The Indian Diaspora in Germany
Pierre Gottschlich, M.A.
University of Rostock, Germany
Paper presented at: Away but not Apart: Evolving Relationships between India and Her Diaspora.
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata (Ministry of Culture, Government of
India), in Collaboration with the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs, Government of India. Kolkata,
January 11, 2007. All Rights Reserved.
1. Introduction
During the last decade, economic and political ties between India and Germany have
been strengthened substantially. The exchange of goods, products, and capital has
reached new heights. In 2005, the Indo-German trade volume totalled EUR 7.6
million. German direct investments in India accounted for more than EUR 1.8 billion
at the beginning of 2004. Both numbers have increased significantly over the last
years. Furthermore, the cooperation in the realm of politics has also become of
increasing importance to both countries. A prime example of this new mutual support
has been the concerted effort by the G4 (India, Germany, Brazil, and Japan) to
reform the Security Council of the United Nations. Overall, there has been a steady
improvement of bilateral relations in almost every aspect.
An oftentimes overlooked factor in the relationship between India and
Germany, however, is the Indian Diaspora in Germany. Although the community is
rather small, it has shown itself to be an influential and recognized actor in German
economy, culture, social life, and politics. On December 31, 2005, there were more
than 40,000 Non-Resident Indians (NRI) living in Germany. Together with
approximately 10,000 to 20,000 People of Indian Origin (PIO) the Indo-German
community numbers a mere 50,000 to 60,000. Nevertheless, there has been
substantial impact by Indians in Germany. The so-called Green Card initiative by the
German government in 2000, aimed at IT-specialists who were granted visa and
1
work opportunities, brought 5,300 Indian computer experts to Germany. This gave
new impetus to the Indo-German community, which has already been visible through
Indian restaurants, cultural events, and social gatherings. There are also numerous
Hindu temples, Sikh gurdwaras, and other places for worship in Germany.
Furthermore, the Indian Diaspora has accomplished the very rare feat of having two
representatives elected to the German Bundestag, which is the lower house of
Parliament. Josef Winkler and Sebastian Edathy are both PIO and represent the
Greens and the Social Democrats respectively.
This paper is going to offer a broad assessment of the Indian Diaspora in
Germany. In an attempt to give a first overview it starts by providing a statistical
evaluation of the current situation. Following, the paper will briefly look at the
historical development of the Indo-German community with special attention given to
the Green Card initiative. In the second part, the paper is going to explore some
aspects of everyday-life of Indians in Germany. In particular, certain problems and
difficulties – ranging from language and culture to the German bureaucracy to
discrimination, racism, and xenophobia – will be assessed. The paper will also briefly
look at the specific problems second generation Indians in Germany face. In the two
following sections the paper will deal with structures and networks of the IndoGerman community as well as with aspects of religion and worship. Another
important point is the political impact of NRI and PIO in the German society. Here,
the paper will provide a closer look at the aforementioned representatives in the
Bundestag. A summary is going to be provided in the concluding part.
2. Statistical Background and Historical Overview
2.1 Statistical Background
The Indian Diaspora in Germany is relatively small. According to the Federal
Statistical Office of Germany, at the end of the year 2005 there were 40,099 Indian
citizens living in Germany. In order to put this number in a more general perspective,
it can be compared to the data of two other South Asian Diaspora communities in
Germany, Sri Lankan and Pakistani citizens (see Figure 1). Although Indians do
outnumber both groups, the relative gap between the communities is not as large as
one may expect. Because of rather lenient laws regarding political asylum in the
2
1970s and 1980s, Germany was for some time a very attractive option for religious
and political refugees. Particular Pakistani members of the Ahmadiya sect who were
persecuted on religious grounds in their home country and Sri Lankan Tamils fleeing
the civil war came to Germany during that time, which at least partly explains the
relatively high numbers of these groups (Goel 2002b). Until today, Sri Lankan Tamils
represent an important and influential group among the South Asian Diaspora in
Germany.
Figure 1: Foreign Citizens in Germany – South Asia (December 31, 2005)
45000
40099
40000
35000
33219
30034
30000
25000
20000
15000
10000
5000
0
Pakistan
Sri Lanka
India
Source: Federal Statistical Office Germany.
