SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
on this day and that it is to be observed regularly on the
seventh day of the week. The word sabbath (s¥abbaœt)
occurs forty-five times in the Pentateuch: fourteen in
Exodus, twenty-five in Leviticus and three each in
Numbers and Deuteronomy. It can refer either to the
sabbath day or the sabbatical year. Likewise, the
derivative s¥abbaœto®n occurs a number of times in the
Pentateuch. It is used to refer to particular sabbath days
or the sabbatical year. The word appears both on its own
and in conjunction with s¥abbaœt, where it denotes a
sabbath of complete rest, perhaps having an intensifying
function. In addition, the seventh day is also mentioned
as a day on which to rest but without its being called the
sabbath.
The precise relationship between the noun s¥abbaœt
and the verb s¥aœbat is disputed. Whether the noun derives
from the verb or vice versa is unclear. The Qal verb
means “to cease, stop.” Quite possibly, therefore, the
noun simply means “the day that stops,” implying the
cessation of work or regular activity. Other possible
meanings include “to rest,” “to celebrate” or even “to be
complete.” However, the basic meaning seems to be
cessation (Dressler, 24). That there is a relationship
between the two words is suggested by the absence of
the noun s¥abbaœt in Genesis 2:2–3 and Exodus 23:12;
34:21, where the seventh day is discussed and the verb
s¥aœbat occurs (Andreasen 1978, 23–27). There is also
conjecture that the noun s¥abbaœt is related to the number
seven, but that possibility has little scholarly consensus.
Within the context of Yahweh’s intention to create a *holy
nation of the Israelites, the closely associated concepts of
sabbath, sabbatical year and Jubilee play an important
role. Their importance is underlined by the fact that the
sabbath was designated the sign of the *covenant made
at Mount Sinai.
1. Sabbath
2. Sabbatical Year
3. Jubilee
4. Theological Significance
1. Sabbath.
The sabbath day is the seventh day of the week, a day of
rest. The two primary ideas are that no work is to be done
1
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
1.1. Usage.
1.1.1. Sabbath in Exodus and Deuteronomy. The first
occurrence of the word s¥abbaœt in the Hebrew Bible is in
Exodus 16:23–30, where the word occurs four times in
the context of instructions about collecting manna. On the
sabbath, the seventh day, no manna was found, yet
unlike on other days the manna collected the previous
day had not turned foul. The sabbath day is described as
a day of “solemn rest” (s¥abbaœto®n, Ex 16:23). This is the
first time the seventh day is explicitly called the sabbath
in the Pentateuch, and critical scholarship also usually
regards this text as the earliest tradition in the OT
referring to the sabbath. No reason is given for this day
being special. This reference to the lack of manna on the
sabbath day precedes the command to keep the sabbath
in Exodus 20; in effect, the reference in Exodus 16 is part
of the narrative and not part of the commandment. Yet
this passage presupposes the knowledge and institution
of the sabbath day (though some suggest that the
passage allows the possibility that the sabbath was
unknown to Israel at this stage). That might explain why
the day is described in its full form, as a “day of solemn
rest, a holy sabbath.” There is no indication in Exodus 16
that the sabbath was a cultic celebration at this stage.
The command to keep the sabbath is the [Page
696] fourth commandment of the *Decalogue. In Exodus
20:8–11, where the word occurs three times, the day is
again the seventh day. No work is to be done on it by
anyone, including animals. It is a holy day for
remembering. Much of this parallels the instructions in
Deuteronomy 5:12–15, where the word also occurs three
times. On the different reasons given for keeping the
sabbath law in Exodus 20 and Deuteronomy 5, see
below.
The command to keep the “sabbaths” recurs in
Exodus 31:12–17. Again it is the seventh day, a holy day
on which work is proscribed. Yet another reiteration
occurs in Exodus 35:2–3. A specific example of what is
prohibited on the sabbath (kindling of fires) is given in
verse 3. In both Exodus 31:15 and 35:2, s¥abbaœto®n occurs
as well as s¥abbaœt. An additional idea in both chapters is
that any Israelite who infringes the sabbath law is to be
put to death. These two passages are particularly
solemn, highlighting the importance of the sabbath law.
The significance of the sabbath command can be
seen in each of the passages mentioned thus far. That it
is part of the Ten Commandments and its breach is
punishable by death shows its importance. In particular,
the way the commandments are written in Deuteronomy
5 makes the sabbath command central and thus in a
position of great importance. The reiteration in Exodus 31
climaxes the lengthy instructions for building the
*tabernacle and concludes all the laws given at Sinai in
Exodus. Its position at the end of all these laws
underlines its importance. Then, immediately after the
*golden calf incident, the mention of the sabbath in
Exodus 35 begins the section culminating in the building
of the tabernacle. Structurally, therefore, the sabbath law
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SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
is significant in Exodus. As will be discussed below, the
sabbath is the sign of the Mosaic covenant.
1.1.2. Sabbath in Leviticus. In the second half of
Leviticus, s¥abbaœt occurs several times, often in
association with feasts or *festivals. There is a general
command to keep “my sabbaths” (Lev 19:3, 30; 23:38) as
well as a command to keep the seventh day sabbath
(also s¥abbaœto®n, Lev 23:3). These brief commandments are
not elaborated on as in Exodus; here the sabbath day is
Yahweh’s (“my”) day.
The Day of *Atonement is a sabbath of solemn
rest (s¥abbaœto®n, Lev 16:31; 23:32). Sabbaths are also
mentioned in conjunction with the offering of firstfruits
(Lev 23:11) and the Festival of Weeks (Lev 23:15, 16).
*Aaron is to set out the bread and frankincense as an
offering “sabbath after sabbath” (Lev 24:8). In the section
of covenant sanctions for obedience, one of the first
mentioned is keeping “my sabbaths” (Lev 26:2).
The day of rest associated with the Feast of
Trumpets (Lev 23:24) and the first and eighth days of the
Feast of Tabernacles (Lev 23:39) are all denoted by
s¥abbaœto®n. The inclusion of the sabbath command in
Leviticus 23 indicates that the day is not just about
cessation of work but has a cultic dimension as well.
1.1.3. Sabbath in Numbers. In the book of Numbers
the sabbath is mentioned just three times. Numbers
15:32 reports that a man found collecting sticks on the
sabbath was sentenced to death, reinforcing the
punishment stated in Exodus 31:14. His actions were a
direct infringement of Exodus 35:3, which prohibits the
kindling of a fire. Numbers 28:9–10 lists certain
*sacrifices to be offered on the sabbath.
