus: The Concerns of the Elite
The first half of Tactius' Dialogus de Oratoribus (1-13, the debate between Aper and
Maternus on poetry and oratory) will serve to localize several key observations drawn about
gloria (and renown in general) to the Flavian period. In the following paragraphs I focus in
particular on the intimate associations of gloria in the Dialogus with the magnus vir, and on how
the zero-sum nature of gloria manifests itself in the tensions between otium and negotium. These
areas of concern, as we shall see, set the stage for the investigation of Statius', Martial's, and
Pliny's attitudes toward renown and poetry, as well as the concepts associated with their own and
other poets' success and renown. In the Conclusions to this project we will return to the
Dialogus for perspective on Statius', Martial's, and Pliny's attitudes towards a poet's renown.
It is quite true that we do not know with any certainty anything more about the two
principal actors in the first half of the Dialogus, Curiatus Maternus and Marcus Aper, than
Tacitus tells us.268 But there is something to be said about their characterization; it is through
268
This does not mean that there has been no speculation: for Aper see Syme (1979) 701-2. Maternus in
particular has been a source of some controversy; Norden (1909) 324-5 suggested an identification with a
"sophist" Maternus said by Dio to have been executed by Domitian in 91, but later recanted. Gudeman
(1914) 19 attacked Norden's suggestion. Cameron (1967) 258-61 and Barnes (1986) 239-43 have
considered the identification anew. But this is an historical question, not one of characterization.
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character that we may best assess the significance (for this project) of what each is saying in this
section of the Dialogus.269 It is quite clear that the major actors in the Dialogus should be
considered magni viri. All are described in Dial. 1.3 as praestantissimi viri. Secundus and Aper
are both clearly connected to forensic oratory in Dial. 2, and Maternus is chided for turning his
back on his many clientelae in Dial. 3.4 (he himself describes this as neglecting advocacy in 4.1,
desidiam advocationum). And the defense of public life that Aper gives is predicated on the life
of status, amicitia, and public service which more or less defines the magnus vir. But they all
clearly (as Tacitus has suggested) hold different viewpoints on what activities are suitable for a
magnus vir. These magni viri, however – and Maternus and Aper in particular – all share a
common zero-sum attitude towards life.
The zero-sum attitude apparent in gloria is endemic to Roman elite culture. There are
several ways in which the Dialogus bears this observation out, but most interesting for the
continuing discussion is the conflict between otium and negotium, a conflict which underlies
Aper's and Maternus' debate. This conflict often manifests itself in the competing claims of
oratory and poetry. For example, in 3.4 Aper suggests that Maternus spends all his time
composing his tragedies and none on writing speeches and pleading in court, abandoning entirely
thereby his obligations and duties as a magnus vir first to his friends, then his provincial clients
("Adeo te tragoediae istae non satiant," inquit Aper, "quo minus omissis orationum et causarum
269
Tacitus suggests as much himself in the proem: Ita non ingenio, sed memoria et recordatione opus est,
ut quae praestantissimis viris et excogitata subtiliter et dicta graviter accepi, cum singuli diversas sed
easdem probabiles causas adferrent, dum formam sui quisque et animi et ingenii redderent, isdem nunc
numeris isdemque rationibus persequar, servato ordine disputationis.
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studiis omne tempus modo circa Thyestem consumas? cum te tot amicorum causae, tot
coloniarum et municipiorum clientelae in forum vocent, 3.4). Aper goes on to say that Maternus
is bringing trouble on himself with this novum negotium ([clientelae] quibus vix suffeceris, etiam
si non novum tibi ipse negotium importasses, 3.4). The use of importare in the contrafactual is
pointed,270 and negotium is a remarkably (and deliberately) ironic word to be used for composing
a tragedy271 – novum only highlights how out of place the term is. Aper points out here, then, that
Maternus has adopted an all-or-nothing attitude toward these two activities. But he is not
suggesting Maternus seek a balance: Maternus would scarcely have enough resources to meet his
obligations, let alone undertake anything else (cf. quibus vix suffeceris, 3.4). Maternus' response
to Aper, and his request for a ruling from Secundus, explicitly confirm his attitude: Secundus as
judge must either forbid Maternus to write poetry, or allow him to forgo oratory in order to
cultivate the sacred eloquence of poetry (Quo laetor magis oblatum nobis iudicem qui me vel
futurum vetet versus facere, vel, quod iam pridem opto, sua quoque auctoritate compellat ut
omissis forensium causarum angustiis, in quibus mihi satis superque sudatum est, sanctiorem
illam et augustiorem eloquentiam colam, 4.2).272 Again, Maternus does not allow a middle
position.
270
see OLD s.v. importo 2.
271
The sole parallel seems to be Pl. Ep. 1.3.3, for which see Chapter Five.
272
Note the contrast in how Aper and Maternus describe the abandonment of oratory: Aper omissis
orationum et causarum studiis, Maternus omissis forensium causarum angustiis.
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Just as the portrayal in the Dialogus of concentrated time, effort, and attention spent on
otium (poetry) or negotium (oratory) betrays the zero-sum mindset of the Roman elite, so too
does Aper's subsequent argument. Aper, anticipating an argumentum ad populum, suggests that
Maternus cannot hide behind the actions of others (i.e. those others who have sought out the life
of otium and poetry) because he, as an individual, is suited by nature and circumstance to
eloquentia virilis et oratia (5.4). Not everyone possesses this natural suitability for public affairs;
Saleius Bassus (a well-known epic poet) is excused, as would be a Greek (for there exercere
ludicras artes is honestum).273 In abusing his gift by expending his energy on poetry, Maternus
turns his back on public life in toto. Poetry is fine for others and has its value, says Aper (10.4),
but Maternus' gifts should only be used – in accordance with his nature – in the courts (Sed
tecum mihi, Materne, res est, quod, cum natura tua in ipsam arcem eloquentiae ferat, errare
mavis et summa adepturus in levioribus subsistis, 10.5). Just as a great gladiatorial combatant
should not be made to throw the discus, Maternus should be in the courts, not the lecture hall (sic
nunc te ab auditoriis et theatris in forum et ad causas et ad vera proelia voco, 10.5).274
It seems clear that the problem underlying the arguments in first half of the Dialogus lies
in differing assessments of the value of two different types of eloquentia, and that this problem is
made more acute by an elite culture which is still trying to adapt an endemic zero-sum,
273
Saleius Bassus, cf. Tac. Dial. 5.3; Greeks, 10.5.
274
The choice of metaphor here is interesting. Barton (1992) argues strongly for the importation (or
relocalization) of traditional manly virtues to Roman thinking about the place of the gladiator in imperial
culture. According to Barton (1992) 31-6, the gladiator, as a slightly romanticized figure, enacts for an
audience the pursuit of gloria on the battlefield.
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competitive mentality to the new political and social realities of the principate. In many respects
gloria and renown serve as the focal point for this conflict. In the following three chapters we
step away from the immediate concerns of competitive elite culture (while keeping it in sight) in
order to address the issue of how minor poets in the Flavian period portray their own renown for
poetic success, and how they represent the success and renown of other poets. In the
Conclusions to the dissertation we shall return to the Dialogus to compare our findings from
Statius, Martial, and Pliny with the ways in which Maternus and Aper speak of gloria and
renown in public and literary life.
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Chapter Three: Statius
In this next chapter I examine applications of terms of renown for poets in Statius' Silvae,
including those terms Statius applies to his own work as epic poet and as the poet of the Silvae. I
shall proceed by first setting out basic historical information pertinent to the interpretation of
Statius' family history and role in Roman elite society in section 3.1. In section 3.2 I shall
describe through close reading of three poems how Statius characterizes the success of three
different types of poet at Rome: the elite dilettante (Silvae 1.2), the elite writer of epic – a
"serious" poet – (Silvae 2.7), and a Greek professional poet (Silvae 5.3), his own father.
Discussion of the father will lead to an analysis of the son's views about his own poetry in the
Silvae and in the Thebaid. It will become clear that Statius heavily privileges his epic poetry as
the basis for his success and renown, minimizing the importance of his minor poetry, the Silvae,
beyond its (albeit very important) function in the web of his patron relationships. In Appendix
A.1 "Terms of Praise in Statius" I describe how the use of terms of praise in the Silvae
conform in large part to the semantic descriptions offered in Chapter Two.
3.1
Background
For Statius' family, early life, and career we have, by and large, only that information
presented to us by Statius himself in four poems (3.5, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5); of these 5.3 is the most
important. The reliability of autobiographical information, especially in poetry, need not – in fact
should not – necessarily be taken for granted. As far as Statius is concerned, however, the details
of his life seem credible, especially those details which come out of the two "career reviews"
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contained in Silvae 5.3, a lament on the death of his father (one deals with his father's career, the
other with his own). Because this project centers on the self-presentation of poets, the question
for me is not so much whether or not Statius is setting out an accurate account of his life, but
what in fact he chooses (and in one case what he does not choose) to relate about his life to the
reader. Three subjects of particular interest arise out of Statius' career reviews: his origins in
Naples and ties to Campania, the influence of his father's career on him in general, and the
emphasis on his own career at Rome. All of these are imbued with Statius' Greek-ness; the
fundamental effect of his Greek heritage on his relationships with his Roman patrons cannot be
overstated.
Naples is a point of pride for Statius, not only as his birthplace but also as a center for
Greek culture.275 Indeed, Nero chose Naples as the starting point for his peregrination through
the Greek games circuit precisely because it was a Greek city in Roman Italy and famous for its
own games: non tamen Romae incipere ausus Neapolim quasi Graecam urbem delegit: inde
initium fore ut transgressus in Achaiam insignisque et antiquitus sacras coronas adeptus maiore
fama studia civium eliceret (Tac. Ann. 15.33.2). The details of Naples' enduring Greek identity
are well documented elsewhere. But it seems important to observe along with others that Naples
remained so Greek, at least in part, through the philhellenism of the Roman elite.276 The initial
attraction of Campania in general, and Naples in particular, for the elite Roman was not its villa
275
Cf. St. Silv. 1.2.261, 2.2.84, 3.1.93, 152, 3.5.79, 4.8.3, and 5.3 passim.
276
The classic exposition of this point is D'Arms (1970) 13-17 et passim.
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culture (for they themselves created that); it was the opportunity to engage otium under Greek
influences.
Statius was likely born in Naples sometime between 45 and the early 50's.277 Statius'
father moved the family away from Naples to Rome by the end of Nero's reign at the latest
(probably earlier),278 but Statius soon returned to Naples to compete in the Neapolitan Games,279
where he won as his father did years before (see below). From there it is possible, perhaps even
likely, that he went on to compete in the games circuit on mainland Greece, but Statius does not
choose to make clear the events of the following years. In any case, his return to Rome and the
literary circles of the Roman elite seems to have been cemented by his marriage to Claudia, a
poet's widow. After a disappointing defeat at Rome, he returned to Naples by 95 at the latest; the
composition Silvae 4.praef. and 4.4 are both securely placed at Naples in 95.280 It seems very
likely that Statius regularly spent time in Campania at the villas of his patrons throughout his
career. Indeed, Hardie has suggested that Statius' associations with the literary coterie of Polla
277
These are the traditional dates, based on references in the Silvae to his father's death at age 65 (St. Sil.
2.1.34f and 5.3; both poems were probably written in 90) and on hints at his own senium in 3.5.13 (cf.
4.4.69, and 5.2.158f). Coleman rightly notes that Statius' claim of senium in these passages anticipates the
approach of old age or emphasizes it for rhetorical effect (Coleman [1988] xix-xx and ad 4.4.70). In the
early to mid-90's, when these poems were written, he was probably in his mid-forties, and so actually
very close to being a senex (if the traditional life cycle passed on by Aulus Gellius 10.28.1-8 – which
places seniores over the age of 46 in Tullus' reign – has any relevance).
278
Cf. St. Silv. 5.3.195-7.
279
St. Silv. 5.3.225
280
See Coleman (1988) xix-xx.
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and Lucan came out of shared connections to Campania.281 It is clear that Statius had extremely
strong connections to Campania and to the literary scene in Naples, connections which were
fostered during his absence at Rome through patrons with their own interests in Campania.
"One factor should be kept constantly in mind in assessing Statius' career: his father was
a professional poet and grammaticus, who worked for prize money and fees. Despite the growth
of professionalism at Rome, for example in the legal profession, this background sets Statius still
further apart from the western poets of the time, including Martial, and from the tradition of the
equestrian provincials who wrote poetry at Rome."282 The career of Statius' father, the elder
Papinius, is elaborated in Silvae 5.3, an epicedion which emphasizes the father's Greek origins
and his service as teacher to the proceri futuri of the Roman elite. The elder Papinius was born in
the Latin municipium of Velia apparently to freeborn parents. Statius, significantly, gives Velia
its Greek name Hyele (Graia Hyele 5.3.127), underscoring further its older Greek heritage, I
think, with reference to its occupation by Latins (Latiis ascita colonis [sc. Hyele] 5.3. 126) and
by allusion to Palinurus' drowning in Vergil's Aeneid 6 (gravidus qua puppe magister | excidit et
mediis miser evigilavit in undis 5.3.126-7).283 While it is certain that the family was freeborn
(non tibi deformes obscuri sanguinis ortus, 5.3.116), and of sufficient wealth in his childhood
281
Hardie (1982) 59.
282
Hardie (1982) 59.
283
The allusion to Vergil is certainly the more ambiguous of the two references. While it seems clear that
it places the existence of the Greek city of Hyele prior to even the arrival of Aeneas in Latium in a
chronological schema, it may be that the allusion also hints at a cultural priority for Hyele.
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(nec sine luce genus, 5.3.117), it was likely not of equestrian status.284 There is little point in
speculation here, since the facts suffice: the family, a good one, fell on hard times after the elder
Papinius put on the toga praetexta, and his future was guaranteed by his notable successes as an
epideictic poet in the Greek games. After victories at the Neapolitan,285 Pythian, Nemean, and
Isthmian Games,286 the father returned to Naples and began to teach. Statius tells us that his
father taught Greek epic and didactic (Homer, Hesiod, Epicharmus), lyric (Pindar, Ibycus,
Alcman, Stesichorus, Sappho), and elegiac (Callimachus, Lycophron, Sophron, Corrina)
poetry.287 But Statius does not explicitly say whom his father taught in Naples; given the general
emphasis in the following passage on Roman youths, it seems safe to assume he was teaching
sons of wealthy Neapolitans. The careful parallelism of generosaque pubes at the end of 5.3.146,
284
For the arguments against equestrian status see Frère (1961), Aricò (1980) 15, Hardie (1982) 201,
n.35; arguments for, see Coleman (1988) xv, Nauta (2002) 198. Hardie argues that the family's wealth,
probably derived from commerce, seems to have been swallowed up in the elder Papinius' depositio (see
Hardie [1982] 5-6 citing St. Silv. 5.3.117-20 nec sine luce genus (quamquam fortuna parentum | artior
expensis); etenim te divite ritu | ponere purpureos Infantia legit amictus | stirpis honore datos et nobile
pectoris aurum). Nauta suggests that Statius grandparents were decuriones in Velia, and that their wealth
was exhausted through benefactions (Nauta [2002] 198-99); but this is not the sense of
expensa/expensum, (the word on which Nauta's argument is based): expensa/expensum is clearly
associated with the notion of keeping accounts of debts and describing regular expenses (See TLL 5.164347 s.v. expendo (expensum) et expendo (expensa); the notion that expensa = beneficium appears to be a
late development, see TLL 5.1646-7 s.v. expendo (expensa) IA1b). Hardie, the most sensible of the lot,
suggests that Statius may have been, "tendentiously, explaining away the absence of a status which the
family had never held at all."
285
Possibly in 42 under Claudius, but the dates both for the elder Papinius' birth (15 or 25), and his actual
age at the Neapolitan games, which make a date entirely uncertain. Hardie assumes Papinius to be 17 at
the time, based on certamina ... vix implenda viris (5.3.134-5, indicating that he was not yet a vir) and
primaeva ad carmina (5.3.136).
286
St. Silv. 5.3.141-5. On the use of victoria as a possible Graecism (which suggests further emphasis on
his Greek-ness) see Hardie (1982) 7. An inscription (IG II2 3919) from the middle of the 1st century AD
found at Eleusis may refer to the elder Papinius; see Clinton (1972).
287
St. Silv. 5.3.146ff.
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the section dealing with his teaching in Naples, and proceresque futuros at 5.3.176, the section
treating his Roman students, creates a strong antithesis which supports this assumption. The
elder Papinius, then, seems to have been teaching Roman youths at the end of Nero's reign.288
The suggestion that he taught the puer Domitian is possible,289 but in any case it is clear that he
was teaching the sons of elite families at the end of the 60's, probably in Rome.290 The outcome
of the chaos of 69 and perhaps the desire – on the part of someone with ties to Nero – to express
allegiance to the new power prompted the elder Papinius to compose a poetic lament (its exact
nature is unclear) on the destruction of the temples in Rome.291 Statius suggests that this effort
was rewarded by the emperor, and the existence of the family's Alban estate tends to support this
288
Hardie (1982) 12 suggests that the move to Rome may have come out of Nero's interest in Naples and
the Neapolitan games.
289
The point, one with a long history of controversy (see Hardie [1982] 203, n.68) is argued by Hardie
(1982) 11 on the basis of an extended passage in 5.3 (176ff) in which Statius' father is portrayed as
instructor of the proceres futuri, and a specific mention at 5.3.178-80 (sub te Dardanius facis explorator
opertae | qui Diomedei celat penetralia furti, | crevit et inde sacrum didicit puer) which Hardie argues
explicitly points to the Pontifex Maximus, i.e. Domitian "the only Pontifex Maximus who could have
received tuition from Statius' father" (11). Hardie's suggestion that the association of Domitian as student
of Statius' father was deliberately played down as perhaps impertinent is suggestive of not only the times,
but also Statius' apparent disfavor in the nineties. Nauta (2002) 201 rightly cautions against any
assumptions on this point.
290
See Curcio (1893) 8, Gossage (1965) 175, Hardie (1982) 10-11. While arguments have been made that
he taught Roman youths in Naples (see d'Arms [1965] 144-5 referring to a comment by Aulus Gellius –
far too late and referring to education of a different kind – and Vessey [1973] 52), it seems nearly
inconceivable that the kind of religious instruction Statius describes here could take place outside of
Rome; it is also more likely that Statius' father went to Rome to teach as a means to further his social
contacts. Naples was no Athens, and even so Romans did not go to Athens to learn Roman religious
traditions, but Greek literature and philosophy.
291
St. Silv. 5.3.199-204.
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suggestion.292 The elder Papinius died at the age of 65293 after the eruption of Vesuvius,294 but
before Statius' victory in the Alban games in March 90.295 It seems likely, based on Statius'
remarks that his father supported his early efforts on the Thebaid (te nostra magistro | Thebais
urgebat priscorum exordia vatum, 5.3.233-4), but did not see the Alban victory (5.3.227-229),
and that he died well before March 90; but the evidence is far from conclusive.296
Although we cannot be certain what course Statius' own education followed in those
early years, it does not seem unreasonable to suppose that Statius' father was responsible for his
education as a whole; 5.3.211-14 suggests that he taught him how to write poetry at the very
least.297 The very brief review Statius presents in Silvae 5.3 for his career reveals a tension
between the Roman context for his poetry and his Greek background that did not exist for his
father. For example Statius, in a long tradition of Greek poets, describes an encounter with the
Greek Muses (Me quoque vocales lucos Boeotaque tempe | pulsantem, 5.3.209-10); interestingly,
his acceptance by the Muses seems to have been guaranteed by his parentage (cum stirpe tua
292
St. Silv. 5.3.36-40 (cf. 3.1.61-4, 4.5, and 4.8.39) mentions it as the burial place of his father. We know
Domitian had a villa nearby (Dio 66.3.4, 66.9.4). See Hardie (1982) 12-13, and Nauta (2002) 202 who
thinks Domitian made a gift of the estate.
293
St. Silv. 5.3.253.
294
St. Silv. 5.3.205-8. See Legras (1907) 338, who argues that the death occurred within a short time after
Vesuvius erupted.
295
For the dating of this victory to March 90, see n. 298.
296
See Coleman (1988) xviii-xix, following Härtel (1900) 47ff on the possibility that 5.3.225-33 may be
an accretion.
297
St. Silv. 5.3.211-214 nec enim mihi sidera tantum | aequoraque et terras, quae mos debere parenti, |
sed decus hoc quodcumque lyrae primusque dedisti | non vulgare loqui et famam sperare sepulcro.
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descendere dixi, | admisere deae, 5.3.10-11). Thus we have an entirely Greek claim to
inspiration. But the first audience Statius claims is composed of Latii patres, and he draws
attention only to his victory at the Augustalia in Naples, the Alban victory (likely in March 90),
and his defeat at the Capitoline Games (again probably in 90).298 This first performance,
however, before the Latii patres, is presented as if a contest at the Olympic games with his father
present as spectator.299 Thus the victories are in Roman venues, before Roman audiences and,
except at the Augustalia, for Latin compositions. But his poetic heritage is Greek. A further
example: Statius associates his father with Homer and Hesiod (Maeonium Ascraeeumque senem,
non segnior umbra | accolis alternumque sonas et carmina misces, 5.3.26-7), but likens himself
to Homer and Vergil (atque ibi me moresque tuos et facta canentem | fors et magniloquo non
posthabuisset Homero, | tenderet et torvo pietas aequare Maroni. 5.3.61-3, cf. St. Theb.
12.816ff).
298
The date for the victory at the Augustalia in Naples is not certain. The most likely Alban games for
Statius' victory are those held in March 90 with the repulsa at the Capitoline games coming later that
same year. Since the Alban games were held every year, however, it is possible that Statius won in 91 or
92, thus putting the Capitoline defeat in 94. Domitian's triumph in 89, and the publication of the Thebaid
(very likely) before 93 provide termini post and antequem for the problem, but the whole issue actually
hangs inconclusively on the date of the Alban victory. See Coleman (1988) xvi-xvii for an explanation of
the full evidence.
299
St. Silv. 5.3.215-7 qualis eras, Latios quotiens ego carmine patres | mulcerem felixque tui spectator
adesses | muneris. 5.3.220-224 talis Olympiaca iuvenem cum spectat harena | qui genuit, plus ipse ferit,
plus corde sub alto | caeditur; attendunt cunei, spectatur Achaeis | ille magis, crebro dum lumina pulveris
haustu | obruit et prensa vovet exspirare corona.
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Hardie has suggested that after the victory in Naples Statius would likely have continued
on the Greek circuit as had his father.300 Admittedly, Statius tells us nothing at all of his career
beyond these essentials; but some facts may be gleaned from other poems and from other
sources. Juvenal, in a satiric portrayal, suggests that Statius prostituted himself by making a
living selling libretti to Paris, a pantomime artist favored by Domitian, even while enjoying
public success for recitations of his Thebaid.301 Statius' omission of this poetic activity in 5.3
may be the result of Paris' fall from favor, but it may also be the case that Statius did not consider
that kind of poetic activity an equal contributor to his renown as poet (note here that Statius does
not mention his Silvae either). It is clear from reading the list of addressees to the published
Silvae – we may reasonably assume a larger number of poems – that Statius had found amici
among the elite at Rome and in Campania who were willing to support, by more traditional
means, his activity as a poet.302 As Hardie says, "[Statius] could not really claim full social
equality with his Roman addressees. His literary persona is based upon his status as a
professional poet, and his relationships with his addressees derive, in almost all cases, from his
activity as a poet rather than from the amicitia existing between private individuals living within
the same orbit of Roman society."303 Juvenal's treatment of Statius writing pantomime for Paris
may be significant: by portraying the exchange as a sale (Juv. 7.87 intactam Paridi nisi vendit
300
Hardie (1982) 59.
301
Juv. 7.79-87. On the sexual imagery of this passage see Rudd (1976) 101-5.
302
The exact nature of this support is, unsurprisingly, never as clearly articulated by Statius as it is by
Martial. But it is hinted at in the prefaces to each book (1-4; 5 does not have a preface). See Nauta (2002)
240-44.
303
Hardie (1982) 59.
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Agaven), Juvenal seems to be indicating the absence of amicitia, thereby presenting a radically
different characterization of the social relationship to the detriment, I think, of Paris: Statius is
not portrayed as an amicus of the disgraced Paris, and Juvenal seems to absolve him in lines 93-7
(e.g. haut tamen invideas vati quem pulpita pascent, Juv. 7.93).304 Statius was a Greek
professional poet whose excellence lies most of all in his adaptation of Greek epideictic models
to Roman literary and social tastes.
3.1.1 In the Poet's Image
For Statius, then, the poems he composed for his patron-amici305 represent their amicitia,
rather than record it. As Bright put it, "The poet in most instances witnessed the events, but was
not a participant in them."306 The lesser valuation of the Silvae, however, does not mean that the
amicitia they represent is held in a corresponding lesser regard; the only person after all to whom
Statius could dedicate his greater works (his epics) was the Emperor. Terms such as serious/less
serious, greater/lesser, etc. are, of course, relative.307 But it seems significant that in the preface
304
For absence of gratia required for amicitia in such a "transaction" see Nauta (2002) 29-30 (who,
however, seems to miss the point in Juvenal's treatment of Statius and Paris; see above p.119).
305
White (1993) argues against the use of the term "patron". But there is a certain value to our use of the
term and a tradition in the scholarship that is not easily argued away. Amicus is certainly too diffuse.
Patron-amicus is my (unsatisfying and clunky) compromise. For a summary of the issues and problems
with terminology see Nauta (2002) 11-29.
306
Bright (1980) 3.
307
See a series of articles by Eyres (1937) (1940) (1944a) (1944b), Wagenvoort's interesting article on the
"Ludus Poeticus" (1956), and the series of article's by Muth on Martial and the ludus poeticus (1972)
(1976) (1979).
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to a collection of poems addressed to his important patron-amici Statius asserts that these poems
are the playful work of an epic poet with allusions to Vergil's Culex and Homer's
Batrachomachia (Sed et Culicem legimus et Batrachomachiam etiam agnoscimus, nec quisquam
est inlustrium poetarum qui non aliquid operibus suis stilo remissiore praeluserit, 1.praef.).
Hardie suggested that "what matters is not the poem, considered as a work of art, but the fact that
it fulfills a social obligation in a timely and appropriate way."308 But this is not in fact true, since
Statius is at pains to remind his readers that his serious efforts (his true art) are to be found in his
epic poetry.
It should not be forgotten that nearly all of these poems are presented as occasional
pieces directed to individuals in a specific context.309 Statius probably did not write these
specifically with future publication in mind, i.e. with a reading public in mind, since the only
anxiety expressed over the poems' reception is one resulting from the loss of context. Statius
worries in the preface to Book 1 of the Silvae that the speed of composition – something which
played a large role in their initial reception at specific occasions – may work against their proper
appreciation as individual, occasional poems when in collected book form (Sed apud ceteros
necesse est multum illis pereat ex venia, cum amiserint quam solam habuerunt gratiam
celeritatis 1.praef).310 A similar concern is shown in the preface to Book 2 when Statius
308
Hardie (1982) 139. For a contrary view see Bright (1980) who argues for artistic unity of the
collection.
309
Cf. St. Silv. 1.praef.1 cum singuli de sinu meo prodierint.
310
Bright (1980) 29-32; on Statius' Silvae "Defining the novelty is less easy than recognizing." (1980, 1)
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discusses the epicedion sent to Melior on the death of his slave Glaukion.311 Here Statius' anxiety
revolves around the readers' awareness of the poem's original context, and of the poem's (now
exhausted) social function. The image of himself Statius projects in the Silvae, that of a "serious"
poet writing "less than serious" poetry is not incompatible with the notion that this poetry is an
expression of gratia towards his patron-amici. Such poetry is simply a reflex arising from the
obligations of amicitia. Later we shall see that amicitia manifests itself differently in Martial and
Pliny, namely as an integral part of the composition and publication process. For Statius, his
Silvae are an indication of the relationship with his patron-amici as a professional poet. Thus, for
the "serious" professional poet "less-than-serious" poetry will not bring lasting and significant
renown.312
While Statius is more or less silent on the subject of his own success as a composer of
minor poetry, he does remark on his success as an epic poet, and he does praise other poets. In
the following paragraphs I shall examine three poems in which Statius praises poets who are
representative, I think, of three types of poets at Rome in the Flavian period: the elite dilettante
311
Cf. St. Silv. 2.praef.5ff on the epicedion for Melior on the death of his slave Glaukion (Silv. 2.1):
Huius amissi recens vulnus, ut scis, epicedio prosecutus sum adeo festinanter, ut excusandum habuerim
affectibus tuis celeritatem. Nec nunc eam apud te iacto, qui nosti, sed et ceteris indico, ne quis asperiore
lima carmen examinet et a confuso scriptum et dolenti datum, cum paene supervacua sint tarda solacia.
312
In an epistle to Vitorius Marcellus (St. Silv. 4.4) Statius writes – as contrast to Marcellus' success on
the battlefield and in the courts – nos otia vitae | solamur cantu ventosaque gaudia famae | quaerimus
(4.4.49-51). While this may refer to poems such as those in the Silvae, it seems much more likely that
Statius is referring to his epic poems: the lines immediately following (51-55) describe him sitting before
Vergil's shrine (and cf. 4.7.25-8 quippe te fido monitore nostra | Thebais multa cruciata lima | temptat
audaci fide Mantuanae | gaudia famae.), and the conclusion of the epistle describes his work on the
Achilleid (87-100).
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poet (L. Arruntius Stella, Silvae 1.2), the "serious" elite poet (Lucan, Silvae 2.7), and the
professional (Statius' father, Silvae 5.3). Then I shall discuss Statius' statements connected to
renown arising from his minor poetry contrasted with that arising from his epic poetry. My aim
in doing this is to establish that Statius heavily and almost exclusively privileges epic poetry over
minor poetry as an avenue to lasting renown for the poet. This will prove to be in marked
contrast to Martial and Pliny.
3.2
The Poets
The three different types of poets (elite dilettante, elite writing serious poetry,
professional poet) – at least in so far as they are portrayed by Statius in the Silvae – accrue
different sorts of renown. In the following pages I shall examine how each is presented as a poet
by Statius, and discuss as far as possible the implications of the terms and images associated with
their success and renown in the immediate context of their poems.
3.2.1 Stella and the end (?) of poetry
L. Arruntius Stella was a significant promoter and patron of poetry in the Domitianic
period, known from Martial in particular for his support of recitations and improvisations. A
native of Patavium, Stella in the Silvae is a young man poised on the brink of a very successful
career. We discover through Venus in Silvae 1.2 that he was at the time of that poem one of the
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XVviri sacris faciundis,313 and almost certainly then involved in the celebrations of the Secular
Games in 88 which this group organized.314 The prediction by Venus of curule office (1.2.179)
and a position in charge of the games for Domitian's triumph over the Dacians (1.2.180-1)
ensures that Stella had at least been given these honors before the poem was composed, if he had
not already discharged them.315 These internal dates set the composition of the poem sometime
between 89 (when the Dacian triumph was held) and 93 (the probable date of his praetorship,
which would certainly have received mention316). Stella seems to have received a suffect
consulship in 100.317 In the preface to Silvae Book One, however, possibly some 10 years earlier,
Statius identifies Stella as iuvenis optime et in studiis nostris eminentissime, qua parte voluisti
(1.praef.1), a point later elaborated along with his potential for public office in the epithalamium
dedicated to him on the occasion of his marriage to the wealthy Neapolitan widow Violentilla,
Silvae 1.2.
313
St. Silv. 1.2.176-77.
314
Cf. Tac. Ann. 11.11.
315
Vollmer (1898) 253 and Frère (1961) 1.26, n.1 suggest that the curule office (which must be the
aedileship) may not have been discharged at the time the poem was composed.
316
See Mart. 8.78, and the inscriptions discussed in Eck (1970) 148-9. The praetorship in 93 has been
suggested as the probable reason for and capacity in which Stella could celebrate such games (Nauta
[2002] 212 comments that Stella – because the victory over the Suebi and Sarmatians in 93 was not an
official triumph – may have dedicated the normal games given by the praetor to Domitian in thanksgiving
for the victory.) It also fits with the date of Stella's consulship in 100; cf. Mart. 12.2[3].
317
Nauta (2002) 212 suggests that Stella's "closeness to the old regime" may account for the fact that he
received only a suffect consulship under Trajan although patrician, while Pliny – no patrician – a year
later gained the ordinary consulship. This seems likely (although Pliny had strong ties to Domitian also);
but it is also telling for his importance and influence even after Domitian's death that he gained the suffect
consulship at all and so quickly. Cf. the discussion of Verginius Rufus, section 1.4.
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There is an explicit recognition in Silvae 1.2 of Stella's dual existence as a love poet and
statesman. No attempt is made in the poem to reconcile the two. Rather, by the end of the poem,
Stella as love poet is dismissed in favor of Stella as statesman (and possibly Stella as epic poet,
see below); the marriage which is the subject of the poem acts as a watershed for Stella's
activities. The poem318 opens (1.2.1-23), after an invocation of the Muses and Elegeia, with the
conclusion of the wedding: a chorus sings the epithalamium (te concinnit iste | – pande fores –
te, Stella, chorus, 1.2.16-7) for Violentilla and Stella after the deductio (duxit, 1.2.11; ipsa [sc.
Venus] toros et sacra parat , 1.2.12).319 There follows (1.2.24-45) a "retrospective" on Stella's
wooing of Violentilla as love poet (subiit leges et frena momordit | ille solutus amor: consumpta
est fabula vulgi | et narrata diu viderunt oscula cives, 1.2.28-30). This retrospective ends with a
breathless injunction to Stella to set aside his activity as love poet now that he is married (pone, o
dulcis, suspiria, vates, | pone: tua est, 1.2.32-33) because the object of his desire has been met.
The suggestion of the obsolescence of love poetry for Stella is solidified by the references to the
terminated paraclausithyron (licet expositum per limen aperto | ire, redire gradu: iam nusquam
ianitor aut lex | aut pudor, 1.2.34-36) and to the achievement of the hoped-for bliss (amplexu
tandem satiare petito – contigit! 1.2.35-6); but amor as a husbandly activity is cleverly presented
as the alternative.320 The bulk of the poem, however, looks back in time through an epic-like
318
Nauta (2002) 262-3 rightly argues that the poem as a mimetic composition, not an improvisation. This
seems hardly necessary, since Statius admits as much himself (St. Silv. 1.praef. Respondebis illi tu, Stella
carissime, qui epithalamion tuum, quod mihi iniunxeras, scis biduo scriptum.)
319
A curious detail in a poem intended to be an epithalamium itself (St. Silv. 1.praef).
320
In these lines there are several verbal cues to themes and vocabulary of love poetry, some of which are
quite explicit and not without wit. The cues and allusions, in fact, point to the success of Stella's love
against those of his elegiac predecessors, and highlight the fact that he is a coniunx amatorius, normally a
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narration of the intervention of Amor and Venus to precipitate the marriage, ending at line 240
with a description of the marriage guests. After an invocation of Erato, three speeches are
presented: Amor persuading Venus to act for her servant Stella, Venus replying in the
affirmative and praising Violentilla, and lastly Venus as the advocate of marriage (and Stella) to
Violentilla.
Amor pleads on behalf of Stella for a happy resolution to his love agonies,321 citing first
his ancestry,322 then the sustained savagery of his own onslaught and Stella's dedicated
contradiction in terms in elegiac poetry. Suspiria has some obvious parallels as an indication of
unrequited love in Tibullus, Propertius and Ovid as well as Catullus, which clearly emphasize Stella's
paradoxical success as "coniunx amatorius" (Cf. Cat. 64.98 of Ariadne for Theseus, Tib. 1.6.33-36 and
4.5.11-12, Prop. 2.22.47-8 and 3.8 Ov. Am. 2.19.55); limen expositum clearly alludes to the
paraclausithyron (there is a curious parallel in Pliny Ep. 7.5). Aperto may refer to the end of
"illegitimate" amor and the beginning of amor in marriage with an allusion to Propertius (cf. Prop. 4.3.4950 omnis amor magnus, sed aperto in coniuge maior | hanc Venus, ut vivat, ventilat ipsa facem), an
allusion made all the stronger by Venus' agency in the union (see further below). Ianitor, lex, and pudor
are the three obstacles to coitus in Propertius, for example (cf. Prop. 3.13.46-50, the "reality" after a
nostalgic look at "golden era" love – which Stella and Violentilla would seem to exemplify – at nunc
desertis cessant sacraria lucis: | aurum omnes victa iam pietate colunt. | auro pulsa fides, auro venalia
iura, | aurum lex sequitur, mox sine lege pudor. 2.24.1-5 'tu loqueris, cum sis iam noto fabula libro | et
tua sit toto Cynthia lecta foro?' | cui non his verbis aspergat tempora sudor? | aut pudor ingenuis aut
reticendus amor) and the others, but here are no longer obstacles to Stella (thus he remains respectable in
a way Propertius denies for himself in Prop. 2.7) since the coitus is made legitimate by marriage. While
amplexus is not inherently a sexual term, its meaning is made clear in context and there are good parallels
with husbands and wives in Ov. Her. 14.69-70 Hypermnestra describing to Lynceus her decision not to
kill as he slept, 16.263-8; cf. Verg. Aen. 8.404-06 ea verba locutus | optatos dedit amplexus placidumque
petivit | coniugis infusus gremio per membra soporem. (satiare with amplexus may have quite explicit
connotations, cf. Petr. Sat. 131.11.13-14, Apul. Met. 2.17.4-8).
321
The resolution is depicted as marriage (thalamus), a rare thought: see Prop. 3.10 annua solvamus
thalamo sollemnia nostro.
322
St. Silv. 1.2.70-3 clarus de gente Latina|est iuvenis, quem patriciis maioribus ortum|nobilitas gavisa
tulit praesagaque formae|protinus e nostro posuit cognomina caelo. For clarus as a social designation
peculiar to the nobiles see TLL 3.1275-6 s.v. clarus III,A,2. The importance of the mention of ancestry in
the rhetorical tradition of epithalamia is underscored by Menander Rhetor, R.G. 3.404.17 (Spengel), but it
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suffering,323 and finally Stella's choice to write love poetry and not epic.324 This passage offers a
strong image of the elite poet, which could be easily paralleled in Ovid, for example: young and
explicitly without political distinction, nobilis, recused from more socially acceptable literary
pursuits such as epic in favor of erotic poetry: hic iuvenum lapsus suaque aut externa revolvit |
vulnera (1.2.100-1). Venus' response to Amor, which serves as Violentilla's encomium, outlines
her beauty and family, as well as her animus,325 and promises the hoped-for marriage union; she
notes in passing the fact that Violentilla is already warming to the idea (ipsam iam cedere sensi |
inque vicem tepuisse viro, 1.2.39-40). After an epic procession to Violentilla's dwelling, Venus'
speech to Violentilla begins with an exhortation to marry before her charms are lost,326 followed
by praise for Stella,327 and finally encomium-like praise for marriage.328 Here also, in her praise
for Stella, Venus seems to distinguish clearly the youthful activity of poetry from the more
mature pursuits in public life.329 The epic section breaks off here, and the narrative of the past
need not be developed; cf. Men. Rhet. 3.402.21-404.14 (Spengel). The bulk of Amor's speech is
otherwise directed.
323
St. Silv. 1.2.74-92. cf. esp. 1.2.83 haud ulli vehementior umquam | incubui, genetrix, iterataque
vulnera fodi followed by the conventional mythological exempla (Hippomenes and Leander) and 1.2.9091 tu veteres, iuvenis, transgressus amores. | ipse ego te tantos stupui durasse per aestus ...
