The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities
www.communities.gov.uk
community, opportunity, prosperity
The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities
Change Institute
April 2009
Communities and Local Government: London
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Contents | 3
Contents
1
Executive Summary
1.1 Introduction and context
1.2 Migration and England’s Egyptian Muslim population
1.3 Identity, religion and language
1.4 Socio economic status
1.5 Intergenerational dynamics, young people and the
role of women in the community
1.6 Cohesion and integration
1.7 Media and links with country of origin
1.8 Civil society
1.9 Recommendations
8
8
9
10
11
2
Introduction
2.1 Objectives of the research
2.2 Report structure
12
13
14
3
Methodology
3.1 Project phases
3.2 Analysis of data
3.3 Limitations of the research
15
15
18
19
4
Country Profile and History
21
5
Migration History and Trends
25
6
Community Demography and Key Locations
27
7
Key Characteristics
7.1 Identity
7.2 Ethnicity
7.3 Religion
7.4 Language
30
30
31
32
33
8
Socio economic situation
34
9
Intra-community Dynamics
9.1 Intergenerational issues
9.2 Young people
9.3 Women
9.4 Cohesion and integration issues
36
36
37
38
39
10 Media
10.1 Perceptions of the UK media
10.2 Media consumption
5
5
6
6
7
41
41
41
4 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
11 Links with country of origin
11.1 Travel
11.2 Remittances
11.3 Political links
11.4 Business and commerce
43
43
44
44
45
12 Civil Society
12.1 Brief overview
12.2 Types of organisations and services they offer
12.3 Key organisations
12.4 Key influencers
12.5 Civic engagement and participation
12.6 Community issues and capacity building needs
46
46
47
47
48
50
50
13 Conclusions and recommendations
13.1 Recommendations
52
54
14 Glossary
55
15 Bibliography
57
Executive Summary | 5
1 Executive Summary
1.1 Introduction and context
This report is one of thirteen reports on England’s Muslim ethnic communities resulting
from a six-month research project commissioned by the Cohesion Directorate of
Communities and Local Government (CLG) in order to understand the diversity of
England’s Muslim population and enhance its engagement and partnership with
Muslim civil society.
The primary goal of the research was to detail the main population and community
locations, identify denominations and religious practices, and identify the strengths
of links with the country of origin. An overarching objective for the project was to
identify how government could best engage and work in partnership with specific
communities.
For many of these communities, there was little existing research specific to the
community, for this reason we felt it beneficial to look at other areas such as identity,
language use, socio economic situations, and intra-community and intra-generational
dynamics. Since the country of origin and migration contexts are important we have
briefly detailed the relevant parts of these.
The relatively limited scope of this study in relation to individual communities means
that there is still a great deal more research needed in order to establish comprehensive
knowledge and understanding about the different communities. This study provides
first insights into the communities rather than offering firm conclusions, and hence
should be understood as a starting rather than an endpoint in getting to know the
different communities covered by the research.
This report details the research findings for the Egyptian community. Individual
reports for the other twelve communities covered by the study as well as a separate
report synthesising the overall research findings are available from Communities and
Local Government.
This report focuses on the Egyptian Muslim community in England and as such those
interviewed and involved in focus groups were based in England. However, some of
the existing research and data on the community refers to England; England and
Wales; Great Britain; and the United Kingdom. Thus the report refers to whichever
of these is the most relevant in the context.
Whilst this report is about the Egyptian community in England, some data referred to
in this report is UK wide and not necessarily specific to England. When data for UK or
‘England and Wales’ has been used this has been made clear in the text.
6 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
1.2 Migration and England’s Egyptian Muslim population
In the 1930s and 1940s, small numbers of Egyptians came to study in Britain. The first
significant migration took place in the early 1950s after the Free Officer’s coup that
brought Nasser to power in Egypt. The Egyptians coming to Britain were mainly uppermiddle class or professional people and were overwhelmingly Muslim. However, in the
1970s significant numbers of Coptic (Christian) Egyptians migrated to London amidst
fears of religious intolerance.