1.1.4. Rest on the Seventh Day. The seventh day is
sometimes described as a time for rest without its being
designated by the noun s¥abbaœt. Genesis 2:2–3 states that
God rested on the seventh day after the work of creation.
The day is not called a sabbath day here, though the
related verb s¥aœbat is used. Nonetheless, there is little
doubt that the description of God’s rest in Genesis 2:2–3
is intended to portray a sabbath rest, since the account
sets this day apart from the previous six. The symmetry
and rhythm of the first six days changes abruptly.
Whereas days one to three are balanced by days four to
six, the seventh day stands alone. Only this day is
blessed and holy. Three times it is said that this is the
seventh day. It is also stressed by repetition that God
completed his work (Gen 2:1–3; see van Gemeren, 46–
48; Dumbrell, 18–19).
To what extent this description of the original
seventh day is intended to be a *creation ordinance for all
humans to follow has been the topic of much debate, a
debate that has implications for Christian sabbath
observance. Many who argue that the sabbath is a
creation ordinance also argue that Christians are bound
to keep Saturday as their sabbath. Those who argue that
Genesis 2 is a creation ordinance for sabbath
observance for all people sometimes appeal to similar
ancient Near Eastern customs to argue that they are
3
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
remnants of such an ordinance (see Swartley, 74). Some
ancient Jewish sources, such as Philo, argued that
sabbath observance is binding on all [Page 697]
humanity and not just Israel. However, many Jewish
rabbinical texts argue the opposite, contending that the
sabbath was given for Israel only (Dressler, 29–31;
Lincoln, 348–58).
Modern commentators on Genesis 2 differ. On the
one hand, G. von Rad (1963, 60) and J. Calvin (106–7)
argue that this is not a creation ordinance; on the other
hand, U. Cassuto (61–62) and C. Westermann (170) see
implications here for universal sabbath observance. G. F.
Hasel argues that because humankind is made in the
*image of God and God rested on the seventh day, there
is an implicit command for humanity also to rest on the
seventh day. Though he disagrees that Genesis 2 is a
creation ordinance, H. H. P. Dressler argues that the
*blessing and sanctifying of the day in Genesis 2 is for
the benefit of the people of God: “God’s last creative act
is not the making of man but the creation of a period of
rest for mankind” (Dressler, 30). G. J. Wenham sees in
the striking language of blessing and sanctifying used
with reference to a day and the threefold emphasis on
God’s resting from his work “the clearest of hints of how
man created in the divine image should conduct himself
on the seventh day” (Wenham 1987, 36). Similarly, J. A.
Pipa argues that God’s resting on the seventh day is a
model for how people are to act on the seventh day
(Pipa, 25–41).
The Decalogue in Exodus makes God’s resting
after creation the paradigm for Israelite observance of the
sabbath. However, on its own, Genesis 2 does not.
Genesis 2:1–3 is part of a narrative and is not a legal
text. There is no command to humanity to keep the
sabbath here, though there are commands to humans in
Genesis 1:26–28. The sabbath rest at the end of the first
week makes a statement about the quality and
completion of the creation rather than suggests a model
of work and rest for humanity. In fact, humanity is not
even mentioned in these verses. This seventh day is for
God, who ceases work on it. Only in Exodus 20:11 does
this seventh day become a sabbath day. Therefore, the
sabbath is not a creation ordinance but rather part of the
covenant laws applying to Israel (for a discussion of the
various views, see Andreasen 1978, 71–81; Swartley,
65–95; Lincoln, 348–58).
Interestingly, the word sabbath is not used in
conjunction with the Passover festival in any of the books
of the Pentateuch. Instead, the day is called the seventh
day. No work is to be done on it since it is a day of rest
(see Ex 12:15–16; Lev 23:8; Num 28:25; Deut 16:8).
The same absence of the word s¥abbaœt occurs in
Exodus 23:12; 34:21, where the weekly seventh day is
commanded to be a day of rest, especially in the latter
case when it is the time for harvesting and plowing. No
work is to be done on the eighth day at the end of the
Feast of Tabernacles (Num 29:35).
4
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
H. L. Bosman, following N.-E. A. Andreasen,
suggests that these references may imply a period when
the weekly day of rest was not called “sabbath.”
However, the fact that both accounts of the Decalogue
explicitly identify the seventh day as the sabbath makes
this suggestion unlikely.
1.2. The Reasons for the Sabbath.
1.2.1. Theological Motivations in the Decalogue.
Unusually for the Decalogue, the sabbath law carries a
motivation or reason for observance. This differs in the
two accounts of the Decalogue (Ex 20; Deut 5). The
former appeals to creation and God’s resting on the
seventh day in Genesis 2, the latter to redemption and
Yahweh’s liberating Israel from slavery in *Egypt.
Exodus 20:11 gives as the reason the fact that
Yahweh made everything in six days and rested on the
seventh, blessing it and making the day holy (referring
back to Gen 2:1–3). Unlike the previous six days, the
seventh day has no “evening and morning” formula in the
Genesis account. It is, in a sense, an endless day,
anticipating the ideal for God’s creation. It is to this that
Exodus 20 appeals, inviting Israel to participate in a
weekly sabbath modeled on the original, very good
creation (so also Ex 31:12–17).
Unlike in Exodus 20 and 31, the reason for
observing the sabbath in Deuteronomy 5:15 is that
Yahweh has redeemed Israel from slavery in Egypt.
Consequently, Deuteronomy includes the expression “so
that your male and female slave may rest as well as you,”
a clause that is not found in the Exodus 20 parallel but
which reflects Deuteronomy’s abiding concern for social
fairness and justice. The association with redemption
from Egypt contributes to the religious character of the
sabbath day.
We ought not be too concerned with a bifocal
reason for keeping the day, since “creation and salvation
are two aspects of the one theological reality” (Childs,
70). The two reasons are complementary, not
contradictory.
1.2.2. Sabbath as a Social Concern. An assumption
often made is that the sabbath law is for the [Page 698]
benefit of humanity. People need rest and refreshment.