324
St. Silv. 1.2.92-102. cf. esp. 1.2.95-99 noster comes ille piusque | signifer; armiferos poterat memorare
labores | claraque facta virum et torrentes sanguine campos, | sed tibi plectra dedit mitisque incedere
vates | maluit et nostra laurum subtexere myrto.
325
Traditional themes for a woman's encomium in epithalamia, see n. 322.
326
St. Silv. 1.2.162-170.
327
St. Silv. 1.2.170-181.
328
St. Silv. 1.2.182-193.
329
Only 11 words describe his activity as a poet against 7 lines for public career.
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events is resumed up to the singing contest outside of the thalamus.330 In the concluding
section,331 which technically may be considered an epithalamium itself,332 Statius seems also to
alter Stella's identity as poet, linking him strongly to an epic tradition in contrast to the elegiac
erotic poets Philetas, Callimachus, Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid.333
Most interesting for our examination of poet's renown is the twofold nature, young lover
then public careerist, of Stella's persona in this poem, and how it correlates to the application of
terms and descriptions of renown. Stella entertains, as Venus tells us, a certain notoriety as love
poet: but the extent of the notoriety is strictly delimited socially and not characterized using any
term of praise (docta per urbem | carmina qui iuvenes, quae non didicere puellae, 1.2.172-3).
Rather, his renown is suggested through the popularity of his poems and is connected with his
private life.334 His future, however, "foretold" in the section immediately following, is acted out
in the public sphere, and his success as magistrate in charge of games that accompanied
Domitian's victory over the Dacians is characterized as providing gloria (fas mihi, purpureos
330
St. Silv. 1.2.194-246.
331
St. Silv. 1.2.247-77.
332
See Hardie (1983) 115.
333
St. Silv. 1.2.250-255 invokes the love poets by name, with the immediate contrast: me certe non unus
amor simplexque canendi | causa trahit: tecum similes iunctaeque Camenae, | Stella mihi, multumque
pares bacchamur ad aras | et sociam doctis haurimus ab amnibus undam (1.2.256-9). Statius' Camenae
are clearly associated with his epic poetry (cf. St. Silv. 4.7.21-28, the only other occurrence of the word),
although Camenae as sources of inspiration are also claimed by non-epic poets.
334
For a comparison, see below on Martial who bases his success and renown in the later period on his
widespread popularity and broad readership. Pliny, however, is similarly more interested in success
within a strictly delimited social sphere, albeit a social sphere of very different composition.
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habitus iuvenique curule | indulgebit ebur Dacasque – haec gloria maior – | exuvias laurosque
dabit celebrare recentes, 1.2.179-181). Thus for Stella, an elite dilettante, not only can we see a
boundary between the practice of minor (erotic) poetry and the onset of marriage and public life,
but we can see this boundary implicitly expressed in the choice of terms and images used to
describe success in each sphere. The curious development here, if my interpretation of 1.2.257-8
is correct (tecum similes iunctaeque Camenae, | Stella, mihi, multumque pares ad aras
bacchamur ad aras | et sociam doctis haurimus ab amnibus undam), is the shift implied (or
hoped for) by Statius from erotic to epic poetry in the context of discussing the "new" career life.
3.2.2 Laudatio Lucani: Silvae 2.7
Statius expresses the renown of Lucan as epic poet in concrete terms in Silvae 2.7.10910: At tu, seu rapidum poli per axem | Famae curribus arduis levatus, | qua surgunt animae
potentiores, terras despicis et sepulcra rides. This poem, too, includes a prophecy about its
subject set within a quasi-epic context, but in this case the prophecy occurs during Lucan's
infancy and predicts not his future public success, but his achievements as poet. Statius'
estimation of Lucan in Silvae 2.7, best understood as a genethliacon,335 has met with negative
interpretation. Malamud, for example, points out:
335
This is the term applied to it by Statius himself in the preface to Book Two (Cludit volumen
genethliacon Lucani, quod Polla Argentaria, rarissima uxorum, cum hunc diem forte consuleremus,
imputari sibi voluit, 2.praef.), although given the fact that Lucan was dead, the poem also makes use of
elements from the consolatio. For Statius' fast and loose manipulation of generic boundaries, see Hardie
(1983) 91-118. But as Van Dam (1984) 451 points out, of all the poems we possess which could be called
'real' genethliaca "the most common conspicuous trait is their originality and independence."
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This insistence [in the preface to Book 2] that 2.7 is a birthday ode makes
the intrusion of the consolatory elements ... quite striking. The genres
collide, and since their functions are antithetical, the collision, or
collusion, creates an extreme tension in the poem, leaving the reader in an
interpretive quandary. Are we celebrating or mourning Lucan? Is he alive
or dead? Do these distinctions matter or do they not?336
Malamud's suggestion for a method of reading the poem is inherently a negative one: the
"generic fusion" which she recognizes quickly becomes a "collision, or collusion" of genres, the
consolatory elements "intrude", and the choice of hexameter along with the fact that the poem
"should be 'credited' to Lucan's widow, Polla Argentaria" removes Statius as a "challenger to
Lucan on the field of epic poetry" and distances him "from the task of celebrating his
predecessor".337 Although in combination these points suggest a certain ambiguity for the
assessment of Statius' aims in the poem, each is itself less than certain. The poem reads more as
straightforward praise of Lucan and Polla.
Because the manipulations of generic conventions can provide a framework for
interpretation, suggests Malamud, the "generic fusion suggests more than a virtuoso's indulgence
in variatio".338 The consolatory elements, however, do not simply draw attention to Polla's grief,
but to the portrayal of Polla grieving in the presence of Lucan himself as genius. More on this
336
Malamud (1995) 2.
337
ibid.
338
ibid.
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below. The avoidance of hexameters, says Statius himself, is an indication of his reverentia for
Lucan (Ego non potui maiorem tanti auctoris habere reverentiam quam quod laudes eius
dicturus hexametros meos timui, 2.praef), a word not lightly used in Statius, and one which sets
Lucan on par with Rutilius Gallicus, Domitian, and Venus.339 The fact that the poem is "credited
to" Polla340 does not distance Statius from his task: it defines the relationship between Polla and
Statius as that of patron and poet. Indeed, Nauta suggests (citing this passage and two others,
1.praef.21, 2.praef.24) that by such overt indications of what he calls "patron initiative" a poet
"gives publicity to his connection with the patron, ... documents the value the patron sets upon
his work, and ... strengthens his claims on the patron's gratitude and support."341 The language of
commerce and the terminology of debt and credit seem to have been extraordinarily appropriate
in the Roman mind to literary patronage (as indeed in any kind of amicitia).342 Imputare holds a
339
The use of the word reverentia, which has distinct overtones in the Domitianic period, is significant.
The word is extremely uncommon in the pre-Augustan period. In Ciceronian times the emphasis in
semantic lies more towards the notion of pudor and metus, from which derive "respect" (See Forcellini
[1871] s.v. I.1,2). By the time of Martial and Statius, however, reverentia seems to have adopted a
meaning closer to awareness of status (Mafioso "respect"), and recognition of worth (See Forcellini
[1871] s.v. II.1-10). Other uses of reverentia in the Silvae all indicate this position of respect: cf. 1.2.101
(of Stella towards Venus), 1.4.49 (of the City of Rome towards Rutilius Gallicus), 1.6.45 (for Domitian as
god), 3.3.189 (for Aeneas).
340
Malamud (1995) 2.
341
Nauta (2002) 245. Cf. White (1993) 64-91.
342
See Nauta (2002) 24-5 with references to earlier works. Statius also uses this kind of terminology in
the preface to Book 2 when he suggests to the dedicatee Atedius Melior that Flavius Ursus (the recipient
of 2.6) will credit him with the honor he derives from the poem quia honorem eius tibi laturus accepto.
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significant place among the terms.343 Thus there is no indication that Statius is distancing himself
from his task at all.
3.2.2.1
Incongruity and Praise
There is an incongruity – in addressing a genethliacon to someone who is dead, and in
introducing into it consolatory material344 – which must be addressed if we are to interpret the
praise element of this poem correctly. The importance of remembering the birthdays of
significant dead (especially poets) in this period certainly provides a serviceable reason for the
incongruity.345 Statius, too, is given to stretching generic boundaries (there is no reason to think
that Polla commissioned a genethliacon rather than simply a poem) by conflating modes and
topoi.346 Furthermore, Statius' often remarkable attempts at variatio are one of his hallmarks, a
343
Nauta correctly identifies the sense of the term here, and astutely contrasts it with the earlier financial
imagery used for Ursus: for Polla, the use of imputari indicates that "an obligation to reciprocate is
implied" while in the case of Ursus it is clear that Statius' consolatio is a return for an earlier beneficium
(for similar examples in Martial see Mart. 4.8, 5.80). Cf. Cludit volumen genethliacon Lucani, quod Polla
Argentaria, rarissima uxorum, cum hunc diem forte consuleremus, imputari sibi voluit, St. Silv. 2.praef.
For imputare see the excellent notes in Nauta (2002) 241-2, nn. 159-60. Consuleremus diem seems
hopelessly corrupt (and is unparalleled). Van Dam (1984) agrees, but finds no suggested emendation
suitable. I prefer Vollmer's coleremus (cf. 2.7.23, 126), but keep Van Dam's reading. It does not affect the
interpretation of the financial imagery. For the possible significance of velle here see White (1993) 64-66,
esp. the examples on 66. Ursus: Ad Ursum quoque nostrum ... scriptam ... consolationem super ea quae
ipsi debeo huic libro libenter inserui, quia honorem eius tibi laturus accepto est. The addition of another
layer of "owing" through mention of Melior's relationship with Ursus does not complicate Statius'
relationship with Ursus; but note here also the language of finance with accepto ferre (see TLL 1.321.8322.7 s.v. accipio, subst. acceptum). See further Nauta (2002) 241-44.
344
This is the only genethliacon which does, but see n. 335.
345
Sen. Ep. 64.8 quidni ego magnorum virorum ... natales celebrem. cf. Diog. 50.10.14, 18; Plut. Quaest.
Conv. 8.1.1; Pl. Ep. 3.7.8; Mart. 12.67; Juv. 5.36-7; Suet. Dom. 10. See Schmidt (1908) 44-45 for a very
brief overview of Roman examples, and 37ff for the ancient world in general.
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stylistic trait carefully elaborated by Cancik and Hardie.347 None of these reasons, however,
resolve the incongruity resulting from the juxtaposition of genres and its effect on the praise
elements of the poem, although they explain how it might come about.
I suggest that the incongruity of this attempt at variatio (pace Malamud) is resolved
through the immediacy of Lucan's presence in the poem, a spiritual presence: at the beginning of
the poem he is invoked as sacerdos chori Romani (2.7.19-24), and at the end he takes on more
substance in his vultus (2.7.124-131, cf. esp. 128-9 ac solacia vana subminstrat | vultus) and his
genius-like presence watching over his grieving widow's restless sleep. The choice of vultus (not
imago or effigies) is significant here, I think: vultus when indicating a "face", or the like, seems
to refer only to living beings.348 Polla also addresses Lucan not as a falsum numen, but procax as
if for a party (haec te non thiasis procax dolosis | falsi numinis induit figura, 2.7.124-5). Statius
uses vultus to describe the face of a living person, or of a person wished/brought back from the
dead. For example, in the consolatio to Etruscus on the death of his wife Statius uses the more
personal vultus in apparent contrast to the more formal effigies used in ritual: te lucida saxa, | te
similem doctae referet mihi linea cerae; | nunc ebur et fulvum vultus imitabitur aurum, 3.3.198200. Etruscus cries out in sorrow to Etrusca and promises to worship her effigies (ego rite minor
346
Hardie (1983) 115ff. links the poem to the encomium of a dead person (e.g. Lucian's Encomium of
Demosthenes), rather than a consolatio. It is not too far-fetched to suggest that Statius conflated this kind
of encomium with the genethliacon to achieve a measure of originality and uniqueness. For generic
modifications to the genethliacon see Hardie (1983) 116-18.
347
Cancik (1965) 33-42; Hardie (1983) 103-18.
348
see Forcellini (1871) 447 s.v. vultus. Forcellini 447(7) suggests that vultus as pro imagine is a later
development. cf. also OLD s.v. vultus.
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semperque secundus | assiduas libabo dapes et pocula sacris | manibus effigiesque colam,
3.3.200), but likenesses of her features are kept permanent for him in stone, wax, ivory, and gold
(te lucida saxa, | te similem doctae referet mihi linea cerae, | nunc ebur et fulvum vultus
imitabitur aurum, St. Silv. 3.3.200-3). Likewise at 5.1.1-6 in a consolatio to Abascantus on the
death of his wife Priscilla, Statius offers the immortality of a poem instead of physical
representations in wax, ivory or gold and suggests that the egregia pietas of Abascantus would
be rewarded by her return to life; she would return to comfort her husband (reddare dolenti),
were she Apelleo vultus signata colore, or Phidiaca nata manu.349 Although incubare often has
negative connotations it indicates simply "a watching over" (thus its use is sacred dreaming or
healing) – the results may be positive or negative depending on the "incubator".350 Of the five
occurrences in the Silvae of incubare only one is unquestionably negative, and even this has a
positive result (1.2.84; the union of Stella and Violentilla, see above); 1.3.18 refers to trees
leaning over a stream, and 3.4.25 refers to Asclepius as healer-god. 2.3.55 and 5.1.201, however,
are more pertinent parallels. In 2.3 Pan has raped a nymph who subsequently sought refuge
(perhaps from the angry Artemis most of all) at the bottom of a pond; unable to reach her, Pan
plants a plane tree to memorialize his unwilling paramour and to protect her from the ravages of
the sun. The tree grows out over the pond, protecting the Naiad and seeking the waters' embrace
(illa dei veteres animata calores | uberibus stagnis obliquo pendula trunco | incubat atque
349
For a similar context using imago, but without the desire for the spirit/person's actual presence, see Pl.
Ep. 2.1.12 (note the emphasis on Pliny's own perception) Verginium cogito, Verginium video, Verginium
iam vanis imaginibus, recentibus tamen, audio adloquor teneo.
350
See TLL 7.1.1061-3, esp. 1063,55-70 s.v. IA1a, II passim; cf. also OLD s.v. 1c, d5. In the Silvae cf. St.
Silv. 1.2.84 of Amor's attack on Stella.
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umbris scrutatur amantibus undas. 2.3.53-55), but is denied (sperat et amplexus, sed aquarum
spiritus arcet | nec patitur tactus. 2.3.56-57); it then grows upward, now loved and desired in
turn by the Naiad. At 5.1.201, in an epicedion for Priscilla the wife of Abascantus, Abascantus is
lost in the depths of his grief, now wailing, now seeking to take his life, and finally leans over his
wife – if this is the sense of ore ligato – to kiss her (nunc in ore ligato incubat amissae, 5.1.200201). In both these cases, especially the latter, a desired union is denied by circumstance (both
are dead or death-like), and the person/thing instead resorts to "incubation". In 2.7 the roles are
reversed, perhaps significantly if the rest of my reading is correct: the "not-so-dead" Lucan
"incubates" his wife Polla, union with whom is denied by death. By presenting his material in
this way Statius emphasizes that both the loss of Lucan and his continuing spiritual presence
have a profound affect on two fronts: in the public literary sphere (he is sacerdos chori Romani),
and in a very intimate way for Polla alone. Lucan's presence or at least "awareness" also figures
in Mart. 7.23.3-4 tu, Polla, maritum | saepe colas et se sentiat ille coli. Indeed, it is Lucan's
spiritual presence throughout the poem, not the oddity of the combination of genres, which is the
key to reading the poem and to understanding the tenor of the praise. Statius signals this to the
reader through a generic fusion that highlights both the incongruity and Lucan's spiritual aspect.
In the genethliacon Statius celebrates a continuing life (now spiritual), and offers consolation to
the bereaved who is denied physical contact with the deceased.
3.2.2.2
Praising Lucan
A pseudo-existence very akin to the concepts fama and memoria must be understood for
Lucan in 2.7. Accordingly, the expressions of success and renown in it take on a certain
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significance, for we must read them as applying to a "living memory". Aside from Statius' own
admission that the poem is laus (laudes eius dicturus, 2.praef – quite possibly evoking the
laudatio), the first indication of Lucan's success as poet is implicit in his designation as sacerdos
chori Romani (2.7.23). The impression of Lucan's physical presence is heightened here if we
contrast this passage with 5.3.56ff where Statius himself acts as sacerdos umbrarum animaeque,
singing the dirge for his dead father, moresque tuos et facta canentem (5.3.61). The fact that
Lucan is worshipped as a quasi-deity in what appears – with the invitation to quisquis ... docto
pectora concitatus oestro (2.7.2-3) – to be a public ritual context, rather than the more intimate
domestic worship of Polla (see 2.7.124ff), carries with it the suggestion at the very least of a
lasting honor,351 although this is not explicitly stated in the text. The three alternatives352 for
Lucan's "activities" after death presented in 2.7.107-119 – riding on Fama's chariot up to the
heavens (2.7.107-10), singing for Pompey and Cato in Elysium (111-15), visiting Tartarus to
hear Nero (116-19) – are not presented as permanent states (i.e. Lucan is not always and only
doing one or the other).353 But as we can see from close parallels each activity indicates a share
of fama for the poet Lucan; taken together he is always acting out his fama. The idea that a poet
may be lifted up to the heavens by fama, for example, has significant parallels in Vergil
(temptanda via est, qua me quoque possim | tollere humo victorque virum volitare per ora, Verg.
Georg. 3.8-9) and Propertius (exactus tenui pumice versus eat, – | quo me fama levat terra
351
On the religious roots of honor, see section 2.1.2. On a related point see my n. 339 on reverentia
above: note that it is a term applied to deities also (Venus and Domitian).
352
Such alternatives are often given in this context in consolatory literature; cf. St. Silv. 5.3.27 (here also
part of a kletic address), Tac. Agr. 46.
353
This is not only logically certain but also guaranteed by seu.
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sublimis, Prop. 3.1.7-9).354 Similarly, the image presented in terras despicis et sepulcra rides
(2.7.110) is strongly reminiscent of that in Horace 2.20 (conpesce clamorem ac sepulcri | mitte
supervacuos honores. Hor. Carm. 2.20.23-4), where flight also figures prominently. And, of
course, all three parallels adduced above deal with a poet's declaration of fame and success. At
the end of the poem Lucan's origo is praised, a practice common in epicedia and laudationes to
be sure, but also in poetry about poets' renown (Felix – heu nimis! – et beata tellus, | ... Lucanum
potes imputare terris! | hoc plus quam Senecam dedisse mundo | aut dulcem generasse
Gallionem. | attolat refluos in astra fontes | Graio nobilior Melete Baetis; | Baetim, Mantua,
provocare noli. 2.7.24, 30-35).355 The passage, what is more, sets Lucan above the Senecas,
Homer and Vergil. This is clearly hyperbole of the highest order: Statius himself only wishes to
be equal to these greatest of poets in his father's eyes as he sings the dirge (5.3.61-3), and at the
end of his Thebaid he is more modest (Theb. 12.816ff). But this is praise poetry. The shade of
Lucan, then, an active presence both for Polla herself as for poets in general (quisquis collibus
Isthmiae Diones | docto pectora concitatus oestro | pendentis bibit ungulae liquorem, 2.7.2-4),
354
Van Dam (1984) 496 suggests that "a chariot of Fame seems to be without parallel", but the following
lines in Prop. 3.1 are highly suggestive: et a me | nata coronatis Musa triumphat equis, | et mecum in
curru parvi vectantur Amores, | scriptorumque meas turba secuta rotas, Prop. 3.1.9-12. Cf. Hor. Carm.
2.2.5-8 (vivet extento Proculeius aevo | notus in fratres animi paterni; | illum aget pinna metuente solvi |
Fama superstes), in light of which we might very well read the qua in St. Silv. 2.7.109 as an instrumental
ablative relative pronoun of Fama not poli per axem (see Van Dam [1984] ad loc. who reads it for poli
per axem).
355
Cf. Mart. 1.61. Note the use of imputare here; see pp. 131-2 and n. 343 above. Baetis is the
Guadalquivir, the largest river in ancient Baetica; Lucan was born Baetican Corduba. The Meles is near
Smyrna, one of the reputed birth places of Homer; Van Dam (1984) ad loc. also points out that
"sometimes the Homeric Lives make Homer the son of the river-god Meles or say that he was born near
the stream" citing RE XV1 492-4. Mantua is, of course, the birthplace of Vergil.
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receives in this poem (which Statius also calls a laus in the preface to Book 2) an hommage from
Statius, who indicates Lucan's significance, successes, and renown as a writer of epic.
3.2.3 The Elder and the Younger Papinii
Silvae 5.3, the epicedion on his father's death in which Statius includes the two "career
reviews", is an elaborate poem and difficult to characterize beyond simply saying it is an
epicedion. In a sense this poem represents all that is good and bad about Statius' poetry. Enough
has been said about 5.3 itself (see above), but there remain one or two items of interest relating to
how Statius describes his father's renown and success. The most obvious place to start is not with
the beginning of the poem, but rather the end, for it is here that Statius explicitly states what sort
of renown his father has been granted: his tibi pro meritis famam laudesque benignas | iudex
cura deum nulloque e vulnere tristem | concessit (5.3.250-2).356 As with Lucan, fama and laus
seem to be the due reward of the poet: frondentia vatum | praemia laudato, genitor, tibi rite
ligarem. (5.3.56-7). Another statement concerning the father's renown through success is
juxtaposed with that of the son: quam tuus ille dies, quam non mihi gloria maior! (5.3.219). The
nature of this early performance before the Latii patres (discussed above) is not at all clear. Its
positioning in the poem, immediately after Statius describes his initiation into poetry, but before
his major successes, suggests that it may be an early performance of epic poetry. The suggestion
356
his meritis need not simply refer to the preceding lines (from quid referam to senectus, St. Silv.
5.3.246-249) but in fact the whole preceding section which outlines the elder Papinius' many qualities and
accomplishments (see OLD s.v. meritum 3). It seems a logical transition from his earthly life (treated in
104-249) to his dying (252-276) and after-life (277-293).
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of gloria is a curious claim on Statius' part: he is clearly no vir magnus: but this is the only such
claim – and for his epic poetry – and it is somewhat in keeping with the other excesses in the
poem.
3.2.3.1
Statius' Renown
Statius' role and persona in the Silvae as serious epic poet writing "playful" poetry helps
to explain two other observations connected to his own poetic renown which, as we shall see,
stand in stark contrast to Martial and Pliny. First, there is little expressed concern for the reaction
of a wider readership to the poems beyond that already mentioned, the anxiety over the speed of
composition and over the proper recognition of their social utility and appropriateness. What is
more, the anxiety that is expressed is found in the prefaces, not in the poems themselves. As I
remarked above, such poetry is simply a reflex arising from the obligations of amicitia: for
Statius, his Silvae are an indication of the relationship with his patron-amici as a professional
poet. The anxiety, then, arises out of the need to avoid a potential misunderstanding of his poetic
project: for the "serious" professional poet "less-than-serious" poetry will not bring lasting and
significant renown. The second observation, which comes out of the first, is that Statius shows
no interest in the permanence of these poems: there is no expressed concern over the future of
the Silvae as a set of poetry books, nor for the contribution of the Silvae to his renown as a poet
(although his inability to write has the potential to detract from his honos, see 2.1.26-7). Statius
looks rather to his epic poetry to secure his renown as poet. As a "serious" poet at the end of his
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Thebaid, Statius – apostrophizing his work (in a peculiar conceit for epic357) – expects for it fama
and honos:
iam certe praesens tibi Fama benignum
strauit iter coepitque nouam monstrare futuris.
iam te magnanimus dignatur noscere Caesar,
Itala iam studio discit memoratque iuuentus.
uiue, precor; nec tu diuinam Aeneida tempta,
sed longe sequere et uestigia semper adora.
mox, tibi si quis adhuc praetendit nubila liuor,
occidet, et meriti post me referentur honores. (St. Theb. 12.816-823)
In 5.3.213-14 Statius credits his father with his desire for fama (dedisti non vulgare loqui et
famam sperare sepulcro). Silvae 4.4 (see n. 312) is another excellent case in point, for here he
suggests that his work as an epic poet is motivated (in part at least) by the "delights of renown"
(gaudia famae, 4.4.50),358 and asks Marcellus to retain "honor for him as poet/vates" (vatis
honorem corde exire veta, 4.4.101-2). In his Silvae, however, we see Statius the professional
poet not hoping or working explicitly for lasting renown, but (tasks of no less importance than
the quest for fame, mind you) discharging his obligations, incurring others, and furthering
relationships with his patron-amici. It is his work as epic poet, clearly, which Statius privileges in
his own pursuit of renown.
357
Apostrophy of a work occurs most often in minor genres; cf. for example Hor. Ep. 1.20, Mart. 1.3, 1.4,
1.86, 3.2, 4.89, 7.97, 8.1, 8.72, 10.19, 10.104, 11.1.
358
cf. n. 312 above for St. Silv. 4.4.
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Chapter Four: Martial
In this next chapter I examine applications of terms and themes of renown and success for poets
in Martial's Epigrammata, including those Martial applies to his own work as a minor poet. I
shall proceed by first setting out in section 4.1 basic historical information pertinent to the
discussions following (especially Martial's probable status and place in Roman elite society), and
a basic chronology for the Epigrammata. In section 4.2 I address in broad terms the question of
how Martial describes poets' success and renown in the Epigrammata, first of poets in general
(sections 4.2.1-2) then of himself (sections 4.2.3-4). A discussion of Martial's characterization of
his own success and renown (section 4.3) concludes this chapter. In Appendix A.2 "Terms of
Praise in Martial" I describe how the use of terms of praise in the Epigrammata conform in
large part to the semantic descriptions offered in section 2.1; but I identify a possible shift in the
application of gloria in the subjective sense.
4.1
Background
The biographical information for Martial's life, as is the case for Statius and most other
poets in antiquity, derives in large part from the poems themselves; Pliny Epistles 3.21 – an
obituary notice – is the only other piece of information we have about Martial. Unlike, for
example, Ovid (Tristia 4.10) and Statius (Silvae 5.3), however, Martial does not give his readers
a life/career review. There are, to be sure, many details woven into the fabric of the
Epigrammata that might easily be extrapolated into quite a comprehensive – however
contradictory – "biography". Indeed, most literary histories on Martial do just that, or avoid the
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question altogether. Friedlaender, in this as in so many other things, was one of the first to
attempt to assess the historicity of the details preserved in the Epigrammata as a significant
factor in assessing Martial's portrayal of himself as poet.359
There are a number of ways to deal with the problem of how the "historical" Martial
affects our interpretation of his poetic persona. Lorenz (2002), for example, would prefer to
completely dissociate the persona presented in the Epigrammata from an historical person.
Others, as I have already indicated, have created an historical person out of the details presented
in the Epigrammata, covering up or dismissing inconsistencies in the final picture. As far as
Statius was concerned, I suggested that a complete biographical picture was not required, since
in his career review he provided the information he wanted his reader to have: he was
constructing an image of himself for his audience. Martial's poetry cannot be approached in
precisely the same way, for the often contradictory image he creates for his audience is refracted
and scattered across 1,556 poems produced over a period of about 15 years. The possibility,
which most scholars tend to ignore, that this image actually changed over time is very real.
4.1.1
Vital Statistics and Vital Speculations
The problems in assessing Martial's biography are difficult.360 Even so, there are a few
basic pieces of information about Martial that we must more or less take on faith and that are
359
Friedlaender (1887) 1-26.
360
The most important attempts among many are Friedlaender (1887) 1-26; Scamuzzi (1966); Citroni
(1975) xxi-xxv; Allen (1970); Sullivan (1991) 56-77.
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essential to our assessment of success and renown. The first is that Martial was from Bilbilis, a
small town in Hispania Terraconensis. As a Spaniard, he seems to have held close connections to
many important fellow-Spaniards in Rome; to many of these he addresses epigrams and/or
dedicates individual books.361 It is generally agreed that Martial came to Rome between 61 and
64, an assumption based on 10.24 (in which he claims to be 54 years old) and 10.103 (in which
he claims he has been absent from Bilbilis for 34 years); the latest date for Book 10 is 98, the
earliest probably 95 (for the date of Book 10, see below). As a Spaniard of status coming to
Rome at this time, he presumably would have been introduced to other important Spaniards in
Nero's court. The destruction of the Annaean family's influence in the aftermath of the Pisonian
conspiracy, and the fall from favor of those connected to that literary coterie (Seneca, Annaeus
Mela, Junius Gallio, Memmius Gemellus, Vibius Crispus, etc.), may account for Martial's
absence from the literary record until the Liber de Spectaculis (which can be securely dated to
80). The convenience of this chronology cannot be denied, for it seems to answer one of the most
puzzling questions about Martial: just what was he doing before 80? For many commentators
Martial was attempting to make new connections and promote his damaged situation after the
clades of 64.
361
See Weinrib (1968) 163. Syme (1982/3), esp. for Martial 254-6, enumerates important Spaniards who
took up residence in Tibur. On Pliny and the Gallic origins of many of his correspondents see below,
section 5.1.
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But there is little reason to think that Martial was a starving artist during these years, a
young talent fallen on hard times.362 Allen (1970) suggests a more realistic approach:
Martial, like Tibullus and Ovid before him, was a Roman knight.
That simple fact colors our acceptance of what the poet says about
himself and his patrons. While a literal interpretation of Martial's
conventional epigrammatic treatment of literary patronage could
produce a picture of Martial as the shabby, starving poet of the
third-floor garret, our author has deliberately included in his
epigrams autobiographical material that he must have intended as a
correction to such false impression ... He is careful to inform his
contemporary reader that such patronage was not required as a
means of rescuing him from the proletariat. (1970, 345).
Indeed Allen, who is generally not given the attention he deserves, makes several interesting
observations concerning Martial's life and means, especially in the early years, which raise
serious issues for our interpretation of Martial's portrayal of himself in the Epigrammata. As
with Statius, it is not of any real importance whether or not the "autobiographical" material
provided by Martial is true: Martial is creating an image for his reading audience. The starting
point for Allen's arguments comes from the signifiers of social status provided for the reader by
Martial (ius trium liberorum 2.92, 3.95, 9.97; a tribunate 3.95; that he was an eques 5.13, 9.49,
12.29). Since the order in which these pieces of information appear in the Epigrammata probably
does not relate to their chronological sequence relative to each other, Allen examines each
singly. The tribuneship and equestrian rank are clearly closely related, since any tribunate was at
least an equestrian position. And although Friedlaender, perhaps on the analogy of Horace,
suggested that Martial became equestrian as a result of the tribunate363 – a suggestion most
362
So argued by example Sullivan (1991) 2-3.
363
Friedlaender (1886) I, 6.
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modern commentators follow – the question whether he was equestrian before the tribunate still
remains largely open.364 Two types of office are the most likely365: the tribunatus
supranumerarus instituted by Claudius, and the tribunatus semestris (for which see Demougin
[1988] 294-298 and 328-9 respectively). According to Demougin, both tended to draw
candidates from existing members of the equester ordo since there was such heavy competition
for the distinction conferred. Claudius, who instituted this reform, used the tribunatus
supranumerarus to confer distinction on equestrians unlikely to continue in a military career.366
The ius trium liberorum has traditionally been thought to have been granted to Martial first by
Titus, then renewed by Domitian. The dates of the tribunate and the granting of ius trium
liberorum remain (and are likely to remain) uncertain. But it seems almost certain that Martial
enjoyed equestrian status throughout his time in Rome. Most important for our discussion is that
Martial indicates these three elements of his status fairly early on, by the end of Book 3 (3.95
contains references to all three). Historical questions aside, Martial is directing his reader to
consider his persona an equestrian, though not exceedingly wealthy, who, although once active
in the public sphere, now writes witty and abusive poetry to his friends and enemies.
364
Scamuzzi (1966) 172-5, 180-7; Allen (1970) 345-6.
365
The suggestion of Richard (1931) I 452, n. 641 that M. was a tribunus plebis seems rather unlikely.
The lack of external sources for Martial's life is felt most acutely here. It may in fact be the case that
Martial did hold a "real" military tribunate.
366
Demougin (1988) 295-6 "En revanche, l'une des innovations de Claude devait lui survivre: c'est
l'institution de la milice honoraire. Celle-ci permettait d'octroyer une distinction à tel ou tel personnage,
mais en le dispensant de séjourner effectivement sous les enseignes, et donc en ne tenant pas compte des
aptitudes physiques, par example; le grade visé était sans doute, en premier lieu le tribunat de légion."
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Other pieces of information gleaned from the Epigrammata fill out our picture of
Martial's portrayal of himself. If 10.103 (the notice of his birthday) was part of the original Book
10 (and so likely published in 95 not 98), readers must place the poet in Rome in 61, not 64.
Allen – whose approach, remember, is more strictly biographical – proposes somewhat
cautiously that Martial came to Rome in the early sixties and obtained the tribunate through the
influence of the Senecas or Piso, an appointment which either gave him equestrian status, or
more likely distinguished him from other young provincial equestrians at Rome.367 In an
historical biography such as Allen's the rest can only be surmised: having discharged his post,
the poet "retires" from public life to pursue an otium litteratum; after a number of years, Martial
writes a small libellus of epigrams on the games offered by Titus in 80, for which he receives the
ius trium liberorum at the age of about 39 (apparently a normal age for this distinction368); with
the encouragement of friends, Martial begins to publish his books of epigrams, which gain for
him recognition at court; after the fall of Domitian, Martial returns to Spain. This reconstruction
is hypothetical, of course, but not at all improbable. We shall see in our discussion of Pliny how
closely the poet of the Epigrammata that Martial presents, and the observations which may be
extrapolated to fill out this personality, fit the description of many of Pliny's literary friends. For
now, perhaps Suetonius will serve as a sufficient parallel.
367
See n. 372 below.
368
See below on Pliny and Suetonius, for example.
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Suetonius, Martial's much younger contemporary (born circa 70), provides a useful
comparandus – most of the biographical information we possess for Suetonius also comes from
his own writings. A member of an equestrian family (his father had been military tribune),
perhaps from Africa,369 Suetonius received formal education in grammar and rhetoric probably
in Rome. As a young man, so we learn from Pliny, he seems to have had a go at a legal career,
perhaps half-heartedly.370 Pliny somewhat later pushed him to make his literary efforts (perhaps
poetry) public, after much delay (Pl. Ep. 5.10).371 Pliny also secured for Suetonius a military
tribunate, although Suetonius changed his mind and passed it on to a relation (Pl. Ep. 3.8).372 As
for the ius trium liberorum, it was a remarkable privilege, which Pliny secured for Suetonius in
110 (Pl. Ep. 10.94) at the age of about 40: Pliny himself received it in 98 (cf. Ep. 10.2) while in
his late thirties. Martial, too, suggests that he received training as a youth with grammaticus and
rhetor (9.73.7-8), and there is ample evidence of the influence of such training in his writing.373
369
Cf. the inscription found at Hippo Regius first published by Marec and Pflaum (1952); Syme (1958)
suggested Pisaurum as his native town.
370
He begged Pliny to postpone his case in the Centumviral Court, Pl. Ep. 1.18.
371
Sherwin-White is probably right to suggest that this early literary effort resulted in a volume of verses;
cf. his note on Pl. Ep. 5.10.1
372
Wallace-Hadrill (1984) 5, n.6 suggests that simply the offer of a tribunate may have been distinction
enough, pointing to parallels cited by Champlin (1980) 99.
373
For the most comprehensive treatment see Barwick (1959); cf. also Pertsch (1911), and Joepgen
(1967). The emphasis on "reality" in Martial, as Sullivan briefly suggests (no one to my knowledge has
followed this line of inquiry), "may be seen as a rhetorical mode, the pursuit of ejnavrgeia (cf. Quint. Inst.
6.2.25-36)" (1991, 222). Interesting: Quintilian views ejnavrgeia as a tool in the production of pathos in
the hearer, and views laughter/ioci (the topic of the next section in the Institutiones) as a type of solvent or
foil for strong emotions. The Xenia and Apophoreta might also be thought of as rhetorical exercises.
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Like Suetonius, it is entirely likely that Martial's family was equestrian.374 And there are a
number of parallels in Martial for Pliny the encouraging senior amicus of Suetonius, notably
Arruntius Stella, the dedicatee of the first book of the Epigrammata.
The biographical picture that Martial presents in the Epigrammata needs to be carefully
re-assessed in the light of evidence of equestrian provincials and the literary culture of the period
in a full length study. For this study, however, it seems sufficient to note the incongruities in
Martial's portrayal of himself – a mendicant poet taking advantage of sportulae, who is also an
eques, an ex-tribune, and owner of two estates and an urban house. The essential element of
Martial's portrayal of himself for this study is that this poet, whether starving or comfortable, is
nevertheless a member of the elite and displays an abiding interest in his own success and
renown.
4.1.2
Chronology of the Books
Friedlaender's monumental work on the chronology of the publication of Martial's
epigram books has become more or less definitive. But the greatest difficulty any commentator
374
Rufino (1999), who notes a rise in the number of known Spanish equestrians in the Flavian period
(which was followed by an enormous increase with Trajan and Hadrian, records a number of equestrian
Valerii (including Martial) having their origin in both Hispania Citerior (Tarraconensis), the province of
Bilbilis, and Ulterior (Baetica), the province of Corduba and home of the Senecas. For example, a P.
Valerius P. f. Galerius Priscus (cf. Degrassi [1967] p.18-25, for the inscription p. 19 – Rufino's CIL
citation [VI.3654] seems to be incorrect, although Degrassi, who quotes this number, does seem to know
it from Rome) at least seems to be contemporary with Martial; Degrassi firmly dates the long list of
military positions (which include campaigns) to the middle to end of the 1st century – see his pp. 21-23.
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faces with Martial is the date of the poems themselves, not the published books.375 In the
following section I describe the chronology offered by Friedlaender and slightly revised by
Citroni, and discuss how the chronology of the editions relates to a conceptual division of the
poems which I employ below as a framework for my discussion of success and renown.
The Liber de Spectaculis, the Xenia, and the Apophoreta, which are not a part of this
study, are the earliest works we possess of Martial; he also mentions a collection of iuvenalia in
1.113. These iuvenalia are undatable, of course. But the date of the Liber de Spectaculis, 80, is
virtually guaranteed by the subject matter, the dedicatory games of the Flavian Amphitheater.
Lack of references to a living Vespasian, or to Domitian, as well as an emphasis on Titus, more
or less cement the date.376 Friedlaender thought the Xenia and Apophoreta were published in the
same year, either 84 or 85.377 But, following Citroni (1988) and Leary (1996, 2001), I prefer 83
or 84 for the Xenia and 85 for the Apophoreta.378 Books 1 and 2 of the Epigrammata were
published the following year, and Book 3 in 87.379 Book 4, a book that shows a new interest in
375
See Dau (1887) 56-78.
376
The state of the text of this book (Lindsay [1903] 49 conjectures that as much as half is missing) does
not encourage definitive statements about what its original content might have been. For some possible
references to Domitian cf. Caratello (1981) 15-16. Dau seems to have suggested that the liber may have
been published in connection with Domitian's Dacian triumph of 89 (Dau [1887] 8-35).
377
See Friedlaender (1886) 16-17, Pitcher (1985) 330, Martin (1980) 61.
