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AL-QAEDA IN YEMEN
By Charles Sutherland
INTRODUCTION
Insurgency - an armed
rebellion against an
authority when those
taking part in the
rebellion are not
recognized as belligerents
Right: Yemen is an Arab
country located in the
southwest of the Arabian
Peninsula, bordering
Saudi Arabia and Oman
www.infoplease.com
Al-Qaeda, a global militant group that is not affiliated with any state and
which propagates radical, religious ideals under the name of Islam, has been
operating in the south Arabian state of Yemen since as early as 1998. The
organization has the stated goals of “expelling infidels from the Holy
Land”, “uniting Muslims”, and “creating a new Islamic caliphate”, which
have allowed it a history of causing violence and chaos in its wake. AlQaeda is classified as a terrorist organization by the United States and
Russia, as well as organizations like the United Nations Security Council
(UNSC), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and the
European Union (EU).
The Republic of Yemen, an Arab country located in the southwest of
the Arabian Peninsula at the intersection of the Red and Arabian Seas, is a
country with a history characterized by unfortunate, violent conflict.
Included in this conflict has been the Al-Qaeda insurgency occurring in
the country for more than a decade. In 2010, the Yemeni government, with
the support of the United States, declared war on the Al-Qaeda cells located
within its territory. In addition to its war against Al-Qaeda, the Yemeni
government finds itself in armed conflict with a different insurgency in the
north of the country and a militant separatist group in the south.
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This violence within the Republic of Yemen has threatened the
continued existence of the state. For this reason, the United States
government has considered the branch of Al-Qaeda operating within the
country, known as Ansar al-Shari’a or AQAP, as the subset of Al-Qaeda
that is not only the most active but also the most threatening to United
States interests in the region and to global security. Although the US
government has offered military support to the Yemeni government, the
situation has not made progress.
EXPLANATION OF THE PROBLEM
Historical Background
The history of conflict in Yemen is long and complex, as is the history
of Al-Qaeda itself. To better understand how the issue of the Al-Qaeda
insurgency in Yemen affects the interests of the United States, a thorough
understanding of the history of both of these players is essential.
Yemen: A Troubled Past
More than 13 million
Yemenis do not have
access to clean water,
and 10 million are
struggling with hunger
Yemen has a long history dating to as early as 5000 BCE. Once the
center of commerce and culture for all of Arabia, the nation has experienced
long periods of conflict, unrest, and poor economic health for much of the
modern period. This modern period of Yemeni history began in 1904, when
the Ottoman Empire and Great Britain came to an agreement to split the
region of Yemen into north, under Ottoman rule, and south, under the
hegemony of Great Britain.
North Yemen gained independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1918
after its defeat in World War I. Post-independence North Yemen was ruled
under the Mutawakkilite monarchical dynasty until Arab nationalists
overthrew it in 1962. Egyptian Arab nationalist leader Gamal Abdel Nasser
fueled this unrest in North Yemen and aided the revolutionary movement in
establishing a republic. This foreign imposition, however, instigated
opposition from native Yemenis who supported the Mutawakkalite
monarchy. With these royalists supported financially by oil-rich Saudi Arabia,
and the republicans supported by the Nasser’s powerful influence, the North
Yemen Civil War ensued from 1962 to 1970.
The situation in South Yemen, however, took a different course as the
region remained a British protectorate until 1967. Echoing the unrest
brewing to the north, a violent insurgency began against the British presence
in 1962. The National Liberation Front and the Front for the Liberation of
Occupied South Yemen led the nationalist movement against British troops
until they finally relented in 1967. Post-war talks took place in Geneva, which
allowed for the establishment of the People’s Republic of Yemen in
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Shia - one of the two
main branches of Islam,
followed especially in
Iran. The Shia are
generally a minority in
the Arab world
November of 1967. In 1970, radical Marxists took control of the
government, establishing the communist People’s Democratic Republic of
Yemen (PDRY).