Exodus 23:12 does indicate the need for rest and relief
for animals and *aliens. The clearest expression of
humanitarian concern as a reason for the sabbath is in
Deuteronomy 5:14, where the observance of the sabbath
is “so that your male and female slave may rest as well
as you.” However, this humanitarian concern is not
dominant in the pentateuchal texts (see Andreasen 1972,
122–40). More is at stake in the observance of the
sabbath than just a social concern for rest and
refreshment. The death penalty indicates that.
1.2.3. Sabbath as a Covenant Sign. An additional
reason for sabbath observance occurs in Exodus 31:12–
17. Here the Sabbath is to be a “sign” of the covenant
“between me and you” (Ex 31:13, 17). The expression
“between me and you” occurs as covenant formula in the
covenants with Noah and Abraham (Gen 9:12; 17:11). So
5
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
the sabbath is the sign of the Mosaic covenant just as the
*rainbow is the sign of the *Noahic covenant and
*circumcision is the sign of the Abrahamic covenant.
Unlike the rainbow, this sign is primarily for the benefit of
Israel. Its function is that Israel may know that Yahweh
makes Israel holy (Ex 31:13). It is a sign of relationship
between Yahweh and Israel (Andreasen 1972, 208–13).
Thus as God originally declared the sabbath day itself
holy, the sabbath command for Israel declared that they
also were made holy by God. This is forward-looking,
anticipating the goal of covenant history (Hasel).
1.3. The Character of the Sabbath. In one sense,
the sabbath for the Pentateuch was not primarily a
religious or cultic festival. Most of the texts that relate the
sabbath to cultic activity occur outside the Pentateuch
(see Andreasen 1972, 141–50). For the ordinary Israelite,
no religious ceremony was commanded. Basically it was
a day of rest. The dominant command or prohibition
attached to the observance of the Sabbath day is “You
shall do no work.”
However, the sabbath day was hallowed and
belonged to Yahweh, and that gave it a special character.
The sabbath day was to be both solemn and joyful. It was
to combine a celebration of God as Creator and
Redeemer, being a foretaste of entering into the creation
ideal, which was also the goal of redemption. The
holiness of the day, and Israel’s participation in it,
indicated that the day was lived in the presence of God.
Work was prohibited “from evening to evening” (Lev
23:32) and included harvesting (Ex 34:21) and collecting
sticks (Num 15:32–36).
It is unclear, however, what cultic activity occurred
on the sabbath day apart from special sabbaths
associated with other feasts and festivals. The priests
offered special sabbath sacrifices, an additional burnt
offering of two male lambs and a cereal offering (Num
28–29), but no mention is made of ordinary Israelites in
this connection.
Nonetheless, the day was not just a rest day. It
was a religious day that belonged to Yahweh. Though
more is made of the religious and cultic nature of the
sabbath in texts outside the Pentateuch, there are
indications in the Pentateuch that the day was a religious
occasion. It was set apart or made holy to Yahweh. It
was his day (Ex 16:23, 25; 20:10; 31:15). Yet it was also
a day holy for Israel (Ex 31:13). The command for Israel
to participate in this day is linked to Israel’s being holy to
the Lord, set apart to be his people. Thus in Exodus
31:12–17 the sabbath is a sign that Yahweh sanctifies
Israel itself. Theologically, the day reminds Israel that
Yahweh is Creator and Redeemer and Lord of all.
Observance of the day at least implies an
acknowledgment of the lordship of Yahweh (Andreasen
1978, 42, 60–70).
For an assessment of how, and if, Israel kept the
sabbath day, texts outside the Pentateuch need to be
consulted. For example, one can consult Psalm 92 and
Ezekiel 46:1–3 regarding its celebration, Ezekiel 22
6
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
regarding the profaning of the sabbath as a factor leading
to the exile, Nehemiah 10:31–33 for a commitment to
keep the sabbath after the exile, and Judges 14:12–18; 1
Kings 8:65; 2 Kings 4:23; 11:5–9; 1 Chronicles 9:32;
23:31 for particular occurrences of the sabbath.
1.4. Other Ideas About the Sabbath’s Origins. Over
the course of the twentieth century, scholars have made
proposals regarding extrabiblical origins for the Israelite
sabbath. For example, a number of scholars proposed an
origin of the sabbath day in Mesopotamia. Such a theory
often argues that the etymology of the Hebrew word
s¥abbaœt is found in the Akkadian word s¥apattu (or s¥abattu),
which probably means “full moon” or “the day of
celebrating the full moon.” In more recent years, G.
Robinson has revived the theory that the Israelite
sabbath was a relic of the Babylonian moon cult. He
argues that only after the exile did the monthly festival
become a weekly observance. But this is extremely
unlikely. Hosea 2:11, a preexilic text, implies that
sabbaths were [Page 699] weekly and sets them apart
from the new moon festival. The Babylonian moon
festival had set days in the month, a pattern that is not
found in the OT or in weekly sabbath observance.
Weekly sabbaths do not coincide regularly with a lunar
cycle of twenty-nine days. As L. L. Grabbe says, “No Old
Testament texts connect the Sabbath with the lunar cycle
in any way” (Grabbe, 89). Nonetheless, as Andreasen
notes, it is intriguing that the Akkadian word is so similar
to the Hebrew s¥abbaœt and yet refers to something quite
different (Andreasen 1978, 13). Similar theories have
also purported to find the sabbath origin in Assyrian
calendars or in Arabian moon festivals. In the end,
however, such theories remain speculative. There is no
evidence that clearly connects these with the Israelite
sabbath (see Hasel, 5.850–51; Bosman, 4.1157–58;
Kraus, 81–85; Andreasen 1978, 12–15).
E. Jenni proposed a sociological derivation for the
sabbath, namely, that the sabbath might originally have
been market day. However, although regular market days
in the ancient world were observed, there is no evidence
of weekly market days in any ancient Near Eastern
literature.
Another theory is that the sabbath derives from the
Kenites, with whom Moses and the Israelites had contact
at Mount Sinai. Moses’ Midianite family was Kenite (Num
10:29–32; Judg 4:11, 17). Supposedly the Kenites led the
Israelites back to their ancestral worship of Yahweh,
which was lost through the period of slavery in Egypt.
Again, this theory is entirely speculative and inconsistent
with the evidence of the book of Exodus. The linking of
the prohibition of fire-making on the sabbath (Ex 35:3)
with the argument that the Kenites were smiths (and
hence worked with fire) is a flimsy argument for a Kenite
origin of the sabbath law (Andreasen 1978, 15–16).