378
Cf. Citroni (1988) 11-12, whence Leary (1996) 9-13, (2001) 12-14.
379
Mart. 1.1 and 1.2 are omitted in one main branch of the textual history (Lindsay's BA) and displaced in
the other (CA) to the end of the preface before the poem there beginning nosses iocosae. The communis
opinio (which started with Dau [1887] and continues in Holzberg [2002]) has these poems inserted in the
other main branch (AA) from a position extra ordinem paginarum given them after a re-edition or revision
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the emperor and his politics, seems to have been published in 89, and Books 5-9 followed in
consecutive years. The first edition of Book 10, too, followed directly upon the last in 95, but we
possess a revised edition from 98. In between the first and second editions, of course,
contemporary affairs at Rome had changed considerably; Book 11, probably published at the end
of 96, shows signs of a new direction in Martial's writing with the renewal of his declarations of
Saturnalian license. There seems to have been a considerable break between Books 10 and 11
and Book 12, which seems to date from about 101. Book 12 as we have it may be a conflation of
a small book with material added by a posthumous editor.380 Martial's poetic output can be
conceptualized, then, in three stages: an early period (Books 1-3) up to 87, a middle period of
regular production from 89 to 96, and a period of irregular production with the revision of Book
10 in 98 and Book 12 (whatever form it originally took) around 101. On the basis of Pliny's
obituary notice (Ep. 3.21) Martial's death is usually placed around 103-4.
4.2
A Poet's Renown
When we turn to Martial's treatment of poets' renown, it is necessary to implement a
strategy to examine not only the body of material but also potential changes in stance over time.
Accordingly, in sections 4.2.1-2 I discuss Martial's statements concerning the renown and
success of poets in general synchronically, focusing on important examples and themes. Then, in
of a collection of books (possibly, following Sullivan [1991] 15, n.31, the edition of Books 1-7) around
93. The problems with dating lead me to exclude them from this immediate discussion. See further
Citroni (1988).
380
See Sullivan (1991) 52-4 for references.
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section 4.2.3, I present a diachronic analysis of Martial's statements about his own success and
renown built around the thematic framework used in sections 4.2.1-2. In section 4.2.4 I use the
notion of readership as another means to assess Martial's stance towards his success and renown.
In the conclusion (section 4.3) I outline how Martial characterizes the rewards for success in
terms of his own renown.
4.2.1 Failure
Introductory to this section, and indeed the following, I must first comment that the
number of poems directly addressing a poet's renown and success is very small, both over the
whole corpus and over individual books. However much importance modern scholars – like
myself, admittedly – attach to these poems collectively or individually, it seems essential to keep
in mind that there are more poems dealing directly with fellatio than poets' renown in the
Epigrammata. When we compare the number of renown poems with that of more weighty
themes (such as the patron-amicus or praise of the emperor), the imbalance is even more
pronounced.
It becomes clear upon reading the Epigrammata that certain kinds of approval can be
bought, and that others must be earned. This is nowhere more apparent than in Martial's
treatment of other poets. Martial directly addresses a number of poets on the subject of their
success or renown. The following discussion presents a thematic examination of comments in the
Epigrammata about other poets' success and renown in three parts. First, I discuss
characterizations of the "unsuccessful" poet. Next, I examine some implicit and explicit criteria
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for success that may be garnered from the Epigrammata. Last, I outline the rewards of success.
This synchronic approach has its dangers, of course, chief among them the assumption that such
a large and varied corpus will present a consistent set of ideas. It is not my purpose in this
section, however, to present any consistencies or inconsistencies over time, but rather to present
the variety of expression about success and renown to be found in the Epigrammata.
Unsuccessful poets in the Epigrammata fall into two main categories: those whose poetry
is derided under the semblance of praise, and those whose poetry (or whose abilities as poets) is
derided outright. As far as the latter category is concerned, a number of poets are abused simply
for writing bad poetry. Ligurinus,381 for example, is criticized for reciting bad poetry too often,
and especially at dinner: in 3.44 Ligurinus recites to Martial constantly (nimis poeta est. | hoc
valde vitium periculosum est, 3.44.4-5), in 3.45 his recitations put the diners off their food, and in
3.50 Martial accuses Ligurinus of inviting him to dine only so that he may have an audience for
his poetry (haec tibi, non alia, est ad cenam causa vocandi, | versiculos recites ut, Ligurine, tuos,
3.50.1-2). In 5.53 Martial suggests that a certain Bassus,382 who seems to have written tragedy383
on standard mythological themes, writes poetry that deserves to be drowned or burned (Colchida
381
This figure only appears in Book 3 of the Epigrammata (3.44, 3.45, 3.50)
382
Bassus (probably more than one person to judge from the content of the epigrams) is addressed in
1.37, 3.47, 3.58, 3.76, 5.23, 7.96, 8.10, 9.100, 12.97. None of these poems are of a particularly literary
nature, although 3.47, 3.58, and 7.96 all describe the sort of individual one finds dabbling in literary
composition in Pliny's Epistulae.
383
On the popularity and safety of mythological themes in this period, see Juv. 1.162-4. But cf. contra
Tac. Dial. 3, where Maternus (after being warned for his politically dangerous tragedy about Cato),
claims that whatever was left unsaid by Cato will be said by Thyestes (quod si qua omisit Cato, sequenti
recitatione Thyestes dicet Tac. Dial. 3.2-3). For these titles indicating tragedy, see Howell (1995) ad loc.
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quid scribis, quid scribis, amice, Thyesten? | quo tibi vel Nioben, Basse, vel Andromachen?
materia est, mihi crede, tuis aptissima chartis | Deucalion vel, si non placet hic, Phaethon.
5.53.1-4). The joke almost certainly plays, as Burnikel – and Friedlander before him – pointed
out, on an epigram by Lucilius addressed to Menestratus (Anth. Pal. 11.214384); Bassus has
written twice as much bad poetry as Menestratus. Interestingly, although we can read the poem
against the earlier tradition of this motif, the point of the epigram (the number of poems, and the
cleverness of the metonymy) depends on the reader's knowledge of Lucilius. Another poet,
Varus, shows good taste in not publishing his poems, but bad taste in writing them at all – or
perhaps in writing so many385: cum facias versus nulla non luce ducenos | Vare, nihil recitas. non
384
Anth. Pal. 11.214 (Lucilius) Gravfa" Deukalivwna, Menevstrate, kai; Faevqonta, | zhtei'" tiv" touvtwn
a[xio" ejsti tivno". | toi'" ijdivoi" aujtou;" timhvsomen: a[xio" o[ntw" | ejsti puro;" Faevqwn, Deukalivwn d j
u{dato". Burnikel (1980) 18 claims that Martial's poem depends on Lucilius' both for sense and for quality
"Lukill hat ein gutes Epigramm gemacht, Martial ein noch wirkungsvolleres. Man wird allerdings
zugeben müssen, daß sein Gedicht ohne die Folie des Originals kaum verständlich ist, in einem gewissen
Sinn also auf Kosten Lukills lebt." While it cannot be denied that Martial owes his inspiration to Lucilius
in this case, and while we appreciate Martial's clever allusions more knowing the Lucilius epigram, it can
hardly be said that Martial's poem can only be understood against the "original": the motifs are a literary
commonplace (see Mart 1.5 Do tibi naumachiam, tu das epigrammata nobis: | vis, puto, cum libro,
Marco, natare tuo). Punishment by fire and "drowning" is suggested for his own iambi by Horace in
Carm. 1.16.1-4 (O matre pulchra filia pulchrior, | quem criminosis cumque voles modum | pones iambis,
sive flamma | sive mari libet Hadriano); see Nisbet-Hubbard ad loc. Cf. also Cat. 36.4-8 (fire), Tib.
1.9.49-50 (fire and water), Ov. Tr. 4.10.61-2 (fire), Juv. 7.24-5 (fire). Martial uses the image quite often
(see 1.5, 3.100, 9.58, 14.96). A letter of Cicero's to Quintus suggests what might happen to soaked writing
(Cic. Q.fr. 2.13.4).
385
For the amount of poetry produced by Varus, cf. St. Silv. 1.praef. where he claims that Silvae 1.2 (the
epithalamion for Stella; 277 lines long) was written in two days (Respondebis illi tu, Stella carissime, qui
epithalamium tuum, quod iniunxeras, scis biduo scriptum. St. Silv. 1.praef.), and that all the others were
written in one or two days (Nullum enim ex illis biduo longius tractum, quaedam et in singulis diebus
effusa. St. Silv. 1.praef.).
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sapis, atque sapis 8.20).386 Martial suggests – quite cleverly – that Gaditanus, though he claims
to be a poet, does not write poetry (Qua factus ratione sit requiris, | qui numquam futuit, pater
Philinus? | Gaditanus, Avite, dicat istud, | qui scribit nihil et tamen poeta est. 10.102). The
implication here is that, just as Philinus did not father his own child(ren), Gaditanus did not
"father" his own poetry. This epigram picks up another common theme of abuse against poets,
especially in Book 1: theft.387
Theft of another's poems, too, can have implications for the thief-poet's renown,
especially if the source is well known in his own right (as Martial claims to be against all would
be thieves of his poetry; see n. 394). In 1.66 Martial attacks an unnamed fur avarus:
Erras, meorum fur auare librorum,
fieri poetam posse qui putas tanti,
scriptura quanti constet et tomus uilis:
non sex paratur aut decem sophos nummis.
Secreta quaere carmina et rudes curas
5
quas nouit unus scrinioque signatas
custodit ipse uirginis pater chartae,
quae trita duro non inhorruit mento:
mutare dominum non potest liber notus.
Sed pumicata fronte si quis est nondum
10
386
For a similar thought cf. Mart. 2.88. For sapio as a term connoting good judgment in literary matters in
Martial, cf. Mart. 1.117, 3.2, 11.94; for the "nose" as indicating good critical taste cf. Mart. 1.3, 12.88,
13.2.
387
Cf. Mart. 1.29, 1.38, 1.52, 1.53, 1.63, 1.66, 1.72, 2.20, 7.77, 10.100, 11.94, 12.63. The heavy
concentration of these poems in Book 1 may actually argue against the common supposition that Martial
was a well-known poet of epigrams by 85.
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nec umbilicis cultus atque membrana,
mercare: tales habeo; nec sciet quisquam.
Aliena quisquis recitat et petit famam,
non emere librum, sed silentium debet.
The epigram has two movements. In the first (lines 1-9) Martial declares to the plagiarist that he
cannot get approval (sophos388) simply by copying and passing off for his own the circulated
poems of another poet, since the reading public (presumably) already knows the author: mutare
dominum non potest liber notus (1.66.9). Instead, suggests Martial in the second movement, the
fur should buy an uncirculated book; the epigram's conceit lies in Martial's offer to sell the thief
one of his own such books (1.66.10-12) – on the sly of course. 1.66 is essentially an elaboration
of Epigrammata 1.29 in which Fidentinus is presented as a plagiarist:
Fama refert nostros te, Fidentine, libellos
non aliter populo quam recitare tuos.
si mea vis dici, gratis tibi carmina mittam:
si dici tua vis, hoc eme, ne mea sint.
The final lines of 1.66, however, offer an interesting play on fama when read against 1.29
(especially the end): in 1.29 Martial reports to Fidentinus that he is the subject of fama (bad
connotation) while in 1.66 he implies that those who recite another's work – like Fidentinus in
1.29 – do so to gain fama (good connotation). The play, of course, is that the plagiarist will in
fact get fama, just not the kind he wants (see section 2.1.1).
388
For sophos (sofw'") as an expression of appreciation for literature or public speaking in Martial, Cf.
also Mart. 1.3.7, 1.49.37, 3.46.8, 6.48.1, 7.32.4.
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Poets are also presented as ultimately unsuccessful in the Epigrammata by emphasizing
the emptiness of the approval they win: the sycophant offers insincere praise for tangible
rewards. Martial recommends Selius in 2.27 as a willing toady for a pleader or reciter
(Laudantem Selium cenae cum retia tendit | accipe, sive legas sive patronus agas: | "Effecte!
graviter! cito! nequiter! euge! beate!" | hoc volui: facta est iam tibi cenae, tace.). In 5.63 Martial
portrays himself as a flatterer to a certain Ponticus ("Quid sentis", inquis, "de nostris, Marce,
libellis?" | sic me sollicitus, Pontice, saepe rogas. | admiror, stupeo: nihil est perfectius illis, |
ipse tuo cedet Regulus ingenio. | "Hoc sentis?" inquis "faciat tibi sic bene Caesar, | sic
Capitolinus Juppiter." immo tibi, 5.63); likewise 12.40 (Mentiris, credo: recitas mala carmina,
laudo: | cantas, canto: bibas, Pontiliane, bibo: | pedis, dissimulo: gemma vis ludere, vincor: | res
una est sine me quam facis, et taceo. | nil tamen omnino praestas mihi. "Mortuus" inquis" |
accipiam bene te." nil volo: sed morere). These poems are attacks on sycophancy, of course,
both against the flatterer, and against the flattered: in 2.27 the sole motivation of the flatterer is
dinner, and the implication of the initial lines is that any dinner will do (cenae cum retia tendit,
2.27.1), in 12.40 the motivation is an inheritance, and in 5.63 and 12.40 Martial deftly suggests
that empty praise meets with equally empty rewards. Martial rejects the role of flattery entirely in
8.76: "Dic verum mihi, Marce, dic amabo; | nil est quod magis audiam libenter." | sic et cum
recitas tuos libellos, | et causam quotiens agis clientis, | oras, Gallice, me rogasque semper. |
durum est me tibi quod petis negare. | vero verius ergo quid sit audi: | verum, Gallice, non
libenter audis. Interestingly, 2.27, 5.63, and 8.76 address the problem of sycophancy in a context
broader than just poetry, one which also extends to the courts (and amicitia in general in 12.40).
Like Pliny in Epistles 2.14, where he speaks out against "listeners like actors" in the Centumviral
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Courts (Sequuntur auditores actoribus similes, conducti et redempti ... in media basilica tam
palam sportula quam in triclinio dantur; ex iudicio in iudicium pari mercede transitur. Pl. Ep.
2.14.4), Martial seems to be suggesting that this kind of flattery is base commercium (see p. 109
above on Statius and Juvenal). 8.76, then, ought to be read in contrast to the other poems as a
positive and cleverly inoffensive portrayal of such judgments between amici: by speaking truly
(verius) Martial delicately avoids giving an explicitly negative assessment or false flattery, and
his amicus Gallicus avoids having it given him.389
4.2.2 Being Successful
What then are the criteria for a poet's success and renown in Martial? Here, as one might
expect, there are several standards against which poetic output could be measured, and these
differing standards intersect with a number of literary debates within the Epigrammata. Martial
seems quite content to acknowledge the validity of different standards, although he rarely does
so without privileging his own. The different standards and the literary debates on which they are
based have been well examined by other scholars.390 Most interesting for my project is the role
of the reader/listener in the success and renown of a poet.391 For Martial, the success of the poet
389
On the importance of faithful criticisms on literary matters between friends, cf. for example Pl. Ep. 2.5,
3.10, 3.15 and Hoffer (1999) 10-12 and 17-28.
390
Cf. Friedlaender (1889) 18-26, Sullivan (1985) 78-100, Laurens (1989), Lorenz (2002) 1-50, Holzberg
(2002).
391
For the reader in Martial see now Spisak (1997); in this article Spisak establishes that Martial
incorporates many of the attitudes towards readership which can be identified in satire from Lucilius to
Juvenal, especially in terms of targeting an audience which is learned, but not too critical – the targeting
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and his poetry rested on whether or not the poems were read. Obviously, Martial was himself a
reader of other poetry; as an "audience" he presents a valuable if somewhat Protean perspective.
There is a sense in which Martial measures other poets of epigram by his own standard(s). His
opinions on other genres of poetry are strongly negative (cf. 4.49); but he never denies their
place in the poetic culture. In what follows I examine the importance of reader/listener for
Martial's perspective on other poets' success.
In 2.86 Martial directly attacks certain styles of ineptiae or nugae – the carmen supinum,
Sotadics,392 versus echoici,393 galliambic poetry (with perhaps a hint towards Catullus' Attis, Cat.
63) – suggesting that the effort spent on them by their authors runs contrary to the nature of
nugatory poetry: quid si per gracilis vias petauri | invitum iubeas subire Ladan? | turpe est
difficiles habere nugas | et stultus labor est ineptiarum (2.86.7-10). Martial does not entirely
reject this type of highly technical poetry394 (although he does judge it), but rather suggests that
he himself cannot write in that way by nature. The viability (if not the value) of both kinds of
of this audience is related to the stance of these poets against the pretentious erudition evident in the
major genres.
392
Pliny admits to understanding or appreciating Sotadics (Pl. Ep. 5.3.2). Martial wrote at least one poem
in Sotadic metre, Mart. 3.29.
393
But cf. Mart. 1.32 non amo te, Sabidi, nec possum dicere quare: | hoc tantum possum dicere, non amo
te.
394
Sullivan rightly connects this polemic statement with Martial's negative views on the Callimachean
and neoteric aesthetic: "...of the Alexandrian and neoteric poetic heritage Martial felt able to accept only
the short poem, the epigram, which dispensed with mythology, bombast and also recherché learning, in
favour of realism and common experience. Callimachean brevity (ojligosticiva) could be accepted, but
not the metrical experiments and sophisticated Alexandrian forms such as sotadics and galliambics or
versus recurrentes, versus reciproci and palindromes." (Sullivan [1991] 75). But like so much in Martial,
general statements are dangerous.
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poetry is clearly suggested in the final lines of the poem where Martial acknowledges two types
of audience for the two types of poetry: an assembled crowd (circuli) and a select group (rari
aures): scribat carmina circulis Palaemon: | me raris iuvat auribus placere (2.86.11-12).395
Martial writes for a select audience. Later we shall see that Martial, in fact, changes his position
on this point over time.
Another division of reader/listener may be seen in 3.69, where Martial praises396 a
nameless poet for his casta verba (omnia quod scribis castis epigrammatis verbis | inque tuis
nulla est mentula carminibus, | admiror, laudo; nihil est te sanctius uno, 3.69.1-3), contrasting
his own verses.397 This "chaste" type of epigram deserves a correspondingly "chaste" audience
(at tua, Cosconi, venerandaque sanctaque verba | a pueris debent virginibus legi, 3.69.7-8), just
as his own deserve the opposite (haec igitur nequam iuvenes facilesque puellae, | haec senior,
sed quem torquet amica, legat, 3.69.5-6). The intersection of obscenity and audience is a
prominent theme in the Epigrammata. While there is a great deal of jocular play with the theme
(cf. for example the pairing of 3.68, where matrons are warned of the following epigrams'
obscene nature, and 3.86, where Martial admonishes them for still reading), Martial's criticisms
in this regard are sometimes more strongly focused on the value or success of the poetry. For
395
A. Remmius Palaemon was a famous improvisatoire who seems to have specialized in extempore
composition, and wrote using exotic metres. Cf. Suet. De Gram. 22 nec non etiam poemata fecit
extempore; scripsit vero variis nec volgaribus metris.
396
The tone may be ironic or sarcastic, but there is no reason to suppose it must be.
397
On Martial's attitudes towards obscenity in epigrams, see also Mart. 1.35, 3.68, 3.86, 7.68, 11.2, 11.6,
11.20, 12.43; for the familiar apologiae for obscenity in poetry see Mart. 1.4, 11.15; for reduction of
obscenity see Mart. 5.2.
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example, in 7.25 Martial suggests that "chaste" poetry will not be read (Dulcia cum tantum
scribas epigrammata semper | et cerussata candidiora cute, | nullaque mica salis nec amari
fellis in illis | gutta sit, o demens, vis tamen illa legi! 7.25.1-4), and ends the poem with a
division of audience similar to that in 3.69 (infanti melimela dato fatuasque marsicas: | nam
mihi, quae novit pungere, Chia sapit. 7.25.7-8).
The most interesting evidence from the Epigrammata, however, points to a disjunction
visible between success and recognition arising from a select group of readers and that which
comes from the reading populace at large. There is a discernible tension in Martial's statements
about his own success between a select readership (presumably his patrons and their circle of
friends) and a general readership398; I examine this question below in section 4.2.3. The
importance of readership for poetic success and renown is evident in Martial's assessment of
other poets; obtaining a readership (whether select or general) is central to the poet's task for
Martial. For example, in 4.49 Martial attacks poetry on mythological themes,399 claiming that,
while this poetry wins general commendation, epigram is actually read ("illa tamen laudant
398
The question of what kind this readership was for Martial has been addressed by Best (1968). Against
Best's claims that nearly every level of Roman society read Martial see Harris (1989) 227, Kenney in
CHCL 2 (1983) 10. Starr (1987) addresses the circulation of literary texts; his discussion of the widening
circles of publication is matched by what I observe in the Epigrammata in relation to the types of readers
addressed. But the actuality of this readership is secondary to the notion of readership as a trope; Martial
may have been "one of the first authors to write for a general public" (Kay [1985] 101) or he may not. But
as Pliny said on the permanence of Martial's poetry ille tamen scripsit tamquam essent [sc. aeterna].
399
Mart. 4.49 and 10.4 are often adduced as evidence for a rivalry between Statius and Martial (neither
mentions the other in his works [but see Colton (1977) 544], even though they were active at the same
time). See Heuvel (1937), who sees it as a direct attack on Statius; Citroni (1968) 296, n.22 has a more
balanced point of view. The arguments are based largely on shadows and dust.
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omnes, mirantur, adorant." | confiteor: laudant illa sed ista legunt, 4.49.9-10). This poem, more
than any other, highlights the tension between praise (which as we saw above may be
counterfeit) and true literary success. Martial also wrote epigrams on several successful poets
which explicitly mention their "currency": 5.10 (Ennius), 10.35 (Sulpicia), 7.63 (Silius), 7.97
(Turnus), 10.78 (himself). And Martial claims that Cerrinius, who withholds his epigrams from
the public, would be read more than even he (Si tua, Cerrini, promas epigrammata vulgo, | vel
mecum possis vel prior ipse legi: | sed tibi tantus inest veteris respectus amici, | carior ut mea sit
quam tua fama tibi. 8.18.1-4). Conversely, not being read is a signal of some kind of failure (cf.
3.9 versiculos in me narratur scribere Cinna. | non scribit, cuius carmina nemo legit, and 6.61);
failure to be read also lies behind Martial's attack on Sextus in 10.21 (scribere te quae vix
intellegat ipse Modestus | et vix Claranus quid rogo, Sexte, iuvat? | non lectore tuis opus est sed
Apolline libris: | iudice te maior Cinna Marone fuit. | sic tua laudentur sane: mea carmina,
Sexte, | grammaticis placeant, ut sine grammaticis).
4.2.3 Martial's success
If we measure Martial by the criteria discussed above, it seems clear that he has created a
success of kinds for himself. Created, because we cannot truly measure the actuality of his
success except through statements in his poetry matched with the scarce biographical facts from
other sources. Pliny, it is true, in a letter written to the consular Cornelius Priscus on Martial's
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death,400 commends Martial and his poetry. In this last letter of Epistulae Book 3 (3.21), Pliny
presents a curious separation of the man as amicus and the man as poet (one similar to that which
Martial often asserted401), claiming that Martial erat homo ingeniosus acutus acer (3.21.1), who
wrote with wit, venom, and lucidity (qui plurimum in scribendo et salis haberet et fellis, nec
candoris minus, 3.21.1). This separation is maintained when Pliny mentions the gift of a viaticum
for Martial's return to Spain in 101: it was given for amicitia's sake and for the verses Martial
wrote about him (Prosecutus eram viatico secendentem; dederam hoc amicitiae, dederam etiam
versiculis quos de me composuit. 3.21.2).402 Curiously, Pliny seems at pains at the end of the
letter to justify his largess, for the poem does not end well: the final line makes him a rigidus
Cato403 and so, in Martial's poetics, one fundamentally unsuited to hear his poetry (cf. 8.3.17-18
scribant isti graves nimium nimiumque severi, | quos media miseros nocte lucerna videt.). Here
again, Pliny keeps a separation between poet and amicus: Meritone cum qui haec de me scripsit
et tunc dimisi amicissime et nunc ut amicissimum defunctum esse doleo? (3.21.6) The final
response (foreshadowed in 3.21.3), is that Pliny is grateful for what he thinks Martial gave to
him through this poem: gloria, laus, et aeternitas (3.21.6). To the imagined criticism that
400
See Pl. Ep. 5.20.7 Cornelius Priscus consularis, and Birley (2000) 52-3 s.v. Cornelius Priscus.
401
Cf. Mart. 1.4.8, 10.47, 11.20.
402
Pliny also thanks A. Gellius Sentius Augurinus (later procos. of Macedonia; cf. PIR2 G 135) for the
same kind of poem in Pl. Ep. 9.8 (cf. Ep. 4.27).
403
There is almost certainly a play on the obscene sense of rigidus; cf. OLD s.v. 3b. For an exact parallel
cf. 11.3.4 a rigido teritur centurione liber of a centurion reading Martial's poems (similarly ambiguous,
but with the addition of teritur [cf. s.v. tero 1b] hardly obscure); less ambiguous are Mart. 6.49.2 (of
Priapus) nec quae stat rigida supina vena and 11.16.5 (of a lector nimium gravis) o quotiens rigida
pulsabis pallia vena. The sexual context in Mart. 12.42.1 (Barbatus rigido nupsit Callistratus Afro | hac
qua lege viro nubere virgo solet, 12.42.1-2) helps with the reading.
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Martial's poetry will not be aeterna, Pliny only responds non erunt fortasse, ille tamen scripsit
tamquam essent futura (3.21.6).
What does this letter say about Martial's success? The absence of any real approbation
from Pliny for Martial's poetry except the brief characterization in 3.21.1 clearly suggests that
praising Martial's poetry was not uppermost in Pliny's mind; the letter focuses more on the
praise-function of poetry in general (3.21.3 finis) and of Martial's poetry in particular (3.21.6), as
well as the deterioration of the regular exchange between patron-amicus and poet. He also seems
to maintain a division between Martial as amicus and Martial as poet, a division evident in
Martial's epigrams on patronage: Martia, too, often portrays himself as an amicus who also
writes poetry (see above section 4.1.1). If any elements of Martial's success lie buried in this
letter, they surely find expression in the fact that Pliny gave his amicus Martial a viaticum and
that Pliny expects Martial's poetry to be read now and in the future (to his own benefit).
If no help is to be found in determining the actuality of Martial's success and the quality
of the praise he received from his readership, then we must return to Martial's characterization of
his own success and renown. In the following paragraphs I examine diachronically Martial's
poems dealing with his own success and renown, relating them to the themes introduced above. I
understand Books 1-3, Books 4-9, and Books 10-12 to represent separate stages in Martial's
writing.404
404
See section 4.1.2 above.
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4.2.3.1
Books 1-3
Books 1-3, as published, contain a few scattered references to Martial's own success and
renown, and only one poem (3.95) which can be said to address directly Martial's awareness of
success and renown at the time of publication. Indeed, in the preface to Book 1, Martial seems to
suggest that fama is yet to be achieved (mihi fama vilius constet et probetur in me novissimum
ingenium, 1.praef.2), and in 1.107 he seems to favor the higher genres of lyric and epic as
sources for renown (recall Statius) in a dig for patronage (condere victuras temptem per saecula
curas | et nomen flammis eripuisse meum, 1.107.5-6). There are no poems that address his own
renown in Book 2. In 3.1 (hunc legis et laudas librum fortasse priorem, 3.1.3) Martial anticipates
laus from an unnamed reader, but in 3.95 attacks Naevolus for, apparently, refusing to recognize
his status and social importance: Naevolus only returns the have (Numquam dicis have sed
reddis, Naevole, semper, | quod prior et corvus dicere saepe solet. | cur hoc expectes a me, rogo,
dicas: | nam puto, nec melior, Naevole, nec prior es. 3.95.1-4). In response, Martial asserts his
social importance and status in four stages. First, he claims praise and rewards from two Caesars,
Titus and Domitian, as well as the ius triorum librorum (for which cf. 2.91): praemia laudato
tribuit mihi Caesar uterque | natorumque dedit iura paterna trium (3.95.5-6). Then he asserts
that nomen and fama have come to him through his poetry: ore legor multo notumque per oppida
nomen | non expectato dat mihi fama rogo (3.95.7-8). Third, Martial makes clear his equestrian
rank arising from his tribunate (est in hoc aliquid: vidit me Roma tribunum | et sedeo qua te
suscitat Oceanus, 3.95.9-10), suggesting that the office was granted because of the recognition
garnered through his poetry. Last, Martial claims influence with the emperor (and a social
importance for those who received the franchise through him): quot mihi Caesareo facti sunt
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munere cives, | nec famulos totidem suspicior esse tibi (3.95.11-12). Naevolus' only claim to
priority – and with this the poem ends – is a physical one: sed pedicaris, sed pulchre, Naevole,
ceves. | iam, iam tu prior es, Naevole, vincis: have. (3.95.13-14). The poem is a characteristically
brilliant piece of abuse; as Pliny wrote, plurimum salis et fellis, nec minus candoris.405 Martial,
then, at the end of Book 3 portrays a poet who is aware of its success through fama and nomen. It
is clear too that he is aware of "being praised", that he has received laus. But his own success and
renown never becomes at all a prominent theme, with only four (possibly five) examples in 311
poems.
4.2.3.2
Books 4 – 9
Books 4-9, however, (the very books dedicated to the Emperor Domitian) show a
marginally heightened interest in success (13 of 551 poems): Books 5 (4 epigrams) and 8 (3
epigrams) show a relatively higher concentration of poems relating to Martial's success and
renown. On the basis of 3.95 (see above), it seems to me likely that Martial may have desired to
promote (or exaggerate) the extent of his popularity as an indication of his value for Domitian.
4.27 (the only example from that book) focuses like 3.95 on the Emperor's role as a benefactor of
Martial; in it Martial urges Domitian to punish an invidus (whom we might consider any invidus
of Martial) by giving him all the more (Saepe meos laudare soles, Auguste, libellos. | invidus
ecce negat: num minus ergo soles? | quid quod honorato non sola voce dedisti, | non alius
poterat quae dare dona mihi? | ecce iterum nigros conrodit lividus ungues. | da, Caesar, tanto tu
405
The ending of the poem is deliciously ambiguous, since it seems to imply that Martial will treat
Naevolus as "prior" in this one respect only, and so seems to be threatening to sodomize him.
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magis, ut doleat. 4.27). Clearly, Martial sets Domitian's praise (laudare soles) at a high premium
in the first two lines, even to the extent of claiming that public awareness of Domitian's praise is
immaterial (num minus ergo soles?). But his use in this poem of honos (the first instance for
Martial) is, I think, instructive. Here, instead of Statius' honos vatis, Martial seems to refer in
4.27.3-4 (quid quod honorato non sola voce dedisti, | non alius poterat quae dare dona mihi?) to
the ius trium liberorum and the tribuneship mentioned in 3.95.
Book 5, a book designed with Domitian in mind (see 5.2) contains two pairs of poems,
one pair dealing explicitly with Martial's renown (5.10 and 5.13), the other with the relationship
between success and benefit from patron-amici (5.15 and 5.16). 5.10 develops as a response to
Regulus' comment that few readers prefer to read living poets – as a result they are denied fama
("Esse quid hoc dicam vivis quo fama negatur | et sua quod rarus tempora lector amat?" 5.10.12). Martial responds that a certain nostalgia for the past has always been strong and that it is
motivated by invidia (5.10.3-10), citing examples from architecture and poetry. In the final lines
of the poem Martial reverses a conceit which he employs to great effect elsewhere against targets
of abuse,406 and states that he is not willing to die to achieve renown (vos tamen o nostri ne
festinate libelli: | si post fata venit gloria, non propero, 5.10.11-12). The use of gloria here is
remarkable, even more so than it was in Silvae 5.3, because of the contrast with invidia (a
political catchword of the period) and the resonances with similar themes connected to the
406
Cf. Mart. 4.33, 5.66, 7.24, 8.69, 11.67, 12.40.
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pursuit of gloria in Pliny's Epistulae (more on this below). Kay407 invites comparison with 1.1.46 (where decus is used), Ovid Tr. 4.10.121-2 (tu mihi, quod rarum est, vivo sublime dedisti |
nomen, ab exequiis quod dare fama solet – I would add from this same poem lines 41-2,
temporis illius colui fovique poetas, | quotque aderant, rebar esse deos, which stand in stark
contrast to Regulus' statement), and Quintilian Inst. 12.11.7 (famam in tuto conlocarit et sentiet
vivus eam quae post fata praestari magis solet venerationem et quid apud posteros futurus sit
videbit). But none of these examples use gloria. The parallels adduced by Kay demonstrate
further the significance of the conjunction of death and renown (cf. e.g. Hor. Carm. 2.20, 3.30,
Ov. Am. 1.15.39-42), although in these the trope in Ovid and Quintilian is reversed (fame before
death). Kay also points to 5.13 for a contrasting stance; there Martial extols his success to
Callistratus, and suggests that it is more valuable than Callistratus' vast wealth.
Here, of course, Kay is on the right track: 5.10 and 5.13, given their proximity and theme,
form a diptych. Sullivan, in a masterful analysis of 5.34 and 5.37 (poems on the death of a girl,
Erotion), argues that Martial characteristically uses the technique of opposing diptychs to
generate irony, ambiguity, and new meaning in much the same way he uses cycles. In 5.10 and
5.13, I suggest, Martial juxtaposes the poetic tropes of renown after death and renown before
death. 5.13 thus becomes a new, and frankly disapproving, response to Regulus' comment in 5.10
(Callistratus in 5.13, then, corresponds to Regulus): whatever you may think, says Martial, I at
407
Kay (1995) ad loc. is a good example of the problem discussed in section 2.2 concerning the
conflation of "glory" and gloria: "It is interesting to contrast this joke with Martial's proud claim in 1.1.46 that he is a poet 'to whom, enthusiastic reader, you have given, while he is alive and can appreciate it,
such glory as few poets have even after their deaths.'" (my italics).
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least am indeed well-known and read everywhere (sed non obscurus nec male notus eques, | sed
toto legor orbe frequens et dicitur "hic est," 5.13.2-3), a success and renown I enjoy while still
alive (quodque cinis paucis hoc mihi vita dedit 5.13.4). The following verses of 5.13 add a
subversive note to the exchange, for they set a higher value on this renown of the poet, though an
eques pauper (Sum, fateor, semperfui, Callistrate, pauper, sed non obscurus nec male notus
eques, 5.13.1-2), than on extraordinary wealth408: "This is who we are, you and I – but I am what
you cannot be. What you are absolutely anyone can be" (hoc ego tuque sumus: sed quod sum non
potes esse. | tu quod es e populo quilibet esse potest. 5.13.9-10).
5.15 and 5.16, another diptych in Book 5, work on a similar model. In 5.15, addressed to
Domitian, Martial asserts the positive social function of his poetry for praise (Quintus nostrorum
liber est, Auguste, iocorum | et queritur laesus carmine nemo meo, | gaudet honorato sed multus
nomine lector, | cui victura meo munere fama datur , 5.15.1-4) and expressly denies – in
response to an imagined question from Domitian himself – any gain from the activity ("Quid
tamen haec prosunt quamvis venerantia multos?" | non prosint sane, me tamen ista iuvant.
5.15.5-6). 5.16, however, presents the opposite point of view: Martial, who offers his poetry for
the delight of all although he could be earning a living in the courts (5.16.1-8), has been taken
advantage of and receives no fair recompense (5.16.9-10). He then calls his readership to
account, finding them wanting in comparison to the generosity of generations past (11-12). Laus
is not sufficient return: "Belle" inquis "dixti: iuvat et laudabimus usque." | dissimulas? facies me,
408
For Regulus' wealth see Pl. Ep. 1.5.
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puto, causidicum (5.16.13-14). In both poems Martial boasts, again, of his readership. In 5.15
Martial claims that he has many satisfied "customers" (gaudet honorato sed multus nomine
lector | cui victura meo munere fama datur, 5.15.3-4), referring almost certainly to an elite group
of readers. In 5.16 Martial addresses the generalized lector at Rome from whom he receives laus
(...tu causa es, lector amice mihi | qui legis et tota cantas mea carmina Roma ... "Belle" inquis
"dixti: iuvat et laudabimus usque", 5.16.2-3, 13); the implication is that he is read all over Rome.
In 6.60, Martial portrays Roma herself as his enthusiastic reader (laudat, amat,409 cantat
nostros mea Roma libellos, |meque sinus omnes, me manus omnis habet, 6.60.1-2). The trend of
presenting success through readership has obviously developed enough that Martial can now
introduce a twist: Martial knows that all Rome reads his works because all show it on their faces
(ecce rubet quidam, pallet, stupet, oscitat, odit, 6.60.3). Hoc volo, says Martial, nunc nobis
carmina nostra placent. (6.60.4). But Martial's teasing tone in 6.60 turns vicious in 6.64 where
he elaborates the same conceit in a threat directed at someone who is emending his poems and
even writing poems against him. As in 6.60, Martial bases the power of his poetry to harm partly
on the fact that it is widely read, not only in general (meos, quos novit fama libellos, 6.64.6;
totaque legetur in urbe, 6.64.25), but also by the most important men: proceres urbisque forique,
Silius Italicus, Regulus, Sura, and Caesar himself (6.64.8-15). In 7.12 (cf. 10.3), however,
Martial suggests that he does not enjoy fama as a result of using poems to harm (as he has
suggested he could in 6.60 and 6.64). Rather, his poems are innocuous ioci, and others are using
409
Cf. Mart. 5.10.2 et sua quod rarus tempora lector amat?
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his nomen to spread scurrilous attacks. In 7.12, then, there is an assertion of fama and an
insinuation that Martial's nomen is now such that others seek to use it to circulate abusive poetry.
In the preface to Book 8 Martial continues to conflate readership and success, but now
the sophistication of the model increases as Martial adopts this stance to the demands of a book
dedicated in toto to the Emperor: Domitian (whom Martial addresses as a patron-amicus) gave
fama to Martial's libelli which now act as suppliants before him; because of this they will be read
(Omnes quidem libelli mei, domine, quibus tu famam, id est vitam, dedisti, tibi supplicant; et,
puto, propter hoc legentur. 8.praef.1). Domitian, certainly, is the focus of this preface, and
becomes the cause of Martial's success. As I suggested above for 3.95 and 4.27, however, part of
Martial's value for Domitian from the beginning will have been the fact that people read Martial's
poems. And so Martial is careful to assert a readership for himself at the beginning and at the end
of the preface (quod ut custoditurum me lecturi sciant, 8.praef. fin). 8.3 is a rather elaborate
epigram depicting a dialogue between Martial and Thalia, the Muse of epigram, which owes a
debt to Ovid Am. 3.1 and Horace Carm. 4.1. Interestingly, in 8.3 Martial claims that he can
achieve no greater fama than he has already (iam plus addere nobis | fama potest, 8.3.3-4)
because his books are read everywhere and will be read even after other monuments are ruined.
Again, we can see that Martial is equating success and renown with widespread readership.
Likewise in 8.18, where Martial suggests to Cerrinius that if he were to publish his epigrams, he
might be read even more than Martial himself (si tua, Cerrini, promas epigrammata vulgo | vel
mecum possis vel prior ipse legi, 8.18.1-2), but that he does not out of respect for Martial – as an
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amicus – and his fama (sed tibi tantus inest veteris respectus amici, | carior ut mea sit quam tua
fama tibi, 8.18.3-4).