The following period saw relations between the two Yemeni states
fluctuate between uneasy, but peaceful, tolerance, and concerted armed
conflict. War broke out between the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) in the
north and the southern People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen in 1972.
The PDRY garnered support from global communist forces such as the
USSR, whereas the people of the YAR garnered resentment for their lack of
global supporters. A ceasefire was ordered in 1978, with an agreement made
for the two Yemens to eventually unite as a single republic. 1979 saw
renewed warring between the two states. Internal conflicts in the PDRY in
1986 led to the South Yemen Civil War and the ultimate sentencing to death
of its president.
In May of 1990, the two Yemens were finally united under the presidency
of the YAR leader Ali Abdallah Saleh and the vice-presidency of the PDRY
leader Ali Salim al-Beidh. This decision did not come without dissent,
however, and in 1993, Vice President Ali Salim al-Beidh fled to the former
capital of the PDRY, Aden, claiming that the north-dominated government
neglected the southern people and were instigating another civil war. The
northern forces triumphed over the socialist Southerners in 1994, allowing
for the following decade to be relatively void of domestic violence and
conflict.
This period of relative peace began to deteriorate in 2004 with the
commencement of the Shia insurgency in the north of the country. This
conflict began with the Shia population of the North feeling that the
government was discriminating against them, while Saleh’s government
accused the Shia groups of attempting to overthrow the government and
implement Shia religious law in the country. This conflict has not yet ended,
although the intensity of the violence has fluctuated over the past decade,
with the most violent government offensives being held in 2009.
In addition to this great amount of military and violent conflict
experienced by Yemen, the country and its people have undergone extreme
instances of poverty and political unrest. The amalgamation of this unrest
culminated in 2011 as protests and anti-government demonstrations spread
across the Arab world. The Yemeni Revolution of 2011 sought to depose the
rule of Ali Abdallah Saleh, who’s rule over the united Yemen aimed to
consolidate his own power rather than promote unity and improve the
domestic situation. He was granted immunity from prosecution in 2012,
although he was removed from his position and his son was prohibited from
running for the presidency.
Al-Qaeda
On top of this long history of unrest and conflict in Yemen, the terrorist
organization Al-Qaeda has established control over nearly one-third of the
nation’s territory. Understandably, this has caused a considerable amount of
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The flag of Al-Qaeda in
the Arabian Peninusla
(AQAP), the group
leading the Al-Qaeda
insurgency in Yemen
en.wikipedia.org
strain on an already strained national government, as well as distress across
the international community.
Al-Qaeda was purportedly founded in Afghanistan in late 1988 by
militants Osama bin Laden and Abdullah Azzam. The group, whose name
is derived from the Arabic word meaning “the base,” was created mostly in
response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan that lasted for 10 years. With
all of this in mind, it is important to note that all Muslims do not support
Al-Qaeda, and the great majority of the global Muslim population
denounces what they see as Al-Qaeda’s corruption of the Islamic faith for
selfish gain.
According to The Guardian, the development of Al-Qaeda has
occurred across five different stages: the beginning period (1980s), the
“wilderness” period (1990-1996), the “heyday” period (1996-2001), the
networking period (2001-2005), and its current period of fragmentation
(2001-present). Most pertinent to building our understanding of the present
insurgency in Yemen are the “heyday,” networking, and fragmentary
periods.
The “heyday” stage of Al-Qaeda’s development includes the
solidification of its position as an international militant and terrorist
organization, with a wide-reaching bureaucracy of leadership and a powerful
global network of cells. During this period, Al-Qaeda made two critical
attacks against the United States: the USS Cole bombing in 2000, and the
terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. In October 2000, an Al-Qaedasupported suicide bomber attacked the US Navy guided missile destroyer
USS Cole. This attack killed 17 American sailors and injured another 39.