From the beginning of the 1960s, Egyptians began to migrate increasingly for
economic reasons and, facilitated by a British willingness to grant work permits and
entry visas, many settled in the UK. About half came as economic migrants and found
low-paid work, particularly in catering and service industries. The rest were either
professional people who wanted to develop their careers, or who had come to study
and obtain higher degrees.1 Not all came with the intention of staying, but many did
so after finishing their studies. Recent migration flows from Egypt to the West have
been largely determined by economic factors and Egyptian economic migrants tend
primarily to be young men who intend to stay in Britain for a short while.2 Education is
another key reason for young Egyptians choosing to come to Britain.
According to the 2001 census, 22,963 people living in England were born in Egypt,
of which 7,652 identified themselves as Muslim which represents 33 per cent of the
total Egyptian born population in England. However, because census data only records
individuals by country of birth, this figure does not include second and third generation
Egyptians and the exact size of the Egyptian Muslim community is unknown. There is
also an anomaly in the census data for the Egyptian-born population. Unlike most of
the other communities in this study, a significant number (9,861) of the Egyptian-born
population in England are actually ‘White British’. This report therefore excludes this
section of the population with respect to the reporting of population and religious data.
53 per cent of the Egyptian-born Muslim population lives in London and 10 per cent
in the South East – see Table 1 below. The percentage of the Egyptian-born population
that is Muslim varies significantly by region. For example 58 per cent of London’s
Egyptian born population is Muslim, compared to only 43 per cent of the population
in the South East.
1.3 Identity, religion and language
A variety of issues highlight the complexities surrounding identity formation among
the Egyptian community in the UK. Many respondents highlighted the variety of
ethnic and cultural influences that inform how Egyptian Muslims see themselves.
Concerns about the media portrayal of Middle East issues potentially indicate a
community which also increasingly coalesces around a wider Arab or Muslim identity.
1
2
Ghada Karmi (1997), The Egyptians of Britain: A Migrant Community in Transition, University of Durham.
Ibid.
Executive Summary | 7
For most people Egyptian identity holds primacy and hence there is a strong resistance
to being identified as part of a homogenous ‘Egyptian Muslim’ title, especially in
light of the fact that levels of religiosity vary from strict adherence to a purely cultural
Muslim identity across the community. However, there are also indications that
post-9/11 an increasing number of Egyptians, especially young people, are placing
more emphasis on their faith identity.
Given that 90 per cent of the population in Egypt is Muslim, the religious composition
of Egyptian-born migrants in England is significantly different by comparison. Even
excluding the ‘White British’ population, only 56 per cent of Egyptian-born migrants
in England classified themselves as Muslim in the 2001 Census and 32 per cent are
Christian. This is supported by interviewees who suggest that there is a sizeable number
of Coptic Christians in England, but contradicts an earlier survey on the Egyptian
community in Britain which found that 87 per cent of respondents were Muslim.3
The dominant Madhabs (Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence) followed by Egyptian
Muslims in London, are the Hanafi School, followed by the Shafi School, along with
some Salafi practice. There are also many Egyptians who are secular in their outlook
whilst retaining a Muslim cultural identity. The Muslim Brotherhood is popularly
reported as having a significant support base in the UK, however, whilst it has a
presence, there was no evidence from our interviews that it has a large following.
Likewise, whilst Wahhabism is perceived as being widely practiced by Egyptians in
the UK, our research suggests that although some people may adopt certain values
associated with Wahhabism, few would actually identify themselves ‘Wahhabi’.
There is recognition however, that in the absence of a strong indigenous cultural,
religious and national identity amongst young people, many are vulnerable to
ideologies from different parts of the world. Some respondents urged the need for a
new ‘European’ form of Islam, one that understands, and is rooted in, western sociopolitical, cultural and economic contexts, and which is promoted by British-born and
English speaking Imams.