Finally, the number seven, it is argued, was
significant in some ancient Near Eastern cultures, in
particular, in Ugaritic texts and calendars. A variation on
this is the claim of J. Morgenstern (4.136–37) that there
7
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
is “abundant evidence” that Israel found the pattern of
seven days in Canaan and adapted it for its own use. The
original Canaanite seventh day was a taboo day, an evil
day, and was associated with the pentecontad calendar
in which the numbers seven and fifty were significant.
However, despite his claim, Morgenstern’s thesis lacks
supporting evidence for such an origin of the sabbath or
for its alleged transformation from an evil or taboo day
into a day of gladness.
The quest for an extrabiblical origin of the Israelite
sabbath has failed thus far at least. All of these theories
remain speculative; none is convincing. The origin of the
Israelite sabbath must be found within the biblical record:
“Only the ancient Hebrew literature speaks definitely
about a seven-day week and a Sabbath” (Dressler, 23).
According to B. A. Levine, “the Sabbath is an original
Israelite institution” (Levine, 261; see also Andreasen).
leaving land fallow for a year (Ex 23:11) or the
cancellation of debts (Deut 15:1–2).
2.1. What the Sabbatical Year Entailed. Instructions
regarding the sabbatical year occur in Exodus 21; 23;
Leviticus 25; Deuteronomy 15; 31. Four things are
involved.
2.1.1. Fallow Land. During the sabbatical (or
seventh) year the land lies fallow (Ex 23:10–11; Lev
25:1–7). This law applies not only to fields but also to
vineyards and olive orchards. Just as humans are to rest
every seventh day, so the land is to rest every seventh
year. Note that Exodus 23:10–12 juxtaposes the sabbath
and sabbatical-year laws. Moreover, the purpose stated
for this law is the benefit of the poor, who can eat
whatever has grown in the field, vineyard or orchard on
its own accord. Presumably the owner of the land eats
from what has been set aside in the previous six years,
though according to Leviticus 25 the owner and his family
can eat of the wild growth along with slaves and,
presumably but not explicitly, the poor. Nothing is
mentioned about increasing the fertility of the land as a
purpose for this law despite a number of scholars arguing
that fertility must have been part of the law’s intention, a
carryover from Canaan (see Kraus, 70–71). Thus the
force of this law is primarily humanitarian, though, as
mentioned below, there were religious and cultic [Page
700] associations as well. The poor in these contexts are
the landless, some categories of whom are listed in
Leviticus 25:6, namely, the slaves and hired laborers or
2. Sabbatical Year.
The sabbatical year is an extension of the weekly
sabbath. The words s¥abbaœt and s¥abbaœto®n are also applied
to the sabbath year. This occurs in Leviticus 25:1–7,
where s¥abbaœt occurs four times in this sense in the
expressions “sabbath of complete rest” and “sabbath for
Yahweh.” When Israel is exiled from the land, ironically
enough, the land can enjoy its sabbath years of rest as
part of the sanctions for Israel’s disobedience (Lev
25:34–35, 43). The other Hebrew word used in reference
to the sabbatical year is s¥aœmat√. The verb can mean
8
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
resident aliens. This is the same group who also benefit
from the weekly sabbath in Exodus 23:12.
The sabbatical year law is just one of a number of
laws that protect the landless Israelites (e.g., gleaning
laws in Lev 19:9–10; Deut 24:19–21). Lying behind such
laws is an appreciation of the importance of the *land as
a gift from God and the obligation on Israel to share its
bounty equitably, trusting that God will provide
abundantly for all. The recognition that this is just one of
a number of laws for the benefit of the poor makes us
aware that other laws make provision for the landless
during the other six years.
The thrust of the sabbatical year in Israel seems to
have been the universal observance of the same year,
rather than a rotation system. C. J. H. Wright (1984)
suggests that the earlier Exodus text “must surely have”
had in mind a rotation system and that later, in Leviticus,
this became a single fallow year for the whole land. This
would explain why in Leviticus 25:2 it is “the” land that will
observe a sabbath and not “your” land, as in Exodus
23:10–11. The gleaning laws and other provisions for the
poor are found in Leviticus and not in the *book of the
covenant. However, G. C. Chirichigno (306–11) argues
persuasively otherwise. The uniformity of the sabbath for
all people and research into ancient practices and land
fertility suggest that a universal fallow year was not in fact
impractical.
No explicit theological motivation for observing this
law is given in Exodus 23, though Leviticus 25:4 states
that the sabbatical year is a “sabbath for Yahweh.” It is
unlikely, however, that the law in Exodus 23:10–11, in the
book of the covenant, was without religious significance
(Chirichigno, 304–6). Its very presence ties economic and
religious concerns together. Leviticus 25 states explicitly
what is implicit in Exodus 23. H.-J. Kraus includes
discussion of the sabbatical-year fallow-land law in his
book dealing with cultic practices in Israel, arguing that it
was a religious occasion.
2.1.2. Freedom of Slaves. In the seventh year a
slave was to go free (Ex 21:2; Deut 15:12–18). This
regulation applies to Hebrew slaves, not foreign slaves
(cf. Lev 25:44–46). There is some debate about whether
the term Hebrew was synonymous with Israelite or
whether it referred to a social class of landless people
(Habiru or Apiru in ancient Near Eastern texts). The
evidence is inconclusive. Certainly the legislation applied
particularly to Israelite slaves. After release, the slave
became a free person, though not necessarily with land.
Thus the slave became a laborer. Recognizing that some
slaves might prefer to remain slaves with their particular
landowner, both Exodus 21 and Deuteronomy 15 allow
for the possibility of a slave wishing to remain in the
employment of his master, which indicates that slavery
was not intended to be harsh or cruel (see Slave,
Slavery).
The case under which an Israelite might become a
slave was bankruptcy. Thus the sabbatical year
legislation sought to protect the poor and allow
9
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
opportunity for them to become independent. The
legislation was motivated by the remembrance that Israel
was enslaved in Egypt but was redeemed by Yahweh
(Deut 15:15). In addition, slave-owners were to provide
liberally and generously for their released slaves in the
sabbatical year, presumably to help a freed slave make a
start as a free person (Deut 15:14). The ideal expressed
is that there be no poor in the land (Deut 15:4), though at
the same time there is an acknowledgment that there will
always be poor (Deut 15:11). The legislation in Exodus
21:7–11 treats female slaves differently from male; in
Deuteronomy 15:12–18 they are treated equally.