The Al-Qaeda-orchestrated attacks against the United States on September
11, 2001, killed nearly 3,000 people and caused nearly $10 billion in
property and infrastructure damage. The combined effect of these attacks
caused national outrage against Al-Qaeda, eventually contributing to the
initiation of the US-led War on Terror.
The next period of Al-Qaeda’s development, from 2001 to 2005, saw
the organization’s relocation from its main base in Afghanistan to other
points across the world. Its infamy carried across global audiences,
garnering unprecedented levels of support for its mission. An important
rallying cause for this increase in support and numbers is the war in Iraq,
which allowed the organization to victimize its cause and use evidence that
the West was attempting to infiltrate Islamic civilization. With its ideology
consolidated and supported by many, a surge of attacks took place
throughout the Middle East, Asia, and Europe.
The current stage of Al-Qaeda’s development includes fragmentation:
the globally powerful organization of the recent past no longer exists.
Rather, splinter organizations have become regionally powerful, such as AlQaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), which are united under the
general mission and message of Al-Qaeda. AQAP conducted an attack
against the US Embassy in Sana’a in 2008, which resulted in the deaths of
18 people. The primary conflict caused by the insurgency in Yemen takes
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place during this current stage, although the organization has operated out
of the country since 1998.
The insurgency in Yemen involves nearly 1,500 members of Al-Qaeda
and affiliated groups, and roughly 20,000 Yemeni troops. To date, over
2,200 people have died in Yemen from both sides.
United States Involvement
Due to the recurrence of attacks against the United States and its
immediate interests in the region and country, the United States government
has placed a great deal of pressure on the Yemeni government to take harsh
action against Al-Qaeda’s presence. To this end, the US has offered military
support to Yemeni troops including training, intelligence sharing, a few
dozen ground troops, and direct involvement where necessary.
Sparking great controversy, both domestically and across the global
community, the United States has engaged in targeted killings in Yemen with
the use of drone strikes and cruise missile attacks since 2002. While these
attacks have generally been successful in killing high-profile members of the
insurgency, ineffective attacks and collateral damage have caused local
opposition to the US-Yemeni government cause. Some of these locals have
even taken to fighting against this cause. This unrest combined with the
moral question of drone strikes has led to some global opposition to US
involvement in the Yemeni conflict.
Recent Developments
The conflict in Yemen remains volatile to this day. At present, the
United States has evacuated all non-essential personnel from the embassy in
Sana’a, and US citizens are strongly advised against travel to the country.
Ambushes on government-held checkpoints and bases in the country occur
on a monthly basis at the least, and citizens are strongly discouraged from
traveling between cities. Of particular concern to the global community,
apart from the general threat of terrorism, is the common practice of
kidnapping foreign nationals and dignitaries and asking for ransom.
Congressional Action
The Al-Qaeda insurgency in Yemen has not inspired much recent
legislation apart from appropriating money from USAID and a portion of
the military budget toward training Yemen’s military. The combined lack of
recent congressional action on the issue and the progression of the conflict
are indicators that it is time again for congress to reconsider the role that the
United States holds in resolving the conflict.
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S Res 341
“A resolution supporting peace, security, and innocent civilians affected
by conflict in Yemen” is a resolution that passed in the Senate in 2009,
which offered support for the people of Yemen and commended the efforts
that Barack Obama and the United Nations had made in the country at the
time. The resolution calls on the president to support political and
economic reform in Yemen in addition to offering military support, while
simultaneously recognizing the serious threat that the insurgency in Yemen
poses to national and international security. This is the most recent
congressional action taken to address the conflict.
Country Comparison: US Policy vs. Saudi Policy
According to Oxfam, much of the world has ignored the conflict
occurring in Yemen. The United States has been the sole sovereign nation
involved in directly aiding the Yemeni government in the conflict, although
Yemen’s neighbor to the north, Saudi Arabia, has been grudgingly involved.