1.4 Socio economic status
There is limited socio economic data available for the Egyptian and Egyptian-born
population. What little that does exist suggests that the Egypt-born population as
a whole has a better socio economic profile than most other migrant communities.
Whilst the community is slightly less active economically than the average population,
it has higher rates of self-employment and representation in professional, managerial
and senior official positions. However, more recent migration has been driven by the
economic hardship that many face in Egypt. New migrants are not as well educated as
the earlier settlers and many are working in low paid service industries, often for other
Egyptians or Gulf Arab families.
3
Karmi, 1997.
8 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
1.5 Intergenerational dynamics, young people and the
role of women in the community
Significant intergenerational differences exist in the community bases upon difficulties
in language and communication, identity, cultural conflicts and the rise in faith based
identities. There are also concerns about identity conflicts for the younger generation
and possible growing resentments between parents and children, particularly if children
began to feel that their parents are not British enough. Respondents identified a range
of problems resulting from this intergenerational conflict, including young people
leaving home, and young people marrying outside their nationality and religion.
Many of the issues faced by young Egyptians relate to potential tensions and conflicts
with their parents, in relation to the danger of either being seen as becoming too
acculturated into the British culture, or being seen as becoming too ‘religious’ and
adopting a form of Islam that sits uncomfortably with the experience of their parents.
There are many well educated professionals women in high paid jobs who are active
in community associations, whilst other women face severe employment difficulties.
However, professional women are not one of complete equality with men, and many
are subject to the gender ceiling within Egyptian organisations in relation to access to
leadership and senior management positions. Most women irrespective of class have
limited access to mosques, and there are hardly any venues or facilities for women
to socialise outside the circle of their immediate family and friends. This can lead to
severe isolation for many women who are either confined to their home: due to age
or childcare responsibilities, or, for women who are newly entering Britain, they may
not be able to speak English or have not established a social network on this country.
1.6 Cohesion and integration
According to most of the respondents, integration and cohesion are not terms that are
the focus of much discussion in the community. When respondents were asked about
the subject they provided a wide spectrum of views, but most agreed that integration
is a ‘good thing’. Most respondents stressed the fact that they see themselves as fully
integrated but questioned the way in which the term is used and understood in public
debate, with some feeling that underneath the rhetoric of integration there is a strong
assimilation agenda. Occupational choices are thought to impact significantly on levels
of contact and familiarity with British society. Egyptian professionals working in British
institutions are thought to be more likely to have contact with British society
compared to those working in Arab institutions. Some respondents however stressed
that despite this familiarity with British society, many Egyptian Muslim still experience
external barriers in relation to the cultural mores of the wider society and difficulties
in social interaction based on conflicting social and cultural values and lifestyles.
Executive Summary | 9
1.7 Media and links with country of origin
There was a general distrust among most respondents concerning UK broadcast media
in relation to Middle East and Muslim issues, including the BBC. Most respondents felt
that there is a clear pro-Israeli bias in the media in the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. They were also very critical of media representations of Islam and Muslims.
Amongst professionals and UK-born Egyptian Muslims, the mainstream UK media is
believed to be the main source of news and entertainment. However, all respondents
identified Al-Jazeera as their own principal source of news on Egypt and the wider
Arab world. According to them, Al-Jazeera provides significant coverage of events
in the Arab world, whilst the mainstream UK media only gives a passing mention to
events and developments they are interested in.
Egyptian state media, both television and newspaper coverage, is reported to be
largely discredited as it maintains a totally pro-government agenda. In recent years the
regime in Egypt has experimented with increased freedom of the press and as a result
of this, a wave of anti-government newspapers have become available in London and
are said to be very popular. Websites and blogs are also popular with Egyptians to get
information on politics and society.
Most Egyptians are reported to travel frequently to Egypt, including young people.