Chirichigno comments that the latter does not abrogate
the former but develops it (Chirichigno, 347–49). In
Exodus, the perspective is that of the slave; in
Deuteronomy it is that of the master.
The legislation for slave remission seems to imply
the offer of release after six years of service and not in a
universal sabbatical year. Nonetheless, as Wright
(5.857–61) says, undergirding the law is the same
sabbatical principle. This is reflected in the juxtaposition
of the laws in Deuteronomy 15 (Chirichigno, 300). A
difficult question to resolve is the relationship between
this law and that of slave release in the Jubilee year (Lev
25:39–43), a matter that I will address later in this article
(see 3.2.2 below).
2.1.3. Remission of Debts. The third activity to be
conducted in the sabbatical year was the remission of
debts (only in Deut 15:1–11). Though an issue of dispute,
this text most probably is later in origin than the
sabbatical year laws of Exodus 23 and Leviticus 25 (so
Wright; Weinfeld). Certainly Deuteronomy 15
presupposes both of them. However, this does not
necessarily [Page 701] indicate that Deuteronomy 15:1–
11 is no longer agricultural in nature (e.g., Kraus, 73;
Baker, 45–46). The purpose of this law is, like the other
stipulations for the sabbatical year, the restriction of
poverty in the land. Again the poor are protected by
sabbatical year legislation. As with slave release, the
beneficiaries of this law are fellow Israelites, not
foreigners (Deut 15:3). This law is linked to the fallowland law by the use of the same verb (s¥aœmat√, Deut 15:1;
cf. Ex 23:11). Further, the context for most loans could be
such things as borrowing seed for sowing with
repayments made after harvest. Thus the context is
extended from fallow land to remission of debts. So,
typical of Deuteronomy, it presupposes earlier laws,
extends them and continues or intensifies their
humanitarian concern.
There is some debate about whether s¥aœmat√ in
Deuteronomy 15 means remission or deferment. For
example, S. R. Driver, P. C. Craigie and C. J. H. Wright
opt for deferment or suspension for one year. However,
ancient Near Eastern parallels, Josephus, rabbinical
scholars and many modern exegetes (e.g., von Rad; M.
Weinfeld) understand the word to mean cancellation.
Weinfeld argues this on the grounds of parallels with
Mesopotamian laws and a Second Temple document
10
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
seeming to support cancellation. It is impossible to be
certain. Logically a suspension of debt gives more
substance to the Jubilee laws, for if debts are cancelled
totally in the sabbatical year, then the Jubilee year loses
some of its significance. Also, if debts were totally
cancelled every seven years, there would be little
incentive to loan anything to anyone. Certainly if a
suspension of debt is intended, then the use of pledged
land and possessions would be of great use for the
debtor and alleviate the financial situation. A suspension
ought not be regarded as a token gesture. It would be
real relief.
In part, our understanding of whether s¥aœmat√ is
cancellation or deferment depends on our understanding
of mas¥s¥eœh in Deuteronomy 15:2. If mas¥s¥eœh is understood to
be referring to the loan itself, then this law seems to
indicate cancellation. If, however, mas¥s¥eœh is the pledge of
the loan, then suspension or deferment for the sabbatical
year may be in view. A debtor would normally have
pledged something of value to a creditor, possibly even
some land or, as a last resort (see Lev 25:35–55), a
slave. The law restricts what could be used as a pledge,
forbidding the retention of a cloak as pledge overnight
(Ex 22:26–27; Deut 24:12–13, 17). Possibly the use by
the creditor of this pledge for the duration of the debt
would have helped to pay the debt. In the sabbatical
year, debts were cancelled or suspended and pledges
returned, if only for the duration of the sabbatical year.
In the end, we cannot be absolutely certain what
was required in the sabbatical year. Cancellation and
suspension are both textual possibilities. Logic, at least,
favors the latter. On the whole, then, this law is about
agricultural matters and not usually about slaves. It is an
extension of the fallow-land law. At its heart is a
humanitarian concern for poor Israelites. Where the
fallow-land law protected the landless, this law extended
that protection to landowners who faced poverty.
2.1.4. Reading the Law. Every sabbatical year, the
book of Deuteronomy was to be read out loud at the
Feast of Tabernacles (Deut 31:1–13). All Israel—men,
women and children—were to hear it. The purpose was
to teach subsequent generations what the *law entailed.
This stipulation may be related to the command to
observe all the ordinances and statutes (Lev 25:18).
2.2. Observance. It is not obvious how well this
legislation was kept in OT times. Some critical
scholarship assumes that only in Israel’s early,
seminomadic days would it have been possible to keep
the fallow-land laws. Later, after settlement,
Deuteronomy 15 and Leviticus 25 transformed the
agricultural sabbatical year to a more social focus,
reviving ancient cultic practices and adapting them to
changed circumstances. This reading of the history of
Israel is not convincing.
Outside the Pentateuch, Zedekiah decreed that
Hebrew slaves be released. Though initially heeded by
the people of Judah (Jer 34:8–10), this law was soon
11
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
3.1.1. Terminology. Two key words are used in
reference to the Jubilee year. The word yo®beœl is probably
related to the word for a trumpet made from a sheep’s
horn that was blown to announce the Jubilee year, in
contrast to the s¥o®paœr, which was blown to announce every
other new year. The word yo®beœl occurs in this way in
Exodus 19:13 and five times in Joshua 6:4–13, though
there is dispute about this etymology (see Baker, 47;
North [6.3] argues it is connected to yaœbal, “to bring back,”
hence “homecoming”). However, the main use of the
word is to refer to the Jubilee year. Apart from the six
occurrences mentioned above, yo®beœl occurs only twentyone other times, confined to Leviticus 25 and 27 (fourteen
times, six times) and Numbers 36:4, with all these
referring to the Jubilee year. On ten of those occasions
yo®beœl occurs with the word s¥aœna® (“year”).
The other key word is de∑ro®r, meaning “liberation”
or “freedom” (Lev 25:10) and possibly deriving from an
Akkadian word (so North, 3.266; Baker, 47). So in the
Jubilee year, liberty (de∑ro®r) is proclaimed for those in the
land with the exception of foreign slaves (Lev 25:10).
Freedom or liberty is a central notion in the Jubilee year,
and God’s liberation of Israel from slavery in Egypt is the
critical theological background (Lev 25:38, 42, 55).