In the preface to Book 9 Martial mentions to his absent friend Toranius that the epigram
post ordinem paginarum addressing an Avitus, was written for Stertinus Avitus, probably the
consul of 92. This poem post ordinem falls neatly into two halves, the first a response to Avitus'
request (as we learn in the prose section of the preface) to place a bust of Martial in his
bybliotheca. The second half is the inscription Martial has composed to accompany the bust:
"Ille ego sum nulli nugarum laude secundus,
quem non miraris sed puto, lector, amas.
5
maiores maiores sonent: mihi parva locuto
sufficit in vestras saepe redire manus."
The mutable context of the poem cum inscription makes the referent lector variable. At one
point, lector will refer to Avitus, at another to any intimate of Avitus who uses his bybliotheca, at
another (i.e. as in the poem itself) to anyone who reads the poem Martial wrote in response to
Avitus' request, and after the publication of Book 9 to any reader at all. In this epitaphic epigram,
then, Martial manages to incorporate the various circles of readership (Emperor, individual,
amici, select readership, general readership), all of whom are important for Martial's
representation of his success and renown. Martial here claims laus for his poetry and,
interestingly, further claims what he did not in 5.13 – but does in 6.60 – namely that the reader
loves him (sed puto, lector, amas, 9.praef.5), as Regulus suggests contemporary readers do not
(cf. 5.13.1-2).
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4.2.3.3
Books 10 – 12
The trend towards correlating success and readership which we saw developing in the
earlier books is absent from Book 10, perhaps a result not only of the extensive reworking of
poems from an earlier edition, but also the addition of new material, in response to the changing
times. Books 11 and 12, too, show a marked shift as Martial seems to be adjusting his stance
towards the readership and his success. Martial may be at his best as a poet in Book 10, but in
terms of asserting his future success he seems much less certain, much less secure. In 10.2 (in
part an explanation and justification for the revision), Martial – as he had in 8.praef. to Domitian
– points to his reader, a gift of Roma herself, as the source of his renown in the future: pigra per
hunc fugies ingrate flumina Lethes | et meliore tui parte superstes eris... at chartis nec furta
nocent et saecula prosunt, | solaque non norunt haec monumenta mori (10.2.7-8, 11-12). The
allusions to Horace Carm. 3.30 exegi monumentum are unmistakable, but the tone is quite
different. Exegi (3.30.1), non omnis moriar (3.30.6), ego postera crescam laude recens (3.30.78), dicar (3.30.10): Horace's assertions of success and future renown are in the first person.
Martial, on the other hand, embeds his success so that it is spoken by Roma, and emphasizes its
dependence on the lector: per hunc fugies ... et meliore tui parte superstes eris (10.2.7-8).
Another early poem in Book 10 seems to offer a slightly jejune view of renown. In 10.9 Martial
laments that, in spite of his renown both in Rome and elsewhere (notus gentibus ille Martialis |
et notus populis), none need be invidus: a race horse is more famous than he (non sum
Andramemone notior caballo, 10.9.5). In 10.103 Martial addresses his municipes in a poem
which suggests his intention to return to Bilbilis, although with some anxiety over his welcome
(excipitis placida reducem si mente, venimus; | aspera si geritis corda, redire licet, 10.103.11-
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12). In contrast with 10.2 and 10.9, Martial seems entirely confident of his success: ecquid laeta
iuvant vestri vos gloria vatis? | nam decus et nomen famaque vestra sumus, | nec sua plus debet
tenui Verona Catullo | meque velit dici non minus illa sum (10.103.3-5). Indeed, as far as the
terms of praise which underlie this study, this poem is the boldest assertion of success and
renown in the Epigrammata. But the renown is diverted, channeled onto Bilbilis (vestri vos
gloria vatis ... vestra sumus). The focus here is not so much on Martial's success and renown, but
on what that success and renown mean for Bilbilis and her citizens. What is more, the reader (at
Rome or elsewhere, cf. 10.9) has disappeared.
In 11.3 Martial indicates that success through a readership does not pay (sed meus in
Geticis ad Martia signa pruinis | a rigido teritur centurione liber, | dicitur et nostros cantare
Britania versus. | quid prodest? nescit sacculus ista meus 11.3.2-5), but rather that a generous
patron – like Maecenas – is needed for a poet to produce everlasting work (at quam victuras
poteramus pangere chartas ... et Maecenatem si tibi, Roma, darent! 11.3.7, 10). The poem has a
close thematic parallel in the diptych 5.15 and 5.16, as we have seen. But it is clear here also that
Martial is no longer content even to claim that he finds delight without profit (cf. 5.15.6 non
prosint sane, me tamen ista iuvant.). He also seems to have rejected the possibility that many
patron-amici can compensate for one great one.410
410
For Martial's continuing wish for a Maecenas see Mart. 1.55, 1.107, 5.16, 8.55. A sad footnote to this
question: Martial finally finds his Maecenas in Terentius Priscus (Quod Flacco Varioque fuit summoque
Maroni | Maecenas, atavis regibus ortus eques, | gentibus et populis hoc te mihi, Prisce Terenti, | fama
fuisse loquax chartaque dicet anus. | tu facis ingenium, tu, si quid posse videmur; | tu das ingenuae ius
mihi pigritiae. 12.4), to whom he dedicated the libellus sent to Rome from Spain (whatever form it may
have taken); but out of the whole corpus, Martial only addresses 8.45, 12.praef, 12.4, and 12.14 to him.
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Martial's interest in his readership returns in Book 12, part of which seems to have been
sent to Rome in 101 or 102 from Spain.411 A pair of poems, 12.3 and 12.11, identify Martial's
readership in toto; to these his poems will be given by appropriate intermediaries, his patronamici. In 12.3 Martial apostrophizes his book, urging it to seek out Arruntius Stella's house.
Stella will publish the book to the wider readership: ille dabit populo patribusque equitique
legendum (12.3.15); the order in which the readers are presented is significant. They in turn will
recognize his writing even without a titulus: clamabunt omnes te, liber, esse meum (12.3.18).412
Martial suggests Parthenius as his promoter before Nerva to his Muse in 12.11, neatly
distinguishing the emperor as a separate audience (as he had Domitian in 8.praef.) by giving him
a separate poem on this theme. Martial urges the Muse to bid Parthenius offer Nerva a brevis
libellus413 at an opportune moment and say "Hunc tua Roma legit." (12.11.7).
4.2.4 Readership and Success
The conflation of readership and success, then, which for Martial often finds expression
in terms like fama and nomen, seems to be the most useful barometer for measuring how the poet
411
Sullivan (1991) 52-3 suggests that the book as we have it may have been altered by a posthumous
editor, based on the "weakness of some of the epigrams and the abrupt close of the book with an address
to the new governor of Hispania Tarraconensis." Neither piece of evidence seems particularly compelling
– Martial in any case spends much more energy on the beginnning of his books, generally.
412
Perhaps an echo of Mart. 11.2.7-8 lectores tetrici salebrosum ediscite Santram: nil mihi vobiscum est:
iste liber meus est!
413
Some kind of digest (not preserved) built out of Books 11 and 10; cf. Mart. 12.5.1-2 longior undecimi
nobis decimique libelli | artatus labor est et breve rasit opus.
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represents success for himself and other poets in the Epigrammata. Of course, as I indicated
above, Martial's statements about his own poetry are not objective assessments, only assertions
about his own success. How can we evaluate them? The notion of readership may provide an
unique perspective on how Martial manipulates his portrayal of success, not in terms of the
accuracy of these assertions, but rather in respect to which readership Martial points as the
indicator of his own success and renown.
As we have seen already, there is an interesting tension within the Epigrammata between
the relative importance of the different types of readership, which seem to move in concentric
circles outward, from the amicus to broader elite circles to a general readership unknown
personally to Martial. These readerships for some, if not most, of the Epigrammata probably
reflect the reality of the composition of occasional poetry: first for the recipient, occasion, vel
sim. singly or in small libelli, then arranged in Books – probably with new material also – at a
later stage. Although at all stages – in the career we have preserved for us through the published
books – the gamut of readerships are in evidence, there seems to be in the Epigrammata a
perceptible growth in Martial's interest in a general readership (usually indicated by an address to
an anonymous lector). In later books this growing interest culminates in an exceptionally
prominent role for the anonymous lector in Books 10 and 11. Martial thus seems to play down
the importance of the Emperor-as-patron and the patron-amicus in the dissemination of his
poetry (and therefore also in his success as poet), refocusing the measure of his success instead
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on the support of an unknown and depersonalized lector. This ambiguous lector's support can
only be manifested in the reading of Martial's books.414
The beginnings of this shift in focus on different readerships may correlate to the
apparently growing success of Martial's poetry with Domitian and his court and to the difficulty
of the transitions after Domitian's murder. It seems too much a coincidence that just when
Martial's opportunities for imperial favor are terminated by Domitian's death and the
establishment of a strongly anti-Domitian regime Martial begins to place the anonymous reader
and Roma in the role of patron-amici. Martial was no longer willing or able to depend on any
socially influential individuals and their circles of amici who had not been associated with
Domitian. As Sullivan says,
[Martial] was still identified in the public mind with the old court poetry,
while the new regime was professing a different attitude to imperial power
... It was fortunate that Martial had earlier addressed friendly compliments
to Nerva himself (8.70; 9.26) and that Parthenius had been a long-time
friend and patron since at least 88. But none of this would help Martial
regain his position as an accepted court poet under the new rulers.
(Sullivan [1991] 47)
414
A fact which Martial bemoans in, e.g., Mart. 11.3. Curious problem: how does Martial know who and
how many are reading his works? Cf. Pl. Ep. 1.2.6 libelli quos emisimus dicuntur in manibus esse,
quamvis iam gratiam novitatis exuerint; nisi tamen auribus nostris bibliopolae blandiuntur. Sed sane
blandiantur, dum per hoc mendacium nobis studia nostra commendent.
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Martial – denied the protection afforded by great wealth and rank to people like Pliny in times of
political upheaval, too closely associated with Domitian, and hardly important enough for Nerva
to favor415 – turns to the only readership he has left to him: the general readership.
This love of the general reader was not always in evidence. An early poem, 1.3, with an
irony deeper than any Martial might have planned, betrays a level of anxiety about publication to
a general readership quite rare in the Epigrammata:
Argiletanas mauis habitare tabernas,
cum tibi, parue liber, scrinia nostra uacent.
Nescis, heu, nescis dominae fastidia Romae:
crede mihi, nimium Martia turba sapit.
Maiores nusquam rhonchi: iuuenesque senesque
et pueri rhinocerotis habent.
Audieris cum grande sophos, dum basia iactas,
ibis ab excusso missus in astra sago.
Sed tu ne totiens domini patiare lituras
neue notet lusus tristis harundo tuos,
aetherias, lasciue, cupis uolitare per auras:
i, fuge; sed poteras tutior esse domi.
The initial reservations about the utility of a general readership are allayed so that by Book 4
there is a distinct set of readers: Emperor, elite individuals and their circles, and the anonymous
general reader. Then after Domitian's fall, in Books 10 and 11 the anonymous reader becomes
415
Contrast the consules ter Verginius Rufus and Vestricius Spurinna who, although themselves active in
Domitian's government, were granted consulship early on by Nerva and Trajan (see Chapter 5 below for
details), or Tacitus and Pliny.
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Martial's only support in the Epigrammata. But in Book 12, Martial's apparent attempt to return
to literary society after his retreat to Spain, the anonymous lector yields place again to the
Emperor and elite individual readers.
In the first Book of Epigrammata Martial seems more focused on a select group of
readers, although a wider readership is certainly expected. 1.113, mentioning his iuvenalia, and
1.117 are similar both imply a wider readership, and Martial is elsewhere aware of the effect of a
wider readership on the reception of his poems, especially the potential for theft – of a poem or
of his identity. But the overwhelming impression is that Martial's poems are meant for
individuals – the anonymous lector or his readership is not addressed in Book 1 except in 1.1.416
Martial directly addresses the anonymous lector in 2.8 – not, however, on good terms, for he is
anticipating criticism. There is also an interesting developed "dialogue" between Martial and
reader in the epigrams on Postumus (2.10, 2.12, 2.21 - 2.23). But in 2.86 Martial makes plain his
views on a wider general readership with an established literary trope (scribat carmina circulis
Palaemon: | me raris iuvat auribus placere, 2.86.11-12)417: Martial does not write for the general
416
Mart. 1.1 and 1.2 are omitted in one main branch of the textual history (Lindsay's BA) and displaced in
the other (CA) to the end of the preface before the poem there beginning nosses iocosae. The communis
opinio (which started with Dau [1887] and continues in Holzberg [2002]) has these poems inserted in the
other main branch (AA) from a position extra ordinem paginarum given them after a re-edition or revision
of a collection of books (possibly, following Sullivan [1991] 15, n.31, the edition of Books 1-7) around
93. The problems with dating lead me to exclude them from this immediate discussion. See further
Citroni (1988).
417
Cp. Hor. Carm. 3.1.1 odi profanum vulgus et arceo; the assertion in Martial (and in Horace) may be
somewhat tongue in cheek, since it runs counter to expressions of poet's success in the Roman tradition
clear back to Ennius. But there is a sense in which Martial here (and Horace in 3.1) is in fact delimiting
the range of valued reader, rather than (as later) apparently appealing to any reader.
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public. A number of epigrams in Book 3, however, begin to show a heightened interest in the
general reader – an interest that apparently coincides with Martial's interest in success and
renown (see section 4.2.2 above). Indeed, the introductory epigram addresses an anonymous tu
(Hoc tibi ... hunc legis et laudas librum fortasse priorem, 3.1.1, 3). 3.4 introduces Roma herself
as an interested reader (cf. 1.3 above, and further below). 3.68 and 3.86, addressed to matronae
(see discussion above) hold a liminal place in the division of readership under discussion,
presenting a curtailed general readership. But it is the suggestion made in 3.95 that ore legor
multo notumque per oppida nomen (also the first real expression of wide-spread success, as we
saw above) that seems to signal for the first time Martial's awareness of a wide general
readership for the Epigrammata.
The bold assertion in Book 4.49.9-10 ("Illa tamen laudant omnes, mirantur, adorant." |
confiteor: laudant illa sed ista legunt) – that Martial's poetry is less a lusus or iocus than tragedy
or epic, and that, although it does not receive explicit approval from readers, it nevertheless is
read more than epic and tragedy – highlights the ambivalence of praise noted in Appendix A.2.
Praise does not always indicate authentic approval, but reading does. Nevertheless, the general or
anonymous reader is nearly absent from Book 4 except for 4.89, the last poem of the Book, in
which Martial suggests that the reader has grown tired of reading (iam lector queritur deficitque;
| iam librarius hoc et ipse dicit | Ohe, iam satis est, ohe, libelle, 4.89.6-8). 5.2 is addressed to
Matronae puerique virginesque who will be the readers of these casta epigrammata and also
contains allusions to the wider readership of his earlier books (tu, quem nequitiae procaciores |
delectant nimium salesque nudi, | lascivos elige quattor libellos, 5.2.3-5). And Martial also
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emphasizes a wider readership through the anonymous lector in 5.13 (sed toto legor orbe
frequens et dicitur "Hic est", 5.13.3), 5.15 (gaudet honorato sed multus nomine lector, 5.15.13)
and 5.16 (lector amice ... qui legis et tota cantas mea carmina Roma, 5.16.2,3). Book 6, like
Book 4, does not address to any great extent the concerns of readership, except that in 6.60
Martial first personalizes Roma as reader (Laudat, amat, cantat nostros mea Roma libellos, |
meque sinus omnes, me manus omnis habet, 6.60.1-2; cf. 1.3) and in 6.64 indicates that he has
gained some significance as a poet because he is read in very high circles (6.64.8-15); these
poems are discussed above. In 7.88, Martial reports that he is being read by all in Vienna (me
legit omnis ibi senior iuvenisque puerque | et coram tetrico casta puella viro, 7.88.3-4), and in
7.97, addressing his book, he suggests that Caesius Sabinus will promote it so that the book will
be read by all (te convivia, te forum sonabit | aedes compita porticus tabernae. | uni mitteris,
omnibus legeris, 7.97.11-13). Likewise, in the preface to Book 8 and 8.3 Martial suggests that
his general readership has become quite wide. There are some problems in the interpretation of
the titulus epigram in 9.praef (for which see above), but 9.81 is more straightforward: here, too,
Martial can assert that a general readership enjoys his poems, even if poets criticize them (Lector
et auditor nostros probat, Aule, libellos, | sed quidam exactos esse poeta negat. | non nimium
curo: nam cenae fercula nostrae | malim conviviis quam placuisse cocis, 9.81). This stance
comes close to a volte-face compared with the rari aures of 2.86. In 9.97 the fact that Martial is
read and enjoyed by Roma herself has prompted invidia (quod me Roma legit, rumpitur invidia,
... rumpitur invidia quod amamur quodque probamur, 9.97.2).
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There is a marked change in Book 10 in the significance attached by Martial to the
anonymous lector, or general readership. In 10.1 and 10.2 Martial again addresses the
anonymous lector; but there are no other dedicatory epigrams, nor a preface, and I am tempted to
say that Martial has dedicated this revised edition to the general reader in place of another
dedicatee, probably one connected to Domitian's court. General anonymous reader, then, has
supplanted Emperor and elite individual as patron-amicus – paradoxically a patron-amicus
completely unknown to Martial (and quite unable to make appropriate return in the amicitia
relationship). What is more, 10.9, 10.45, and 10.59 are all addressed to the anonymous lector.
Like Book 10, the initial poems of Book 11 focus in part at least on the anonymous lector. In
11.1 the general readership becomes Martial's only readership since Parthenius (Domitian's
assassin, and a patron-figure earlier instrumental in bringing Martial to his attention) ignores his
epigrams: ecquid te satis aestimas beatum, | contingunt tibi si manus minores? ... sunt illic [sc. in
several named portici] duo tresve qui revolvant | nostrarum tineas ineptiarum (11.1.6-7, 13-14).
11.2 wards off "lectores tetrici", stern readers, from his poems (implicitly inviting all others),
and in 11.3 Martial suggests that he is read by those fighting in Getic campaigns and in Britain.
In 11.6, Roma becomes his patron/reader (versu ludere non laborioso | permittis, puto, pilleata
Roma. | risisti; licet ergo, non vetamur, 11.6.3-5). 11.16, like 11.2, plays with the conceit that the
too stern reader should not read Martial's poems; his poems rather belong to the urbana toga
(11.16.2) and puellae (11.16.7-10). Other epigrams are addressed to individuals who, however,
do not read: 11.52, 11.57, 11.90, 11.106, 11.107. Thus, while in earlier Books Martial
maintained a variety of different readerships (Emperor, individual patron-amici and their circles,
and a general readership), in Book 11 he is reduced to only one. The final epigram in Book 11
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(11.108) is a parting address to the anonymous lector. The first poems in Book 10 seemed to
place the anonymous lector in the position of patron-amicus; in 10.1 Martial seems to suggest
that the reader now owes him for his poetry (cf. 5.16), just as for example Julius Faustinus – a
delinquent beneficiary of poetic immortality and one of Martial's most constant patron-amici in
the Epigrammata418 – in 5.36. Book 12 seems to mark a return of interest on the part of elite
readers, since it contains epigrams addressed to Nerva (12.5, 11), and individual members of the
elite (12.1, 4, 21); what is more, although the anonymous general lector appears in 12.3 and
12.11, he is no longer addressed as patron, nor does he figure significantly in Martial's assertions
of success. It all ends on a happy note: although Martial does not seem to regain imperial favor,
he does finally find his "patrons", as Terentius Priscus becomes his Maecenas (Quod Flacco
Varioque fuit summoque Maroni | Maecenas, atavis regibus ortus eques, | Gentibus et populis,
hoc te mihi, Prisce Terenti, | Fama fuisse loquax chartaque dicet anus | Tu facis ingenium, tu, si
quid posse videmur; | Tu das ingenuae ius mihi pigritiae, 12.4), and Marcella his Roma (Tu
desiderium dominae mihi mitius urbis | Esse iubes: Romam tu mihi sola facis, 12.21.9-10).
4.3
Conclusions: The Rewards of Success
It seems clear from 8.18 (in which Martial suggests that Cerrinus' readership would
exceed his own if only Cerrinus would publish) and the discussions above that the reward for
being read, which I have suggested is the fundamental criteria for success in Martial, is fama and
nomen. Indeed, fama and nomen, against laus, honos, or gloria seem to be the desired
418
Cf. Mart. 1.25, 3.2, 3.58, 4.10, 4.57, 7.12, 10.51.
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expressions for a poet's renown in Martial's Epigrammata. Laus is consistently downplayed by
Martial as an indicator of success and renown (cf. 4.49), and so cannot serve as a reliable
indicator of success (see section 4.2.1). The reasons for Martial's relative disinterest in laus (the
notable exception is laus received from the Emperor; cf. 3.95) are evident in his portrayal of laus
for other poets. Honos does not figure as a significant term of praise for poets in the
Epigrammata either; when Martial uses it of his own success in 3.95, it plainly refers (in the
usual metonymic sense) to the office bestowed on him by Domitian. Martial makes no clear
assertion of gloria for himself either. The relative absence of honos, laus, and gloria as terms of
praise, given Martial's social status and poetic persona, may be significant. Statius, as Hardie
asserted, "could not really claim full social equality with his Roman addressees. His literary
persona is based upon his status as a professional poet, and his relationships with his addressees
derive, in almost all cases, from his activity as a poet rather than from the amicitia existing
between private individuals living within the same orbit of Roman society."419 As a vates Statius'
success as poet determined his social importance; and so, to the extent that his minor poetry and
epic poetry advanced that importance, Statius achieved honos and laus. But the portrayal Martial
presents in the Epigrammata is not solely that of a poet, but rather a man of equestrian status,
seeking and promoting his social importance in a number of ways including the writing of
occasional poetry. Martial has constructed an image that in many respects can claim, as Statius'
cannot, a much fuller social equality (if not, however, an equal social importance) with his
patron-amici. Where Statius only records amicitia in the Silvae for his patron-amici, Martial in
419
Hardie (1982) 59.
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addition presents to the reader a vision of amicitia that can often pass the boundaries of his own
personal relationships with significant individuals. Thus, it may be that Martial, a member of
elite society but no magnus vir, has no basis for a claim of honos or gloria, because he has not
pursued a public career (the arena in which these distinctions were traditionally won) as a
military man or as an advocate.
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Chapter Five: Pliny
In this final chapter I examine applications of terms and themes of renown and success
for poets in Pliny the Younger's Epistulae, including those Pliny applies to his own work as a
minor poet. I shall proceed by first setting out in section 5.1 basic information about Pliny
pertinent to the discussions following, especially his status and position within Roman elite
society, and in section 5.1.1 a minimalistic discussion of the chronology of the Epistulae. In
section 5.1.2 I describe the term studia and discuss its importance for understanding Pliny's
attitude towards literature. In section 5.1.2.1 I briefly describe the history of the term as a
referent for literature and literary pursuits, continuing in section 5.1.2.2 to examine in detail to
what the term studia refers in Pliny's Epistulae. In section 5.1.2.3 I explore how Pliny utilizes
this term in the abstract to indicate elite literary culture in general, and in section 5.1.2.4 I
describe how studia (i.e. literary works and culture) are connected to the diametrically opposed
concepts of otium and negotium. I discuss the explicit motivations for literary production in the
Epistulae in section 5.1.3 and suggest that these motivations echo precisely those motivations
adduced for the construction and preservation of memoria in Chapter One. In section 5.2 I
address in broad terms the question of how Pliny describes poets' success and renown in the
Epistulae, examining in section 5.2.1 how Pliny characterizes success and renown of poets apart
from gloria. I continue in section 5.2.2 to examine success and renown of poets, but now in
terms of gloria alone. In section 5.3.1 I explore the question of literary gloria and the magnus vir
in Pliny's Epistulae; in section 5.3.2 I examine Pliny's own literary gloria, looking in particular
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at the remarkable Epistula 9.25. In Appendix A.3 "Terms of Praise in Pliny", I return to the
semantic analysis, and show how the use of terms of praise in the Epistulae conform in large part
to the semantic descriptions offered in section 2.1.
5.1
Background
We are fortunate in our reconstruction of Pliny's life and career to have sources available
to us beyond his own letters (for with the letters we are arguably on the same ground –
autobiographically speaking – as we were with Martial's epigrams or Statius' poems). Principal
among these are two inscriptions, CIL 5.5263 from Como and CIL 5.5667 from Fecchio (near
Como). Many of the biographical details which Pliny offers in his Epistulae and which the
inscriptions tend to confirm are well known; no purpose would be served in re-examining them
here.420 Essential for the present study are the following facts. First, Pliny has, by the time of the
publication of Book 1 (see below), held the consulship and could consider himself an
extraordinarily successful and influential man. Second, Pliny fosters and pursues in his letters
connections to men similarly minded, either by virtue of their origin (a large number of his
correspondents are Gauls421), their literary tastes, and/or their importance for current affairs;
there is accordingly a fair degree of continuity in Pliny's attitudes towards literature presented in
the Epistulae. Third, Pliny clearly considers the exchange and criticism of literary works and the
publication of these works (his studia; see below), either in recitation among friends or more
420
I direct the reader to Sherwin-White's excellent summary and discussion (1985, 69-82).
421
See Syme (1968) (= RP II.694-723).
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widely in book form, to be an integral part of amicitia.422 For these reasons it seems impossible
to divorce Pliny's literary society from his society in general – the one is a reflection in miniature
of the other.423
5.1.1
Publication of letters
The chronology for the publication of the individual books of letters depends, as does that
of the works of Statius and Martial, on termini post quem deducible from the contents of each
book. The accuracy of this modus operandi, as we have already seen, is somewhat debatable, and
in any case does not extend in actuality to every letter in individual books. In fact, dates for
individual letters, or groups of letters, are often more easily ascertainable as the events described
in the letters can be related to information found in other sources. Detailed discussion of the
problem and the history of the debate about the publication of the books can be found in
Sherwin-White (1985) 52-56; no significant advance in our understanding of this complex (and
probably insoluble) problem has been published since then. Again, what is important for our
purposes in this study is that mention is made by Pliny of his own poetry starting in letters found
in Book 4 (dated from 104-105), and continuously from then until the letters of Book 9 (dated
106-108, with a few exceptions). Pliny, however, is concerned with the production, exchange
422
Hoffer (1999) 10, "Pliny's letters are above all an ideal record of friendship."
423
Much recent scholarship on Pliny focuses on placing him within Roman elite culture of this period; cf.
e.g. White (1975), White (1993), Hershkowitz (1995), McEwen (1995), Hoffer (1999). Another major
trend focuses on Pliny's self-representation; cf. e.g. Leach (1990), Riggsby (1995), Riggsby (1998). See
also Bütler (1970).
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and publication of literary works over the whole corpus of the Epistulae. Poetry is a significant
later element in his literary output, certainly, but for Pliny poetry is also simply a part of a larger
whole: studia.
5.1.2
Studia
Any examination of Pliny's attitudes towards his nugatory poetry needs to be grounded in
Pliny's notion of studia, the conceptual place of studia in his world, and the significance of
studia for memoria; Pliny sets studia at the center of his portrayal of elite literary culture.424 In
section 5.1.2.1, then, I detail to what the term studia refers in Pliny, both as a generic term for
any literary accomplishment, and specifically as a term indicating speeches given in court,
speeches recited or revised for physical publication, historical writing, major genres of poetry,
and finally even nugatory poetry. In other words, studia in Pliny acts as a signifier for elite
literary culture in general. One of the ways in which Pliny accomplishes this is to abstract the
notion of studia so that it becomes a generic reference to any literary activity among the elite.
With this definition of studia in hand, I next suggest in section 5.1.2.2 that for Pliny studia seem
to occupy a conceptual space which bridges traditionally distinct public activities and private
enjoyment of literature; I illustrate this point briefly by contrasting Pliny's characterization of
studia as an activity which spans the private realm of otium and the villa and the public man's
world of negotium. In section 5.1.2.3 I relate this conflated and bivalent concept of studia to
424
For a slightly different perspective on studia in Pliny's Epistulae see Bütler (1970) 28-40 who
concentrates on localizing the concept of studia within a rhetorical context, rather than a social one.
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Pliny's motivations for producing literature, motivations which are based on the desire to
perpetuate memoria.
5.1.2.1
Studium/Studia
Studium has for a primary definition "earnest application of one's attention or energies to
some specified or implicit object".425 The object could, seemingly in every period, include any
number of different pursuits undertaken by any number of different people or groups of people.
In Ter. Andr. 55-7, for example, Simo gives an indication of the range of the term for
adulescentuli, from horse-raising to hunting dogs to the study of philosophy (quod plerique
omnes faciunt adulescentuli, | ut animum ad aliquod studium adiungant, aut equos | alere aut
canes ad venandum aut ad philosophos). For Cato farming was a studium (at ex agricolis et viri
fortissimi et milites strenuissimi gignuntur, maximeque pius quaestus stabilissimusque
consequitur minimeque male cogitantes sunt qui in eo studio occupati sunt, Cato Agr. pr. 4).
Studium also has a long association with political affairs.426 The use of studium specifically for
the intellectual pursuit of literature, however, seems to date at least from the time of Cicero.427
An example: of Archias Cicero states that on reaching manhood he undertook the study of
literary arts (se ad scribendi studium contulit) and excelled even at Antioch, a city renowned for
its men of great learning and for its literary culture (celebri quondam urbe et copiosa atque
425
Cf. OLD s.v. studium 1a.
426
Cf. OLD s.v. studium 5.
427
Or, put otherwise, the prominence of intellectual literary pursuits as an activity to which one directed
studium grew during this period. Cf. OLD and Forcellini s.v. studium 7.
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eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque studiis adfluenti).428 But the other uses of studium429 in
Cicero – in either the singular or the plural – are equally attested.
Pliny in the Epistulae employs studia in the plural to denote only writing or specific
aspects of literary culture, and studium in the singular for the other uses of the term. The sole
exception to this rule can be found in 7.4, a letter to Pontius Allifanus in which Pliny describes
the development of his interest in composing poetry; the purpose of the letter seems to be a
justification for his composition of nugatory poetry, and he holds up Cicero as an exemplum of a
serious man writing ineptiae. Pliny relates that, after hearing an epigram of Cicero's, he found
himself wondering how the greatest orators had found this sort of writing – hoc studii genus –
delightful and praiseworthy.430 Cicero (on the basis of a survey I carried out of the Epistulae ad
Atticum and the ad Familiares) seems to use the singular of studium much more frequently than
the plural for literary matters, and we should see in Pliny's statement a deliberate affectation of
Cicero (the phrase hoc studii genus has a close parallel at Cic. Fam. 13.16.4 valet ingenio, habet
usum, iam pridem in eo genere studi litterarumque versatur).
428
Cic. Arch. 4 Nam ut primum ex pueris excessit Archias atque ab eis artibus quibus aetas puerilis ad
humanitatem informari solet, se ad scribendi studium contulit, primum Antiochae – nam ibi natus est loco
nobili – celebri quondam urbe et copiosa atuqe eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque studiis
adfluenti, celeriter antecellere omnibus ingeni gloria coepit. Cf. Cic. Arch. 5 Erat Italia tum plena
Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio vehementius tum colebantur.
429
Described directly above; see OLD s.v. studium for more detail.
430
Pl. Ep. 7.4.4 coepi reputare maximos oratores hoc studii genus et in oblectationibus habuisse et in
laude posuisse.
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5.1.2.2
Studia in Pliny
In 2.18, a letter in which Pliny agrees to help Junius Mauricus hire a praeceptor for his
sons431 and finds himself enjoying being back "at school", Pliny suggests that he has gained a
certain auctoritas among the students from his studia (sedeo inter iuvenes ut solebam, atque
etiam experior quantum apud illos auctoritatis ex studiis habeam, 2.18.1); this can only mean his
speeches, given the context and the fact that Pliny had not yet begun to release his letters to a
wider public.432 Studia in 2.18.1 probably refers to speeches destined for publication after they
have been given, such as those indicated in 1.2433 and 7.30.434 Studia might equally suggest
speeches given in recitation before a small group of amici, an activity that seems only a slight
variation of the declamation Pliny attends in 2.18. In 3.18, a description of his recitation of the
Panegyricus, Pliny wonders whether the constancy of his friends should be considered a tribute
to himself or to studia (Mihi hunc honorem habitum putem an studiis? 3.18.5); for the speech
extended over three days and was, as Pliny makes plain, an event for amici by invitation only
431
It seems from Pl. Ep. 3.3 and 4.13 that a praeceptor taught rhetoric to praetexti either at home or in a
school after they were finished with the grammaticus, but before they entered their advanced rhetorical
training as young men at around 17. On the importance of the choice of praeceptor (and so the
signficance of Pliny's role in choosing) see Sherwin-White (1985) on Pl. Ep. 3.3.
432
Books 1-3 of the Epistles where likely published separately between 96-103 (see above section 5.1.2
and Sherwin-White [1985] loc. cit.).
433
Sherwin-White (see ad loc.) suggests that the earlier libelli mentioned in Pl. Ep. 1.2.6 libelli quos
emissimus dicuntur in manibus probably refer to the Sermo de bybliotheca (cf. Pl. Ep. 1.8) and the de
Helividi ultione or the Pro patria (the other being the speech – not yet published – under discussion in
this letter). These date from the period between 96-98.
434
Pl. Ep. 7.30 discusses the de Helividii ultione originally given before the Senate in 97 to vindicate
Helvidius, and published shortly thereafter. C. Helividius Priscus was condemned to death under
Domitian in 93. See Pl. Ep. 9.13 where Pliny writes to Quadratus, who has just been reading this speech.
Cf. also Pl. Ep. 3.11.3, 4.21, 7.30.4; Tac. Agr. 45; Suet. Dom. 10.
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(hunc librum cum amicis recitare voluissem, non per codicillos, non per libellos, sed 'si
commodum' et 'si valde vacaret' admoniti ... ut adicerem tertium diem exegerunt, 3.18.4). Clearly
recited speeches and speeches in the process of being revised for publication are considered
studia.
More interesting is Pliny's assertion that speeches in court are also studia. In a letter to
Cornelius Minicianus (3.9) commenting on the resolution of a series of actiones against
Caecilius Classicus (who held a too-profitable proconsulship in Baetica, cf. 3.4, 6.29.8) Pliny
remarks on the singleness of purpose between himself and Lucceius Albinus (who also spoke on
behalf of the Baetici), and suggests that he and Albinus were not affected by the general
reluctance to share success, even though this reluctance is especially acute for studia (Habet
quidem gloria, in studiis praesertim, quiddam ajkoinwvnhton; nobis tamen nullum certamen nulla
contentio, cum uterque pari iugo non pro se sed pro causa niteretur, 3.9.8). Of Valerius
Licinianus, a praetorian senator and prominent orator (inter eloquentissimos causarum actores
habebatur, 4.11.1), Pliny claims that he fouled studia (i.e. oratory itself) when he violated a
Vestal (haec ipsa studia incesti scelere macularit, 4.11.4). Similarly, when Pliny crows over the
apparent resurgence of oratory – and his own popularity – in 4.16 he calls it studia (Gaude meo,
gaude tuo, gaude etiam publico nomine: adhuc honor studiis durat, 4.16.1). Compare 4.24.4 on
Pliny's debt to oratory (Studiis processimus, studiis periclitati sumus, rursusque processimus),
6.2.1 on Regulus' dedication to oratory (Soleo numquam in iudiciis quaerere M. Regulum; nolo
enim dicere desiderare. Cur ergo quaero? Habebat studiis honorem), 6.11.3 on the promise of
two young orators (Quid enim aut publice laetius quam clarissimos iuvenes nomen et famam ex
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studiis petere), and 7.6.8 in which Pliny discusses the details of a recent case (quid enim prohibet
... de studiis disputare). These examples make it clear further that Pliny considered oratory in
toto to be studia.
While oratory in toto can be called studia, studia in toto is not simply oratory. 3.5, the
letter to Baebius Macer which lists the Elder Pliny's works, is indication enough of this; at
several points Pliny refers to the totality of his uncle's literary endeavors as studia.435 Philosophy
and rhetoric also hold a place in Pliny's notion of studia. In 1.10 Pliny extols the virtues of the
philosopher Euphrates, commenting that he is proof enough of the strength of liberalia studia at
Rome.436 Rhetorical studies, as we saw above in the discussion of 3.3 and 4.13 (see n. 431),
certainly also fell within the ambit of studia.
That poetry for Pliny also falls under the term studia is clear from a number of letters
addressed to or discussing his literary friends. For example, in 1.3 Pliny exhorts Caninius Rufus,
a friend of his from Comum and a frequent correspondent (and subject) for literary matters,437 to
435
Cf. Pl. Ep. 3.5.5 "Dubii sermones octo": scripsit sub Nerone novissimis annis, cum omne studiorum
genus paulo liberius et ercetius periculosum servitus fecisset; 3.5.8 erat sane somni paratissimi, non
numquam etiam inter ipsa studia instantis et deserentis. Cf. also 3.5.9 reversus domum, quod reliquum
temporis, studiis reddebat; 3.5.16 nam perire omne tempus arbitrabatur, quod studiis laboris non
impenderetur. These works include a technical work on weapons use, a biography, histories (including his
Natural History), a grammatical work, and a work on the training of the orator. See Pl. Ep. 3.5.3-6 for
details.
436
Pl. Ep. 1.10.1 Si quando urbs nostra liberalibus studiis floruit, nunc maxime floret. Multa claraque
exempla sunt; sufficeret unum, Euphrates philosophus.
437
Pl. Ep. 1.3, 2.8, 3.7, 6.21, 7.25, 8.4, 9.38.
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engage more fully in studia (Quin tu (tempus enim) humiles et sordidas curas aliis mandas, et
ipse te in alto isto pinguique secessu studiis adseris? 1.3.3). 8.4, in which Pliny discusses Rufus'
plans to write an epic poem on the Dacian war, and other letters – when they deal with literature
– all suggest clearly that Caninius Rufus is a poet(taster) who probably writes hexameter
poetry.438 Similarly in 2.10, Pliny exhorts Octavius Rufus to publish the results of his studia
(Hominem te patientem vel potius durum ac paene crudelem, qui tam insignes libros tam diu
teneas, 2.10.1 ... desine studia tua infinita ista cunctatione fraudare, 2.10.8); 2.10.3 tells us that
these books are poetry (Enotuerunt quidam tui versus, et invito te claustra sua refregerunt). The
poetry of Spurrina (3.1, comedy and lyric), Silius Italicus (3.7, epic), Passenus Paulus (9.22,
elegy), and Pliny himself (cf. chiefly 8.21 and 9.25, nugatory) is characterized as studia. It seems
clear that for Pliny nearly the whole gamut of elite literary writing at Rome falls under the term
studia.
The broad application of the term studia to almost any literary work (rather than simply
oratory) can in some cases elicit a subtly different interpretation of a given passage. 9.23 is a
good case in point. In 9.23439 Pliny narrates an event reported to him by Tacitus. Tacitus meets
an eques at the games who, after discussions on various learned topics asks Tacitus his origin,
Italy or one of the provinces (hunc post varios eruditosque sermones requisse, "Italicus es an
438
Cf. Pl. Ep. 3.7 to Caninius Rufus is Silius Italicus' obituary, 6.21 (by gentilicium only) is on a reading
given by Vergilius Romanus of his new comedy, 9.33 in which Pliny relates a tale about a boy saved by a
dolphin as potential material for a poem.