Many Egyptian doctors in the UK are also said to return home to do medical work
during the summer. In London there are no Egyptian graveyards and many people still
expect to return and die or be buried in Egypt. Whilst there are strong feelings about
their home country, there was no indication among respondents that people feel it
possible or realistic to return home permanently in the near future mainly because
of economic reasons and children born in this country. Whilst many people do remit
money for relatives or for the purchase of property, there is a much lower level of
remittances from the UK than from other parts of the world due to the different
profile of the Egyptian community here which is more established and from higher
socio economic backgrounds.
The community has a high level of interest in Egyptian politics, but most people are
wary about active involvement either in the UK or through a return home. The Muslim
Brotherhood has a presence in the UK, but it is not possible on the basis of this limited
research to gauge its significance.
It was difficult to gauge the extent of business and commercial links, though most
respondents felt these were unlikely to be significant beyond the building of family
homes in rural areas, or the purchase of homes and land that could be used for
holiday and agricultural purposes.
10 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
1.8 Civil society
Egyptian civil society is very limited in size and scope. In part this appears to reflect the
low profile and relative invisibility of the community to local authorities and in public
policy. Added to this are the sensitivities and suspicions surrounding individuals and
organisations in the context of the political history of Egypt.
Civil society organisations that do exist are mostly loose associations that focus largely
on social and cultural events, as opposed to addressing community development
needs. These are described by respondents as purely networking organisations,
and some may hold conferences/seminars or the occasional dinner to raise funds
for charitable causes.
The community is not unified or coherent, and there are very few leaders with a broad
constituency who could be considered as community influencers. One or two imams
were mentioned as being highly thought of, but most, especially those who have
trained in Egypt, are not thought to have much influence due to their unfamiliarity
with British society and lack of understanding of issues affecting young people here.
Many people are also uncomfortable with the idea of ‘leaders’ and believe that those
who proclaim themselves as such in the media or with the Egyptian government are
often self-promoted people with no mandate to represent the community.
While some civil society organisations have contacts at senior political levels through
high level patrons for their organisations, there did not appear to be any real perceived
need to engage with local or central government. The same was felt to be true of
engagement in British politics more generally. One or two respondents raised the issue
of mistrust of the government on the basis of British foreign policy and legislation
targeting Muslims, and stressed the need to address the root causes of this mistrust
before any real engagement can take place.
There was a general sense from many interviewees that the community did not have
many specific needs or issues relevant for public policy, over and above the needs that
most communities have. However, there was a view amongst some respondents that
the Egyptian community is not immune to the broader problems of discrimination and
stereotyping facing all Muslim communities in Britain.
The majority of respondents felt that economically and socially the community is doing
well, and most saw it as comparatively better off than the other Muslim communities
included in this research. However, there were some respondents who were
concerned about the lack of understanding of the needs of the more disadvantaged
groups within Egyptian Muslim community.
Executive Summary | 11
The lack of provision and facilities for young Egyptians was identified as a key
development need. In relation to capacity building, lack of finance, staff and premises
were identified as pressing concerns. Most respondents also stressed the need to get
young people involved in establishing and running community organisations in order
to ensure that civil society structures do not disappear altogether over time. There was
also a suggestion about the need for some of the existing community organisations
to come together in order to develop a better understanding about community needs
and more co-ordinated mechanisms for public engagement.
1.9 Recommendations
This is one of the first reports of its kind on the Egyptian Muslim community in
England and, along with many of the other reports in this study, should be seen as
a starting point in the process of understanding England’s diverse Muslim and ethnic
minority communities in greater detail rather than the final word. The research has
provided many insights into the Egyptian Muslim community in England and while
areas were highlighted as community concerns some require further enquiry in order
to draw firm conclusions.
The Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities Summary report provides detailed
recommendations for engagement with and development of Muslim civil society
organisations.4 The following specific recommendations for public authorities are
in relation to responding to the Egyptian Muslim community.
• It is evident from respondents that there is a lack of youth provision but given the
geographical fragmentation of the community this is likely to be best achieved
through existing organisations providing culturally sensitive youth programmes
that can best respond to the specific needs of the community
• To gain insight into the socio economic situation and experiences of new Egyptian
migrants, further research is required.