Pushing it to monitor the situation in Yemen, Saudi Arabia is wary of the
possibility that Yemen would fall under Shia control, since a Yemeni Shia
government might forge closer ties to Iran, one of Saudi Arabia’s regional
rivals.
FOCUS OF THE DEBATE
Conservative View
In general, American conservatives tend to favor US military support in
combating national security threats. In the case of the Al-Qaeda insurgency
in Yemen, the national security threat requires the attention of the United
States government and its military resources. To this end, conservatives
generally support the use of funds to train the Yemeni military and, should
the need arise, deploying US ground troops to the country.
Liberal View
US drone strikes in
Yemen have killed
between 750 and 950
people, with most being
militants
In general, liberals in the United States tend to be in support of a
peaceful solution to the conflict in Yemen, and are opposed to the use of
targeted drone strikes, although this issue tends to cause controversy
regardless of partisanship. This includes a focus on concerted diplomatic
efforts in the country and its neighbors as well as public relations campaigns
supporting democracy.
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Presidential View
President Obama openly supports the propagation of democracy and
bringing about a peaceful resolution to the conflict. With these stated goals,
the administration strongly supports the use of targeting killing and drone
strikes to eliminate high profile members of the AQAP. Despite opposition
from the American people as well as the majority of Yemen’s voting
population, this policy continues to be utilized by the administration. With
this being said, the administration has taken a stance against collateral
damage and is working to minimize the effect of drone strikes on the
Yemeni people.
Interest Group Perspectives
The Center for American Progress
Targeted Drones in
Yemen
Source: PressTV
The Center for American Progress (CAP), a liberal think tank, takes
two primary stances regarding the insurgency in Yemen. First, CAP
vehemently opposes the use of targeted drone strikes in the country.
Secondly, CAP suggests that the United States government make diplomatic
efforts that involve promoting the idea that the US is interested in Yemen
for other reasons than just combating terrorism.
On the first point, CAP fears that drone strikes in Yemen will induce
fear in the local population to the point that a greater number of recruits
will join the AQAP cause. The Center states that Yemen is a complicated
country to begin with, and wreaking further havoc in an already unstable
state can have nothing but negative consequences for United States interests.
Instead, CAP advocates for attempting to solve the political unrest in the
country in order to draw potential recruits away from the AQAP cause.
On the second point, CAP suggests that the US Secretary of State make
diplomatic visits to Yemen and begin a public relations campaign that will
demonstrate to the Yemeni people that the US has their best interests at
heart. The Center supports the idea that symbolism is key for winning over
the hearts of the people. Particularly in this case, the relations campaign
would have to acknowledge the difficult history of the country and give
assurance to all sides of the political unrest that the United States is working
toward a viable solution.
The Cato Institute
The Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, generally promotes limited
military intervention by the United States in the affairs of foreign countries.
The Institute does, however, support the promotion of democracy and
human rights. With this in mind, Cato takes a harsh stance against the
president’s ability to order targeted killings. The Institute strongly believes
that this method of countering the insurgency does nothing but increase
popular support for the cause of the AQAP, citing evidence produced by
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The Washington Post in 2009 that the core militants of the AQAP
increased from 300 to 700 after the use of targeted killings.
Cato also believes that the United States should make a concerted effort
to understand and appreciate the complexity of the domestic conflicts
occurring in Yemen at present. This complicated history has had a direct
impact on current events in the country, and a lack of understanding of this,
while creating foreign and military policy, will prove harmful both to US
and Yemeni interests in the future. In particular, Cato calls attention to the
fact that the PDRY and YAR experienced severe conflicts before being
joined in 1990, and much of the resentment left by the 1994 civil war
remains unresolved. The Institute suggests that perhaps a contributing
factor to the current insurgency is the Southern feeling that 1990
represented the start of a Northern occupation of the PDRY rather than the
unification of the two states into one nation.
The Heritage Foundation
The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, strongly supports
the idea that the United States government should support the Yemeni
government in its efforts to combat the growth of Al-Qaeda in the country.