3.1.2. What Year Is Intended? The counting for the
year was “seven sabbaths of years.” Most probably the
year after the seventh sabbatical year was the Jubilee
year, though some scholars have argued that the Jubilee
year coincided with the seventh sabbatical year counting
disobeyed (Jer 34:11). In response, Jeremiah rebuked
the people for rejecting Zedekiah’s decree and thus
disobeying the law of slave release in the Pentateuch.
The implication of this episode is that the sabbatical year
was not being observed, though it has to be said that
Zedekiah’s decree seems to imply a universal year of
slave release disregarding the length of service of slaves
(Weinfeld, 39–40). After the exile, under Nehemiah the
people pledged themselves to keep the sabbatical year
laws of debt remission and fallow land (Neh 10:31),
restoring the laws of both Exodus and Deuteronomy 15.
There is evidence of sabbatical year observance [Page
702] later on (1 Macc 6:49, 53; Josephus Ant. 13.7.4–8.1
§§228–34; 14.16.2 §475; as well as from some
documents found in the Judean desert). None of these
sources mentions the Jubilee law, though there is
reference to it in Jubilees (see Grabbe, 97; Andreasen
1978, 53–54).
Within the Pentateuch, the covenant sanctions in
Leviticus 26 seem to indicate an expectation that the
sabbatical year legislation would not be kept and that
only when Israel went into exile would the land find rest
(Lev 26:34–35, 43; see also 2 Chron 36:21).
3. Jubilee.
3.1. Introduction. The instructions regarding the
Jubilee are found primarily in Leviticus 25. The Jubilee
year occurred every fifty years and involved a number of
socioeconomic measures.
12
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
the years inclusively (e.g., Chirichigno). However, the
provisions for the Jubilee year do not totally coincide with
those of the sabbatical year. Certainly Josephus, Philo
and rabbinical scholars were unanimous in regarding the
Jubilee as the fiftieth year. Also, Leviticus 25:21 seems to
say that one year’s harvest would suffice for three years,
implying that the Jubilee year was successive to a
sabbatical year. However, that verse does number the
years as sixth, seventh and eighth and not forty-eighth,
forty-ninth and fiftieth (North, 6.4). Some regard the
Jubilee year as “a heightened and intensified Sabbath
year” (Sloan, 7, agreeing with North; Chirichigno, 350:
“no more than a seventh Sabbatical year in a
‘heightened’ form”). Others suggest that the Jubilee may
have been a short year, perhaps of forty-nine days,
functioning not unlike modern leap days. This suggestion
translates Leviticus 25:8 as “The forty-nine days of the
seven cycles of sabbatical years shall be for you a year”
(see Wenham 1979, 302, 319; North, 6.4).
3.2. Provisions. The instructions for the Jubilee
occur in Leviticus 25:8–55. Four main provisions applied.
3.2.1. Land Return. This is perhaps the main
provision of the Jubilee year, without parallel in the
sabbatical year. In the Jubilee year, any land that had
been sold in the previous forty-nine years was to be
returned to its original family of ownership according to
the Mosaic land distribution (Lev 25:10b, 13). This law
had implications for the sale of land in any year. The
price of land was to be determined by the number of
years or harvests before the next Jubilee year (Lev
25:14–17, 25–28). In addition, land could be redeemed
before the Jubilee year by appropriate payment. The law
did not apply to the sale of houses within a walled city
except for cities of the *Levites. Houses originally
belonging to Levites were returned to them in the Jubilee
year (Lev 25:29–32). Consecrated land (i.e., land set
apart for the *priests and the upkeep of the temple or
*tabernacle) also came under the Jubilee legislation (Lev
27:16–24). The Jubilee law of land return also led to the
command that a woman who inherited land had to marry
into the tribe of her father. There was concern that if the
daughters of *Zelophehad married into another tribe, then
their father’s land from the tribal territory of Manasseh
would pass over to another tribe at the time of Jubilee
(Num 36:1–12).
The theological motivation for the Jubilee law
[Page 703] of land return was that the land belonged to
Yahweh, so the law regarded Israel as being “aliens and
tenants” with Yahweh (Lev 25:23). Israelites technically
were stewards of the land, not its owners. This theology
of the land undergirds the whole Jubilee legislation. The
land, of course, is crucial in the OT for the *promises and
purposes of Yahweh as well as being an indicator of the
relationship between Yahweh and Israel.
3.2.2. Release of Israelite Slaves. In addition, Israelite
slaves were to be released (Lev 25:39–43). Presumably
the return of land coinciding with slave release would give
freed slaves the resources to make a new start. A
13
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
distinction is made between Israelite slaves and foreign
slaves; the provision of release did not apply to the latter
(Lev 25:44–46). Even if an Israelite became a slave of a
resident alien, the right of redemption still applied, so that
Israelite slaves could redeem themselves if they
prospered or a family member could redeem them. The
redemption price was calculated in proportion to the
original sale price dependent on the years remaining to
the Jubilee. If redemption did not occur before the Jubilee
year, release occurred in the Jubilee year (Lev 25:47–
54).
The details in Leviticus 25 regarding slaves make
it clear that slaves were to be treated generously and not
harshly. The theological undergirding of this law is that
the people of Israel are the servants of Yahweh who
redeemed them from Egypt (Lev 25:55). This is not unlike
the theological motivation regarding the sabbatical law of
slave release (Deut 15:15). This theological expression
also relates to the land-return law. Both land and Israel
belong to Yahweh.
The slave-release aspect of the Jubilee provisions
appears similar to that of the sabbatical year. An
important question, therefore, is: In what ways do the
laws of slave release in the sabbatical year differ from
those in the Jubilee? Many of the difficulties that scholars
perceive in this legislation arise because of the
assumption that the Jubilee year prescribed the same
measures as found in the sabbatical year legislation.
Usually attempts to resolve discrepancies between
these two are based on a hypothesis of different periods
of legislation. It is often argued that the original sabbatical
year law, found in Exodus 23, was agrarian and was
motivated by concern for the poor. Later, Deuteronomy
modified this law and added the remission of debts,
reflecting a more urban society. Later still, the Jubilee
laws were added. One view is that the Jubilee laws in
Leviticus represent a later attempt to modify or rescue an
unworkable sabbatical year law. There are difficulties with
this view. Such a modification would favor the wealthy,
since a slave would often be one for life. If the law was
unworkable for the sabbatical year cycle, it was not
necessarily more workable for a Jubilee cycle. N. Lemche
argues that the Jubilee laws reflect a long history of
growth and development standardizing in a particular
year the earlier provisions of Exodus and Deuteronomy.