While India still compares relatively favourable to its South Asian neighbours,
a look at some other nations reveals that many immigrant groups by far outnumber
the small Indian population in Germany (see Figure 2). Whereas the gap to China is
not very large (40,099 to 73,767) but still significant if compared to the difference
between Indian and, for instance, Sri Lanka, a lot of European countries leave both
far behind as far as the number of their citizens living in Germany is concerned.
Especially during the 1950s and 1960s, countless Greek and Italian guest workers
came to Germany, and many of them stayed, still comprising large communities
today. However, the by far biggest single group of foreign nationals in Germany are
Turks. The Turkish community numbers more than 1.7 million, not counting
numerous people of Turkish origin that have adopted German citizenship over the
years. Compared to this, the Indian Diaspora in Germany indeed is a very small one.
3
Figure 2: Foreign Citizens in Germany – Selected Countries (December 31, 2005)
2000000
1764041
1800000
1600000
1400000
1200000
1000000
800000
540810
600000
400000
200000
309794
326596
Poland
40099
73767
130674
India
China
Ukraine Greece
0
Italy
Turkey
Source: Federal Statistical Office Germany.
For the overall picture, however, it is necessary to assess not only the number
of NRI but also the amount of PIO living in Germany. This is not always easy since
there is hardly any specific statistical data on Indians who have obtained German
citizenship. According to the Federal Statistical Office of Germany, in 2004 alone,
close to a thousand Indian citizens (978 to be precise) were naturalized in Germany
and officially became Germans. Particularly the children of these former NRI, who
clearly belong to the group of PIO, are not a part of any official census, which makes
it very difficult to measure the overall strength of the Indo-German community
exactly. However, there have been some calculations that one can rely on. In 2001,
for instance, the High Level Committee on the Indian Diaspora estimated the number
of PIO in Germany at 10,000 (Singhvi 2001: 152). Given the further inflow of Indian
immigrants to Germany in the wake of the Green Card initiative and the ongoing
processes of naturalization, it seems to be justified to hold this measurement as a
mere minimum. More current estimations have put the number of PIO as high as
25,000, which in contrast seems a little exaggerated. Right in between and probably
closest to the truth is the assessment of Urmila Goel who in 2006 estimated the
number of PIO in Germany at roughly 17,500. In all, there is no definite measurement
– the Indian Diaspora in Germany numbers at least 50,000, probably 57,500,
possibly even more than that.
4
2.2 Historical Overview
Despite the lack of colonial connections and even without any major trade relations
India soon became a focal point of German intellectual interest and curiosity.
Throughout the 18th and 19th century prominent German thinkers such as Johann
Gottfried Herder (1744-1803), Friedrich Schlegel (1772-1829), Georg Wilhelm
Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831), or Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) were fascinated
by the incomparable rich cultural and philosophical aspects of India and Indian life.
They produced a stunning number of articles, books, and pamphlets that reflected
Indian ideas and Indian thinking (Lütkehaus 2004). Obviously, intercultural
communication and scientific discourses played a major role in the relationship
between India and Germany at that time. However, extended visits from Indians to
Germany remained scarce and only very few Indians actually stayed for a longer time
(Gosalia 2002: 238). Consequently, there are hardly any sources that deal with
Indian immigration to Germany before the 20th century. This begins to change when
two particular groups of Indians start coming to Germany in larger numbers. On the
one hand, Indian nationalists and freedom fighters sought support for their fight
against British colonial rule. On the other hand, Indian students were attracted by the
excellent reputation of German universities.