Other recommendations:
• Census data suggests that the community in England is more religiously diverse
than the Egyptian population – it would be worthwhile understanding the level of
religious interaction between the community in comparison with other religiously
diverse communities in England such as the Nigerian community.
• Comparative research into the integration trajectories of established Muslim
communities in the UK. This could include the Egyptian, Iranian, Turkish and Iraqi
communities among others.
4
Available from Communities and Local Government.
12 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
2 Introduction
Communities and Local Government recognises that there is a need to enhance its
understanding and knowledge of the diverse Muslim ethnic populations in England,
particularly relating to some of the specific smaller communities of African,
Middle Eastern and other Asian countries of origin. As such, Communities and
Local Government commissioned The Change Institute (CI) to deliver the research
project ‘Understanding Muslim Ethnic5 Communities’ (UMEC). The 13 ethnic Muslim
communities that the Cohesion Directorate was seeking more information about
were those originating from:
• Afghanistan
• Algeria
• Bangladesh
• Egypt
• India
• Iran
• Iraq
• Morocco
• Nigeria
• Pakistan
• Saudi Arabia
• Somalia
• Turkey.
Separate reports have been provided under separate covers for each diaspora
community, along with separate synthesis and technical reports.
5
In this study the ‘ethnic’ communities have been delineated by country of origin. We realise that within these migrant
communities identity and ethnicity are dynamic and often not related to country of origin.
Introduction | 13
2.1 Objectives of the research
There were four objectives for the research:
• Mapping: Develop population maps for each ethnic community outlining the
spread of the population and identification of high density clusters
• Identification of denominations and pathways: Collect information on the
grassroots institutions/key individuals working with ethnic communities and
the breakdown of these ethnic communities by denomination/sect/clan
• Identifying strength of links and capacity of ethnic communities: Collect
information on the strength of links between each ethnic community and country
of origin (including influential institutions/individuals/media channels/religious
influences). Also to collect information on the relative strengths and weaknesses of
civil society infrastructure for each ethnic community, highlighting where capacities
need to be developed
• Identifying how government can best engage with ethnic communities: Develop
recommendations on the ways in which Communities and Local Government can
best engage with Muslim ethnic communities in England on the Prevent agenda,
including recommendations on avenues of communications and delivery to
these communities.
These objectives translated into six key questions that the study needed to address:
1. Where are the key ethnic groups of the Muslim population located?
2. What are the latest estimated sizes and demographic make-up of the key
ethnic communities?
3. Which denominations and/or other internal groupings do these ethnic groups
belong to?
4. How can Communities and Local Government best engage with them?
5. What are the strength of links between the ethnic communities and country
of origin?
6. How developed is the level of social infrastructure for each group?
14 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
During the course of the desktop research and fieldwork, we obtained data on
other facets of the community such as socio economic position and intra-community
dynamics. In order to provide additional context to users of the report we have
included this information where it was felt this would be valuable to the reader.
However, it should be noted a comprehensive socio economic description or analysis
of the community was outside the scope of this study. We also took the view that the
migration and history of each community’s country of origin was important and often
offered potential explanations for the location; intra-community dynamics, including
political, social and cultural characteristics; and development of the diaspora
communities in the UK.
2.2 Report structure
The report is structured to address the key research questions set out previously.
Sections 6 and 8 are primarily based on quantitative secondary data. Sections 7 to 12
draw primarily on the qualitative research corroborated by secondary sources where
these are available. Finally, section 13 draws together specific recommendations
arising from the research.
Methodology | 15
3 Methodology
The research questions represented a broad area of inquiry and analysis. While
quantitative data about the size, location and other demographic features of the
priority communities was a key research need, the study primarily focused on enabling
Communities and Local Government to ‘know’ these communities in depth.