Many scholars are skeptical that the Jubilee laws
were ever practiced. Some have suggested that the laws
are even purely theoretical (see Kraus, 73). Others have
sought to harmonize the two, suggesting that slaves were
released after six years or in the Jubilee if that was
earlier. Yet such views in the end diminish the
significance of the Jubilee year (for a summary of various
views, see Hartley, 431–33).
Wright (1984) overcomes the apparent
discrepancy between the texts by contending that in the
sabbatical year the category of slave released was the
landless “Hebrew,” whereas in the Jubilee year any
14
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
Israelite landowner who had fallen into poverty was
released. Thus Leviticus 25 does not use the term
Hebrew but “your brother,” a much broader term including
any Israelite. In the Jubilee text of Leviticus, Israelite
slaves have more rights, and slavery is more restricted
than in Exodus and Deuteronomy, further suggesting that
the texts are dealing with different groups of people. In
sum, according to Leviticus the poor Israelite was not to
serve as a slave (Lev 25:39, 42), had the right of
redemption (Lev 25:47–55) and did not have to forfeit
wife and children acquired during the period of “slavery”
(Lev 25:41, 54). Whereas the liberated “Hebrew” became
a free laborer (hΩΩops¥ˆ)î in Exodus 21:2; Deuteronomy
15:12, in Leviticus 25 the freed Israelite “returned” to the
family’s original landholding.
Given these distinctions, Wright summarizes the
difference between the sabbatical year and Jubilee year
by saying that the former was concerned to protect the
landless “Hebrews,” whereas the Jubilee legislation was
designed to maintain the distribution and ownership of
land by Israelite families. J. E. Hartley responds to
Wright’s suggestion by saying that it faces “the
formidable obstacle that a landed Israelite would usually
be subject to a much longer period of bondage than
would a class of landless [Page 704] workers” (Hartley,
432). He rejects the notion of “Hebrew” as defined by
Wright. Hartley (432–33) goes on to note that the laws of
Exodus and Deuteronomy on the one hand and Leviticus
on the other differ in their reference to time and land.
Land is the central issue in Leviticus but not in the other
texts. Exodus and Deuteronomy determine the maximum
length of servitude for any slave, whereas Leviticus is
concerned with the proclamation of liberty for all slaves at
the one time.
Chirichigno also rejects that view that the Jubilee
laws are a late abolition of the sabbatical year laws of
Exodus and Deuteronomy. He argues that the laws of
Leviticus 25:25–54 show three successive stages of
destitution. First, an Israelite needed to sell or lease his
land (Lev 25:25–28). The possibility of a redeemer
existed in this situation. Second, an Israelite was unable
to support himself and had to rely on interest-free
charitable loans (Lev 25:35–38). This case existed when
there was no redeemer as in the first stage. Finally, an
Israelite, along with his family, was sold to a fellow
Israelite (Lev 25:39–43) or, worse, a foreigner (Lev
25:47–54). No redeemer is mentioned in the case of
slavery to a fellow Israelite, but in the second case a
redeemer is mentioned. Presumably this casts the net
wider than the redeemer in the first stage (Chirichigno,
352). Chirichigno argues that Exodus 21:2–6 and
Deuteronomy 15:12–18 differ from Leviticus 25 in that the
latter envisages the sale of the head of a family and not a
dependent. In Leviticus 25, the case is not a defaulted
loan but the need for protection for the man and his
family. The man is regarded as a hired worker, for which
Leviticus 25 uses terminology different from that in
Exodus and Deuteronomy, not because it is abolishing
15
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
those laws but because the cases differ. Leviticus 25
demands a longer period of debt-slavery than Exodus
and Deuteronomy because it clearly envisages a different
type of debt-slavery.
No attempt to relate the sabbatical year and
Jubilee laws completely eases the apparent tensions
between them. The arguments of Wright and Chirichigno
certainly have appeal, though we must remain uncertain
as to their precise working relationship. Certainly the view
that Leviticus simply abolishes the earlier laws can be
dismissed.
3.2.3. Cancellation of Debts. If, as has been
suggested above, debt repayments were suspended
during the sabbatical year, then in the Jubilee year they
were cancelled entirely. Though Leviticus 25 does not
explicitly discuss debt cancellation, the return of an
Israelite to his land plus the release of slaves implies the
cancellation of debts that led to slavery or the loss of land
(see Sloan, 7–9). Related to this provision is the
proscription of interest charged to fellow Israelites (Lev
25:36–37). This provision is also grounded in Yahweh’s
redemption of Israel from Egypt.
3.2.4. Fallow Land. As in the sabbatical year, the
land was to lie fallow in the Jubilee year (Lev 25:11–12).
Similar to God’s provision of *manna in the wilderness,
the year preceding the sabbatical and Jubilee years
would produce sufficient for the fallow years (Lev 25:21).
3.3. Observance. Many scholars argue that the
legislation of the Jubilee year, as well as that of the
sabbatical year, is so idealistic as to be impractical. North
calls it “hardly realistic” (North, 6.6). Wenham says that
“as a social institution the jubilee year remained an ideal,
which was rarely, if ever, realized” (Wenham 1979, 318).
Admittedly the legislation is exacting, and there is no
clear OT acknowledgment that the Jubilee year was ever
fulfilled. However, the OT’s silence on this practice need
not imply lack of observance. Put simply, we do not know
if and when it was observed.
3.4. Origins of the Sabbatical Year and Jubilee.
There is evidence from Ugarit of a seven-year cycle of
fallow land for the purpose of agricultural productivity.
This had religious overtones associated with the triumph
of Baal. However, there is no evidence that Israel’s
practice derived from there. Weinfeld argues that the
sabbatical year and Jubilee laws concerning slave
release and remission of debts are both identical to
Mesopotamian laws, though rewritten with “a utopic
colouring” (Weinfeld, 43). The parallels claimed with
Mesopotamia are used by Weinfeld to support the view
that Deuteronomy 15 demands cancellation of debt and
not only deferment of repayment. However, there are
important differences between the two sets of laws. In
Mesopotamia, the king declared liberty on his accession,
often in his second year. In the OT, liberty recurred every
seven years, a number Weinfeld concedes is distinct to
Israel, and the Jubilee year was on a fixed cycle of fifty
years. Such a pattern is without ancient Near Eastern
precedent.