439
The date of this letter is bound up in its close connections to other letters that date from 106-7. It is
later than Pl. Ep. 7.20, a letter which mentions Tacitus' imminent publication of either the Dial. or the
Hist.
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provincialis?", 9.23.2). Tacitus replies that the man knows him ex studiis, to which the response
is, "Tacitus es an Plinius? (9.23.3)". Pliny begins this letter by suggesting that the equation of
Tacitus and himself on the grounds of studia brings him as much joy as the praise of the
Centumviral Court and the Senate; it is possible to understand studia here to indicate simply
oratory. Two considerations, however, suggest that Pliny in fact means their other literary works.
First, the initial mention of the Centumviral Court, then the Senate, and last studia suggests that
Pliny is deliberately describing his areas of studia: speeches in court,440 speeches in curia,441
literary publications. Second, Pliny remarks on his delight that his and Tacitus' names are linked
to litterae together. Pliny only uses litterae for epistles,442 or literature other than speeches.443 By
the time of this letter Pliny had published Books 1-6 of his Epistles (at least444) as well as any
number of speeches, and Tacitus the Agricola, the Germania, and Dialogus de Oratoribus (he
was also collecting material for the Histories at this time); there were certainly reasons enough to
compare the two men on the basis of writings other than oratory.445 The comparison of the more
public life of the Centumviral Court and Curia and the more private life of litterae has close ties
440
E.g. Pro Attia (cf. Pl. Ep. 6.33, Sid. Apoll. Epist. 8.10.3), In Priscum (Pl. Ep. 2.11).
441
E.g. Panegyricus, de Helividi ultione (Pl. Ep. 7.30.5).
442
Pl. Ep. 2.2.2, 3.20.11, 5.21.1, 6.7.3, 9.28.2.
443
Pl. Ep. 1.22.1 in reference to Titus Aristo, composer of light verse (cf. 5.3), and 8.24.2 on Greece as
the birthplace of literature (illam veram et meram Graeciam, in qua primum humanitas litterae).
444
See Sherwin-White (1985) 19-41 on the complicated chronology of the individual letters, and the basic
chronology of the publication of the books.
445
This does not include Pliny's poetry, which seems to have had a very restricted audience at this time.
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to another letter very important for understanding the rewards of success for his nugatory poetry,
9.25 (see further below).
Pliny is not an innovator in his use of the plural studia to denote a wide range of writing
of a literary nature. Tacitus' Aper, to take only one example, seems to place eloquentia and
studia within a similarly broad framework (above other arts) in his characterization of literary
endeavors suitable for those not by nature gifted for oratory:
neque hunc meum sermonem sic accipi volo, tamquam eos, quibus
natura sua oratorium ingenium denegavit, deterream a
carminibus, si modo in hac studiorum parte oblectare otium et
nomen inserere possunt famae. ego vero omnem eloquentiam
omnisque eius partis sacras et venerabilis puto, nec solum
cothurnum vestrum aut heroici carminis sonum, sed lyricorum
quoque iucunditatem et elegorum lascivas et iamborum
amaitudinem et epigrammatum lusus et quamcumque aliam
speciem eloquentia habet, anteponendam ceteris aliarum artium
studiis credo. (Tac. Dial. 10.3-4)
Where Pliny does seem to innovate is in the centrality of studia for his notion of elite culture.
One of the ways in which he accomplishes this is to abstract studia so that it becomes a generic
reference to any literary activity among the elite.
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5.1.2.3
Abstracting Studia
Sherwin-White, in a note on 2.18.1 (sedeo inter iuvenes ut solebam, atque etiam experior
quantum apud illos auctoritatis ex studiis habeo) glosses an example of this generic studiis, "sc.
'eloquentiae', as often in the Letters". If he understands eloquentia in the same way as Tacitus'
Aper, Sherwin-White is suggesting the same set of literary activities I describe above. There are
indications elsewhere that Sherwin-White often considers studia (and so in 2.18, at least,
eloquentia) to be oratory.446 While the context in 2.18 – Pliny's attendance at declamations and
the respect given him by the students ex studiis – confirms Sherwin-White's interpretation, in
some instances such a gloss is not entirely obvious or at least unwarranted (recall 9.23). In any
case, Pliny himself did not include a modifying genitive, and only very rarely includes any kind
of modifier beyond a possessive adjective.447
Context often does suggest to what type of literary activity studia points in any given
passage. But there are a number of instances in which studia must indicate an abstract "idea" of
literary activity rather than anything specific (i.e. recitation, or other publication), and it may be
that in other cases context actually prejudices our interpretation of the word studia. For example,
in 1.13 Pliny reports to Sosius Senecio that studia is thriving, as evidenced by a well attended
recitation (Iuvat me quod studia vigent, 1.13.1); Pliny seems to have poetry in mind (cf. 1.13.1
446
Cf. Sherwin-White (1985) 506 ad Pl. Ep. 9.23.2 "As commonly in Pliny studia means forensic
oratory." See above for another possible interpretation of Pl. Ep. 9.23.
447
Only 2 out of 69 instances: Pl. Ep. 1.10.1 liberalibus studiis, 5.16.8 altioribus studiis artibusque. To
these we might add 3.5.5 cum omne studiorum genus paulo liberius et erectius periculosum servitus
fecisset.
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Magnum proventum poetarum), but he later compares the disrespect of modern audiences to
those under Claudius, citing the example of Nonianus' recitation (M. Servilius Nonianus, cos. 35,
well known orator and patron of Persius).448 It seems to me prudent to assume Pliny has a wide
notion of studia in mind when he uses the term. In other instances studia is more strictly
abstracted. In 4.11, for example, Pliny condemns Valerius Licinianus for sullying studia (qui
haec ipsa studia incesti scelere macularit, 4.11.4), in 4.28 Pliny suggests to Vibius Severus that
he shows reverentia towards studia (tibi studiorum summa reverentia, summus amor
studiosorum, postremo quod patriam tuam omnesque, qui nomen eius auxerunt, ut patriam
ipsam veneraris et diligis. 4.28.2). In 6.2 Pliny laments the loss of Regulus' high esteem for
studia (though not Regulus himself!449). Here was a man, writes Pliny to Arrianus, who as an
adherent of ritual had the proper reverence for studia (Habebat studiis honorem ... a nimia
superstitione sed tamen a magno studiorum honore veniebat, 6.2.2); by contrast, others now
show no respect for studia (Tanta neglegentia tanta desidia, tanta denique inreverentia
studiorum periculorumque est). While 6.2 obviously refers to Regulus' dedication to oratory, the
negligence of audiences is a theme in letters dealing with poetic recitations also.450 In 8.12, a
448
Cf. Tac. Ann. 14.19 Sequuntur virorum inlustrium mortes, Domitii Afri et M. Servilii, qui summis
honoribus et multa eloquentia viguerant, ille orando causas, Servilius diu foro, mox tradendis rebus
Romanis celebris et elegantia vitae quam clariorem effecit, ut par ingenio, ita morum diversus. The
recitation was probably from these histories.
449
Pliny's feud with Regulus is legendary, and ugly; cf. Pl. Ep. 1.5, 2.11.22, 2.20.2-6, 4.2, 4.7.
450
Cf. Pl. Ep. 6.17.2-4 Recitabatur liber absolutissimus. Hunc duo aut tres, ut sibi et paucis videntur,
dierti surdis mutisque similes audiebant. Non labra diduxerunt, non moverunt manum, non deique
adsurrexerunt saltem lassitudine sedendi. Quae tanta gravitas? Quae tanta sapientia? Quae immo
pigritia adrogantia sinsteritas ac potius amentia, in hoc totum diem impendere ut offendas, ut inimicum
relinquas ad quem tamquam amicissimum veneris. Disertior ipse es? Tanto magis invideris; nam qui
invidet minor est.
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letter to his young protégé and countryman Minicianus, Pliny holds up Titinius Capito as a
paradigm for studia: Colit studia,451 studiosos amat fovet provehit, multorum qui aliqua
componunt portus sinus gremium, omnium exemplum, ipsarum denique litterarum iam
senescentium reductor ac reformator (8.12.1). Titinius Capito is an important person for Pliny, a
man of significant achievement and influence in the political realm.452 Pliny's approbation here
of Capito as a man of learning and promoter of literary activity seems paradigmatic of studia in
the Epistulae.
The abstraction of studia seems to me a significant step in Pliny's conceptualization of
literary achievement for elite culture in two ways. First, the abstraction gives a single name to a
long and varied tradition of literary pursuits among the elite. Second, the conflation of oratory
and other literature under one rubric through this abstraction suggests that the traditional social
consequences associated with success in oratory and the political arena (prestige, influence,
office, amici, etc.) may have been (or are in the process of being) by Pliny's time transferred to
"literature" and the literary arena depicted in the Epistles. For example, as we saw, Pliny
451
For the implications of colitur as a religious technical term see TLL 3.1679-1690 s.v. colere esp. VA2,
VB.
452
Cn. Octavius Titinius Capito (cf. Pl. Ep. 1.17 where Pliny reports he has erected statue in the forum to
L. Junius Silanus; in the same letter we discover that Capito writes poetry: Idem clarissimi cuiusque vitam
egregiis carminibus exornat, 1.17.3; cf. Bardon (1952) II.221; in 8.12 Pliny tells us that he also composed
works on the deaths of famous men [8.12.4]). He encouraged Pliny to write history (cf. Pl. Ep. 5.8).
Capito (cf. ILS 1448) served under Domitian in the Dacian wars and became ab epistulis / a patrimonio to
Domitian, then Nerva and Trajan both, until he became praefectus vigilum for Trajan before Trajan began
to use the name Daccius (i.e. just before 102). "He is the first of the equestrians known regularly to have
held one of the great secretariats formerly found in the hands of imperial freedmen." (Sherwin-White
[1985] 125)
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suggests strongly that Titinius Capito aids in the promotion of studiosi, a word elsewhere used of
students of rhetoric who attach themselves to a magnus vir.453 In a limited and simplified sense,
the aristocratic ideals of the Republic and the early years of the principate, including Pliny's own
time, are being mapped onto a parallel social construct in which these ideals may be acted out in
an apolitical (and so less dangerous) manner.454 Studia can act as a point of transference because
it comprises both activities traditionally associated with the political activity (political and
forensic speeches) and activities more purely literary (poetry, comedy, history, speeches, etc.).455
453
Cf. Pl. Ep. 6.6.3 erat non studiorum tantum, verum etiam studiosorum amantissimus ac prope cotidie
ad audiendos, quos tunc ego frequentabam, Quintilianum, Niceten Sacerdotem ventitabat, vir alioqui
clarus et gravis, et qui prodesse filio memoria sui debeat and Tac. Dial. 21.2.3 at hercule in omnium
studiosorum manibus versantur accusationes quae in Vatinium inscribuntur, ac praecipue secunda ex his
oratio. See also Sherwin-White (1985) 66-67. It is hard to construe provehere in 8.12 as anything other
than "furthering careers", given Capito's status and office (cf. OLD s.v. provehere 4). Pliny (who seems to
have been a junior friend of Capito) does the same for his own junior friends (such as Suetonius). Cf.
letters of commendation in which studia serves as an indicator of worth: Pl. Ep. 2.13 on Voconius Rufus
(In primis ama hominem; nam licet tribuas ei quantum amplissimum potes, nihil tamen amplius potes
amicitia tua; cuius esse eum usque ad intimam familiaritatem capacem quo magis scires, breviter tibi
studia mores omnem denique vitam eius expressi, 2.13.10), 6.26 on betrothal of Servianus' daughter to
Fuscus Salinator (Gaudeo et gratulor, quod Fusco Salinatori filiam tuam destinasti. Domus patricia,
pater honestissimus, mater pari laude; ipse studiosus litteratus etiam disertus, puer simplicitate comitate
iuvenis senex gravitate, 6.26.1), 7.20 to Tacitus (Quae omnia huc spectant, ut invicem ardentius
diligamus, cum tot vinculis nos studia mores fama, suprema denique hominum iudicia constringant,
7.20.7) 7.22 on Cornelius Minicianus (Natus splendide abundat facultatibus, amat studia ut solent
pauperes. 7.22.2), 7.31 on Claudius Pollio (nam studia quoque sicut alias bonas artes veneratur, 7.31.5).
454
This is not necessarily an essential distinction, since literature can reflect political aims and interests as
much as a speech; the Dialogus of Tacitus has its inception in this problem as Maternus' friends point out
the risks he has taken with his tragedy. But it remains true that political activity (i.e. in the forum and in
the courts) and poetic activity under a patron-amicus (i.e. as a primary activity, as with e.g. Horace)
appear not to have been carried out by the same people before Pliny's age. Note that Pliny does not
acknowledge a patron-amicus.
455
Although literary pursuits can be seen as exercises and/or preparatory for oratorical training. In this
regard Pliny is unlike Quintilian, for example, since he obviously endorses the continuation of literary
studia, giving them a cultural and indeed, as we shall see, social value for the orator beyond the
expediency of developing eloquentia. See below on Pl. Ep. 7.9 and 9.25.
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In the following section I shall explore this conflation of arenas in studia which I suggest by
examining how Pliny conceptualizes studia as an activity in terms of both otium and negotium.456
5.1.2.4
The otium and negotium of studia
Otium and negotium are conceptually distinct categories in Roman thought, as their
etymology implies, which are strongly connected to literature on the one hand, and public affairs
(including oratory) on the other.457 And so, in conceptual terms, poetry is composed during
periods of otium, and oratory performed as a negotium.458 Pliny is constantly holding up life in
secessu (i.e. otium or lack of business) as an essential component of the life of studia; as far as
456
A traditional way of viewing literary activity against political activity of any kind. In Tac. Dial., for
instance, the traditional career activities of the elite male (his negotium), through which he and his family
maintained or increased status, prominence, and wealth, have been set aside by Maternus. From Aper's
point of view, Maternus is not fulfilling his duty to family, friends, and state, his social contract. Aper's
specific criticisms in Dial. 5 and 9 are revealing when set against the earlier arguments of Cicero in Off. 1
concerning the virtuous man (cf. Cic. Off. 1.22 non nobis solum nati sumus ortusque nostri partem patria
vindicat, partem amici; 1.69 (also 70-73) Vacandum autem omni est animi perturbatione, cum cupiditate
et metu, tum etiam aegritudine et voluptate nimia et iracundia, ut tranquillitas animi et securitas adsit,
quae affert cum constantiam tum etiam dignitatem. Multi autem et sunt et fuerunt, qui eam, quam dico,
tranquillitatem expetentes a negotiis publicis se removerint ad otiumque perfugerint, in his et nobilissimi
philosophi longeque principes et quidam homines severi et graves, nec populi nec principum mores ferre
potuerunt vixeruntque non nulli in agris delectati re sua familiari.) inasmuch as together they show a
continuity of thought about the civic/political duties of members of the elite, and the antithetical nature of
literary pursuits in this conceptual framework.
457
Cf. André (1966) – still, and likely to remain, the fundamental work on otium – 531 "L'otium a
toujours été écartelé entre l'otium-pax et l'otium-relaxatio." Negotium, on the other hand, arises from lack
of relaxatio and from military activity.
458
Cf. esp. Dial. 5.3 'Securus sit,' inquit Aper, 'et Saleius Bassus et quisquis alius studium poeticae et
carminum gloriam fovet, cum causas agere non possit. ego enim, quatenus arbitrum litis huius †inveniri,
non patiar Maternum societate plurium defendi, sed ipsum solum apud †eos arguam, quod natus ad
eloquentiam virilem et oratoriam, qua parere simul et tueri amicitias, adsciscere necessitudines,
complecti provincias possit, omittit studium, quo non aliud in civitate nostra vel ad utilitatem fructuosius
<vel ad voluptatem dulcius vel ad dignitatem> vel ad dignitatem amplius vel ad urbis famam pulchrius
vel ad totius imperii atque omnium gentium notitiam inlustrius excogitari potest.
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oratory (traditionally a negotium) in concerned, otium is needed for the revision of speeches for
publication, though not for the practice of oratory. Recall that speeches given in court (actiones)
are a part of studia. Thus, even though Pliny's studia conflates traditionally separate oratory
(both given and published speeches) and poetry under one rubric, otium and negotium as
conceptual categories remain in force: oratory as negotium (actio) becomes distinct from oratory
in secessu (oratio).459
The tendency in Roman literature to view otium as the well-spring of creative activity for
writing of all kinds in particular finds its best expression in Pliny's letters on the villa life (cf. e.g.
1.3, 1.9, 2.17, 5.6, 9.3, etc.). Most recently Hoffer (1999) has explored the theme in his The
Anxieties of Pliny the Younger.460 As he makes clear there, the topos of an otium litteratum is an
old one, and deeply ingrained in Roman literary culture.461 I have suggested that one aspect of
Pliny's studia – speeches given in court – was without exception considered negotium, while
another – speeches revised for publication – seems to be more strongly conceptualized as an
otium activity. But if studia (as all literary activity) is acting as a point of transference for oratory
459
Bütler (1970) 41-57 takes the opposite approach, tracing the conflicts between otium and negotium in
Pliny's Epistulae. On the difference between spoken and published speech, cf. Pl. Ep. 1.20.9 At [sc. you
will object] aliud est actio bona, aliud oratio. Scio nonnullis ita videri, sed ego (forsitan fallar)
persuasum habeo posse fieri ut sit actio bona quae non sit bona oratio, non posse non bonam actionem
esse quae sit bona oratio.
460
See Guillemin (1926) and (1937), André (1966) "Troisiême Partie" 385-403, and most recently Hoffer
(1999) 29-44, 111-118.
461
Otium Litteratum as Guillemin remarked sometime ago was becoming more and more acceptable at
least since Cicero (we scarcely have the means to address the question before him in any case); see
Guillemin (1929) 14, Bütler 1970, 42, and Riggsby (1998) 86 n.27. But Tac. Dial. serves as a corrective
in assuming that constant otium had little social consequence.
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between negotium and otium, it may also be possible that Pliny and his literary friends could
conceptualize an aspect of studia (e.g. poetry) traditionally considered an otium activity as a
negotium.
The suggestion that poetry might have a social consequence similar to negotium will be
examined in depth below in connection with gloria and Pliny's attitudes towards success. For
now, however, a few examples will suffice to illustrate how the broad conception of studia may
act to blur the lines between the consequences of otium and negotium. Early in Book 1 of the
Epistulae (1.3) Pliny urges Caninius Rufus to turn over day-to-day affairs, retreat into his home,
and write something (Quin tu (tempus enim) humiles et sordidas curas aliis mandas, et ipse te in
alto isto pinguique secessu studiis adseris? 1.3.3).462 Rufus is urged, paradoxically, to make
writing his negotium and his otium (hoc sit negotium tuum, hoc otium, 1.3.3). The series of
paradoxes which follow (hic labor, haec quies; in his vigilia, in his etiam somnus reponantur,
1.3.3) serves to accentuate the consuming intensity of the proposed effort, and perhaps its
importance: it will serve as an everlasting memorial for Caninius, one which will outlast any
other possession (effinge aliquid et excude, quod sit perpetuo tuum. Nam reliqua rerum tuarum
post te alium atque alium dominum sortientur, hoc numquam tuum desinet esse si semel coeperit,
1.3.4). This statement of Pliny's (and, for example, the curiously similar Hor. Carm. 3.30 exegi
monumentum) draws on the attitudes described in the discussion of memoria, political success,
and elite culture in Chapter One; I explore this connection further below in section 5.1.3.
462
We later learn that Caninius Rufus writes poetry. Cf. Pl. Ep. 2.8, 3.7, 6.21, 7.25, 8.4, 9.38.
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Pliny gives justifications for holding recitations by exploiting parallels to negotium
activities: seeking iudicium and certain aspects of amicitia. As Hoffer suggests, this tactic may
very well be employed to counter the dangers of invidia.463 This seems to be the underlying
motive in a letter to Caecilius Celer (7.17), who has recently reported some criticisms leveled
against Pliny for reading speeches to friends: we discover that Pliny is soliciting the advice and
critical thoughts of his friends in order to improve the work for broader publication, for it is the
wider audience – i.e. after publication – which will bring him praise (Nec vero ego dum recito
laudari, sed dum legor cupio, 7.17.7). He often characterizes this solicitation for criticism as
iudicium, a term often applied to the formal advice given in legal cases.464 Pliny's reasons for
attending recitations appear to be likewise motivated and fueled by a desire to reciprocate
(gratia) and by a sense of duty (officium), two other characteristic qualities of elite amicitia: in
Ep. 8.12 Pliny reports that he will attend a recitation about to be given by Titinius Capito without
fail out of respect for Capito's service to studia (recitaturus est Titinius Capito, quem ego audire
nescio magis debeam an cupiam, 8.12.1 ... porro tanto turpius gratiam non referre, quanto
honestior causa referendae, 8.12.2).
463
Hoffer (1999) 10-11: "Pliny therefore emphasizes the mutual benefits that arise from friendly
exchange, what one might call a "virtuous cycle" of friendship. Rather than being stuck in a vicious circle
of envy, detraction, and revenge, they eagerly and selflessly help each other, and they incidently derive
benefit for themselves as a side-effect."
464
Cf. Pl. Ep. 1.7.3 Tenebo ergo hoc temperamentum, ut ex duobus, quorum alterutrum petis, eligam id
potius, in quo non solum studio tuo verum etiam iudicio satisfaciam; Pl. Ep. 3.4.2 Nam cuius integra re
consilium exquirere optassem, huius etiam peracta iudicium nosse mire concupisco.
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Recitations themselves can function in ways similar to like events connected with
negotium. For instance, in 5.17 the recitation given by the young Calpurnius Piso (who later
becomes cos. ord. in 111) of his poem katasterismoiv is described in a manner similar to the
report in 6.11 of two young men (Fuscus Salinator – cos. ord. 118, and Ummidius Quadratus –
cos. suff. 118) facing off in the Centumviral Court.465 What is more, Calpurnius Piso and his
supportive brother both earn, in Pliny's opinion, the approval of their family's imagines (quae
[imagines] nunc mihi adulescentes tacitae laudare adhortari, et quod amborum gloriae satis
magnum est agnoscere videntur.), just as Pliny hopes the two young orators continue on their
own path to success (Quid enim aut publice laetus quam clarissimos iuvenes nomen et famam ex
studiis petere, 6.11.3). There seems to be, then, a considerable overlay in Pliny of otium and
negotium brought about by the conflation of the two arenas under the term studia and the general
influence of amicitia in the Epistulae.
5.1.3
Memoria and Motivations
We are in a unique position to examine elite motives for writing poetry, for Pliny
presents these to us in the letters. Pliny's motivation for his studia (in all its aspects), and the
motivation which he holds before his literary friends in their own pursuits, is quite clearly
articulated in a number of letters. We have already seen how in 1.3 Pliny attempts to persuade
465
In both letters Pliny discusses the fact that these iuvenes are exceptional (Pl. Ep. 5.17.1, 6.11.1),
comments on their future potential (5.17.4, 6.11.1) and their ingenium (5.17.3, 6.11.2), and enumerates
the qualities of eloquentia displayed in each case (5.17.2-3, 6.11.2). Both events serve as an important
indicator of the rise of studia (5.17.3, 6.11.3).
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Caninius Rufus to write and publish in order to preserve something of himself after death (see
above). This is by no means an uncommon sentiment in the Epistulae; the link between studia
and memoria in the Epistulae is organic. For Pliny and his friends, the drive to write – and more
important publish – is a manifestation of the drive to be commemorated, to have a share in
memoria. For our purposes a few examples will suffice to illustrate how Pliny's Epistulae reflect
traditional ways of thinking about literature and memoria.
A number of Pliny's letters suggest motivations for writing identical to Tacitus'
motivations for writing the de vita Agricolae (see above section 1.4). In 3.5, for example, Pliny
lists among the catalogue of his uncle's writings the de vita Pomponi Secundi (in two books):
"because he had been so greatly loved by him, he produced this for the memoria of his friend as
if he discharged a debt owed" (a quo singulariter amatus hoc memoriae amici quasi debitum
munus exsolvit, 3.5.3). Pliny himself wrote a work in an attempt to honor the memoria of the son
of Vestricius Spurinna and Cottia (neque enim adfectibus meis uno libello carissimam mihi
sanctissimam memoriam prosequi satis est, cuius famae latius consuletur, si dispensata et
digesta fuerit, 3.10.3). He also gives in his letters detailed narratives on illustrious men (laudes
hominum and obituaries 1.10, 12, 22; 2.1, 3; 3.1, 5, 7, 11, 21; 4.21; 5.5, 6, 21; 6.6; 7.19, 24, 25;
8.5, 23; 9.9, 36, 40), some of which are explicitly aimed at perpetuating memoria, and all
implicitly so. At the end of Chapter One, I explored in detail the significance of memoria for
why and how Pliny chose to remember Verginius Rufus.
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A man might also preserve his own memoria through his writing. In 5.5, for example,
Pliny announces the death of Gaius Fannius, who died before completing his last great work, a
history of those killed or banished under Nero which was popular with readers (Quamvis enim
agendis causis distringeretur, scribebat tamen exitus occisorum aut relegatorum a Nerone et
iam tres libros absolverat subtiles et diligentes et Latinos atque inter sermonem historiamque
medios, ac tanto magis reliquos perficere cupiebat, quanto frequentius hi lectitabantur, 5.5.3).
Pliny laments that death always overtakes those engaged in immortale aliquid in an untimely
fashion, for they, thinking of their posterity, are always working on some project in order to
preserve their own memoria (qui vero posteros cogitant, et memoriam sui operibus extendunt,
his nulla mors repentina est, ut quae semper incohatum aliquid abrumpat, 5.5.4).
The effort to be remembered through his own literary works is also explicitly connected
to memoria by Pliny. In 5.8 Pliny makes reply to Titinius Capito's suggestion that he write
history. Pliny likes the idea (although he appears not to have written one; cf. 1.1.1) because it
allows an author to spread abroad his own fama along with that of those he saves from being lost
to memory (quia mihi pulchrum in primis videtur non pati occidere, quibus aeternitas debeatur,
aliorumque famam cum sua extendere, 5.8.1). It is the desire for a lasting memoria which
underlies his eagerness to write, says Pliny, a desire which is most worthy of the effort,
especially for a man who has no anxiety about what memoria will remember (Me autem nihil
aeque ac diuturnitatis amor et cupido sollicitat, res homine dignissima, ego praesertim qui
nullius sibi conscius culpae posteritatis memoriam non reformidet, 5.8.2).
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The novelty of Pliny's approach to the organic link between writing/studia and memoria
is that he extends the commemorative function of nugatory poetry to include the author (and not
just the subjects) of the poems. Ep. 2.10, for example, embraces a number of the issues which
have arisen so far in the discussion of studium, and which resonate strongly with earlier
discussions about memoria in Chapter One, as well as with Martial's anxiety about theft and
authorship in Chapter Four. Pliny writes to Octavius Rufus,466 scolding him for withholding his
versus, and accusing him of denying himself laus and Pliny voluptas (Quousque et tibi et nobis
invidebis, tibi maxima laude, nobis voluptate? Ep. 2.10.1). Pliny, with an allusion to Ennius,
demands that Rufus allow the verses to be made public;467 the situation is made more pressing
because some of his poems are circulating already, and may be "stolen" by other poets (a theme
prevalent in Martial, see above).468 These poems will be a monument which will outlast any
human frailty.469 For Pliny it is the publication of Rufus' poems to a wider audience (and the
renown which will result for his friend) which will be the source of his voluptas, not simply
466
Generally held to be C. Marius Marcellus Octavius Publius Cluvius Rufus (cos. suff. 80).
467
Pl. Ep. 2.10.2 Sine per ora hominum ferantur isdemque quibus lingua Romana spatiis pervagentur. Cf.
Enn. Epigrams 17-18 V (=ROL 9-10) nemo me lacrumis decoret neu funera fletu | faxit. cur? volito vivo'
per ora virum.
468
Pl. Ep. 2.10.3-4 Enotuerunt quidam tui versus, et invito te claustra sua refregerunt. Hos nisi retrahis in
corpus, quandoque ut errones aliquem cuius dicantur invenient.
469
Including dependence on friends to publish them after his death (cf. 2.10.4, 5 sed dispice ne sit parum
providum, sperare ex aliis quod tibi ipse non praestes. ... Habe ante oculos mortalitate, a qua adserere te
hoc uno monimento potes; nam cetera fragilia et caduca non minus quam ipsi homines occidunt
desinuntque.
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reading them,470 since it seems likely from Ep. 1.7 that Rufus has already sent him some of the
poems (at least the ones which are circulating without his consent) as part of an informal
exchange between amici.471 Likewise, the permanent monument Rufus' poems will provide him
requires an audience, just as memoria requires posterity to bear witness to it (see above, section
1.1). Julius Avitus (cf. 5.21), as far as Pliny is concerned, serves as a sad reminder of the
consequences of not publishing studia: Quo ille studiorum amore flagrabat! quantum legit,
quantum etiam scripsit! quae nunc omnia cum ipso sine fructu posteritatis abierunt (Ep. 5.21.5).
As Pliny writes in Ep. 4.16, there is no shortage of readers or listeners for worthy literary works,
it is simply a question of making worthy literary works available to them (Sunt qui audiant, sunt
qui legant nos modo dignum aliquid auribus dignum chartis elaboremus. Ep. 4.16.3).
Julius Avitus had, tragically, been a young man when he died. Octavius Rufus, however,
as far as it is possible to tell (see n. 466) had been suffect consul in 80 (i.e. well before the letter
was written), and had thus arguably earned a certain renown already. Cn. Pedanius Fuscus
470
Cf. Ep. 5.10 the letter to Suetonius, in which Pliny exhorts Suetonius to publish his verses in order to
garner a name for himself (note here to the use of voluptas for pleasure arising from another's renown):
Patere me videre titulum tuum, patere audire describi legi venire volumia Tranquilli mei. Aequum est nos
in amore tam mutuo eandem percipere ex te voluptatem, qua tu perfrueris ex nobis. Ep. 5.10.3.
471
This seems to have been a step preliminary to recitation before a group of amici then publication (see
Starr [1987]). In 7.17.12 Pliny explains his own practice to Caecilius Celer: Ego enim non populum
advocare sed certos electosque soleo, quos intuear quibus credam, quos denique et tamquam singulos
observem et tamquam non singulos timeam. Cf. also 8.19.2 Est autem mihi moris, quod sum daturus in
manus hominum, ante amicorum iudicio examinare, in primis tuo, and the angry(?) final word to his
critics on reciting poetry in 5.3.11 Atque haec ita disputo quasi populum in auditorium, non in cubiculum
amicos advocarim, quos plures habere multis gloriosum, reprehensioni nemini fuit. Vale. See WallaceHadrill (1988) 54 and Riggsby (1997) 48 on the degree of intimacy indicated by the cubiculum.
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Salinator, later to become cos. ord. in 118 and the first colleague of Hadrian,472 receives quite
different advice in 7.9. At the time of the letter (106) Fuscus Salinator seems to have been
around 25 years of age, and fully embarked on a career in the courts (recall Ep. 6.11 in which
Pliny suggests that he and Ummidius Quadratus are destined for greatness); cf. 7.9.7 Scio nunc
tibi esse praecipuum studium orandi; sed non ideo semper pugnacem hunc et quasi bellatorium
stilum suaserim. Pliny advises Salinator to practice several types of composition in secessu (i.e. a
period of otium) in order to develop further his facility in both speaking and writing.473 Among
the types of composition endorsed is light verse: Fas est et carmine remitti, non dico continuo et
longo (id enim perfici nisi in otio non potest), sed hoc arguto et brevi, quod apte quanta libet
occupationes curasque distinguit (7.9.9). The tone of the letter from 7.9.10ff is decidedly
protreptic, as Pliny offers justifications for composing such poetry similar to those offered in his
own defense in 5.3.5-6 (see above). Remarkable among the comments in this section is the
opening thought of this protreptic: Lusus vocantur; sed hi lusus non minorem gloriam quam
seria consequuntur (7.9.10). Nugatory poetry, according to Pliny, could bring Salinator gloria
equal to that earned by his seria.474 But Pliny does not suggest to Salinator that he publish his
472
He also seems to have entertained hopes for the succession through marriage with Hadrian's daughter;
cf. SHA Hadr. 23.2.
473
Cf. 7.9.2 Utile in primis, et multi praecipiunt, vel ex Graeco in Latinum vel ex Latino vertere in
Graecum. Quo genere exercitationis proprietas splendorque verbroum, copia figurarum, vis explicandi,
praeterea imitatione optimorum similia inveniendi facultas paratur ... intelligentia ex hoc et iudicium
adquiritur.
474
The context of the letter suggests that seria be construed as forensic oratory. Elsewhere in the
Epistulae seria is contrasted with ioci (Pl. Ep. 2.13.5), and it is often used in the context of speaking
about orators or oratory (cf. Pl. Ep. 5.3.4, 7.4.6, 8.14.8). The classic example is 8.21.3: describing how he
was called away from a recitation to the courts, Pliny says, Addidi hunc ordinem me et in scribendo sequi,
ut necessitates voluptatibus, seria iucundis anteferrem, ac primum amicis tum mihi scriberem.
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poetry, nor that he recite it before a small group of friends (as he had Octavius Rufus), although
he holds out the tantalizing possibility of gloria from literary efforts if he should be successful.
In Pliny's world-view nugatory poetry plays a surprisingly active and vital role in the
public lives of the political elite. Because nugatory poetry has become a more public activity for
the elite in general it is not entirely unforeseen that members of the political elite (like Pliny)
would interpret – and more important anticipate – the motivations and consequences of success
in the literary arena in terms of their motivations and success in the political arena. We shall see
in the following pages what importance this basic assumption has for our interpretation of a
poet's success and renown, and the organic link between memoria, gloria, and poetry in Pliny's
literary world.
5.2
Success in poetry
What becomes most curiously obvious from the examination of terms of praise applied to
poets is how restricted Pliny's use of terms is. The reasons for this are logical, and arise, I think,
from Pliny's political culture. In the Epistulae Pliny characterizes the success and renown of
poets almost entirely in terms of laus/laudare. To be sure, Livy has nomen in 2.3, perhaps for
philosophical writing (see below), Pliny and Tacitus share nomen for studia in 9.23 (see above),
and Pliny suggests that he might further his fama by writing history in 5.8. But for poets (with
only two exceptions), the marker of success and renown is laus. In section 5.2.1 I present
examples of laus for poets (dividing the instances into those given in the context of recitation,
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and those given as exchange between amici) as well as the two exceptions. In section 5.2.2 I
present examples of laus applied to Pliny as poet.
5.2.1 Praising Poets
Recitation is the most common forum for laus, one entirely in keeping with the basic
semantic for the term (voiced and public naming, a transient phenomenon). In 1.13 Pliny extends
laus to poets who in writing and reciting their poetry risk the scorn and disrespect of certain
"literary" figures (Sed tanto magis laudandi probandique sunt, quos a scribendique studio haec
auditorum vel desidia vel superbia non retardat, 1.13.5). Recitation is likewise the venue for
laus in 2.10 (Quousque et tibi et nobis invidebis, tibi maxima laude, nobis voluptate? 2.10.2). In
5.17 the young Calpurnius Piso who recited his Greek poem on the stars receives laudes from
Pliny himself (incitavi laudibus, 5.17.4) which he describes as the most motivating form of
encouragement (qui est acerrimus stimulus monendi, 5.17.4). In 6.17 an undisclosed amicus
suffered the rejection of an inconsiderate audience; Pliny suggests that one should give laus as a
social courtesy, rather than withholding it out of some misplaced invidia.
Laus is also given outside of the context of recitation, as between friends. In 3.7.3, Silius
managed, after a danger-strewn career, to live and die in laudabile otium – which was spent
writing poetry. In 6.21 Pliny comments that the world can still produce poetry worth praising
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(Neque enim quasi lassa et effeta natura mihi nihil iam laudabile parit, 6.21.1).475 In 7.4 Pliny
remarks that Cicero and earlier orators had composed nugatory poetry for oblectatio and laus
(coepi reputare maximos oratores hoc studii genus et in oblectationibus habuisse et in laude
posuisse, 7.4.4). Fuscus Salinator is urged in 7.9 to attempt translation from Greek to Latin;
successful translations often bring laus (multos videmus eius modi certamina sibi cum multa
laude sumpsisse, 7.9.4). In 8.4 Pliny offers laus to his friend Caninius Rufus for his nugatory
poetry (In summa potero fortasse scripta tua magis probare laudare, quanto illa tardius
cautiusque, sed ipsum te magis amabo magisque laudabo, quanto celerius et incautius miseris,
8.4.8). Pliny, anxious that his praise should be construed as sincere, is careful to characterize his
favorable judgment of Sentius Augurinus' poems as the iudicium of an equal rather than the
gratia of an inferior (Si laudatus a te laudare te coepero, vereor ne non tam proferre iudicium
meum quam referre gratiam videar, 9.8.1). A similar anxiety underlies praise offered to Sardus
in 9.31 (Laudem pariter et gratias agam? 9.31.2) and Caninius Rufus in 9.38 (Ego verum Rufum
nostro laudo, non quia tu ut ita facerem petisti sed quia est ille dignissimus, 9.38.1).
There are two exceptions to the observation that laus predominates as a term of praise.476
In 1.16, a poem to Erucius Clarus about Pompeius Saturninus, Pliny suggests that Saturninus is
due the honor nowadays often granted only dead writers (eiusdem nunc honor praesentis et
475
Cf. Mart. 5.10, and discussion above.
476
In Pl. Ep. 3.21.3 (Fuit moris antiqui, eos qui vel singulorum laudes vel urbium scripserat, aut
honoribus aut pecunia ornare) honoribus should be construed in its metonymic sense, i.e. "office",
"statue", vel. sim. And in any case, this passage implicitly denies Martial honor.
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gratia quasi satietate languescit? 1.16.8). Pliny laments likewise in 7.25 that many a brilliant
talent is lost to fama through modesty or non-participation (O quantum eruditorum aut modestia
ipsorum aut quies operit ac subtrahit famae! 7.25.1).
5.2.2 Praising Pliny
Pliny himself also suggests laus for his poetry. In 4.14 Pliny states that he shows his
appreciation of Plinius Paternus' opinion in giving him the whole work to read and judge, instead
of giving him a selection simply to admire (Ego quanti faciam iudicium tuum, vel ex hoc potes
aestimare, quod malui omnia a te pensitari quam electa laudari, 4.14.6). And in 5.3 Pliny
suggests that the emulation of the great men of the past both in seria and in lusus (here nugatory
poetry) is laudabile (Ab illis autem quibus notum est, quos quantosque auctores sequar, facile
impetrari posse confido, ut errare me sed cum illis sinant, quorum non seria modo verum etiam
lusus exprimere laudabile est, 5.3.4).
5.3
Literary gloria in Pliny's Epistulae and the magnus vir
In the following sections I examine how Pliny characterizes success in poetry within the
context of the semantic of gloria and previous discussions connecting gloria to the magnus vir.
The use of gloria in this way in Pliny's Epistulae is, I think, significant in several ways. First,
because laus is predominant as a term of praise for poetry in Pliny (almost to the exclusion of
other terms), the use of gloria in the same context is conspicuous. Second, Pliny's literary life, as
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we saw above, seems carefully structured to generate the minimum of invidia;477 a claim of
gloria for his poetry seems to run counter to this general trend. Last – an observation that takes
its significance from the preceding comments – Pliny does not otherwise talk a great deal about
his reputation as a poet. The claims for his poetry in 9.25, which we shall examine in detail
below, are all the more remarkable. In section 5.4.1 I explain how Pliny attributes gloria for
literary accomplishments only to individuals who are not active in the pursuit of political gloria,
and suggests literature's potential for young men embarking on the pursuit of gloria. In section
5.4.2 I examine Pliny's characterization of his own achievements in terms of gloria in a close
reading of Epistle 9.25.