To fulfill these research requirements, the methodology developed needed to combine
documentary research with processes of consultation and dialogue. Data collection
consisted of two phases which were consistent across each community.
PHASE
ACTIVITY
METHOD
1
Population mapping
Review of:
• Existing literature
• National data sources
• Local data sources and consultations
with local authority, other public
bodies and community representatives.
These were conducted to cover all
13 communities in this study.
2
Qualitative data collection
Community interviews (205 total,
12 with Egyptian community).
Focus groups (30 total, two with
Egyptian community and four with
Muslim youth from all ethnic
backgrounds).
In addition, we conducted 15 interviews with local government and voluntary services
stakeholders across England to discuss their existing experiences of working in
partnership with and supporting Muslim civil society organisations across all the
Muslim ethnic communities that we researched.
3.1 Project phases
Phase 1: Population mapping
The first phase consisted of collecting mainly secondary quantitative data but also
some primary qualitative data about locations of Muslim ethnic populations and
known civil society organisations. The primary data was gathered from Local Authority
and community respondents, who were able to identify the locations of significant
ethnic communities but were unable to provide exact numbers.
The main method for data collection on population characteristics was through
a comprehensive review of a broad range of secondary data sources, including the
output of migration and population think tanks and academic research centres.
16 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
This initial literature review assisted in developing a detailed picture of data currently
available in the public domain, and in identifying key gaps in the existing knowledge
base. It also helped in identifying key locations for each diaspora to be targeted in the
community research which followed as well as identifying key stakeholders and
community interviewees.
Robust and up-to-date population data is difficult to obtain outside of the 2001
Census but we were able to obtain some anecdotal information from Local Authorities
and community groups about migration since 2001. However, the 2001 Census data
still informs the baseline of the population figures quoted in this study. The substantial
number of ‘White British’ included in the Egyptian-born population in England have
been removed from the population and religious calculations using Census
commissioned table 1013.
In relation to Egyptians specifically, much of the secondary data available from Local
Authorities and government reports subsumes Egyptians under the category of Arab,
North African or Other, which makes it difficult to offer reliable figures.
Phase 2: Qualitative data collection
Qualitative data collection has been undertaken primarily through 12 one-to-one
interviews with key respondents (‘those who might be expected to know’) and two
focus groups with representatives of different communities. This phase of the research
was carried out between April and July 2008.
3.1.1 In-depth interviews
The interviews assisted in developing an overview of national and local contexts: the
make-up of diaspora communities, key issues concerning violent extremism including
perceptions, experiences and activities, current initiatives in place to counter this and
existing civil society structures and development needs. The interviews also assisted in
identification of further key contacts for the one-to-one and focus group research and
covered a range of topics including:
• Key data sources
• Denominations and pathways
• Key influencers and institutions
• Key issues and needs for the specific diaspora
• Links with countries of origin
• Civil society structures and capacity needs
• Current levels of contact and key barriers to engagement with public authorities
• Media consumption
• Appropriate communication channels for engagement and involvement.
Methodology | 17
The majority of interviews were conducted face-to-face and some by telephone
where necessary.
Respondents were chosen on the basis that they offered a range of different types
of knowledge and perspectives on community issues and dynamics.
Selection of interviewees involved drawing up a ‘long list’ of key contacts in each
community in consultation with community interviewers, expert advisers and contacts
made during the first phase of research. Shortlists were produced to ensure that there
was adequate female and youth representation and a regional spread that reflected
the distribution of the community in England. Additional names were added on the
basis of subsequent recommendations made.
Interviews were conducted by a researcher from the Egyptian community who was
already familiar with many of the civil society organisations in the community. This
added legitimacy to the process of enquiry that was critical in opening up discussion
and enabled us to gather rich and sometimes controversial data.
The profile of the twelve respondents was as follows:
• Nine males and three females
• Two were in the 20-29 age range; four were 30-39; four were 40-49 and two
were 50-59
• Two were involved in community- or religious-based roles, two were in educational
roles, seven were professionals active in the diaspora, one was a student.