During the time of World War I, Indian nationalists saw Germany as a possible
ally in their struggle for independence. Some of these freedom fighters came to
Germany in order to evaluate the opportunities for combined efforts against Great
Britain. With the financial help and support of the German government, they formed
an organisation to coordinate the activities of Indian nationalists abroad. The
developments in Europe, however, and the eventual defeat of Germany ended these
attempts to fight British colonial rule (Goel 2002b). In 1941, Indian freedom fighters
again sought German support when Subhas Chandra Bose came to Germany. With
the help of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs he founded the organisation Azad
Hind (“Free India”, “Freies Indien” in German). This group published a magazine and
also established a radio station which broadcasted programmes in English and in
Indian languages. At the same time, an Indian legion within the German armed forces
was formed, mostly made up of Indian volunteers who had been serving in the British
army and were captured by German troops. This unit never got to fight in India but
was instead used in the Netherlands and France (Goel 2003). After the German
5
defeat in 1945 most of the members of the Indian legion became prisoners of war. Of
course, it is important to note that neither the activists from Azad Hind nor the
soldiers of the Indian legion were supporters of the Nazi ideology. They merely tried
to find help in their fight against British colonial rule. Some members of the
organisation Azad Hind later stayed in Germany, for example A.C.N. Nambiar who
was to become the ambassador of India to (Western) Germany after World War II
(Goel 2003).
Germany also had become popular among students from South Asia early in
the 20th century. German universities were leading research and education
institutions, and the academic realm in Germany embraced Indian students. In 1928,
an Indian Student Information Bureau in Berlin was opened by the Indian National
Congress. It is said that Jawaharlal Nehru might have initiated this after one of his
visits to Germany (Goel 2002b). A prominent example of how a few, largely isolated
Indian students began to settle in Germany can be found in Vikram Seths acclaimed
novel Two Lives. The factual account of the life of his uncle Shanti Behari Seth
describes many facets of how young Indian men came to Germany in the 1920s and
1930s in order to study and to make a living. S.B. Seth himself arrived in Berlin in
1931 where he began to study medical dentistry. Shortly after he passed the state
examination with distinction and also completed his doctorate, however, Seth was
forced to leave Germany in 1936 when the Nazi government denied him the
opportunity to actually practice as a dentist because of him being a foreigner.
In the tradition of Shanti Behari Seth and other Indians who had come to
German universities in the first half of the 20th century, it were Indian students that
brought with them the first major wave of Indian immigration to Germany after World
War II. In the 1950s, several thousand students from India came to Western
Germany, i.e. the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), which was a result of the
good diplomatic relations between the two countries. Most of these students were
technicians and engineers who came from Indian universities or from Indian
companies like, for instance, the steel mill in Rourkela. They were granted
scholarships for further education, and while many of them returned to India after
their studies, some stayed and formed the nucleus of an Indian Diaspora in Germany
(Gosalia 2002: 238).
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, close to 6,000 Indian nurses came to
Germany in order to find work at hospitals. Interestingly, these “angels from India”
6
were mostly Catholic nurses from Kerala who were recruited through the global
network of the Catholic Church (Goel 2002a). This led to a huge disproportional
share of Christian Indians in the Diaspora in Germany, at least if compared to religion
statistics in India (Schnepel 2004: 117-118). Many of these nurses married and
stayed in Germany, their children are an important part of the German PIO population
(Gosalia 2002: 238). In all, the Indian Diaspora in Germany formed itself during that
era as a community of professionals (nurses, doctors, engineers), academicians
(students, scientists), and businessmen and traders (Singhvi 2001: 151-152). They
mostly adapted to life in Germany and integrated themselves into the German society
(Gosalia 2002: 239). New impetus came in 2000 with the launch of the Green Card
initiative by the German government.
2.3 The Green Card Initiative
It was at the international computer fair CEBIT in Hanover in March 2000 that the
German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder first voiced the idea of a Green Card designed
to attract foreign IT-specialists. The IT-sector in Germany was desperately looking for
well-educated and qualified professionals which could, at that point, not be found
within the country. Hence, the initiative by the German government sought to meet
the demands of an expanding computer industry by granting “20,000 opportunities to
earn Deutsche Marks” to foreign experts and specialists.
Although the program, which started on August 1, 2000, was originally limited
to five years only, the first reactions were remarkably positive, especially in India. A
study found that up to 95 per cent of the “target group” of Indian IT-professionals had
heard of the Green Card, with 80 per cent being interested in detailed information. A
surprising high number of up to 65 per cent, the study found, were actually seriously
considering the offer and, at least generally, willing to spend some time in Germany
(Fiedler 2000). Consequently, many of the first Green Cards issued in the first year of
the initiative went to Indian computer experts. India remained the single country with
the by far highest share of IT-specialists who were granted work opportunities in
Germany (see Figure 3). With 4,841 Green Cards, India is well ahead of the
countries of the former Soviet Union and all other European nations. However, the
composition of this new group of Indian immigrants in Germany shows a striking
imbalance. Only 365 female experts found their way to Germany, compared to 4,476
male IT-professionals, making this community extremely male-dominated. The same
7
phenomenon applies to virtually every single group of Green Card immigrants to
Germany (Venema 2004: 7).