5.3.1 All for gloria, and gloria for all?
Pliny singles out only a very few people in the Epistulae as recipients of gloria for their
literary achievements (Vestricius Spurinna in 1.16, Livy in 2.3.8, and the two Calpurnii Pisones
in 5.17), and holds the possibility of gloria before a couple of others as a lure toward the literary
life (Atilius Crescens in 6.8 and Fuscus Salinator in 7.9). These occurrences of gloria make up
the rest of the exceptions to the observation that gloria in Pliny is most often applied to a vir
magnus for public duties (these were listed at the end of section 5.2.1). These examples have one
thing in common: either by virtue of their retirement (Spurinna), age (Calpurnii Pisones), or
means and inclination (Atilius Crescens) all of the individuals who receive gloria through their
477
This reluctance to generate invidia may be the reason for the use of laus, rather than honor and fama,
both of which in Pliny are significant markers of political success.
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studia/poetry are not politically active.478 Also noteworthy is the fact that all of these are of
independent means, and unattached to any particular patron-amicus for their literary efforts; it
may be significant that these two characteristics are requisite for the vir magnus.
Passenus Paulus is an excellent counter-example in this regard. He does not merit gloria
himself, but Pliny suggests that his recovery from a serious illness will render gloria to litterae.
Passenus is a descendent of Propertius (Pl. Ep. 9.22.2; cf. ILS 2925 C. PASSENNO | C. f. SERG.
| PAULLO | PROPERTIO | BLAESO) and so probably likewise an eques. But 6.15 (a letter
describing the debacle of his recent recitation) makes it clear that Paulus has not the status of a
Pliny: Prisce iubes (6.15.2) sets Paulus in the role of poet addressing a patron-amicus, and the
uncomfortable incident which results (Priscus shouts out from the audience "Ego vero non
iubeo") is, I think, Pliny's polite criticism of a social equal479 for his conduct towards his lesser
friends (i.e. Priscus' conduct toward Passenus). Pliny, for example, never describes a request for
his poetry or letters in this way, preferring to use flagitare (cf. 1.8, 4.14, 9.2, 9.25). White (1993)
266-8 (his "Appendix One") discusses the importance of iubere for literary requests:
Clearly the examples are numerous enough that it is fair to
characterize iubere as being a conventional term in such contexts
... But what is more important about the use of iubere is that (as
478
For Fuscus Salinator's liminal position between otium and negotium see below (Fuscus has not yet
explicitly earned gloria, although Pliny suggests it might be in the future).
479
C. Octavius Tidius Tossianus Lucius Javolenus Priscus (cos. suff. 86), PIR2 I 14, a prominent jurist and
member of Trajan's consilium was a distinguished legatus for the Emperor; cf. ILS 1015.
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with "tell" and "bid" in English) the nuance of the command
which it conveys is significantly weaker than in other Latin verbs
meaning "order" or "command".480
White goes on to suggest that in these cases iubere reflects the original use of an imperative. This
is an interesting observation, and important. But I would call into question other elements of his
analysis. First, all "literary requests" are not alike; it is important to distinguish among his
examples those directed to poets and those directed to others (whether historical or informational
or declamatory). Corollary to this observation is the overturning of White's suggestion that there
is no essential indication of status disparity between "initiator" and "recipient" of a request.481 If
we focus on recipients of the request who are poets and put aside fictive or unknown initiators,
every example in White's data is in fact "initiator" of superior status to poet "recipient".482 Given
the context painted in Ep. 6.15 and the actual use of iubere in requests for poetry, it seems safe to
argue that Passenus Paulus is a poet dependent – as Pliny and his friends are not – on the support
of a magnus vir. The following examples are instances in which Pliny ascribes gloria to a
magnus vir for literary matters.
480
White (1993) 267.
481
White (1993) 267 "... it is the recipient rather than the initiator of a request who resorts to peremptory
terms to characterize it, ... peremptory language does not necessarily correlate with superior status. ...
while the initiator often does enjoy superior status or wield greater authority than the recipient of the
request, that is evidently not the case in nos. 1, 2, 3, 9, 11, 15, 18." White's observation is made on the
basis of 7 out of 27 examples: but in 7 (Prop. 3.3.16), 9 (Hor. Ep. 2.263), and 15 (Mart. Epigr. 4.17.1) the
intiator is fictive or unknown.
482
White (1993) 267-8, examples 4 (Verg. Ecl. 6.9), 5 (Verg. Ecl. 8.11), 6 (Verg. G. 3.41), 8 (Prop.
3.9.52), 10 (Ov. Am. 2.1.3), 13 (Stat. Silv. 1.pr.3), 14 (Mart. 2.6.1), 16 (Mart. 11.42.3), 17 (Pl. Ep. 6.15.2),
22 (Ausonius, Praefationes 3.9 Green), 23 (Ausonius, Epigrammata 7 titulus Green), and 24 (Ausonius
Cento nuptialis praef.).
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Vestricius Spurinna is the magnus vir whose conduct in otium Pliny holds up as a model
of behavior. Although the details of Spurinna's career are not known in full detail, it is quite
certain that he was one of the most prominent members of the political elite in Pliny's time. He
was a consul ter, holding his first probably under Vespasian.483 A number of military
appointments are likely (he seems to have been praetorius under Otho already in 69 and cf. 2.7.2
for his generalship in Germany).484 His second consulship in 98 (with Trajan as absent
colleague), and third in 100 are indicators of his importance in securing the transfer of power (as
also his consulship under Vespasian). He also served on Nerva's economy commission with
Verginius Rufus and Julius Frontinus (Pl. Ep. 1.9). If one could claim gloria on the traditional
military and political grounds, it would be Spurinna.
Curiously, although Pliny clearly regards Spurinna's political accomplishments as an
example to emulate, it is his lifestyle in otium and his literary accomplishments to which Pliny
devotes the most attention in 3.1.485 We might contrast Spurinna's colleague Verginius Rufus,
whom Pliny extols most of all for his political success (although he also claims Rufus as a
483
The first consulship "must precede his legateship of Lower Germany under Vespasian or early
Domitian." Sherwin-White (1985) 154.
484
Cf. Tac. Hist. 2.11, 2.18, 2.23, 2.36.
485
Cf. Pl. Ep. 3.1.11-12 Hanc ego vitam voto et cogitatione praesumo, ingressurus avidissime, ut primum
ratio aetatis receptui canere permiserit. Interim mille laboribus conteror, quorum mihi et solacium et
exemplum est idem Spurinna; nam ille quoque, quoad honestum fuit, obiit officia, gessit magistratus,
provincias rexit, multoque labore hoc otium meruit. Igitur eundem mihi cursum, eundem terminum statuo,
idque iam nunc apud te subsigno ut, si me longius evehi videris, in ius voces ad hanc epistulam meam et
quiescere iubeas, cum inertiae crimen effugero. Cf. Johnson (2000).
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devotee of light poetry); it is from Rufus' involvement in the turmoil of 69 that his gloria
arose.486 I might also point out that Verginius receives the initial letter of Book 2, and Spurinna
that of Book 3. Pliny asserts in 1.16 that Spurinna, now in retirement, is deserving of gloria for
letters which he claims were written by his wife, either because he wrote and passed them off as
hers (he also writes orationes, historia, verses quales Catullus meus aut Calvus as well as lyric
odes), or because he has refined the literary taste of a young woman (Quae sive uxoris sunt ut
adfirmat, sive ipsius ut negat, pari gloria dignus, qui aut illa componat, aut uxorem quam
virginem accepit, tam doctam politamque reddiderit, 1.16.6).
Livy, according to Pliny, enjoyed enough nomen and gloria to draw a sightseer from
Cadiz in 2.3.8 (Numquam legisti, Gaditanum quendam Titi Livi nomine gloriaque commotum ad
visendum eum ab ultimo terrarum orbe venisse, statimque ut viderat abisse?).487 It is difficult to
be entirely certain why Livy would have been so famous in his lifetime; the temptation is, of
course, to suppose that it was because of his historical writing (this is for what Livy is famous in
our eyes). The context of the letter suggests that we should be thinking here of Livy's rhetorical
works.488 Pliny is writing to Maecilius Nepos about Isaeus, a scholasticus489 who practices
486
Cf. esp. Pl. Ep. 2.1.2 Triginta annis gloriae suae supervixit; legit scripta de se carmina, legit historias
et posteritati suae interfuit.
487
This is in the context of persuading Maecilius Nepos to come see Isaeus, the epideictic orator.
According to Sherwin-White (1985) ad loc. this anecdote is preserved nowhere else.
488
Livy also had a distinguished reputation for his philosophical works. Speaking of the philosopher
Fabianus Papirius, Seneca suggests that he be placed third among the greatest philosophical writers, after
Cicero and Asinius Pollio and before Livy: Adfer quem Fabiano possis praeponere. Dic Ciceronem, cuius
libri ad philosophiam pertinentes paene totidem sunt quot Fabiani: cedam, sed non statim pusillum est si
quid maximo minus est. Dic Asinium Pollionem: cedam, et respondeamus: in re tanta eminere est post
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extempore speeches in the Greek sophistic manner, and encourages him to come to Rome to
witness the spectacle, citing as a precedent the man from Gades who came to see Livy.
Atilius Crescens excels in studia not from a desire for profit, but for pleasure and gloria
(nam studia, quibus plurimum praestat, ad voluptatem tantum et gloriam exercet, 6.8.6). Atilius
in the Epistulae is a very Martialian figure – a man of Pliny's social class but not Pliny's rank,
given to witty turns of phrase which can be entertaining or abusive, a friend to important men,
but without the means to support the financial obligations of such friendships.490 This letter
seems to me an important indication of how Pliny applies gloria because although Atilius is
presented as a near parallel for Pliny himself – except for his poverty and lack of influence; and
more important he (of a similar age to Pliny491) does not seem to have pursued a public career.
The young Calpurnii Pisones are singled out by Pliny in 5.17 for gloria as exemplars of
the potential of the younger generation. Recall the context: a recitation was given by the young
duos esse. Nomina adhuc T. Livium; scripsit enim dialogos, quos non magis philosophiae adnumerare
possis quam historias, et ex professo philosophiarum continentis libros: huic quoque dabo locum (Sen
Ep. 100.9).
489
Pliny uses the same term of Suetonius, in a rather disparaging way however, in a letter asking Baebius
Hispanus to help him find a suburban property: Scholasticis porro dominis, ut hic est, sufficit abunde
tantum soli, ut relevare caput, reficier oculos, reptare perlimitem unamque semitam terere omnesque
viteculas suas nosse numerare arbusculas possint (Pl. Ep. 1.24.4) In Pl. Ep. 2.20.9 lege scholastica refers
to the rhetorical principle of threes (cf. Quint. Inst. Or. 4.5.3 ne illos quidem probaverim qui partitionem
ultra tris propositiones extendunt).
490
Cf. Pl. Ep. 6.8. Indirectly quoted witticisms at 1.9.8 and 2.14.2.
491
Cf. Pl. Ep. 6.8.2 ipsi amare invicem, qui est flagrantissimus amor, adulescentuli coepimus.
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Calpurnius Piso (who later becomes cos. ord. in 111) of his poem katasterismoiv. Calpurnius
Piso and his supportive brother both earn, in Pliny's opinion, the approval of their family's
imagines (quae [imagines] nunc mihi adulescentes tacitae laudare adhortari, et quod amborum
gloriae satis magnum est agnoscere videntur, 5.17.6) and gloria for both pietas and eloquentia
(Gratulatus sum optimae matri, gratulatus et fratri, qui ex auditorio illo non minorem pietatis
gloriam quam ille alter eloquentiae retulit: tam nobilitater pro fratre recitante primum metus
eius, mox gaudium eminuit, 5.17.5). The event described is very similar to the report of two
young men (Fuscus Salinator – cos. ord. 118, and Ummidius Quadratus – cos. suff. 118) facing
off in the Centumviral Court given in 6.11; and just as Pliny hopes those two young orators
continue on their own path to success (Quid enim aut publice laetus quam clarissimos iuvenes
nomen et famam ex studiis petere, 6.11.3), he suggests that these two young Pisones will live up
to their family's gloria. The young man's eloquence and his brother's pietas are symbols of their
nobilitas. I suggested above that recitations themselves can function in ways similar to venues
connected with negotium. Here the qualities exhibited by these young men (and the way in which
they are presented) smack more of potential in the oratorical (political) arena than the literary.
Fuscus Salinator is also an interesting case since he, unlike the others (except perhaps
Spurinna) is explicitly linked to political life. Pliny clearly has great hopes for this young man,
and portrays him in the letters as a younger protégé.492 From the perspective of the issues
identified as central to Pliny's conception of literary works (studia, above), Fuscus is a
492
Cf. Pl. Ep. 6.11, 6.26, 7.9, 9.36, 9.40.
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paradigmatic case. A young man, only just entered on his career (cf. 6.11), Fuscus seems to have
solicited from Pliny advice for his time in secessu, to which request Pliny replies in 7.9. Pliny's
response, as I suggested above, seems entirely protreptic. Pliny advises Salinator to practice
several types of composition in secessu (i.e. a period of otium), light verse among them, in order
to develop further his facility in both speaking and writing.493 Lusus vocantur, writes Pliny, sed
hi lusus non minorem gloriam quam seria consequuntur (7.9.10). Nugatory poetry, then, could
bring Salinator gloria in Pliny's eyes equal to that earned by his speeches in court. But Pliny does
not suggest (yet) to Salinator that he publish his poetry, nor that he recite it before a small group
of friends (as he had Silius Proculus, Suetonius, Octavius Rufus, or Caninius Rufus), only that he
use it as a tool to develop his eloquence. I suggest that this attempt to turn Fuscus to literary
composition without encouraging him to publish, in light of the other examples, indicates that for
Pliny gloria arising from literary works for one of his and Fuscus' status and career path is not
the same as gloria arising from public duties. The two activities do not compete – negotium
always displaces otium (as the letters make plain494). The others, neither Spurinna, nor Atilius,
nor Livy, have no competing political gloria for which to work – either they have gained it
(Spurinna), or they lack the potential (Atilius Crescens, Livy). Pliny seems to be suggesting that
Fuscus, however, like the Calpurnii Pisones, has potential for political gloria to which all else is,
for the time being, subordinate.
493
Cf. Pl. Ep. 7.9.2, 7.9.9.
494
Cf. esp. Pl. Ep. 8.21, and my discussion below.
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5.3.2
Pliny's Literary Success and gloria
This hierarchy of gloria, negotium, and otium fits well with Pliny's own literary efforts.
There are a number of clear indications in the Epistulae before Book 9 that Pliny consistently
recognizes firm boundaries between his public duties and his lusus (nugatory poetry); that is,
because Pliny is a public man his poetry remains a private affair, for himself and close friends.
As we have seen, even though Pliny's use of the term studia conflates – contrary to traditional
thought – oratory (both given and published speeches) and poetry under one rubric, otium and
negotium as conceptual categories for literary activity remain in force: negotium always takes
precedence over otium. Seen in this way, his orationes, for example, are appropriate material for
publication to a wider audience because they deal with his public activities. For the public man
poetry must remain subordinate to his public duties.495
Ep. 4.14, a letter to Plinius Paternus and the first mention in the Epistulae of Pliny's
hendecasyllabic poems, is another excellent example of the valuation of oratory (negotium) over
other literary pursuits, especially nugatory poetry, and the role of Pliny's friends in his
composition of poetry. Here Pliny explicitly dissociates oratory and poetry in the very first
495
Hershkowitz (1995) 177 – who argues for the primacy of oratory over poetry in Pliny's Epistulae –
comments briefly on this letter "While Pliny is, of course, being ironic here, as is further made clear by
his subsequent promise to send his 'little sparrows and doves' to Mamilianus, who can either allow them
to go among his eagles or can put them in a cage or nest, nevertheless there is a sense that something
genuine underlies the remarks." Herkowitz recognizes "something genuine" but chooses to see Pliny's
zeal in regard to poetry as different in kind from Cicero's (where I see a difference only in the application
of zeal to poetic genres). My reading of this letter (see below section 5.3.4) sets, I hope, the attitudes
expressed in this letter within the context of Pliny's attitude to gloria among the elite, and the integration
(not sub-ordination) of literary pursuits and public duties under studia – the reading thus sees the
metaphor of the doves and eagles in a different light.
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sentence: Tu fortasse orationem, ut soles, et flagitas et exspectas; at ego quasi ex peregrina
delicataque merce lusus meos tibi prodo (4.14.1). The letter continues to describe the character
of these poems in some detail. The close of the letter, however, shows clearly that these lusus are
subordinate to public life. Pliny feels comfortable asking for honest criticism (recall Mart. 8.76 –
p. 163 above – where Gallicus begs for veritas496) because rejection would not be so difficult to
endure as it would if these poems were his only or greatest work (A simplicitate tua peto, quod
de libello meo dicturus es alii, mihi dicas; neque est difficile quod postulo. Nam si hoc
opusculum nostrum aut potissimum esset aut solum fortasse posset durum videri dicere: 'Quaere
quod agas'; molle et humanum est: 'Habes quod agas', 4.14.10). Pliny reminds Plinius Paternus
that his public duties are his real work.
Ep. 5.3 likewise reveals a hierarchy of importance for Pliny's nugatory poetry, and moves
us from personal peer-to-peer interaction to a slightly wider field. Ostensibly a response to
unidentified peer complaints that he should be writing this kind of poetry, and worse, reciting it,
Pliny adduces great senators of the past (doctissimos gravissimos sanctissimos homines, 5.3.3)
and even Accius, Ennius, Vergil, and Nepos (non quidem hi senatores, sed sanctitas morum non
distat ordinibus, 5.3.6); all these in order to justify writing nugatory poetry at all. His apologia
for reciting his own works is a pointed reminder of the private nature of the recitations, since it is
confined to amici (Atque haec ita disputo quasi populum in auditorum, non in cubiculum amicos
496
Mart. 8.76 'Dic verum mihi, Marce, dic amabo;| nil est quod magis audiam libenter.'|sic et cum recitas
tuos libellos,| et causam quotiens agis clientis,| oras, Gallice, me rogasque semper.| durum est me tibi
quod petis negare.| vero verius ergo quid sit audi:| verum, Gallice, non libenter audis.
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advocarim, quos plures habere multis gloriosum, reprehensioni nemini fuit, 5.3.11). The letter
seems designed to justify the practice of poetry as a private otium pastime suitable for a public
man of his status and rank, one to be shared with friends, not the general public.
5.3.3
Private lusus
As we have seen it is clear that through Book 5 (likely published in 105-106) Pliny's
versiculi remain essentially a private affair, and have no part in his public life. Contrast, for
example, Pliny's suggestion already in 1.2 that his speeches have been published widely to the
general public (edendum autem ex pluribus causis, maxime quod libelli quos emisimus dicuntur
in manibus esse, quamvis iam gratiam novitatis exuerint; nisi tamen auribus nostris bibliopolae
blandiuntur, 1.2.6). At the time of Book 7, too, (107) Pliny's nugatory poetry almost certainly
remains in the hands and ears of friends only.497 7.17, in which Pliny describes the process of
revision, recitation, and publication of speeches, indicates as much. He revises with the advice of
individual friends, and then recites to a small group of friends (Ego enim non populum advocare
sed certos et electos soleo, 7.17.12). It is only after this that Pliny feels a speech may be released
to a wider audience: Cogito quam sit magnum dare aliquid in manus hominum, nec persuadere
497
Cf. Pl. Ep. 7.4 to Pontius Allifanus, a literary friend (see Pl. Ep. 5.14, 6.28) who has read Pliny's verses
– but it seems clear from Pl. Ep. 7.9 that the young Fuscus Salinator has not. In 7.4.6 Pliny brags that his
libelli of verses legitur describitur cantatur etiam, et a Graecis quoque, quos Latine huius libelli amor
docuit, nunc cithara nunc lyra personatur. Quite apart from astonishing assertion that Greeks are learning
Latin because they love his verses (a slightly illogical statement in any case), there is no indication that
this means wide publication. The fact that Pliny specifies the readers suggests to me that he has in mind a
certain group of Greeks; that they are being put to music brings to mind Pliny's own wife (cf. Pl. Ep.
4.19.4 Versus quidem meos cantat etiam formatque cithara non aritfice aliquo docente, sed amore qui
magister est optimus).
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mihi possum non et cum multis et saepe tractandum, quod placere et semper et omnibus cupias
(7.17.15). We do not hear with any certainty of verses widely published under Pliny's name.498
The pattern continues unbroken to Book 8 (circa 107-8). In 8.21, for example, Pliny
describes an incident in which, after calling his amici together for a recitation of his versiculi, he
himself was summoned to give legal advice. Pliny was able to make something of it in his
introductory remarks: he hoped his amici would not mind that although he had set time aside to
recite for them (a small group of friends: amicis et paucis, 8.21.3) he could not abstain from
other friends in the forum and negotia (Sum enim deprecatus, ne quis ut inreverentem operis
augeret, quod recitaturus, quamquam et amicis et paucis, id est iterum amicis, foro et negotiis
non abstinuissem, 8.21.3). Pliny goes on to say that this is his attitude towards writing: duty
before pleasure, friends before himself (Addidi hunc ordinem me et in scribendo sequi, ut
necessitates voluptatibus, seria iucundis anteferrem,499 ac primum amicis tum mihi scriberem,
8.21.3). Pliny's versus are consistently portrayed as a private affair, one involving only close
peers.
498
In Pl. Ep. 9.11 we do hear that Pliny's libellos are being sold by bibliopolae (Pl. Ep. 1.2, and 9.11 and
Mart. 4.72.2 are the only instances of this word in extant Latin before Porphyry) in Lyons. But the context
of the letter, i.e. the suitability of certain letters for inclusion in a published work, strongly suggests that
this refers to Pliny's Epistulae. In Pl. Ep. 1.2 bibliopolae sell his speeches as libelli. Although Pliny does
occasionally use libellus, libelli to refer to his versus (cf. for example Pl. Ep. 4.14.10, 7.4.9), he prefers
the diminutive opusculum (cf. for example Pl. Ep. 4.13.1, 4.14.5, 4.14.10, 6.6.6, 7.9.13, 8.21.4),
especially in the later books.
499
Note here the juxtaposition of seria with his nugatory poetry. See below on Pl. Ep. 9.25.
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5.3.4
Ep. 9.25 and gloria
This trend of peer interaction and hierarchical importance for his poetry (relative to his
negotium) takes on great significance when we turn to Ep. 9.25, as we shall in a moment, for in
this letter Pliny claims that he is seeking gloria through his minor poetry, his versus. This letter
seems an expression in miniature of the tensions inherent in the nexus of studia, otium, and
negotium that I traced above. In fact, I read this letter as a deliberate attempt to express a view of
gloria which cuts against the traditional construct for one of Pliny's rank and status (i.e. gloria
through negotium), and which sets the potential for gloria among his peers arising from the
composition and publication of poetry closer to par with that of traditional negotia. 9.25
encapsulates the notion advanced in the letter about Atilius Crescens (6.8) and the letter to
Fuscus Salinator (7.9) that personal gloria for someone of Pliny's status and rank might be
acquired through poetic works. But it challenges the boundaries of otium and negotium which
were discernible in these earlier examples; for Pliny claims gloria for himself in the midst of his
public activities. Pliny is juxtaposing in this eloquent letter poetic success and political success,
the fruits of otium and negotium.
Ep. 9.25:
C. Plinius Mamiliano suo
Quereris de turba castrensium negotiorum et, tamquam summo otio
perfruare, lusus et ineptias nostras legis amas flagitas, meque ad similia
condenda non mediocriter incitas. [2] Incipio enim ex hoc genere
studiorum non solum oblectationem verum etiam gloriam petere, post
iudicium tuum viri eruditissimi gravissimi ac super haec verissimi. [3]
Nunc me rerum actus modice sed tamen distringit; quo finito aliquid
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earundem Camenarum in istum benignissimum sinum mittam. Tu
passerculis et columbulis nostris inter aquilas vestras dabis pennas, si
tamen et tibi placebunt; si tantum sibi, continendos cavea nidove curabis.
Vale.
You mutter about a host of camp duties and, as though you were relaxing
at a villa, you read, love, and require my playful little verses; you even
urge me on to similar efforts no worse. I am beginning, you see, to seek
gloria and not only my own pleasure from this type of studia in view of
your ruling – you, a very cultured man of great consequence and what's
more very truthful. As it is now, some public business is occupying me,
not too much but enough. When it is concluded I shall put something from
the same Camenae into your most kind care. Please, only if you like them
mind you, let my little sparrows and doves fly among your eagles; if you
don't please confine them to a cage or their nest. Farewell.
Incipio enim ex hoc genere studiorum non solum oblectationem verum etiam gloriam petere ...
This bald remark has passed unnoticed, buried in the midst of a short letter, itself buried in the
middle of Book 9. A thorough exegesis of 9.25 in the context of literary gloria will occupy the
rest of this section. I shall argue on three points that the tensions already examined in the
Epistulae surrounding studia and literary success and renown are captured deliberately in this
poetic letter. First, I suggest that the gloria of Mamilianus' military duties, his negotium, are
explicitly (and somewhat ironically) contrasted with the gloria of Pliny's nugatory verse (Pliny's
otium) – in the letter, reading these verses becomes a part of Mamilianus' limited otium while on
campaign. Second, I argue that, through the transitional phrase incipio gloriam petere, Pliny's
poetic studia are contrasted with his own oratorical studia, and are defined in a carefully crafted
and allusive metaphor against the predecessors of the poetic genre. Hoc genus studiorum in 9.25
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is in fact Pliny's hendecasyllabic poetry, and he clearly sees himself in the tradition of Catullus
and the love poets. Third, I shall argue that throughout the whole letter Pliny's dependence on the
elite reader, here represented by Mamilianus, for this reward of gloria is consistent with the basic
semantic of gloria, and is reminiscent of Catullus 1, Horace Carmina 1.1, Epistulae 1.20, and the
prologue to Book 2 of Statius Silvae, to take only four examples. Pliny thus, to a degree, puts
himself forward as a poet. But, as we shall see, by calling attention to gloria as his goal, as well
as to his public duties, Pliny also uniquely constructs for himself a cultural space within his elite
society in which all forms of studia can be concomitant contributors to an individual's gloria.
Here I might remark that no other individual in the Epistulae is specified as having gloria from
both literary and political arenas during the same period of life.
5.3.4.1
Pliny's political gloria
Prior to this letter, the only mention of gloria for Pliny in connection with literary matters
is in 3.21, his tribute to Martial. But even though he claims in this letter that Martial's poem will
grant him gloria, laus, and aeternitas,500 it is his political and judicial achievements which are
praised in the poem; and it is his ability to judge poetry good, not to write good poetry, that takes
second mention:501
Sed ne tempore non tuo disertam
Pulses ebria ianuam, videto:
Totos dat tetricae dies Minervae,
500
Pl. Ep. 3.21.6 Tametsi quid homini potest dari maius, quam gloria et laus et aeternitas?
501
Pliny only quotes Mart. 10.20.12ff.
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Dum centum studet auribus virorum
15
Hoc quod saecula posterique possint
Arpinis quoque conparare chartis.
Seras tutior ibis ad lucernas:
Haec hora est tua, cum furit Lyaeus,
Cum regnat rosa, cum madent capilli:
20
Tunc me vel rigidi legant Catones.
What's more, as I suggested in above (p. 162, n. 403), the final phrase may not be particularly
flattering.
Pliny is not silent on the subject of gloria arising from his public duties. In 1.8 Pliny's
concern for his public image dominates: he is worried about the publication of a sermo given
after a significant beneficium (the library and alimenta at Comum).502 The self-laudatory aspect
of publishing a sermo that emphasizes his munificentium and those of his family before him may
reflect badly on him personally because the sermo dwells too much on the resulting gloria.
Advocacy, Pliny's major public activity, also plays a role in Pliny's quest for gloria. In 3.9.8, for
example, a passage already much discussed (habet quidem gloria ...), Pliny holds up gloria as the
source for competitive spirit in the courts. In reference to his own political offices Pliny modestly
does not make use of the term (cf. his reluctance in 3.14 to bruit about his munificence; see n.
491); but he freely metes out advice to others concerning political gloria in 3.16, 3.18, 5.13, 6.6,
6.22, and 7.31. Let us now turn our attention to gloria in 9.25.
502
Cf. also Pl. Ep. 3.14 Praeterea meminimus quanto maiore animo honestatis fructus in conscientia
quam in fama reponantur. Sequi enim gloria, non adpeti debet, nec, si casu aliquo non sequatur, idcirco
quod gloriam meruit minus pulchrum est.
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5.3.4.2
Epistula 9.25
We should start first with the addressee, for, as I have been arguing, an essential element
of gloria is peer recognition. It seems likely that the Mamilianus of this letter is Pomponius
Mamilianus,503 an ex-consular and of very distinguished family; at the time of this letter he is
likely military legate in Britain. Thus he is of senatorial rank, and still active in the public arena.
The date will be around 107-8.504 The date is important, since it situates this letter (and
presumably the attitudes contained therein) as last in sequence with the letters examined above
concerning Pliny's attitude toward publishing his poetry. Mamilianus' receipt of Pliny's new book
of novi versiculi (in mixed metres) is foreshadowed in 9.16, a letter in which Pliny also makes
clear a shared pastime (and, I think, social standing, see n. 517) and one which – like 9.25 – also
ends epigrammatically. The tone in both is much the same: brief but friendly, though not entirely
familiar.505
The first lines of the letter bring up the contrast between otium and negotium, and the
position of poetic studia between the two (Quereris de turba castrensium negotiorum et,
tamquam summo otio perfruare, lusus et ineptias nostras legis amas flagitas, meque ad similia
503
See Sherwin-White (1985) ad loc.
504
Cf. Sherwin-White (1985) ad 9.16 for references to prosopographical and chronological evidence.
505
On hunting as an activity of the elite in otio see Pl. Ep. 1.6, 2.8, 3.19, 5.6, 5.18, 9.10, 9.16, 9.36. Two
letters to Tacitus present an interesting contrast in Pliny's attitude towards hunting: in them Pliny seems to
have little skill or enjoyment in hunting (Pl. Ep. 1.6, 9.10, cf. 5.6, 5.18). But in Pl. Ep. 9.16 his reasons for
not hunting are blamed on his engagement with a bad harvest (another "rich man" theme found in Pl. Ep.
8.2.1-2, 8.5, 9.20, 9.28).
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condenda non mediocriter incitas, 9.25.1). The interesting pleonasm castrensium negotiorum set
against the phrase summo otio only draws attention to the antithesis. The descriptors lusus and
ineptias are key to our understanding of the letter since they identify for us the object of
Mamilianus' appreciation (as 9.11 did not), Pliny's nugatory poetry. The next sentence (incipio
enim ex hoc genere studiorum non solum oblectationem verum etiam gloriam petere, post
iudicium tuum viri eruditissimi gravissimi ac super ista verissimi, 9.25.2), has some specific
resonances with earlier statements in the Epistulae. Not least of these is the report of a peer's
favorable judgment, and Pliny's approbation of his capacity to judge.506 In this respect the
descriptors (gravissimus, eruditissimus, verissimus) of the judge are telling: they describe a
member of Pliny's elite who is cultured enough to judge and important enough to matter (cf.
Plinius Paternus in 4.14).507 Verbal reminiscences are strong also, and confirm all the more that
Pliny's hendecasyllabic poetry is under consideration: the use of oblectatio alludes without a
doubt to 7.4, as does hoc genus studiorum (coepi reputare maximos oratores hoc studii genus et
in oblectationibus habuisse et in laude posuisse, 7.4.4).508 The allusion to 7.4 in particular is very
significant, for Pliny has altered the terms of engagement in respect to composing poetry: Cicero
and the other greats did so for oblectatio and laus, Pliny for oblectatio and gloria:
(Pl. Ep. 7.4) coepi reputare maximos oratores hoc studii genus et
in oblectationibus habuisse et in laude posuisse.
506
Cf. e.g. Pl. Ep.1.1, 1.2, 4.14, 5.3 (where he emphasizes an exclusive group of critics), etc.
507
Cf.gravissimus Pl. Ep. 2.9.3, 3.3.1, 4.8.12, 4.14.4, 4.26.2, 4.27.6, 5.3.3, 7.31.5; eruditus see esp. Pl. Ep.
2.19.9, 4.14.4.
508
Cf. also Pl. Ep. 1.6.2, 3.5.5, 4.14.8, 5.3.2, 6.21.4, 9.29.1. Recall Atilius Crescens in Pl. Ep. 6.8.6 Nam
studia ... ad voluptatem tantum et gloriam exercet.
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(Pl. Ep. 9.25) incipio enim ex hoc genere studiorum non solum
oblectationem verum etiam gloriam petere ...
I suggest that the clear allusions to 4.14, a defense of the practice of reciting to larger groups of
amici that has drawn criticism, and especially 7.4, a letter devoted to the justification and praise
of Pliny's poetic endeavors, highlight the development of Pliny's professed attitude to his poetry.
There his poetry was justified as a private, pleasurable diversion in which other summi viri in the
past and the present engaged. The consequences of literary success, however, were explicitly
played down in 7.4 and his role as poet questioned (sed quid ego tam gloriose? Quamquam
poetis fuere concessum est, 7.4.10). Here, however, while poetry retains its private quality (in
being restricted to a group of amici), and still remains subordinate to his negotia (Nunc me rerum
actus modice sed tamen distringit, 9.25.3), Pliny espouses a new significance for his poetry in
the eyes of members of his elite. This poetry may bring him not only laus but gloria.
In this light, the metaphor that is developed next is not simply, I would argue, a witty
closing to a brief letter. Rather, in it Pliny asserts his role as poet and puts Mamilianus, a peer, in
the role of patron-amicus:
aliquid earundem Camenarum in istum benignissimum sinum
mittam. Tu passerculis et columbulis nostris inter aquilas vestras
dabis pennas, si tamen et tibi placebunt; si tantum sibi,
continendos cavea nidove curabis (9.25.3)
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The reference to the Camenae, Roman Muses, is clearly in the tradition of Horace, Propertius,
and Martial,509 and the charming metaphor is a clever reference to Pliny's poetic predecessors:
passerculis for Catullus,510 columbulis for love poetry in general.
Pliny seems to become a poet who promises verse to Mamilianus his patron-amicus;
Mamilianus' approbation of his offering is paramount. Contrast for example the end of 7.4 where
Pliny is interested in but not influenced by the iudicium of others for his poetry. The solicitation
of approval for a work is common enough among poets writing to patron-amici; istum
benignissimum sinum has the flavor, at least, of Hor. Epod. 1.31.2 (satis superque me benignitas
tua ditavit). Perhaps closer are Cat. 1, Hor. Carm. 1.1, or the preface to Book 2 of the Silvae. In
any case, Pliny asserts that without Mamilianus' approval, this new book of hendecasyllabic
poetry will not pass on to a wider audience, as did his first collection. But is Pliny really casting
himself in the role of a subordinate amicus in this letter? Has a peer become his patron-amicus?
It seems from the evidence adduced above in section 5.1.2 in connection with literary
requests and iudicium, that in 9.25 (and 9.16, the other letter addressed to Mamilianus) Pliny is
recording literary exchange between equals, an observation bolstered by Pliny's use of flagitare
(not iubere) here. Although Pliny seems to be putting himself in the subordinate role of a poet
dependant on a patron-amicus, his requirement for a friend's approval (iudicium) in fact shows
509
Cf. Hor. Carm. 2.16.38, 3.4.21, 4.6.27, 4.9.8; Serm. 1.10.45; Ep. 1.1.1, 1.18.47, 1.19.5; Prop. 3.10.1;
Mart. 2.6.16, 4.14.10, 6.47.4, 7.68.1, 8.66.2, 12.94.5.
510
Cf inter plura Mart. 1.7.3, and Howell's (1980) introductory note to 1.7.
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only that he values that individual as a judge of his affairs; Pliny uses the term to describe the
opinions of his amici in every conceivable context, as we have seen. What is more, Mamilianus'
role in this letter is no different from Pliny's own to his peers, as we have seen in other letters.511
And Pliny makes explicit the importance of his negotium as advocate by putting off the
composition of new verses until the resolution of his rerum actus. Pliny explicitly remains Pliny,
advocate and senator, magnus vir.
By claiming that gloria may be sought through poetry512 as through seria – recall 8.21.3
Addidi hunc ordinem me et in scribendo sequi, ut necessitates voluptatibus, seria iucundis
anteferrem – Pliny seeks from his peers a type of recognition for literary success otherwise
restricted in the Epistulae to individuals not active in public affairs; elsewhere in the Epistulae
Pliny earns gloria in more traditional ways by virtue of his rank, status, and degree of public
activity (see above). I have already hinted at the subtle irony of a poet claiming gloria for
hendecasyllables in a letter to a military man on campaign. The final metaphor, not only a clever
reference to Pliny's poetic tradition, highlights the perceived incompatibility of poetry and
negotia (and so the radical nature of what he is claiming): sparrows and turtledoves do not fly
with eagles – the latter prey on the others. Pliny here suggests a peaceful, and complementary,
existence.
511
E.g. Caninius Rufus Pl. Ep. 1.3, Octavius Rufus Pl. Ep. 2.10, Suetonius Pl. Ep. 5.10.
512
Perhaps the phrase gloriam petere has a political tone: OLD s.v. petere 9.
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The refined elegance in meaning brought about by the reconciliation of opposites
described in Ep. 9.25 is strongly reminiscent of the best poetry. Pliny presents in Ep. 9.25 a
model of compatibility between otium and negotium; Mamilianus and Pliny both exemplify elite
literary culture and the traditional pursuit of military and political gloria in different ways: Pliny
as magnus vir and advocate, a writer of poetry and Mamilianus as magnus vir and military man,
a reader of poetry. The extension of gloria, as the indicator par excellence of the magnus vir, to
poetry (even nugatory poetry) is in this context astoundingly natural. Thus the exemplary man as
he evolves in Pliny – for whom gloria and memoria are primary goals and eternal rewards – is
both a man of military/political accomplishments and a man of literary culture.
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Conclusions
In this project I undertook a detailed and targeted investigation of how elite interest in literature
during the Flavian period – especially poetry in the minor genres – and memoria interlock.
Through a series of illustrative examples designed to demonstrate the pervasive concern for
commemoration and, in particular, the drive to manipulate memoria to one's own benefit, I
suggested that the major motivation underpinning the need to commemorate is the desire to
ensure individual posterity and to assure a corporate family influence. Cicero's post-consular and
post reditum writings and Tacitus' Agricola were adduced in order to highlight the individual's
concern for his own memoria and an individual's concern for the memoria of a relative. I next
examined the phenomenon of the so-called damnatio memoriae, re-assessing the importance of
these sanctions in light of their importance for the perpetuation of an individual's memoria. I
argued that in the case of Cn. Piso, who was condemned in 20, the sanctions against him
described in the SCPP seemed designed to perpetuate a memory of his crime, not erase the
individual from memoria. The sanctions were not intended to destroy or to eradicate memoria
but to control how and for what this individual (and his family) would be remembered in the
public arena by diverting public attention from gloria to scelus. In an effort to synthesize the
findings of Chapter One, and to localize our thinking to the early imperial period in anticipation
of Chapters Three, Four, and Five, I discussed – in what amounts to a case-study – the
circumstances of two figures, Cremutius Cordus and L. Verginius Rufus, assessing their actions
and presence in the literary sources from the perspective of memoria. These examples provided a
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foreground for the discussion of how and why poets – especially elite poets – might
commemorate their own success and renown as poets.