16
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
There is also scholarly debate about whether
[Page 705] these institutions were early, as the OT
implies, or rather postexilic. Often the Jubilee law is
regarded as a revision of earlier Deuteronomic laws or a
supersession of the sabbatical year laws (Morgenstern,
4.142–43). It is also suggested that the Jubilee law was
established to regain land lost during the exile. However,
some rare Hebrew terms, including the word yo®beœl itself,
suggest an early origin. There may be allusions to the
Jubilee in Isaiah 37:21–35, which presupposes the
existence of Jubilee legislation. In addition, Jeremiah
34:8–22 seems to allude to earlier legislation. The
similarity of other ancient Near Eastern practices (though
not identical) indicates that the Jubilee law would not
have been out of place in the second millennium. The
association of the Jubilee law with old tribal and family
land possession fits better in the preexilic period than
later, when such a family land basis was looser. Of
course, the absence of any mention of Jubilee in preexilic
prophets and history books is inconclusive regarding its
existence in the preexilic period. An event that occurred
only every fifty years is unlikely to have been mentioned
frequently. If it was postexilic, it is surprising that it is not
mentioned as being inaugurated in the time of Ezra or
Nehemiah. North suggests that in the time of *Moses,
Israel was more likely to accept such idealism than in the
times of Nehemiah (cf. Wenham 1979, 318). Hartley
concludes, “Thus the sabbatical year and the visionary
ideal of Jubilee were anchored in the ideology that gave
birth to Israel, and the legislation was adapted to
changing social conditions during Israel’s history” (430).
Wright states that “it makes sense to see the jubilee as a
very ancient law which fell into neglect during Israel’s
history in the land, not so much because it was
economically impossible, as because it became irrelevant
to the scale of social disruption” (Wright, 3.1028; see
further Hartley, 427–30).
4. Theological Significance.
Wright makes some helpful comments regarding the
theological significance of the sabbath and Jubilee
concepts. Because the sabbath days and sabbatical
years are “holy to Yahweh,” they express the conviction
that time belongs to Yahweh, who is Lord over it.
Furthermore, as we have seen, the *exodus release of
Israel from Egypt forms a theological basis for these
laws. Thus Yahweh as both Creator and Redeemer
provides the theological background to these laws.
A theology of the land is also significant. The land
is Yahweh’s (Lev 25:23). It is the land of promise, and in
this bountiful land there is more than sufficient for all,
provided various economic laws are heeded and the
bounty of the land is shared. Related to this is the ethical
love of fellow people reflected in these laws. In particular,
these laws command a concern for the landless classes.
Finally, there is an eschatological dimension to
these sabbath laws. They anticipate the ideal life in God’s
place and under his rule. The emphasis on social
17
SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
concern looks forward to the harmony of God’s people
under him. The cancellation of debt and restoration looks
forward to the full and final redemption of the people of
God. Even the distinctive trumpet sound announcing the
Jubilee year, compared to the usual s¥o®paœr announcing all
other years, can be regarded eschatologically (e.g., Is
27:13). Certainly the eschatological implications of this
legislation are developed in later writings, not least in
Isaiah (see further Sloan, 12–18; Wright, 3.1025–29).
See also AGRICULTURE; FESTIVALS AND
FEASTS; LAND, FERTILITY, FAMINE.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Y. Amit, “The Jubilee Law: An
Attempt at Instituting Social Justice,” in Justice and
Righteousness: Biblical Themes and Their Influence, ed.
H. G. Reventlow, Y. Hoffmann (JSOTSup 137; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1992) 47–59; N.-E. A.
Andreasen, The Old Testament Sabbath (SBLDS 7;
Missoula, MT: Society of Biblical Literature, 1972); idem,
Rest and Redemption: A Study of the Biblical Sabbath
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4.1157–62; J. Calvin, A Commentary on Genesis
(London: Banner of Truth, 1965); U. Cassuto, A
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Theology in a Canonical Context (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1985); G. C. Chirichigno, Debt-Slavery in Israel and the
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Academic Press, 1993); P. C. Craigie, The Book of
Deuteronomy (NICOT; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans,
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41; S. R. Driver, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary
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1966); N. P. Lemche, “The Manumission of Slaves—The
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26 (1976) 38–59; B. A. Levine, Leviticus (JPSTC;
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1989); A. T. Lincoln, “From Sabbath to Lord’s Day: A
Biblical and Theological Perspective,” in From Sabbath to
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Zondervan, 1982) 343–412; J. Morgenstern, “Sabbath,”
IDB 4.135–41; idem, “Sabbatical Year,” IDB 4.141–44; R.
G. North, “rOwr√;d,” TDOT 3.265–69; idem, “lEbOwy,” TDOT 6.1–
6; J. A. Pipa, The Lord’s Day (Fearn, Rossshire: Christian
Focus, 1997); G. von Rad, Deuteronomy: A Commentary
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SABBATH, SABBATICAL YEAR, JUBILEE
(OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1966); idem, Genesis:
A Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1963);
G. Robinson, The Origin and Development of the Old
Testament Sabbath (BBET 21; Frankfurt am Main: Peter
Lang, 1988); R. B. Sloan, The Favorable Year of the
Lord: A Study of the Jubilary Theology in the Gospel of
Luke (Austin, TX: Schola Press, 1977); W. M. Swartley,
Slavery, Sabbath, War and Women (Scottdale, PA:
Herald, 1983); W. van Gemeren, The Progress of
Redemption: From Creation to the New Jerusalem
(Carlisle: Paternoster, 1988); M. Weinfeld, “Sabbatical
Year and Jubilee in the Pentateuchal Laws and Their
Ancient Near Eastern Background,” in The Law in the
Bible and Its Environment, ed. T. Veijola (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1990) 39–62; G. J. Wenham,
The Book of Leviticus (NICOT; Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans, 1979); idem, Genesis 1–15 (WBC 1; Waco,
TX: Word, 1987); C. Westermann, Genesis 1–11: A
Commentary (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984); C. J. H.
Wright, “Jubilee, Year of,” ABD 3.1025–29; idem,
“Sabbatical Year,” ABD 5.857–61; idem, “What
Happened Every Seven Years in Israel?” EvQ 56 (1984)
129–38, 193–201.
P. A. Barker 19