Heritage acknowledges that the AQAP is the most significant threat to
national security since the break up of Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. For this
reason, it is imperative that the United States government takes all necessary
action to contain the threat.
The Foundation strongly encourages diplomatic means of engaging the
various actors in this conflict to reach a peaceful solution. This proposed
strategy includes five major objectives: to encourage the peaceful transition
of power within the Yemeni government, ensuring stability and legitimacy
for the ruling powers; to maintain close contact with Yemen’s military
leaders; to engage the opposition to the government in diplomatic talks,
with the hope of forming a coalition of political voices against AQAP; to
coordinate strategy with Saudi Arabia, as the country has a concerted
regional interest in ensuring that AQAP is not responsible for violence; to
engage Iran in diplomatic talks as to prevent complications from Iran
supporting the Shia insurgency in the north of Yemen.
POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS
Night sets in on the
distinctive 1000-year-old
buildings of downtown
Sana’a, capital of Yemen
www.apogeephoto.com
Attacking AQAP’s Roots
This proposed solution veers away from the current US practice of
targeted killings, preferring instead to take aim at what the Council on
Foreign Relations considers the root of the problem. This solution includes
countering the powerful propaganda utilized by the AQAP to gain support
from local Yemenis. In cooperation with the Yemeni government, the
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United States could develop a publicity campaign that would spark a
national debate about the validity of the AQAP’s promises and goals. The
Council on Foreign Relations deems the greatest asset of the AQAP to be
its unchallenged public assertions; should the US government work to
challenge these assertions in a public forum, perhaps the roots of AQAP
support will diminish or disappear altogether.
Establishing a Special Fund
The purpose of the proposed establishment of a special fund is to
stimulate the Yemeni economy. The fund, proposed by Princeton scholar
Gregory Johnsen, would take a majority of its funds from the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC), which is made up of the Arab states of the
Persian Gulf. The GCC pledged these funds to aid the Yemeni economy in
2006 but have withheld them to date, stating fears of corruption in the
Yemeni government. This solution would require that the United States
exert its diplomatic muscles in convincing the Gulf States that the
disbursement of this fund will be beneficial to Yemen’s economy, and thus
in resolving part of the political distress.
Reforming the Political System in Yemen
Yemeni President Saleh
Source: The Guardian
This solution is perhaps the most difficult to implement, although many
believe that it would be the most effective. With much of the secession and
insurgency conflict in the country stemming from a general discontent with
the lack of economic or political opportunities, reforming the political
system could eventually serve to bring an end to the conflict. This solution
is particularly compelling if one believes that the root cause of this conflict
pertains to the lack of economic opportunities in a poor, developing
country such as Yemen, although all in favor of peaceful resolutions should
consider ways of implementing a political solution. The situation is tenuous,
as it is not the place of the United States government to suggest to other
governments how they should run their country, although skillful diplomacy
could yield effective results.
QUESTIONS FOR POLICYMAKERS
The first questions that come to a policymaker concerning this issue
may be: Can this problem even be solved? At this point, is it even worth
trying? The answers to these questions are important and will shape the
views taken on later, with more specific questions concerning the drafting of
legislation.
Many factors should be taken into consideration when drafting
legislation on the issue of the Al-Qaeda insurgency in Yemen. Overarching
questions include: How does this issue affect the United States? What is the
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United States’ role in the affairs of foreign nations? What does its role as a
global leader entail? Is military force a useful foreign policy tool? What is
the current military policy, and how does it affect both the US and the local
populations? Is financial aid preferable? Is aid even useful?
The next category of questions to be asked involves the desired
outcome. Should this legislation seek to help Yemen as it is now, to serve
the people facing these problems as we speak? Is this useful? Or should the
focus instead be on long-term initiatives that will hope to provide lasting
change in the structure of Yemen’s society, government, or economy? How
far-reaching should this legislation be? Ideally both short term and long
term solutions would be desirable, but which is most important?