In Chapter Two, I turned our attention to semantic issues surrounding a number of terms
of praise, those most commonly used by poets of the Flavian period to describe their own
renown (fama, laus, nomen, honos, gloria). Most complex among these terms was gloria, for
which an extended discussion revealed that the term was essentially related in its objective sense
to the magnus vir. The use of gloria in Cicero's and Seneca's philosophies was introduced to
demonstrate how the essential indicators of gloria (virtutes, res gestae, peer approval) were
susceptible to re-interpretation as a result of the intellectualization of core elite values. It was
necessary to examine briefly how the Augustan poets used the term gloria in connection with
their success and renown as poets in order to situate the developments of the Flavian period
within the broader literary tradition. As a focal point for my discussion of gloria and elite
culture, I turned at the end of Chapter Two to the Dialogus de Oratoribus of Tacitus in order to
explore the intimate associations of gloria in the that work with the magnus vir, and how the
zero-sum nature of gloria manifests itself in the tensions between otium and negotium.
Over the course of the final three chapters of the dissertation I followed three main
threads of inquiry which arose out of Chapters One and Two: the relationship of poetry to
memoria, the relationship of poetry to gloria, and poetry to renown – all from the perspective of
how a poet commemorates his own success and renown. It is to Tacitus' Dialogus that I turn
once more as a background against which to interpret the findings of Chapters Three, Four, and
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Five. For in the Dialogus we find a comparable, implicit interest in the consequences of success
in composing poetry for gloria and memoria among the elite, and similar uses of terms of praise
describing the poet's renown.
Aper's characterization of renown through composing speeches or poetry coordinates
with the zero-sum attitude which underlies his rejection of poetry as a pursuit worthy of
Maternus, a magnus vir whose circumstance and abilities as orator set him apart, in Aper's view,
for public service and personal advancement (see above section 2.2.4). Men like Saleius Bassus,
for example, because they are unsuited for the oratorical arena (cum causas agere non possit,
Tac. Dial. 5.3), might pursue studium poeticae et carminum gloria513 (Tac. Dial. 5.3); but
Maternus cannot because he is suited for a life of public service as a magnus vir. It is significant
in this regard that Aper does not launch an attack on the practice of poetry among the elite per se
(a strategy on which Maternus comments in 11.1 fore enim arbitrabar ut a laudatione eorum
digressus detrectaret poetas atque carminum studium prosterneret), but rather attempts to
present a set of compelling arguments which underscore the importance of oratory for the vir
magnus on the basis of utilitas, voluptas, dignitas, and fama urbis et notitia. Only then does Aper
turn to the question of poetry – again, from these four perspectives. In what follows I restrict my
comments to questions of the poet's own renown, although there are in fact many interesting
parallels in Pliny's Epistulae and Martial's Epigrammata to a number of points raised by Aper in
arguing for the utilitas, voluptas, and dignitas of oratory.
513
The nuance of the genitive here is difficult to interpret: is carminum possessive? or of origin? (i.e.
"poetry's gloria" or "gloria arising from poetry"). Cf. Mart. 10.103 and n. 537 above.
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Dial. 7.2-4 exemplifies Aper's attitude towards elite renown, and presents an interesting
distinction of terms: Quid? fama et laus cuius artis cum oratorum gloria comparanda est?
Noteworthy is the opposition of fama and laus to gloria, and the use of the genitives: abstract ars
for fama and laus,514 concrete oratores for gloria. Orators, claims Aper, have a nomen both in
Rome and elsewhere (Dial. 7.3-4). Carmina and versus (which also deny their authors dignitas,
do not have utilitas, and provide only a passing voluptas) offer empty and unproductive laus
(laudem inanem et infructuosam). But if poets seek laus for their versus, Aper suggests that they
seek fama for themselves: ne opinio quidem et fama, cui soli serviunt et quod unum esse pretium
omnis laboris sui fatentur (Tac. Dial. 10.1). Even here, however, Aper argues that this primary
goal and reward is elusive, for only the best poets become known, and then only to few
(mediocres poetas nemo novit, bonos pauci, Tac. Dial. 10.1). To return to the central point of
Aper's argument: it is not so much that poetry will never yield fama nor that a poet will never be
known (cf. Tac. Dial. 10.3), but rather that for Maternus, because the composition of poetry is
not an appropriate use of his gifts and position, poetry will not bring the appropriate renown:
instead of fama and inanis et infructuosa laus through his poetry, Maternus should be working
towards gloria through his oratory. Aper, then, seems to be suggesting that poetry does have a
place in elite culture, and indeed can (and should) be pursued as a possible vehicle of memoria
for the poet: poetry can provide a poet fama and nomen. But as far as Aper is concerned, poetic
composition should never interfere with the obligations of the vir magnus – as long as the vir
514
Again, the ambiguity in interpretation is curious, all the more so in contrast to oratorum gloria, a
straightforward possessive.
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magnus is active in his public role, poetry must remain a casual pastime. Poetry cannot bring
gloria.
Aper's recapitulation of his main arguments (Dial. 10.5–8) flows out of a precise
disagreement with Maternus on the role poetry plays in Maternus' life, and how his poetry
interferes with his social obligations as vir magnus. The response that Maternus makes, however,
is a rejection of social obligations and public life. Maternus does not want to have many
dependents, nor does he want the anxiety of defending his own or another's well-being (Tac.
Dial. 11.3). The retreat from society criticized by Aper in 10.8 becomes the focus for Maternus'
objections to the public life of the magnus vir (Tac. Dial. 12): salutationes, insincerity, "gaingetting, blood-letting oratory" (lucrosae huius et sanguinitatis eloquentiae) are signs of a
debased society (ex malis moribus). Instead, the poet chooses his own society, one without
anxieties (ac ne fortunam quidem vatum et illud felix contubernium comparare timuerim cum
inquieta et anxia oratorum vita, Tac. Dial. 13.1), despite the fact that these anxieties can be
prelude to the consulship.
As far as renown is concerned, Maternus points out that he himself took the first steps on
the road to renown (fama) when through his dramatic readings he brought about the removal of
Vatinius515 under Nero (recitatione tragoediarum et ingredi famam auspicatus sum, cum quidem
515
Probably the Vatinius of Tac. Ann. 15.34 Vatinius inter foedissima eius aulae ostenta fuit, sutrinae
tabernae alumnus, corpore detracto, facetiis scurrilibus; primo in contumelias adsumptus, dehinc optimi
cuiusque criminatione eo usque valuit ut gratia pecunia vi nocendi etiam malos praemineret.
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imperante Nerone improbam et studiorum quoque sacra profanantem Vatinii potentiam fregi,
Tac. Dial. 11.2); if he has a nomen or a share of notitia, says Maternus, it comes more from
carminum gloria than orationum gloria (hodie si quid in nobis notitiae ac nominis est, magis
arbitror carminum quam orationum gloria partum, Tac. Dial. 11.3). A poet, according to
Maternus, even though he may not be active in public life, nevertheless could win the favor of
the people as much as the emperor: Vergil serves as his exemplum, and Maternus suggests that
Pomponius Secundus enjoys as much renown (perpetuitate famae, Tac. Dial. 13.3) as Domitius
Afer. Homer is as well known as Demosthenes, and Sophocles and Euripides as Lysias or
Hyperides (non minorem honorem Homero quam Demostheni apud posteros, nec angustioribus
terminis famam Euripidis aut Sophoclis quam Lysiae aut Hyperidis includi, Tac. Dial. 12.5). As
far as Roman authors are concerned, Maternus (in an odd negative comparison) suggests that
there are as many detractors of Cicero's gloria as there are of Vergil's. Maternus, then, can claim
– like Aper – that poetry can bring fama and honor to the poet just as oratory can to the orator,
but he fails to respond to Aper's insinuation that oratory can bring gloria besides. Maternus
implicitly confirms our understanding of gloria: for in (at least in theory; see below) removing
himself from public life to become a poet, he has no claim to gloria as it would be understood
among the elite.
The many problems and layers of meaning in the Dialogus cannot be addressed fully
here. For example, how significant is the irony that Maternus' first steps on the road to fama
through poetry resulted from the fall of a political rival? Or that the very purpose of Aper's visit
was to recommend caution in regards to the public/political character of Maternus' tragedies? Or
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that Pomponius Secundus (a poet equal in perpetuitate famae to Domitius Afer the orator) was
suffect consul in 44, and the subject of a biography by his friend Pliny the Elder? But it is clear
that in the Dialogus – however much Maternus and Aper are at odds over the place of poetry in
Maternus' life – there is a distinction made by both parties over the kinds of renown available to
certain people for certain types of activity. A poet may receive fama, nomen, and a debased sort
of laus while the orator receives these and gloria as well.
The constant concern with the place of poetry in the life of the public man evident in the
Dialogus (Maternus cannot entirely escape being a magnus vir) finds, as we have already seen,
distinct echoes in Martial and Pliny especially. Maternus ended his reply to Aper with a rejection
of public commemoration (statuarque tumulo non maestus et atrox, sed hilaris et coronatus, et
pro memoria mei nec consulat quisquam nec roget, Tac. Dial. 13.6). But for Pliny the production
of nugatory poetry was not only an attempt to secure for himself renown as a poet, or even
gloria, during his own lifetime, but also a means to perpetuate his individual memoria after death
(see section 5.1.3). The stance Pliny adopts towards gloria through his poetry is markedly
different from that adopted by Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid: where they pitted renown for the
poet through poetry against traditional notions of gloria and elite success, Pliny, however, (and
in contrast to Maternus and Aper in Tacitus' Dialogus) attempts to reconcile public life and
poetry precisely through gloria. What is more, Pliny seems to restrictthe application of gloria
only to magni viri; Propertius and Tibullus would likely not have merited gloria (as Passenus
Paullus did not), although Ovid, perhaps, might have. In his letters, from a literary point of view,
Pliny presents himself and his friends as cultured, lettered magni viri, fully engaged in elite
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
society and fully engaged in studia. The Epistulae, then, serve to preserve their interactions and
opinions – as well as a great deal else besides – in memoria. Pliny's nugatory poetry seems to
have been intended as a personal monumentum to his own poetic eloquentia and success, a
tangible piece of memoria for this aspect of his life as magnus vir. The Martial's stance towards
the ultimate value of his poems – very much in keeping with earlier minor poetry (cf. for
example Cat. 1, Hor. Ep. 1.20) – can be somewhat more ambivalent (cf. e.g. Mart. 1.107, 4.29;
but see also 4.49 and 8.3). But there is no attempt on his part, as there was in Tibullus,
Propertius, and Ovid to make a claim for gloria within the context of military imagery. In
general, as we have seen above, Martial is more concerned with renown during life than renown
after death (cf. Mart. 5.13 and sections 4.2.3-4.2.4); but there are still indications that he was
aware of the potential of nugatory verse for this sort of immortality (cf. Mart. 1.25, 5.10, 6.61,
8.3). Martial does not make explicit a desire to have his memoria perpetuated as often or as
deliberately as does Pliny; Mart. 8.3 – so reminiscent of Hor. Carm. 3.30 – is exceptional. But
we must be careful not to place too much importance on this observation, since Pliny's Epistulae
give us an unparalleled glimpse at the motivations of an elite poet, a glimpse denied for Martial.
And, as we have seen, Martial and Pliny share similar concerns over the significance of
readership and use terms of praise in similar fashion – although not with the same valuation –
laus/laudare for poetic success, and both have a somewhat individual take on gloria.
Furthermore, Pliny's motivations for asserting the permanence and value of his work may stem
from the desire to enhance his peculiar standing as magnus vir. It is very important to note that
Pliny's audience for his poetry was restricted to his peers, by whom alone his gloria could be
recognized. But Martial can claim some measure of social equality (if not social significance); as
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
a member of elite society but no magnus vir, Martial has no basis for a specific claim of gloria,
but he can betray interests in renown and attitudes towards poetry and memoria similar to
Pliny's. Thus Martial turns outward to a wider general readership for validation only when his
selected readership disappears. Statius, outside the social group, betrays no interest (implicitly or
explicitly) in the perpetuation of his memoria through his nugatory poetry.
The three poets under investigation in this dissertation seem – in terms of the importance
of their own nugatory poetry for their own renown – dissimilar in many respects. The most
obvious division should be made between Statius and the others: Statius' attitudes towards
renown and the vocabulary used to describe it, in comparison with Martial and Pliny, clearly set
him apart, probably as one involved in – but not truly a part of – the concerns of the elite. Statius
in the Silvae betrays significant interest in poetry as a source for renown for himself only in
terms of his epic poetry. But his non-epic poetry scarcely receives mention in this regard, and
seems to act more as a vehicle for the praise of his patron-amici. Although a recital of epic
poetry before a group of Latii patres (probably at a young age) brought a suggestion of gloria for
himself and his father (cf. St. Silv. 5.3.219 and section 3.2.3), Statius places much more
emphasis on epic poetry as a source of fama and honor – honor in these examples was linked to
the religious notion of the vatis, rather than the political sphere (recall also that honor in the
Silvae has a considerably wider application than in the Epigrammata or the Epistulae, see
Appendix A). Statius' persona in the Silvae – that of a serious epic poet writing playful poetry –
is consonant with the apparent lack of concern for the Silvae as a lasting poetic achievement.
There is concern expressed (in the prefaces) over the perceived social utility and appropriateness
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
of poems so "speedily" composed, and the importance of individual poems for the memoria of
their subjects, but it is to his epic poetry that Statius looks to secure his renown (fama and
honores; St. Theb. 12.816-23). As far as the debate in the Dialogus is concerned, Statius'
portrayal of Lucan ("serious" epic poet in otium) and Stella are consonant with the zero-sum
attitude described above. For Stella, an elite dilettante, not only can we see a boundary between
the practice of minor (erotic) poetry and the onset of marriage and public life, but we can also
see this boundary implicitly expressed in the choice of terms and images used to describe success
in each sphere.
Martial in the Epigrammata, as we saw, placed the most significance on the fama and
nomen which result from being read: fama and nomen are preferred over honos, laus, and gloria
as indicators of poetic renown. The value of laus is consistently played down by Martial (with a
notable exception – laus from the emperor – in Mart. 3.95) as unreliable and motivated by the
self-interest of the flatterer who gives it and the unworthy who wants it. This is perhaps the sort
of laus to which Aper alludes (inanis et infructuosa): in the Epigrammata this sort of laus is
commonly presented as sycophancy, and works against the proper social dynamic of amicitia
(see above sections 4.2.1 and 4.2.3.2). Honos does not figure as a significant term of praise for
poets in the Epigrammata; when Martial uses it of himself it is clearly referring to his tribunate
(see above section 4.1.1). And Martial makes no clear assertion of gloria for himself as nugatory
poet. Statius' persona was based on his status as professional poet. Martial's persona, however, is
not solely that of a poet, but rather of a man of an equestrian status who, although he held public
office, is no longer active in public life; it is interesting to note, in light of the Dialogus, the
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
several recusationes of oratory.516 Martial, an eques (also a poet) not active in public life and not
cut out to be a lawyer, seeking to promote his social importance in a number of ways including
writing nugatory poetry,517 would not, perhaps, find fault in Aper's eyes in asserting for himself
fama and nomen.
Pliny's Ep. 9.25, and the other letters in which literary gloria is claimed for an individual
poet, has some interesting similarities and dissimilarities to the arguments presented by Maternus
and Aper in the Dialogus. For Aper the public recognition that poetry provides is ephemeral and
– although it is the expressed goal of poets – empty in any case. But the rewards of a public life
as an orator are lasting and far greater (albeit just as difficult to achieve). Maternus' response to
Aper presents the contrast of the literary life of otium with the public life of negotium. For
Maternus and Aper both it is ostensibly a choice between two lifestyles – public or private –
even though Maternus' "private" lifestyle (with characteristic Tacitean irony) has brought about a
visit from friends in order to urge a lower profile. Martial likewise chose a "private" life; with
Martial also we see an acute concern for the political and social innocuousness of his epigrams:
absit malignus interpres (Mart. 1.praef.). As a nugatory poet, Pliny may have responded to this
concern by writing poetry which is not explicitly political.
516
Cf. Mart. 1.17, 2.30, 2.90, 12.68.
517
This view of Martial's persona is consistent with the picture painted by Pliny in Ep. 3.21, Martial's
obituary notice Pliny there makes a sharp division between Martial the amicus and Martial the poet. See
above section 4.1).
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Pliny, who attempts throughout the Epistulae to bring the otium lifestyle into some kind
of harmony with public life, seems in Ep. 9.25 to be suggesting that the two lifestyles are not
totally incompatible after all. If my arguments about gloria and this letter are correct, and if I am
right to read Ep. 9.25 in the context of the debate exemplified in the Dialogus, could it be
possible that this letter is a partial response to Tacitus' Aper and Maternus? Whatever the precise
motivation for Ep. 9.25, I do believe that I am correct to read it in the context of this particular
debate about the place of poetry in elite culture and the role of poetry in the life of the magnus
vir. I believe I am also correct in suggesting, through an analysis of gloria in the Epistulae and in
9.25 specifically, that Pliny is attempting to establish a compromise solution to some of the
problems posed by his friend's Dialogus de Oratoribus. (It is not necessarily the case, however,
that Pliny is taking a position against the zero-sum competition endemic to Roman elite society,
for he still competes with his amici in producing verse, and with others in the courts.) First, Pliny
seems to be suggesting that for a magnus vir such as himself status and rank, reflected in his
gloria, can be maintained or augmented in negotium and in otium, as orator and as poet. Second,
Pliny – in attributing gloria for poetic success to Spurinna and Atilius Crescens – seems to be
holding out the promise of gloria for those who are not currently active in the political arena (the
traditional venue for achieving gloria), thus continuing – but in a reconciling manner and
restricting gloria to the elite – the assertions of gloria made by Propertius and Ovid for their own
poetry. Counter examples show the development clearly: Passenus Paulus (a low-level
equestrian) does not seem to merit gloria entirely, and Fuscus Salinator (a promising young
politician), like the two young Calpurnii, has strong potential for political gloria to which literary
gloria is for the time being subordinate.
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
Pliny's solution is not radical. The hierarchy of gloria, negotium, and otium described in
section 5.3.1 is as focused on the concerns of the elite as Maternus' and Aper's debate, and
Pliny's gloria was validated by a restricted group of elite readers. The significance of what Pliny
suggests about the nature of gloria in the Epistulae is dual, first in its application to individuals
among the elite who have no competing political duties, and second in its application for success
in poetry composed in otio for individuals who do have political duties. Both of these
developments seem to arise out of trends traced for gloria in Chapter Two; both can be explained
as the result of the intellectualization of virtutes (on which gloria rests), and the widening of the
competitive arenas in which elite members vied with one another, as competition in the
traditional arenas became increasingly uncertain and dangerous.
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'Fame is the Spur': Memoria, Gloria, and Poetry among the Elite in Flavian Rome
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Appendix A: Terms of Praise
A.1
Terms of Praise in Statius
Statius is best known in the Silvae as a panegyricist, and there is a great deal of material
to discuss in detail concerning the mechanisms of praise in poems not addressed to the
Emperor.518 In general, however, it is clear that the semantic boundaries identified above for the
several terms are in effect in Statius; a notable exception is laus. Fama is well represented in the
Silvae both in its objective and subjective senses. In its subjective sense, as noted in section
2.1.1, fama often takes on a pseudo-existence as an abstract personalization. This personalization
is found in extreme form in Silvae 1.1.(Nunc age Fama prior notum per saecula nomen |
Dardanii miretur equi, 1.1.8-9), 1.3 (sestiacos nunc Fama sinus pelagasque natatum | iactet et
audaci victos delphinas ephebo, 1.3.27-8), and 2.7 (at tu, seu poli per axem | Famae curribus
arduis levatus, 2.7.107-9). A perhaps less extreme personalization – which still retains a strong
notion of pseudo-existence – is found in 1.4 (sileant peioris murmura famae, 1.4.14), and 4.4
(tibi sublimi iam nunc celeberrima fama | eminet, 4.4.44-45; ventosaque gaudia famae |
quaerimus, 4.4.50-1). In 1.3.28 and 1.4.14 the verbalization implicit in the word fama is made
explicit by the context. Note also that the ambiguity of fama seems mitigated by the context of
praise toward the positive in the Silvae: in 1.4.14 the negative connotation of fama is made clear
by the adjective peior, but it otherwise stands alone and yet is clearly positive. Fama in the
Silvae, in its objective and subjective senses, is almost universally the result of some personal
518
For panegyric of the Emperor Domitian see Geyssen (1996).
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virtue, success, or merit. This is most explicit in 5.3 (of his father, his tibi pro meritis famam
laudesque benignas | iudex cura deum nulloque e vulnere tristem concessit, 5.3.250-2) but is
quite apparent elsewhere. Again, the prevalence of praise contexts privileges positive readings.
In its objective sense fama retains the notion of a generalized independent existence as in 2.2 (ite
per annos | saeculaque et priscae titulos praecedite famae, 2.2.145-6), 2.6 (Dignus et
Haemonium Pyladen praecedere fama, 2.6.54), 3.3 (Quis sublime genus formamque insignis
Etruscae | nesciat? haud quaquam proprio mihi cognita visu, | sed decus eximium famae par
reddit imago, 3.3.111-113), 5.3 (si tu [sc. Parthenope] stirpe vacans famaeque obscura iaceres
nil gentile tenens, 5.3.109-110; 5.3.213-4 dedisti | ... famam sperare sepulcro; and 5.3.250-2
cited above). In its objective sense fama in the Silvae is not explicitly verbalized; but as I noted
in section 2.1.1, verbalization of some sort, even figurative, is implicit in the word itself.
Laus as a significant term of praise is surprisingly rare in the Silvae, with only seven
instances in four poems. While laus clearly retains in the Silvae its characteristics as an act (and
so a transient phenomenon), its specific connection to virtutes is sometimes diluted in the uses of
the verb laudare: thus in 1.2.254 (ambissent laudare diem) a "day" would receive laus and in
1.3.81 (bifera Alcinoi laudem pomaria) the mythical orchards of Alcinous likewise. Less
extreme is 5.1.11 (laudati iuvenis rarissima coniunx), where, however, no cause for the laus of
the iuvenis (here Abascantus, Domitian's ab epistulis) is made explicit. In its use as a substantive,
however, laus is specifically connected with virtus in some way. In 5.1.51-6 Statius dwells
specifically on the connection of laus to worth, contrasting the laus given to women for ancestry
or beauty only with that due Abascantus' wife Priscilla for ancestry, beauty, and fidelity to her
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husband.519 In 5.2 (disce, puer, – nec enim externo monitore petendus | virtutis tibi pulcher amor
: cognata ministret | laus animos, 5.2.51-3) and 5.3 (tu laudis origo, 5.3.190),520 laus is clearly
linked to the res and virtutes of the battlefield and government. I remarked in the semantic
description of laus that, although its earliest associations are with areas and actions of public
concern (associations which persist) through the concept of virtus, the application of the term
broadens along with the range of laudable virtutes; we can see here, in the case of Priscilla,
expansion of the term to women's virtues. Honos is applied to pre-eminence in women in what
seems a parallel expansion of usage. But, as we shall see, the use of honos is not explicitly linked
to virtus. Thus the basic semantic boundaries of these two terms honos and laus – the latter
granted for virtus, the former for pre-eminence within a social group or for a position within the
social system – seem to remain in effect.
Nomen as a term of praise indicating renown is not used in the Silvae.
The semantic descriptions offered in section 2.1.2 may have value when considering the
preference for honos in the Silvae relative to laus as a term of praise. As I noted in section 2.1.2
over time honos and laus seem to become almost synonymous. But a significant distinction
remains: laus is the deliberate public recognition of virtus while honos represents the distinction
519
St. Silv. 5.1.51-6 laudantur proavis seu pulchrae munere formae, | quae morum caruere bonis,
falsoque potentes | laudis egent verae : tibi quamquam et origo niteret et felix species multumque optanda
maritis, | ex te maior honos, unum novisse cubile, | unum secretis agitare sub ossibus ignem. See Víden
(1992) 95-106, 129-132 for brief discussion of womanly virtues.
520
The preceding verses dwell on the current activities and successes of Statius' father's students in public
life.
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of one individual over another in a social system. To be sure, honos in the Silvae is an act
recognizing some pre-eminence, sometimes metonymically, or represents the recognition due an
action or quality (often with defining genitive) which is pre-eminent in some way. But it is not
confined, as laus normally is, to a direct association with virtutes and res. It may be that Statius,
as a praise poet, was more concerned to demonstrate his subjects' pre-eminence in areas other
than those traditionally associated with virtutes, or that the use of honos (and the notable rarity of
laus) suggests lessened emphasis on public recognition (see below on Martial and Pliny). This is
especially true of non-males and poets: the majority of instances of honos occur in contexts
praising women, eunuchs, and poets. When honos occurs in the context of praising men (only
three times of two men521), the usage is explicitly in a public context: triumph (3.3.140), granting
of equestrian status (3.3.143-5), and magistracies – or at least public service (5.2.173-4).
In Silvae 3.3 we see honos as an act which signals pre-eminence expressed in a more
familiar and traditional context in the triumph (honore triumphi, 3.3.140) and the granting of
equestrian status (at que idem in cuneos populo deduxit equestres | mutavitque genus laevaeque
ignobile ferrum | exuit et celso natorum aequavit honorem, 3.3.143-45). The metonymic use of
honos, in which an object becomes honos, may be seen in 4.5 (Parvi beatus ruris honoribus, |
qua prisca Teucros Alba colit lares, 4.5.1-2) where Statius refers to the estate granted to his
father by Domitian, and in 5.1 (sed mortalis honos, agilis quem dextra laborat, 5.1.10) where
Statius contrasts the transient honos of a painting or sculpture with the enduring honos of song.
521
In Silvae 3.3 Statius praises the dead Claudius Etruscus' career and accomplishments; in 5.2 he praises
Crispinus, the son of Vettius Bolanus, who is embarking on his public career.
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In 5.2 (en! ingens reserat tibi limen honorum | Caesar et Ausonii committit munia ferri, 5.2.1734) we have the only use in the Silvae of honos metonymically for magistracy. Honos as
"recognition due" is used in connection with non-males (women or slaves/eunuchs) for preeminence in beauty. Although we can see how honos is related to pre-eminence in beauty in 1.2
(formae egregium ... decus, cui gloria patrum | et generis certabat honos, 1.2.107-8) where the
quality of a woman's beauty rivals the gloria patrum and the honos generis, the link between
honos and beauty is much more clearly articulated in 2.1 (genis optatus honos, 2.1.52)522 as
Statius lists the different reasons for which the slave Glaucias' beauty might have been a subject
of praise. Likewise, in 3.4 Apollo's hair is a source of honos (forsan et ipse comae numquam
labentis honorem | praemetet atque alio clusum tibi ponet in auro, 3.4.10-11). The nature of
honos as an act of recognition which often attaches to a specific position in society is most
clearly articulated for the poet as vates.523 In 2.1.26-7 Statius, in an epicedion on the death of
Melior's favorite slave Glaucias, exclaims that his own grief is hindering his ability to express
consolation to Melior and praise to Glaucias through his poetry, and that as a result his honos as
vates is destroyed (et nunc, heu, vittis et frondtis honore soluto | infaustus vates, 2.1.26-7). The
sacred origins for honos argued by Klose is apparent in 2.7 where the honos canendi which
comes from Mercury, Bacchus, Apollo, and the Muses (quos penes est honor canendi, | vocalis
citharae repertor Arcas | et tu Bassaridum rotator Euhan et Paean et Hyantiae sorores, 2.7.23)
522
Cf. the whole passage from St. Silv. 2.1.39-54 describing Glaucias' forma as one of the possible
subjects for praise.
523
For the essentially sacred/religious background of the term see OLD and Forcellini s.v.
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is granted to Lucan on his posthumous birthday as sacerdos chori Romani.524 4.4, likewise,
suggests that honos is due the epic poet/vates (Iamque vale et penitus voti tibi vatis honorem |
corde exire veta, 4.4.101-2). In 5.5 (sed nec solitae mihi vertice laurus | nec fronti vittatus honos,
5.5.28-9), the honos of a poet is linked to a specific act that shows pre-eminence, victory.
Gloria in the Silvae, with one important exception, confirms the basic semantic for the
term outlined in section 2.1.3. The major difference to the application of the term in comparison
with laus and honos was in its restriction to the vir magnus: like laus, gloria is connected with
res and virtus – like honos to pre-eminence within a social system. This basic distinction and
restriction is completely compatible with instances of the term in Silvae 1.2 (gloria patrum,
1.2.107-9 – of Violentilla's ancestry – and haec gloria maior, 178-81 – of Stella's political
appointment to celebrate Domitian's victory over the Dacians – see section 3.2.1), 1.4.68ff, esp.
90-91 (of the military and political successes of Rutilius Gallicus, especially his generalship
against the Dacians), and 5.2.142 quanta Caledonias attollet gloria campos! (of Crispinus' future
military success). Very likely of the same sort is 2.3.76-77 te sub teste situm fugitura tacentem |
ardua magnanimi revirescit gloria Blaesi, although the figure of Blaesus seems shrouded in
mystery.525 Two poets of mythic distinction are connected to expressions of gloria although
524
For the implications of colitur as a religious technical term see TLL 3.1679-1690 s.v. colere esp. VA2,
VB.
525
See PIR2 B 137. Blaesus also figures prominently in 2.1 (an epicedion for Melior's delicatus Glaucias)
acting as a sort of ancestor to Melior in the underworld. Apparently the same Blaesus appears in Mart.
8.38 (where Melior is credited with establishing a fund to celebrate Blaesus' birthday in perpetuity); no
secure identification has been made, although De Rhoden and Dessau suggest in PIR2 Velleius Blaesus,
the locuples consularis whose inheritance Regulus snagged so unscrupulously (see PIR2 V 234; Pl. Ep.
2.20.7-8). Van Dam (1984) 166 rightly notes that he "must have been of high birth" because of the epithet
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neither instance is used in the objective sense: Getici cedat tibi gloria plectri (2.2.61; suggesting
that Pollius Felix's power to move rock is greater than Orpheus') and alit victos immanis gloria
falsi (5.3.132 of cities' false claims to be Homer's birthplace). In 5.3.219, however, gloria here
again in the subjective sense seems to result for Statius' father and Statius himself from his early
performance before the Latii patres (mentioned above). The peculiarity of this statement in the
context of the term's basic semantic and the consistency of its application elsewhere in the Silvae
is remarkable, and deserves more comment below. In general, however, the instances of gloria in
the Silvae exhibit a pattern of application consistent with the semantic analysis offered in section
2.1.3.
A.2
Terms of Praise in Martial
As we might expect in a corpus as large as the Epigrammata, and one focused by and
large on elite society, there is an abundance of material to discuss concerning the mechanisms of
praise. I examine here the praise terms identified in section 2.1 – terms most often used by
Martial in these remarks – in order to establish similarities and differences in their semantic
boundaries in relation to those offered in section 2.1. Although Statius seems to employ laus
with a slightly different emphasis, Martial seems to modify the application of gloria. Fama is
very well represented in Martial's poetry in all of the aspects treated in section 2.1.1, with over
generosi (2.1.191) citing St. Silv. 5.2.22 (titulis generosi avitis of Crispinius, son of Vettius Bolanus) and
5.3.146 (generosa pubes, of Neapolitan aristocrats).
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40 instances. Fama in its subjective sense in the Epigrammata is characteristically526
personalized or abstracted by Martial (especially in the later books), giving fama a stronger
impression overall of a pseudo-existence in the Epigrammata. Personalization may be found in
extreme form in 1.25.5 (ante fores stantem dubitas admittere Famam), 1.29.1 (Fama refert ...),
1.39.2 (quales prisca fides famaque novit), 1.49.41-2 (non impudenter vita quod relicum est
petit, | cum fama quod satis habet), 1.78.9-10 (hanc mortem fatis magni praeferre Catonis | fama
potest), 1.93.6 (famaque quod raro novit, amicus erat), 4.75.6 (nec minor Alcestin fama sub
astra ferat), 6.64.6-7 (emendare meos, quos novit fama, libellos| ... tibi permittis), 7.6.4 (Credo
tibi, verum dicere, Fama, soles), 7.12.9-10 (iuro potentis | per genium Famae ...), 8.3.3-4 (iam
nihil addere nobis | fama potest), 8.38.8 (praestas hoc, Melior, sciente fama), and 12.4.3-4 (hoc
te mihi ... fama fuisse loquax ... dicet). In these instances the agency of fama is strongly
emphasized. In the Epigrammata the notion of a pseudo-existence remains very strong for
abstracted fama: see 1.111.1 (cum tibi sit sophiae par fama et cura deorum), 5.10.1 ("Esse quid
hoc dicam vivis quod fama negatur ..."), 5.25.12 (quae tibi fama perit!), 6.56.2 (verba putas
famae te, Charideme, dare), 7.12.4 (et mihi de nullo fama rubore placet), 7.88.1 (si vera est
fama), 10.3.9 (procul a libellis nigra sit meis fama). In these instances the notion of agency is
lessened or absent. The verbalization inherent in fama (see section 2.1.1) is made explicit at
1.29.1 referet, 6.56.2 verba, 7.6.4 dicere, and 12.4.3-4 fama loquax dicet. In 7.12.3-4 (ut mea nec
iuste quos odit pagina laesit | et mihi de nullo fama rubore placet) fama is implicitly verbalized
in the context of the written word (mea pagina). Fama is also found in a strictly subjective sense
526
Of the thirty instances I identify as subjective, 21 are personalized or abstract examples.
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in the Epigrammata: 7.27.1-2 (aper ... | ... Aetolae fama secunda ferae), 8.28.1-2 (Dic, toga, ... |
esse velis cuius fama decusque gregis?), 8.73.6 (fama est arguti Nemesis formosa Tibulli), 9.28.1
(dulce decus scaenae, ludorum fama, Latinus), 9.43.2, 5 (deus [sc. Hercules]|... non est fama
recens nec nostri gloria caeli), 9.71.1 (Massyli leo fama iugi), 9.101.1-2 (Appia ... | ... Ausoniae
maxima fama viae), 10.103.4 (nam decus et nomen famaque vestra sumus), 11.9.1-2 (Romani
fama coturni | ... Memor). In these instances, as well as for the instances of personalization and
abstraction listed above, the fundamental ambiguity of the term pointed out in the semantic
description in section 2.1.1 seems mitigated by the context, and fama in the Epigrammata is
nearly always positive. In 10.3.9 a negative connotation for fama is made clear by the adjective
nigra. Elsewhere a positive modifier makes the meaning plain, or fama stands alone, yet clearly
positive. Fama in its objective sense, rather than being associated with a personal virtue as in the
Silvae (see above A.1), ensues most commonly after an event or activity, supposed or real:
1.praef (mihi fama vilius constet), 1.8.5 (redemit ... sanguine famam), 1.39.1-2 (si quis erit raros
inter numerandos amicos, | quales prisca fides famaque novit anus),1.66.13 (petit famam),
3.95.7-8 (nomen | non expectato dat mihi fama rogo), 5.15.4 (cui victura meo munere fama
datur), 5.25.5 (quem chartis famaeque damus populisque loquendum), 5.56.6 (famae Tutilium
suae relinquat), 5.60.3 (certum est hanc tibi pernegare famam), 6.61.6 ("sed famae non est hoc,
mihi crede, satis..."), 6.66.1(famae non nimium bonae puellam), 7.51.10 (sed famae mavult ille
favere meae), 8.praef. (tu famam, id est vitam, dedisti), 8.18.4 (carior ut mea sit quam tua fama
tibi), 8.70.6 ([maluit]...famae nec dare vela suae), 11.41.1-2 (Amyntas | ... gaudet fama
luxuriaque gregis). This usage conforms to the general semantic description given in section
2.1.1. Again, fama in the objective sense in the Epigrammata is nearly always positive; at 6.66.1
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famae is modified as non nimium bonae (famae non nimium bonae puellam). In its objective
sense fama is not explicitly verbalized in the Epigrammata; but we have already seen that
verbalization, even figurative, is implicit in the word itself.
While laus is infrequent in the Epigrammata as a term of praise (4 instances), the verbal
form is very common (45 instances). The constituent elements of laus in the definition offered in
section 2.1.2 (i.e. voiced and deliberate naming of an individual, virtutes) seem to be reduced
only to naming in the Epigrammata. Thus the importance of virtus for laus, operative in the
Silvae, seems to be further diluted or, indeed, absent in both the substantive and the verbal form
in the Epigrammata. In Martial, laus/laudare can simply be glossed as probare and often lacks
any specific connection to virtus. Rather, the emphasis (if any at all) seems to be on an act (res);
if any particular virtus or set of virtutes lie behind the act, their presence is at best implicit, at
worst phantasmal. Two representative examples follow. In 1.49 Martial suggests that
Licinianus527 will return in retirement to Spain, leaving behind his duties as advocate (videbis
altem, Liciniane, Bilbilin, 1.49.3); Sura,528 presumably acting in his place or at least in similar
fashion, would receive public acclaim (cf. 1.49.37 mereatur alius grande et insanum sophos529).
In 4.51 the poet observes in satiric mode that Caecilianus, recently enriched, has adopted new
habits, walking instead of being carried on a litter by six men: "quid tibi pro meritis et tantis
527
Licinianus (cf. PIR2 L 170) appears in this epigram and in 1.61; he seems to have been a Spaniard,
senator, and successful orator.
528
L. Licinius Sura (PIR2 L 253), another Spaniard. Martial names him in 6.64 as one of his readers along
with Silius Italicus, Regulus, and Caesar.
529
For sophos for oratical speech and recitations see above, p. 155 and n. 388.
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laudibus optem," asks the poet. Laudibus represents here, metonymically, the laudable act.530 It
can still be said that in the Epigrammata laus/laudare represents a transient phenomenon, the
intermediary step between virtus/act and "renown". It was suggested in section 2.1.2 that
virtutes, or the actions (res) devolving from the enactment of virtutes, give rise to laus. In the
Epigrammata Martial places emphasis on the laudability of res or the individual not the
laudability of virtus (thus virtus itself is bypassed or downplayed). This emphasis may in turn
explain Martial's preference for the verbal form.
Naming is indicated by our ancient lexicographical sources as an essential element of
laus (see section 2.1.2) and renown. As I noted in section 2.1.2 the act of making an object or
person distinct from others in this way is an essential step to praise and renown (cf. 5.15). The
two basic semantic fields identified section 2.1.2 for nomen are well represented in the
Epigrammata (as they were not in the Silvae; see A.1), with 66 instances. The first semantic field
(with 49 instances) centers around rather straightforward "naming", the minimum evidence for
individual existence or identity: 1.96, 1.114, 1.117, 2.2 bis, 2.61, 2.68, 3.1, 3.5, 3.11, 3.58, 3.68,
4.11, 4.19, 4.30, 4.31 bis, 4.44 (var. lec.), 4.55 bis, 5.15, 5.21, 5.34, 5.78, 6.3, 7.12, 7.24, 7.32,
7.96, 8.praef., 8.33, 8.66, 9.1, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.16, 9.44, 9.72, 9.93, 9.95, 10.26, 10.73, 11.4,
11.5, 11.8, 11.43, 11.50, 12.8, 12.44. The result of this individualization (nomen takes on a
pseudo-existence similar to that of fama – nomen is construed in this case as "reputation", i.e. the
extent to which his name is known) is apparent in the objective uses of the term: 1.praef., 1.105,
530
Cf. section 2.1.2 and TLL 7.1064.33-72 s.v. laus IIA.