Figure 3: Green Cards Issued – Selected Countries (August 2000 – April 2004)
6000
4841
5000
4000
3000
1961
2000
1000
792
1099
225
0
Pakistan
Yugoslavia
(former)
Romania
Soviet Union
(former)
India
Source: Venema (2004): 7. Former Yugoslavia includes Serbia-Montenegro, Croatia,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Slovenia, and Macedonia. Former Soviet Union includes
Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, and the Baltic States.
Overall, out of the more than 17,000 Green Cards issued until December 31,
2004, more than 5,300 work permissions were granted to Indian professionals. Once
again, India had shown itself to be a successful international player in the area of
services in general and computer and IT-expertise in particular (Zingel 2000).
However, when a new expanded immigration law substituted the German Green
Card on January 1, 2005, some of the Indian specialists had already left Germany for
other destinations. They understand themselves as “Global Indians”, who are very
mobile and can be successful everywhere in the world (Oberkircher 2006: 167).
Great Britain, the United States of America, and Canada seem to be more attractive
options for most IT-experts, which is particularly true for Indians being fluent in
English and, therefore, not having to deal with a language barrier in these countries
(Venema 2004: 32). Language problems and difficulties with the German
bureaucracy, especially in the area of family unification, but also in fields like taxation
and social security, are some of the most often mentioned hardships Indians face in
Germany (Oberkircher 2006: 179). For these and other reasons, it remains highly
unlikely that Germany will ever become one of the main destinations for Indian
8
professionals (Wagner 2005: 16). Although almost 90 per cent of the IT-specialists
saw their expectations met and were for the most part pleased with the living
conditions in Germany (Venema 2004: 43, 89), the experiences of some of the Indian
computer experts also do reflect general problems many Indians in Germany face.
Life in a country so different from India can be full of struggles stemming from
societal and cultural differences – adapting to these circumstances is not always
easy.
3. Life in Germany
3.1 Problems and Difficulties
There are numerous possible difficulties Indians do face in Germany. Among the
most pressing issues are:
•
language and culture,
•
the German bureaucracy,
•
discrimination, racism, and xenophobia, and
•
problems of the second generation.
The most obvious and also the oftentimes most difficult to solve problem is the
inability to communicate in German. Only language skills allow complete access to
social life in Germany. As one interviewee put it, language problems form a “social
barrier” that is hard to overcome. An Indian IT-expert stated that because of his
deficiencies in German, “I often miss the jokes and gossipy talks in my team”, which
may seem to be of lesser importance but describes accurately how a lack of
language skills may lead to social isolation (Oberkircher 2006: 177). However, most
Indians try hard to learn German, particularly if they plan on staying in Germany for a
longer period of time. An Indian scientist explains: “German, although difficult, is
absolutely necessary for integration.” Cultural habits become easier to understand,
and being able to speak German opens the door to social partaking, thereby
fostering integration. Furthermore, proficiency in German can alleviate most other
problems, especially regarding bureaucratic processes.
The German bureaucracy is a difficult field even for most Germans – how
much more complicated are things for foreigners! One of the most complex problems
is the acceptance of Indian certificates and diplomas. Many German institutions reject
9
Indian records, thereby making it hard for Indian immigrants to get all the necessary
documents for work permission and other things (Goel 2006: 1156). It also delays
authority decisions, which often leads to even more problems (Ogale 2003: 44-47).
Further difficulties arise from the specific circumstances of the social security system
in Germany. There are compulsory insurances like health and pension insurance that
have to be obtained by every person, including foreigners. The application
procedures can be very challenging and confusing (Oberkircher 2006: 179). Again,
language is the key. Many official documents in Germany are in German only.
Language skills become a precondition not only for social but also for economic
integration.