Perhaps a policymaker is interested in focusing his or her attention on
the Yemeni government, asking himself or herself does the government
want this help? How will this legislation have an impact on local politics?
On regional politics? On the relationship between Yemen and the United
States? How will the allies of the United States react? Can they be asked for
help as well? When dealing with issues of international affairs, all parties
that have a stake in the issue should be considered.
CONCLUSION
In sum, the threat that the presence of Al-Qaeda in Yemen poses both
to national and international security is to be considered with all
seriousness. Not only does this insurgency threaten to collapse the Yemeni
state and leave its people in even more dire circumstances, the ripples from
regional disruption are felt across the world and the global economy. The
United States, as the only world power that has previously taken action on
this issue, stands as the leader as far as international involvement in the
conflict goes. US policymakers face decisions that are sure to see effects
across the United States, in the Arabian Peninsula, and, if the Al-Qaeda
threat is taken seriously, across the world.
GUIDE TO FURTHER RESEARCH
This issue has been proven to be very important to the security and
foreign policy interests of the United States, however, it is more than likely
that a representative will not have his or her opinions on this issue under
the issues tab of their website. This does not mean, however, that these sites
will not be helpful for further research; from them, one can gain knowledge
of his or her representative’s views on the War on Terror, the use of drone
strikes to achieve US policy goals, or foreign policy, more generally.
From researching the opinions of specific representatives, one can move
on to research further the facts of the issue itself. For more information on
the history of Yemen and the conflict in general, large news companies like
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BBC and Al-Jazeera generally compile articles about the conflict that will be
easy for you to garner specific information from. Otherwise, the websites of
think tanks and the mentioned interest groups are great resources.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bailey, Pam, and Medea Benjamin. "US Encourages Democracy in Yemen,
Then Turns Deaf Ear." Al Jazeera. N.p., 14 Aug. 2013. Web.
Burke, Jason, and Paddy Allen. "The Five Ages of AlQaida." Theguardian.com. Guardian News and Media, 11 Sept. 2009.
Web. 25 June 2014.
<http://www.theguardian.com/world/interactive/2009/sep/10/al-qaidafive-ages-terror-attacks>.
Gude, Ken, and Ken Sofer. "Secretary Clinton Should Go to
Yemen." Center for American Progress. N.p., 12 July 2011. Web. 25
June 2014.
Gude, Ken. "Misfiring at Al Qaeda in Yemen." Center for American
Progress. N.p., 14 June 2011. Web. 25 June 2014.
Innocent, Malou. "Yemen, Drones, and the Imperial Presidency." Cato
Institute. N.p., 4 June 2012. Web. 25 June 2014.
Johnsen, Gregory. "Resetting U.S. Policy Toward Yemen." Council on
Foreign Relations. Council on Foreign Relations, Sept. 2011. Web.
N.p., n.d. Web. <https://twitter.com/alqaeda>.
Phillips, James. "What the President Must Do About Yemen." The Heritage
Foundation. N.p., 24 Mar. 2011. Web. 25 June 2014.
A Resolution Supporting Peace, Security, and Innocent Civilians Affected
by Conflict in Yemen., S. Res. S.Res.341, 111 Cong. (2009). Print.
"Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan (1979)." Encyclopedia Britannica. N.p., 25
Dec. 2013. Web. 25 June 2014.
<http://global.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1499983/Sovietinvasion-of-Afghanistan>.
Spencer, James. "Yemen's Problems Are Deep but They Have
Solutions." The National. N.p., 18 Jan. 2011. Web.
Tharoor, Ishaan. "A Brief History of Yemen: Rich Past, Impoverished
Present." Time. Time Inc., 01 Nov. 2010. Web. 25 June 2014.
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"Yemen Crisis | Oxfam GB." Oxfam GB. N.p., n.d. Web.
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