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1.107, 5.17, 6.61, 7.44, 7.97, 8.38 bis, 9.49, 9.84, 9.101, 10.73, 10.103, 11.49. Martial
demonstrates this dual nature of nomen with a clever play on meanings in 2.4:
O quam blandus es, Ammiane, matri!
quam blanda est tibi mater, Ammiane!
fratrem te vocat, et soror vocatur.
cur vos nomina nequiora tangunt?
quare non iuvat hoc quo estis esse?
lusum creditis hoc iocumque? non est:
matrem, quae cupit esse se sororem,
nec matrem iuvat esse nec sororem.
The objective sense of celebrity or renown is quite apparent in 3.95.7-8 (ore legor multo
notumque per oppida nomen | non expectato dat mihi fama rogo). The inherent similarity
between "being known" and nomen is clearly signaled by nomen notum (here perhaps even a
pleonasm); this similarity leads us to consider passages based on notus vel sim., such as 1.1.2
(toto notus in orbe), 5.13.2 (sed non obscurus nec male notus eques), 7.40.1 (hic iacet ille senex
Augusta notus in aula), and 10.9-10 (notus gentibus ille Martialis | et notus populis), when
discussing renown below. So, nomen as "reputation", then, relies on the naming of individuals as
a means of distinguishing them from others. While this distinction may be negative (e.g. 2.4.4
cur vos nomina nequiora tangunt?), when nomen stands alone it is usually probative. As I
remarked already, without a nomen, renown cannot accrue to an individual by name. Thus, in a
strict sense (cf. Gell. 2.6.16 laudare significat prisca lingua nominare appellareque), only with
the nomen can a person receive the voiced and deliberate public recognition which is laus.
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There is a marked preference in the Epigrammata for the voiced and public recognition
inherent in both nomen and laus/laudare (over 110 instances) in comparison to the distinction –
not necessarily voiced – given to a person within a social system represented by honos (21
instances). Recall that this was essentially the opposite case in the Silvae, where honos seems to
be preferred to laus and where nomen as a term of praise was absent altogether. Honos, as I
noted in section 2.1.2, is an act. Thus, like laus, it is a symbol of the community's recognition of
an individual (or indeed a divinity). But while laus is a verbal act conceptually dependent on
nomen, the expression of honos can take many forms, including laus or nomen: cf. 5.15.3-4
(gaudet honorato sed multus nomine lector, | cui victura meo munere fama datur). Honos in the
Epigrammata most often (13 instances) signals pre-eminence metonymically as the object
becomes the honos. In 4.40 (plenus honorum531), 8.8.3-4 (te [sc. Janus] primum pia tura rogent,
te vota salutent, | purpura te felix, te colat omnis honos532), 8.66 (sacros honores, referring to
consulships granted by Domitian), and 9.64.7 (hunc [sc. Caesar] magnas rogat alter opes, rogat
alter honores) honos is used metonymically for chief magistracies (a regular usage); in 10.79.7-8
(consule Torquato vici fuit ille magister, | non minor in tanto visus honore sibi) Martial derides
Otacilius for considering his minor position (magister vici) as equivalent in honos to Torquatus,
a consul. In 8.78 and 12.62 honos is used in connection with triumphal processions. In 8.78,
through a flattering conceit worthy of a Statius, Martial suggests that Caesar's presence at the
531
The assumption that honorum in 4.40.7 refers to offices rests on 4.40.1-4 (Atria Pisonum stabant cum
stemmate toto | et docti Senecae ter numeranda domus, | praetulimus tantis solum te, Postume, regnis; |
pauper eras et eques sed mihi consul eras): the implication of the contrast evoked is that Postumus has
now achieved similar status and rank.
532
The zeugma here between purpura felix and honos highlights the metonymy, and the new year
associated with Janus is evocative of the assumption of office in January (cf. 8.66).
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games associated with his own triumph is itself a greater honos (omnia sed, Caesar, tanto
superantur honore, | quod spectatorem te tua laurus habet, 8.78.15-16); 11.32 (cf. mentiris
vanoque tibi blandiris honore, 11.32.7) is based on a similar conceit. In 3.2 (of a book), 6.80 (of
a season), and 8.55 (of a lion), honos clearly signals some pre-eminence: in 3.2 and 6.80 this preeminent quality is not explicit – in 8.55 the lion is distinguished by his mane (o quantum per
colla decus, quem sparsit honorem | aurea lunatae, cum stetit, umbra iubae, 8.55.9-10). In four
other instances honos is used of things distinguished by their sacredness. In 1.116 the close early
connection between honos and the dead suggested by Klose (see section 2.1.2) is apparent (Hoc
nemus aeterno cinerum sacravit honore Faenius, 1.116.1); in 8.80.4 (sic priscis servatur honos
te praeside templis), and 9.3.7-8 (pro Capitolinis quid enim tibi solvere templis, | quid pro
Tarpeiae frondis honore potest?), honos relates to a temple and in 9.61.21 (perpetuos sperare
licet tibi frondis honores) refers to a tree made sacer by Domitian. These uses are consistent with
the semantic description offered in section 2.1.2.
The emphasis in the Epigrammata on voiced recognition (as noted above) may have
affected Martial's use of honos in connection with poetry. Poetry in the Epigrammata, rather than
giving expression to the subject's honos as in the Silvae,533 actually seems to give honos to its
subject : 1.88.8 (hic tibi perpetuo tempore vivet honor, contrasting a poem's permanence with
that of a sepulcher; cf. St. Silv. 5.1), 4.31.1-2 (quod cupis in nostris dicique legique libellis | et
nonnullus honos creditur iste tibi), 5.15.3 (gaudet honorato sed multus nomine lector), and
533
The exception is Silvae 5.1.10 (sed mortalis honos, agilis quem dextra laborat) where Statius contrasts
the transient honos of painting or sculpture with the enduring honos of song.
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10.45.2 (si quid honorificum pagina blanda sonat). Clearly, for Martial a poem can be an honos
(metonymically) for its subject. Honos, however, is not a significant term for the expression of
his own "renown": in 3.2, an address to his book, Martial cleverly alludes to the poet's wreath
with a play on frons,534 and in 4.27 Martial claims to have been "honored" by Domitian non sola
voce because of his poetry.535 These, however, are the only uses of honos which can be
connected to a poets' own renown.
Gloria in the Epigrammata, while it does confirm the basic semantic offered in section
2.1.3, also appears to be more widely applied. The major difference noted in section 2.1.3 of the
application of gloria in comparison with laus and honos was in its restriction to the vir magnus:
like laus, gloria is connected with res and virtutes – like honos, to pre-eminence within a social
system. This basic semantic is apparent in subjective usage in the Epigrammata: 2.90.1-2
(Quintiliane, vagae moderator summae iuventae, | gloria Romanae, Quintiliane, togae), 2.91.1
(Rerum certa salus, terrarum gloria, Caesar), 4.55.1 (Luci, gloria temporum tuorum), 5.24.14
(Hermes, gloria Martis universi), 9.99.3-4 (Marcus Palladiae non infitianda Tolosae | gloria,
quem genuit Pacis alumna Quies). But some uses of gloria in a subjective sense are even wider
in application: 4.75.1-2 (O felix animo, felix, Nigrina, marito | atque inter Latias gloria prima
nurus; cf. 10.63.7-8 (contigit et thalami mihi gloria rara fuitque | una pudicitiae mentula nota
534
Mart. 3.2.8 et frontis gemino decens honore. cf. St. Silv. 5.5.28-9 sed nec solitae mihi vertice laurus |
nec fronti vittatus honos. The frontes (identical to the fastigia) were the ends of the papyrus roll, one of
which may have had an identifying mark or words; see Birt (1959) 66-67.
535
Mart. 4.27 Saepe meos laudare soles, Auguste, libellos. | invidus ecce negat: num minus ergo soles? |
quid quod honorato non sola voce dedisti, | non alius poterat quae dare dona mihi? | ecce iterum nigros
conrodit lividus ungues. | Da, Caesar, tanto tu magis, ut doleat.
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meae and 12.21.7-8 on Marcella536 nec cito ridebit peregrini gloria partus, | Romanam deceat
quam magis esse nurum), 7.50.1-2 (fons dominae, regina loci quo gaudet Ianthis, | gloria
conspicuae deliciumque domus), 9.43.2, 5 (deus [sc. Hercules]|... non est fama recens nec nostri
gloria caeli; cf. 10.89.1 Iuno labor, Polyclite, tuus et gloria felix), 9.60.4 ([corona] seu modo
Campani gloria ruris eras). Gloria is even extended in a subjective sense to artisans and poets as
a source of gloria for others: 8.82.5 (fer vates, Auguste, tuos: nos gloria dulcis, | nos tua cura
prior deliciaeque sumus), 10.64 (of Lucan, ille tuus vates, Heliconis gloria nostri), 10.89.1 (Iuno
labor, Polyclite, tuus et gloria felix), 10.103 (of Martial, ecquid laeta iuvat vestri vos gloria
vatis?537). While this extension of subjective gloria seems to draw the subject closer to the notion
of gloria (e.g. Lucan seems to accrue gloria in 10.64), in fact the basic dynamic stays the same:
it is not the subject which receives the gloria but the associated object or person (e.g. 10.64 ille
tuus vates, Heliconis gloria nostri "that vates of yours, our Helicon's gloria"). The "possessor" of
the gloria is almost without exception clearly marked by the use of a possessive genitive or
adjective.538
536
Marcella appears to have been a wealthy widow in Bilbilis whose generosity towards Martial on his
return there after the years in Rome is recorded in Book 12.21, 31. Early scholars tried to make her
Martial's wife (see Sullivan [1991] 24).
537
I read the genitive not as possessive but of origin, especially in light of the following line (ecquid laeta
iuvat vestri vos gloria vatis? | nam decus et nomen famaque vestra sumus, | nec sua plus debet tenui
Verona Catullo | meque velit dici non minus illa suum: "Does the pleasant gloria arising from your poet
delight you? I am your ornament, your name to fame – to trifling Catullus his Verona owes no more and
she would wish me called hers no less." For parallels to these last lines, cf. esp. 1.61, but also 1.49 and
4.55.
538
Except 4.75.1-2, 10.89.1.
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Gloria continues, in the objective sense, to pertain to the vir magnus and his traditional
arenas of activity (cf. 8.15.1 of Domitian dum nova Pannonici numeratur gloria belli; 1.51.5
desperanda tibi est ingentis gloria fati on the death of a hare in the arena plays with this conceit).
But the shifting boundaries or criteria for measuring successful public life or for identifying the
vir magnus – a primary concern of Cicero and Seneca, for example (see sections 2.2.2-2.2.3) –
seem to influence the application of gloria in the objective sense. So, for example, in 1.21
Mucius Scaevola earns gloria for his steadfastness in the face of pain (cf. 8.30). The basic
semantic of gloria as a public recognition of virtus and/or res and an indication of pre-eminence
for the vir magnus seems to remain in place in these few instances (3 of 31). But for other
instances we must shift our understanding of virtus to accommodate the basic semantic without
explicit help from the text, and without the presence of the vir magnus. It seems that the
tendency to downplay or bypass virtus described for laus/laudare also affects gloria. For
example, in 4.63.3-4 (gloria quante perit vobis! haec monstra Neroni | nec iussae quondam
praestiteratis, aquae) and 6.80.6 (tantaque Paestani gloria ruris erat), what virtutes are we to
assign water or countryside? Likewise in 5.10.12 (si post fata venit gloria, non propero, referring
to a poet's fama after death; cf. 5.10.1-2) and 7.97.10 (o quae gloria! referring to Martial's book's
popularity; cf. 7.97.13 uni mitteris, omnibus legeris). In these cases gloria, lacking explicit
reference to virtus or a natural context for virtus (i.e. battle), seems to be expressing something
closer to bona fama. While this accommodation is not entirely incompatible with certain trends
connected with gloria described in section 2.2 (Cicero, after all, defined gloria as fama cum
laude), the lack of connection with either res gestae or virtus in these instances is suggestive, as
is the absence of the vir magnus. The claim made by Statius in this light is more understandable.
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It may be the case that gloria in the Epigrammata approaches the semantic field of honos
and fama (but not laus, which was often associated with an act) more closely in Books 4-10; in
Books 1-3, as we have seen, gloria conforms to normal expectations. This suggestion finds
support in the difficulty – for a number of the examples from Books 4-10 already examined – of
attaching a specific virtus or res to a claim of gloria; we have also seen this to be true of honos in
general (see above). So, for example, a piece of sculpture becomes gloria for Polyclitus (Iuno
labor, Polyclite, tuus et gloria felix, 10.89.1). The extension in application of gloria from the vir
magnus to others (especially women and the inanimate) is also significant in comparison to the
uses of honos in Statius.
A.3
Terms of Praise in Pliny
Given the number of letters on literary topics, Pliny's uses of praise terms explicitly in
connection with poetry are few, although fascinating and suggestive. Below I examine the use of
these terms more generally in order to establish similarities and differences in relation to both the
semantic descriptions offered in section 2.1 for fama, laus, nomen, honos, and gloria, as well as
those offered for Statius and Martial.
Like Martial's Epigrammata, Pliny's Epistulae concern themselves with the activities of
elite society; accordingly, there is a similar abundance of material to discuss in connection with
the mechanisms of praise. Fama is the least represented praise term of the five with which I am
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chiefly concerned (about 50 instances). Fama in the subjective sense is not personalized or
abstracted as often as in the Epigrammata. Nevertheless, there are four examples of fama in
which some degree of personalization seems indicated: 1.18.4 (prospere cessit, atque adeo illa
actio mihi aures hominum, illa ianuam famae), 2.3.1 (Magna Isaeum fama praecesserat, maior
inventus est), 4.11.15 (summam enim rerum nuntiat fama, non ordinem), 9.33.5 (Serpit per
coloniam fama concurrere omnes, ipsum puerum tamquam miraculum adspicere, interrogare,
audire, narrare). On the other hand, fama in Pliny often carries a very strong suggestion of
pseudo-existence in the subjective sense: cf. 2.11.10 (praeterea causae amplitudo auctaque
dilatione exspectatio et fama insitumque mortalibus studium magna et inusitata noscendi omnes
undique exciverat), 2.19.2 (iudicum concessus, celebritas advocatorum, exspectatio eventus,
fama non unius actoris), 3.16 (cum interim illud quidem ingens fama, haec nulla circumfert),
4.9.22 (fecerat eum favorabilem renovata discriminum vetus fama notumque periculis nomen et
in procero corpore maesta et squalida senectus), 7.25.1 (O quantum eruditorum aut modestia
ipsorum aut quies operit ac subtrahit famae!). Unlike in Statius and Martial, the verbalization
inherent in fama (see section 2.1.1) is not often made explicit in the subjective sense (cf. only
4.11.15 above).539 As in the Epigrammata, fama in the Epistulae is nearly always positive in the
subjective sense; in the Silvae, as we saw, the nearly ubiquitous concern for praise likewise
mitigates the natural ambiguity of the term.
539
The objective uses of fama in Martial's Epigrammata are also not explicitly verbalized.
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Fama is far more common in the objective sense in Pliny's Epistulae. Rather than being
associated directly with a personal virtue as in the Silvae, Pliny's usage is closer to that of Martial
in connecting fama to an event or activity: 1.5.7 (me laus et gratulatio secuta est, quod nec
famam meam aliquo responso, utili fortasse, inhonesto tamen, laeseram nec me laqueis tam
insodiosae interrogationis involveram), 3.7.3 (laeserat famam suam sub Nerone), 4.17.7
(quantum ille famae meae domi, in publico, quantum etiam apud principem adstruxit!), 6.23.2
(nam mire concupisco bonos iuvenes ostendere foro, adsignare famae), 8.24.8 (Accedit, quod
tibi certamen est tecum: onerat te quaesturae fama, quam ex Bithynia optimam revexisti), 9.3.1
Alius alium, ego beatissimum existimo, qui bonae mansuraeque famae praesumptione perfruitur
certusque posteritatis cum futura gloria vivit), 9.5.2 (plerique autem, dum verentur, ne gratiae
potentium nimium impertire videantur, sinisteritatis atque etiam malignitatis famam
consequuntur), 9.14.2 (pergamus modo itinere instituto, quod ut paucos in lucem famamque
provexit, ita multos e tenebris et silentio protulit), 9.19.3 (omnes ego, qui magnum aliquid
memorandumque fecerunt, non modo venia, erum etiam laude dignissimos iudico, si
immortalitatem, quam meruere, sectantur victurique nominis famam supremis etiam titulis
prorogare nituntur). Most often – a significant departure from Martial – that event is political in
nature: fama in Pliny often seems to be a political indicator. Occasionally, however, it is made
clear that the event or activity is the result of some particular virtue: 4.9.21 (Paulinus tamen et
iustitiae famam et constantiae tulit), 9.1.3 (salva sit tibi constantiae fama!), 9.30.2 (sunt ingenio
simili, qui, quod huic donant, auferunt illi famamque liberalitatis avaritia petunt). In the
objective sense, as in the Epigrammata, fama is rarely explicitly verbalized; 9.14.2 (pergamus
modo itinere instituto, quod ut paucos in lucem famamque provexit, ita multos e tenebris et
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silentio protulit) seems the lone example. As in the subjective sense, fama in the objective sense
in Pliny's Epistulae is nearly always positive, although in 9.5.2 Pliny comments that many
officials earn sinisteritatis atque etiam malignitatis fama.540 Again, like Martial and Statius both,
fama is not explicitly verbalized in the Epistulae, although 9.14, perhaps, betrays an awareness
of the verbalization inherent in the word itself through an antithesis of light/dark, fama/silence
(pergamus modo itinere instituto, quod ut paucos in lucem famamque provexit, ita multos e
tenebris et silentio protulit, 9.14.2).541
Laus/laudo in the Epistulae is by far the most common of all the terms of praise (131
instances), as it was in the Epigrammata – recall that laus was not often used in the Silvae. As
for Martial, for Pliny laus conveys public (often voiced) approval for an act/res much more often
than for a virtue alone. A virtus or set of virtutes, however, is very rarely expressed; in some
cases virtutes could be extrapolated from the context of the event – but they are not explicitly
mentioned. Thus the constituent elements of laus identified in section 2.1.1 – (1) voiced and
deliberate naming of an individual, (2) virtus – are, as in Martial, more or less reduced to the
former; but virtus does still play a role (cf. 1.8.9, 5.16.9, 6.26.1, 7.31.3). That laus is construed as
a public response to an act can be seen in a number of letters. In 1.5 – one example of many –
Pliny receives laus for his actions and responses when questioned in court: me laus et gratulatio
540
Note also that there are several instances in which fama (positive) can be harmed: cf. 1.5.7, 3.7.3,
8.24.8.
541
Recall Tac. Agr. 2.3 memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus, si tam in nostra potestate esset
oblivisci quam tacere (see above, pp. 26-7).
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secuta est, quod nec famam meam aliquo responso, utili fortasse, inhonesto tamen, laeseram nec
me laqueis interrogationis involveram (1.5.7). The connection can be seen even more clearly in
passages where res is made explicit. In 3.21, for example, Pliny complains that society no longer
values the praise which poets can give, if only because no one does anything worth praising
anymore (Nam postquam desimus facere laudanda, laudari quoque ineptum putamus, 3.21.4).
Likewise in 4.17 Pliny relates how when as a young man he was having laus heaped upon him
for his speaking (Nam cum forte de bonis iuvenibus apud Nervam imperatorem sermo incidisset,
et plerique me laudibus ferrent, paulisper se intra silentium tenuit, quod illi plurimum
auctoritatis addebat, 4.17.8), his supporter Corellius said that he ought to be sparing in his praise
for Pliny since Pliny had his advice in all that he did (Necesse est inquit parcius laudem
Secundum, quia nihil ex consilio meo facit, 4.17.9). The implication is that the res (actions) were
laudable. Laus/laudare still retains the quality of a transient phenomenon, the intermediary step
between virtus/act and "renown". A possible exception: in 7.31.3 Pliny suggests that Claudius
Pollio, through his good actions, has never broken his continuam laudem humanitatis (numquam
officiorum varietate continuam laudem humanitatis infregit, 7.31.3). As for Martial, laus for
Pliny can sometimes be affected and insincere: in 2.14 expresses his disgust over the teneris
clamoribus (2.14.12), the ululatus (ululatus quidem (neque enim alio vocabulo potest exprimi
theatris quoque indecora laudatio, 2.14.13), which – bought and paid for – accompany speeches
in his time. Pliny's complaints about the honors offered Pallas in 8.6 are similarly motivated. On
the other hand, Pliny points out, laus can be sincere: in 3.18 Pliny claims to offer the Emperor
veri laudes in the P a n e g y r i c u s (ut imperatori nostro virtutes suae veris laudibus
commendarentur, 3.18.2) But except for this particular instance, in the Epistulae – as in the
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Epigrammata (but not the Silvae) – emphasis is placed more on the laudability of res or the
individual, not primarily on the laudability of virtus.
Naming is indicated in our lexicographical sources as an essential element of laus (see
section 2.1.2) and renown. As I noted in section 2.1.2, the act of making an object or person
distinct from others is a necessary step to praise and renown. The two basic semantic fields
identified in section 2.1.2 for nomen are well represented in Pliny's Epistulae, as they were in the
Epigrammata (but not in the Silvae). The first semantic field centers around the straightforward
naming of a person or thing (i.e. the minimum evidence for individual existence or identity): cf.
1.12.12, 1.23.1, 2.11.23, 2.13.4, 2.14.5, 3.6.5, 3.8.4, 3.9.20, 3.9.31, 3.18.1, 3.18.11, 3.20.5, 4.1.4,
4.7.3, 4.15.3, 4.21.3, 4.25.1, 4.25.2, 5.6.35, 5.6.36, , 5.11.1, 5.14.2, 6.10.3, 6.21.6, 6.28.1, 6.31.2,
6.31.6, 6.31.17, 7.22.1, 8.4.3, 8.6.5 bis, 8.8.5, 8.18.5, 8.20.3, 8.24.3, 8.24.4, 9.13.20, 9.23.3. The
distinct individuality that results from naming, as we saw in Martial's Epigrammata (but not the
Silvae), can often be construed as "reputation", i.e. the extent to which one's name is known. This
objective sense is well represented in the Epistulae. The inherent similarity between "being
known" and nomen has already been shown for Martial. It seems no less true for Pliny: cf. e.g.
3.11.3 (Atque haec feci, cum septem amicis meis aut occisis aut relegatis, occisis Senecione
Rustico Heluidio, relegatis Maurico Gratilla Arria Fannia, tot circa me iactis fulminibus quasi
ambustus mihi quoque impendere idem exitium certis quibusdam notis augurarer.), 4.9.22
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(Fecerat eum fauorabilem renouata discriminum uetus fama, notumque periculis nomen, et in
procero corpore maesta et squalida senectus.).542
Honos in the Epistulae, like nomen, laus, and gloria, is concerned most of all with the
activities of those of Pliny's group of friends. And like the other terms, honos is well represented
as a term of praise, and adheres to the semantic boundaries elucidated in section 2.1.2. As I
noted earlier, honos is an act. Thus, like laus, it is a symbol of the community's recognition of an
individual (or indeed a divinity), or of an individual's recognition of another, through an act. For
example, when Pliny grants a beneficium to Comum in the form of alimenta for children, he
suggests that it is an honor granted to few (praesertim cum enitendum haberemus, ut, quod
parentibus dabatur, et orbis probaretur, honoremque paucorum ceteri patienter et exspectarent
et merentur, 1.8.12). But while laus is primarily a verbal act conceptually dependent on nomen,
the expression of honos can take many forms, including laus. Honos in the Epistulae is used
overwhelmingly in its metonymic sense, i.e. as office, statue (or other ornamenta), or state
funeral (as it had been in the Epigrammata, and most often in the Silvae): 1.10.8, 1.17.2, 1.17.4,
1.19.4, 1.23.1, 2.1.3, 2.1.7, 2.1.8, 2.7.3, 2.7.4, 2.7.5, 2.7.7, 2.12.3, 3.4.3, 3.6.5, 3.8.2, 4.1.4, 4.8.4,
4.15.13, 4.16.1, 4.17.2, 4.17.6 bis, 5.14.2, 5.14.6, 6.6.1, 6.6.9, 6.19.4, 6.31.4, 6.31.14, 7.22.3,
7.25.2, 7.26.2, 7.27.2, 7.29.2, 8.6.1, 8.6.5, 8.6.10, 8.6.11, 8.6.12, 8.6.14, 8.6.16, 8.10.3, 8.14.5,
8.23.2, 8.23.6, 8.23.8. In 1.23, for example, Pliny suggests that the tribunate is not an office
empty of significance: plurimum refert, quid esse tribunatum putes, 'inanem umbram' et 'sine
542
Cf. also Pl. Ep. 7.33.10, 9.1.3, 9.23.5, etc. Compare nomen notum in Mart. 3.95.8.
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honore nomen', an potestatem sancrosanctam et quam in ordinem cogi ut a nullo ita ne a se
quidem deceat (1.23.1). In 2.1.3 Pliny remarks that the state funeral for Verginius Rufus is an
exceptional honor: Caesares, quibus suspectus atque etiam invisus virtutibus fuerat, evasit,
reliquit incolumem optimum atque amicissimum, tamquam ad hunc ipsum honorem publici
funeris reservatus (2.1.3). And in 2.7 a statue for Cottius is an honor: Et hoc quidem virtutus
praemium, illud solacium doloris accepit, quod filio eius Cottio, quem amisit absens, habitus est
honor statuae (2.7.3). Social pre-eminence in particular is indicated by honos in the remaining
examples: for the daughter of Corellius Rufus in 3.3, Pliny's special (unice) affection serves to
bring her honor: teque et in memoriam eius et in honorem tuum unice diligam, (3.3.1). In 5.1
Pliny receives a legacy from an old rival as an act of recognition of a pre-eminent act: Ille ergo
Cirianus legatum mihi reliquit et factum meum, nisi blandior mihi antiquum, notabili honore
signavit (5.1.11). In 6.2 Regulus shows honor towards oratory (see above).543 Pliny does exhibit
some anxiety concerning this act of recognition for pre-eminence of some sort, primarily it
seems because it could be mis-construed. Thus in 7.24 a hint of concern over how he should
describe the recognition given to Quadratilla (the owner of a successful mime group) by a mob
of theatre-goers: at hercule alienissimi homines in honorem Quadratillae (pudet me dixisse
honorem) per adulationis officium in theatrum cursitabant, 7.24.7). Statius had quite a different
543
This seems most likely to arise out of the religious origins of the term. Note the prominence of ritual
acts in Pliny's description of what the honor comprises (illud ipsum, quod oculum modo dextrum, modo
sinistrum circumlinebat, dextrum, si a petitore, alterum, si a possessore esset acturus, quod candidum
splenium in hoc aut in illud supercilium transferebat, quod semper haruspices consulebat de actionis
eventu, a nimia superstitione, sed tamen a magno studiorum honore veniebat, 6.2.2). Regulus was notably
interested in ritual: cf. Pl. Ep. 2.20. Recall that Martial had several more uses of honos in connection with
sacred things or ritual.
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view of honor for women (see A.1). In 8.24.3 Pliny advises Valerius Maximus to show proper
honor to Greece, for her pre-eminence as the cradle of civilization: revere conditores deos et
nomina deorm, revere gloriam veterem et hanc ipsam senectutem, quae in homine venerabilis, in
urbibus sacra! Three remaining examples of honor signaling pre-eminence are more fully
examined in section 5.2.3 above, as they deal with literary matters.
Gloria in the Epistulae adheres much more closely to the basic semantic offered in
section 2.1.3 than it does in the Epigrammata; thus Pliny's application of the term is nearer that
of Statius' in the Silvae. But, of course, gloria in Pliny is much more frequent than in either poet.
The major differences noted in section 2.1.3 in the application of gloria in comparison with
other terms of praise was in its restriction to the magnus vir (this restriction is closely observed
in Pliny's letters): like laus, gloria is connected with res and virtus; like honos, with preeminence within a closed social system. Gloria in Pliny seems to result from the actions or deeds
(res)544 of great men (i.e. those involved in public affairs) with only a few exceptions (1.16, 2.3,
3.16, 5.6, 5.17, 7.9, 8.18, 8.24, 9.22, 9.25, 9.33). And even these exceptions should be
understood as reflecting the basic semantic (see below).
In its subjective sense the pre-eminence within a peer group which gloria represents is
sometimes made explicit: in 2.7 a statue is granted by the Senate for Pliny's greater friend
544
Either in the courts or on campaign, or occasionally through some act only possible by a great man
(e.g. in 3.8 Pliny suggests that he will get gloria for the position he arranged for Suetonius: praeterea
intellego mihi quoque gloriae fore, si ex hoc tuo facto non fuerit ignotum amicos meos non gerere tantum
tribunatus posse, verum etiam dare, 3.8.3)
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Vestricius Spurinna and his son Cottius for their separate deeds which will represent their honor
and gloria just as imagines represent the dead (Etenim si defunctorum imagines domi positae
dolorem nostrum levant, quanto magis hae quibus in celeberrimo loco non modo species et
vultus illorum, sed honor etiam et gloria refertur! 2.7.7). 5.11.2 (of a portico) is similar. But
more often the pre-eminence which gloria suggests is implicit in the subjective sense: in 2.1
Pliny comments that Verginius Rufus surpasses any in gloria, although he may have his match in
virtutes (cui [Verginius Rufus] fortasse cives aliquos virtutibus pares et habemus et habebimus,
gloria neminem, 2.1.12) – cf. 1.8.14, 2.1.2, 2.7.7, 3.9.8, 3.16.6, 6.10.3, 6.22.5, 6.29.3, 7.20.4,
7.31.4, 9.19.4, 9.22.3. Gloria in the subjective sense is also attributed to women for their
faithfulness to their husbands (Arria 3.16.6, Tullus' second wife 8.18.10),545 to Pliny for his villa
(5.6.46),546 to Greece as a place of ancient culture (8.24.3); these account for four of the eleven
exceptions to gloria applied to viri magni for public duties. The remaining exceptions (but one;
see immediately below) are all connected to literary matters, and are more fully examined above,
in section 5.2.3.
Gloria as a measure of pre-eminence in a social system is most clearly seen in another of
the few exceptions. In 9.33 Pliny writes to Caninius Rufus, relating a tale that could serve as
material for a new work of poetry. The tale concerns the involvement of a dolphin in the life of
the citizens of Hippo in Africa. The tale begins with a swimming race in the local harbor; boys
545
Statius uses honor as a term of approbation for these qualities in a woman; see above, section 3.2.
546
For the luxury villa as a symbol of elite status (in both a negative and a positive sense) see Bodel
(1997), Hoffer (1999) 29-42.
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compete amongst their peers in a display of courage and strength. To swim far out over the deep
water is for these boys virtus and gloria (His gloria et virtus altissime provehi, 9.33.3). 3.9, in
which Pliny discusses the co-operation between himself and Lucceius Albinus, likewise betrays
the competition which lies behind gloria (habet quidem gloria, in studiis praesertim, quiddam
ajkoinwvnhton, nobis tamen nullum certamen, nulla contentio, cum uterque pari iugo non pro se,
sed pro causa niteretur, 3.9.8). Similarly, nearly every reference to a person's gloria (i.e. in the
objective sense) in Pliny can be situated with reference to an act within a specific social context,
most often that of the political arena.
The uses of gloria in the objective sense most often refer to peer recognition resulting
from an act consistent with the vir magnus. For example, in 9.19 Pliny remarks on the attitude of
Verginius Rufus towards his reputation that he showed as much modesty (verecundia) in
speaking about his affairs as he gained gloria in doing them (Nec facile quemquam nisi
Verginium invenio, cuius tanta in praedicando verecundia, quanta gloria ex facto, 9.19.4).
Gloria in 1.8.5, 1.8.6, 1.8.14, 2.1.2, 2.1.12, 2.5.3, 3.11.4, 3.18.2, 3.20.1, 3.21.6, 4.12.6, 4.12.7,
4.19.5, 5.11.2, 6.6.4, 6.8.6, 6.10.3, 6.16.1, 6.17.4, 6.22.5, 6.29.3, 7.20.4, 7.24.9, 7.31.4, 9.3.1,
9.13.5, 9.19.8 likewise arises from actions of magni viri. In 3.7 (the obituary notice of Silius
Italicus) Pliny suggests that Silius damaged his reputation under Nero, but returned from his
governorship in Asia with gloria (laeserat famam suam sub Nerone (credebatur sponte
accusasse), sed in Vitelli amicitia sapienter se et comiter gesserat, ex proconsulatu Asiae
gloriam reportaverat, maculam veteris industriae laudabili otio abluerat, 3.7.3). This passage is
extraordinarily interesting for its division of terms of praise for the magnus vir: fama relating to
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suspected actions (credebatur), gloria derived from actions in public sphere, laus from actions in
otium (which, it is clear, was spent writing poetry). A further indication of gloria as (positive)
peer recognition can be seen in its opposition to reprehensio: 3.20.1 referring to the
consequences of a piece of legislation (Meministi ne saepe legisse, quantas contentiones excitarit
lex tabellaria quantumque ipsi latori vel gloriae vel reprehensionis attulerit?) and 5.3.11 where
Pliny suggests his large circle of amici brings him gloria (atque haec disputo, quasi populorum
in auditorium, non in cubiculum amicos advocarim, quos plures habere multis gloriosum,
reprehensioni nemini fuit). The actions (res) of the public man extend, of course, to the courts. In
6.29 Pliny relates to Ummidius Quadratus (one of the two young men whose future success Pliny
predicts in 6.11) the criteria by which Avidius Quietus (cos. suff. 93) counseled him to take on
cases. To these Pliny adds another: a case involving important people547 which will bring gloria
and fama (Ad haec ego genera causarum ambitiose fortasse, addam tamen claras et inlustres.
Aequum est enim agere non numquam gloriae et famae, id est suam causam, 6.29.3).
547
This is how I understand claras et inlustres causas.
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Index of Passages Discussed
Cato
Cato Agr. praef. 4: 188
Cicero
Cic. Arch. 4: 188-9
Cic. Att. 1.16: 5
Cic. Fam. 5.12: 16-21
Cic. Off. 1.21: 95-6
Cic. Red.Sen. 1: 22; 3: 22; 48: 23
Horace
Hor. C a r m . 3.30: 91, 91
n.233, 171, 202, 243
Juvenal
Juv. 7.93: 118-9
Lucilius
AP 11.214: 152, 152 n.384
Martial (See also App. A.2)
Mart. [1] 1.praef: 163; 1.1:
148-9 n.379; 1.2:148-9 n.379;
1.3: 1 7 6 ; 1.29: 1 5 4; 1.66:
153-4; 1.107:1 6 3 ; [2] 2.27:
1 5 5 ; 2.86: 157-8, 177-8;
2.92: 143; [3] 3.1: 163; 3.9:
160; 3.44: 151-2; 3.45: 151;
3.69:1 5 8 ; 3.95: 143, 144,
163; [4] 4.27: 164-5; 4.49:
159-60, 159 n.399, 178; 4.89:
178; [5] 5.2:178; 5.10: 165;
5.13: 143, 166-7, 179; 5.15:
167, 179; 5.16: 167, 179;
5.53: 151-2; 5.63: 1 5 5; [ 6 ]
6.60: 168, 179; 6.64: 168-9, 179;
[7] 7.12: 168; 7.23: 134; 7.25:
159; 7.88: 179; 7.97: 179; [8]
8.praef.: 169, 179; 8.3: 161,
179; 8.18: 160, 169-70, 181;
8.20: 152-3; 8.76: 155-6; [9]
9.praef.: 1 7 0; 9.49: 143; 9.81:
179; 9.97: 143, 179; [10] 10.1:
180; 10.2: 171, 180; 10.9: 1712; 10.20: 228-9; 10.21: 160;
10.24: 142; 10.103: 142, 145,
172; [11] 11.1: 180; 11.2: 180;
11.3: 172, 180; 11.16: 180;
11.108: 180; [ 1 2 ] 12.3: 173;
12.4: 1 8 1; 12.11:173; 12.21:
181; 12.29: 143; 12.40: 155
Ovid
Ovid Am. 2.12: 103-4; 3.15:
104
Pliny (See also App. A.3)
Pl. [1] 1.2: 224; 1.3: 192-3,
202, 204-5; 1.7: 208; 1.8:
229; 1.10: 192; 1.13: 196-7,
211; 1.16: 212-3, 218; [ 2 ]
2.1: 62-3, 64; 2.10: 193, 207,
211; 2.14: 155-6; 2.18: 190,
1 9 6 ; 2.38: 218-9; [3] 3.1:
217; 3.3: 190 n.431, 192; 3.5:
192, 192 n.435, 205; 3.7;
211; 3.8: 146; 3.9: 191, 229;
3.10: 205; 3.18: 190-1; 3.21:
160, 212 n.476, 228-9; [4]
4.11: 191, 197; 4.13: 190
n.431, 192; 4.14: 222; 4.16:
191, 208; 4.24: 191; 4.28:
197; [5] 5.3: 64-5, 209, 223;
5.5: 2 0 6 ; 5.8: 206-7; 5.10:
146, 208 n.470; 5.17: 2 0 4 ,
211, 219-20; 5.21: 4, 208; [6]
6.2: 197; 6.8: 219; 6.10: 61-2;
6.11: 191, 204, 220; 6.15:
2 1 6 ; 6.17: 211; 6.21: 211;
6.63: 199 n.453; [7] 7.4: 189,
212, 224 n.497; 7.6: 192; 7.9:
209, 212, 220-1; 7.17: 203,
224-5; 7.25: 213; 7.30: 190
n . 4 3 4 ; [ 8 ] 8.4: 193, 212;
8.12: 197-8, 203; 8.21: 225,
234; [9] 9.8: 212; 9.16: 230,
230 n.3059.19: 62-4, 68;
9.22: 215-6; 9.23: 193; 9.25:
226-35; 9.31: 212; 9.38: 212;
Propertius
Prop. 1.8B: 102-3, 2.7: 100-2
Statius (See also App. A.1)
Stat. Silv. [1] 1.praef.: 120,
123; 1.2: 122-28; [2] 2.praef:
120-1, 130, 135; 2.3: 133-4;
2.7: 128-37; [3] 3.3: 132-3;
[4] 4.praef.: 112; 4.4: 112,
121 n.312, 139; 4.7: 127; [5]
5.1:133; 5.3: 111-8, 135
Stat. Theb. 12.816ff: 136,
138-9
Suetonius
Suet. Cal. 60: 33 n.69
Suet. Dom. 23: 33 n.69
Tacitus
Tac. Agr. 1: 24-5; 1-2: 29-30;
46: 25-8; 30, 63-4
Tac. Ann. 3.14: 48; 3.17: 3940; 3.72: 47-8; 4.35: 58-61;
15.33: 111
Tac. Dial. 1-5: 105-8; 5: 238;
7: 239; 10: 108, 195, 239-40;
11: 238, 240-1; 12: 240, 241;
13: 240, 241, 242
Terence
Ter. Andr. 55-7: 188
Tibullus
Tib. 1.4: 99-100
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