In addition to these difficulties, some Indians feel treated in a discriminatory
and degrading way, particularly at the German foreigner and immigration office
(“Ausländerbehörde” in
German).
Unfortunately,
such
experiences
are
not
uncommon among the South Asian community in Germany (Ogale 2003: 38-39).
Discrimination can take many forms, ranging from mobbing to social segregation. For
instance, several Indians admit that they are feeling to be under “constant suspicion”
and regularly are accused by their German colleagues if something is broken or
missing at their workplace (Ogale 2003: 48, 53). Although open racism and racist
violence is rather rare, there are numerous cases of subtle, “everyday” racism people
from India have to endure because of the colour of their skin (Paske 2006).
Especially Sikhs suffer from such racist discrimination. Partly because they are
misidentified and mistaken for Muslims they sometimes face extreme difficulties
finding a job or even an apartment (Nijhawan 2006). Additionally, Indians have also
become the target of xenophobic sentiments. In 2000, the Conservative Party (CDU)
in North Rhine-Westphalia, a state where many Indians live, launched a counter
campaign to the Green Card initiative by the then governing Social Democrats (SPD)
under the slogan “Kinder statt Inder!” which translates to “Children, not Indians!” For
the first time, the Indian Diaspora in Germany found itself at the centre of a political
debate (Goel 2005). It was also the first time that Indians were explicitly mentioned in
a xenophobic context.
The second generation of Indians in Germany faces specific problems. First
and foremost, many PIO suffer from a “double belonging” to both India and Germany,
making it hard for them to find a clear identity (Goel 2006). Additionally, “double
belonging” also means “double otherness” alienating second generation Indians in
10
Germany from both possible home countries. Being born and raised in Germany,
many PIO only have little connection to the home of their parents while the colour of
their skin marks them as “foreigners”. Consequently, second generation Indians
experience particular forms of subtle racism: They find themselves put into a certain
category because of their outer appearance. They are spoken to in English instead of
German. They are being asked questions about India. They are subject to
stereotypes and clichés (Paske 2006).
Of course, all of these examples are not necessarily representative. Not all
Indians in Germany face the same difficulties or have the same problems. There are
many positive aspects of life in Germany that are frequently mentioned in interviews
– socially, economically, and culturally. For most members of the Indian Diaspora in
Germany they seem to outweigh the negative facets and troubles.
3.2 Structures and Networks
An important instrument to overcome difficulties in the host society is the formation of
organisations and associations. These structures and networks can provide a
valuable source of information and are an oftentimes essential self-help system.
Through such networks Indians in Germany can find for instance support when
dealing with the German bureaucracy (Oberkircher 2006: 179-180).
In 1953, the German-Indian Society (“Deutsch-Indische Gesellschaft e.V.”,
DIG, in German) was founded as one of the very first central organisations of the
Indian Diaspora in Germany. Today, it has 33 chapters and more than 3,000
members and is still one of the most influential groups. Its newsletter, which is
published four times a year, is an important source of information regarding the IndoGerman community. Three years later, in 1956, the Indo-German Chamber of
Commerce (IGCC, “Deutsch-Indische Handelskammer” in German) was established.
Since then, its focus has been the development of good business relations between
India and Germany. Thus, the IGCC is of prime importance for the Indian business
community in Germany, providing information and assistance.
When in the 1960s and 1970s with the arrival of the nurses from Kerala for the
first time collective migrants replaced the mostly individual student migrants of the
1950s, Indians in Germany started to form more and more clubs, societies, and
associations. Not surprisingly, many Malayalee organisations were founded during
that time. Consequently, an umbrella organisation was established, the Union of
11
German Malayalee Associations (Goel 2002). Additionally, it were migrants from
Kerala who in cooperation with the Catholic Church of Germany started publishing
the journal “Meine Welt” (“My World”) in 1984. This magazine is explicitly devoted to
the Indo-German dialogue and also works as an important discussion forum for the
Indian Diaspora in Germany.
Second generation Indians in Germany have formed their own “ethnic
networks” (Goel 2002b). In recent years, they have increasingly utilized the internet
as their main medium. The probably most important development has been the
launching of the homepage www.theinder.net by three young Indo-German students
in 2000. The title of this virtual platform is an ironic pun – it mixes the German word
for Indian (“Inder”) with the internet, playing with the widely held stereotype that all
Indians are IT-experts (Goel 2006: 1154). The homepage is trilingual, being available
in German, English, and Hindi. However, it is important to note the German is by far
the most often used language, clearly marking theinder.net as a tool for PIO whose
first language is no longer an Indian language or English but German (Goel 2006:
1157). As a discussion forum and virtual meeting point, the homepage offers not only
information, for instance about India, and a widely used event calendar but also
interactive elements where users can post messages or contact each other. Hence,
theinder.net creates a “feeling of community” among second generation Indians in
Germany and also sometimes serves as “a virtual refuge from everyday life” (Goel
2005).
3.3 Religion and Worship
The preconditions for worship vary greatly among the different religious groups within
the Indian Diaspora in Germany. Whereas more than 26 million Catholics, a roughly
equal number of Protestants, and 3.3 million Muslims in Germany already constituted
important religious societies before the arrival of Indians, the Hindu and Sikh
communities are almost entirely made up of South Asian immigrants. Therefore,
Indian Christians and Muslims were able to rely on existing structures and to use
churches and mosques of already established religious groups for their worship. In
contrast, Hindus and Sikhs had to form their own infrastructure, and both have been
very successful in that respect.
When the first Hindus arrived in Germany, they basically had to perform all
religious ceremonies at home because there simply were no German Hindu temples.
12
When finally the first temples were established they bore little resemblance to
temples in India but were rather functional buildings like the Kurinchikumaran Temple
in Gummersbach. In recent years, however, the community of Sri Lanka Tamils has
pushed the construction of Hindu temples in Germany. A prominent example is the
Sri Nagapooshini Amman Temple in Frankfurt/Main which was opened in 2000. Such
temples are visited not only by Sri Lanka Tamils but also by Hindus from India. They
function primarily as religious centres but also offer additional services such as
language classes, dance and music courses, or help with the German bureaucracy
(Amend & Yetgin 2006: 37). In 2002, the biggest Hindu temple in continental Europe
was opened in Hamm (North Rhine-Westphalia). The Sri Kamadchi Ampal Temple
was constructed in South Indian style and has developed into a central place for
worship for Hindus in Germany and Europe (Baumann 2006).
Likewise, the Sikh community in Germany, which numbers approximately
5,000, has also been able to set up their own places for religious ceremonies. The
first Sikh gurdwaras were established in the area of Frankfurt/Main in the 1970s
(Goel 2002b). Today, there are more than a dozen gurdwaras all over Germany. One
of the most important is the Gurdwara Shri Guru Singh Sabha in Berlin, which was
opened in 2002.
3.4 Sebastian Edathy and Josef Winkler – Two PIO in the German Bundestag
In his recent book on the development of India into a world power, the German
professor Harald Müller incorporates a little chapter on a future vision that draws a
picture of how the world will look like for India in 2036. Here, he also deals with IndoGerman relations and speculates about the future role of NRI and PIO in German
politics. In a stunning point, Müller describes the imagined career of an immigrant
from India he calls “Dr. Menon”. A student of informatics, she came to Germany in
2002 on a Green Card. Dr. Menon had much professional success, found her way
into the realm of politics, and finally became the first German government official and
cabinet member of Indian descent, heading the Ministry of Defence in 2036 (Müller
2006: 329). Of course, Müllers fantastic account might be a little far-fetched from
today’s point of view. However, it is not as unlikely as it may seem at first glance, as
two examples of PIO having been elected to the German Parliament impressively
show.
13
In 1998, Sebstian Edathy won his district for the Social Democratic Party
(SPD) and was elected to the Bundestag. Born in Hanover in 1969, he became the
first PIO representative in the German Parliament – his father came to Germany from
Kerala. Edathy has been re-elected twice (in 2002 and 2005), and since 2003 is
chairman of the German-Indian Parliamentary Group. Not surprisingly, he is
particularly devoted to good relations between Germany and India. Here, he focuses
not only on economic affairs and cooperation in the health or energy sector but also
works on student exchange programs. Furthermore, Sebastian Edathy is active in
fighting discrimination and xenophobia in Germany.
A second Indian-German representative joined Edathy in 2002, when Josef
Winkler from the Green Party was elected. Winkler is the son of one of the Catholic
nurses from Kerala that came to Germany in the 1970s. He was born in Koblenz in
1974. Together with Sebastian Edathy, Josef Winkler is active in the German-Indian
Parliamentary Group, working for good relations between the German Parliament
and the Indian Lok Sabha and, more generally, between Germany and India. Winkler
has also been particularly committed to the policy areas of migration and human
rights, trying to create a more “open and multicultural society” in Germany.
The examples of Sebastian Edathy and Josef Winkler are just one case in
point of how important the relative small Indian Diaspora in Germany has become.
With two members of parliament the group is by far overrepresented which shows
once more not only their commitment and their will to play a part in German society
but also the trust and confidence Germans do put in them.
4. Summary/Conclusion
The Indian Diaspora in Germany is a fully established and, despite its rather small
size, highly influential ethnic group. From early 20th century freedom fighters and
students to engineers and nurses to businessmen and IT-specialists Indians have
played important roles in German history and society. They have become more and
more visible through the founding of numerous associations, clubs, and societies,
through cultural commitment, and also through the establishment of prominent places
for worship such as the Sri Kamadchi Ampal Temple that have become landmarks for
the Indian community not only in Germany but in Europe. Yet, the life in Germany
14
can also bring many difficulties and problems for Indians. The different language, the
different culture, even the different weather and climate may sometimes form
demanding challenges. Additionally, over-bureaucratic structures, discrimination, and
subtle racism can become serious threats to a good and fulfilling life in Germany. So
far, however, most Indians in Germany have adapted very well to the conditions in
this country. They are not only successful for themselves but through their rich
culture, their effort, and their commitment contribute much to the German society.
Furthermore, they transport a positive image of India and can, thereby, be an
influential and important piece of good Indo-German relations. Thus, the Indian
Diaspora in Germany is valuable to both countries – Germany and India.
5. Works Cited
5.1 Literature
•
Amend, Michael & Mercan Yetgin (2006). „Heimat in der Fremde. Der
tamilische Sri Nagapooshini Amman Tempel in Frankfurt am Main“ in: Brosius,
Christiane & Urmila Goel (eds./2006). Masala.de – Menschen aus Südasien in
Deutschland. Heidelberg: Draupadi Verlag, 27-50
•
Baumann, Martin (2006). Der Sri Kamadchi Ampal Tempel in Hamm –
Forschungen zum Hinduismus in Deutschland. Retrieved from:
http://www.baumann-martin.de/Kamad-Tem.html (20.11.2006)
•
Fiedler, Katja (2000). Elitenmigration: Migrationsbedingungen für
hochqualifizierte Informationstechnologie-Arbeitskräfte in Indien am Beispiel
der Green-Card-Initiative (unveröffentlichte Diplomarbeit). Hohenheim:
Universität Hohenheim
•
Goel, Urmila (2006). „The Virtual Second Generation – An Own Space on the
Internet“ in: Voll, Klaus & Doreen Beierlein (eds./2006). Rising India –
Europe’s Partner? Berlin: Weißensee Verlag, 1154-1160
•
Goel, Urmila (2005). „Fatima and theinder.net – A Refuge in Virtual Space“ in:
Fritz, Angelika et al. (eds./2005). Import Export – Cultural Transfer – India,
Germany, Austria. Berlin: Parhas Verlag, 201-207
•
Goel, Urmila (2003). „Die indische Legion – Ein Stück deutscher Geschichte“
in: Südasien. 23/4, 27-30
15
•
Goel, Urmila (2002a). „Indische Engel in Deutschland“ in: Südasien. 22/2, 6163
•
Goel, Urmila (2002b). „Von Freiheitskämpfern zu Computer-Indern –
Südasiaten in Deutschland“ in: Südasien. 22/1, 70-73
•
Gosalia, Sushila (2002). „Indische Diaspora und kulturelle Identität“ in:
Draguhn, Werner (ed./2002). Indien 2002: Politik, Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft.
Hamburg: Institut für Asienkunde, 233-245
•
Lütkehaus, Ludger (ed./2004). Nirwana in Deutschland: Von Leibniz bis
Schopenhauer. München: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag
•
Meisig, Marion (2005). „Die Verdrängung der Devi: Vier Hindutempel in
Madras und Umgebung und ihr Einfluß auf den Kamaksi-Tempel in HammUentrop“ in: Mitteilungen für Anthropologie und Religionsgeschichte. 17/2005,
91-115
•
Müller, Harald (2006). Weltmacht Indien: Wie uns der rasante Aufstieg
herausfordert. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer.
•
Nijhawan, Michael (2006). „Bin Laden in der U-Bahn und andere
Verkennungen: Beobachtungen in der Sikh Diaspora“ in: Brosius, Christiane &
Urmila Goel (eds./2006). Masala.de – Menschen aus Südasien in
Deutschland. Heidelberg: Draupadi Verlag, 98-122
•
Oberkircher, Volker (2006). „Die deutsche Greencard aus der Sicht indischer
IT-Experten“ in: Brosius, Christiane & Urmila Goel (eds./2006). Masala.de –
Menschen aus Südasien in Deutschland. Heidelberg: Draupadi Verlag, 161188
•
Ogale, Sujata (2003). Mit anderen Augen: Deutschland und die Deutschen
aus der Sicht einer Inderin. Pfalzfeld: Kontrast Verlag
•
Paske, Mareile (2006). ‚Andere Deutsche’ – Strategien des Umgangs mit
Rassismuserfahrungen. Frankfurt an der Oder: Europa-Universität Viadrina
•
Schnepel, Burkhard (2004). „Inder in der Fremde“ in: Orientwissenschaftliche
Hefte. 13/2004, 115-141
•
Singhvi, L.M. et al. (eds./2001). Report of the High Level Committee on the
Indian Diaspora. New Delhi: Ministry of External Affairs
•
Venema, Mathias (2004). Green Card für ausländische IT-Fachleute
(Forschungsbericht im Auftrag des Bundesministeriums für Wirtschaft und
Arbeit). Offenbach: MARPLAN
16
•
Wagner, Christian (2005). Indien in der deutschen Außenpolitik: Stand und
Ausblick. Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
•
Zingel, Wolfgang Peter (2000). „Indien: Erfolgreich als
Dienstleistungsexporteur“ in: Draguhn, Werner (ed./2000). Indien 2000: Politik,
Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft. Hamburg: Institut für Asienkunde, 343-363
5.2 Interviews
•
Dr. George Arickal, interviewed by Jose Punnamparambil (2002). “Die
Menschen in Indien haben Zeit und das Leben ist weniger hektisch” in: Meine
Welt. 20/1 (July 2002), 42-45
•
Indra Chandrasekar, interviewed by Bijon Chatterji (2003). Retrieved from:
www.theinder.net (15.08.2006)
•
Prof. Dr. Phalguni Chaudhuri, interviewed by Bijon Chatterji (2004). Retrieved
from: www.theinder.net (15.08.2006)
•
Sebastian Edathy, interviewed by Sebastian Arackal (2005). Retrieved from:
www.theinder.net (15.08.2006)
•
Sascha Joseph, Archana & Anita Kollethu, interviewed by Jose
Punnamparambil (2002). “Wir fühlen uns als Teil der deutschen Gesellschaft”
in: Meine Welt. 19/1 (July 2002), 47
•
Prof. Dr. Ram A. Mall, interviewed by Sushila Gosalia (2002). “Ich bin ein
Insider und ein Outsider zugleich” in: Meine Welt. 19/1 (July 2002), 15-18
•
Dr. Amal Mukhopadhyay, interviewed by Bijon Chatterji (2003). Retrieved
from: www.theinder.net (15.08.2006)
•
Abhijit Sarkar, interviewed by Bijon Chatterji (2004). Retrieved from:
www.theinder.net (15.08.2006)
•
Vikram Seth, interviewed by Jochanan Shelliem (2006). “Vikram Seth – ein
Interview” in: Mitteilungsblatt der Deutsch-Indischen Gesellschaft e.V. 3/2006,
16-17
•
Josef Winkler, interviewed by Sebastian Arackal (2004). Retrieved from:
www.theinder.net (15.08.2006)
17