A peer review process was used by CI to ensure consistency and quality across each
community. This involved:
• Piloting: Each community researcher was required to carry out two/three interviews
in each community to refine approaches and questions where necessary. This
included a detailed discussion with each researcher following the pilot interviews,
with expert adviser involvement where necessary, as well as a review of the interview
field notes to ensure that relevant data was being picked up by researchers
• Each community researcher was assigned to a member of the core research team
who reviewed field notes on an ongoing basis, and regular internal team meetings
were held to share findings and ensure consistency across the project.
3.1.2 Discussion groups
In addition to the individual interviews, we conducted two focus groups that allowed
for collective insights to be generated on community needs and issues, including
challenges and practical ways forward. These explored partnership issues, civil society
infrastructure and capacity development needs, media and communications. While
these focus groups were limited in number, they provided a rich and often diverse set
of views that complemented the data gathered in the one-to-one interviews.
18 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Focus groups were designed to include a mix of participants from different community
networks and different occupational backgrounds who might be expected to hold
a wide range of views. Focus group participants were recruited by the core research
team through local community organisations and CI networks.
One male and one female focus group was conducted which were attended by
individuals over 35 years of age. The focus groups were conducted in London between
June and July 2008. Groups were facilitated by CI directors and analysts, with
additional support from community researchers.
Location
Born in
the UK
Born outside
of the UK
Age
range
Group
(Female)
1 London
0
7
35+
Group
(Male)
2 London
0
5
35+
In addition to the two focus groups for each community, four youth focus groups
were conducted in London, Birmingham and Bradford with youth from a range
of ethnic backgrounds. The findings of these focus groups are discussed in the
summary report.
This report uses selective quotes from the interviews and focus groups to illustrate
key recurring themes and issues arising during the qualitative data collection.
Where necessary they have been carefully edited for ease of reading, or understanding
what was meant.
3.2 Analysis of data
Data analysis involved generating understandable patterns by comparing what
different respondents/focus groups said about specific themes or questions. The central
question was whether the data and information and the range of views expressed led
to the same conclusions. Findings were validated by triangulation of all data and
information collected in both project phases so far as possible, and by critical internal
reflection and review within the CI team.
The analytical process involved reviewing field notes to develop emerging themes
in line with the analytical framework, which was done in collaboration with the field
researchers; regular internal meetings to discuss findings from all communities;
dedicated internal workshops on the communities to finalise analysis; reviews from
expert advisers; feedback from ‘community reviewers’ and a formal peer review process.
Methodology | 19
Intercultural understanding of responses and non-responses was also essential in
considerations of the data generated. A set of commonly held assumptions and
understandings in any cultural group may mean that some things are simply left
unsaid – because they are commonly understood in the group and do not require
articulation. In addition literal translation or interpretation may simply misrepresent
or miss the significance of what is being articulated. In this context in particular there
will often be a distinction between what is said, and might be noted or recorded,
and what is meant. In looking for meaning, silences and body language were often as
important as what was said. A good example of potential misinterpretation that came
up many times was body language indicating discomfort and unwillingness to pursue
a particular line of enquiry.
Finally, and most importantly, we were reflexive in our approach, critically reflecting
on the role and influence that our own research intervention may be having on key
respondents and focus groups, using critical judgment and being conscious of the
need to interpret with integrity in relation to what we were seeing and hearing.
3.3 Limitations of the research
Data analysis represents both general and particular challenges in the current social
and political context, as well as specific challenges in relation to some of these
communities. These include:
• The sample sizes for each community were relatively small and respondents were
not intended to be a representative sample of the relevant communities
• Because the interviews were not based on a random sample, the study does not
claim to provide an analysis of the Egyptian population as a whole, nor was this
the intention of the study. We have analysed views and comments in the context
of existing data, knowledge of the current political and social context for these
communities, and the comments of other respondents
• Many aspects of the topic guide were designed to identify the key needs and
challenges facing the community.6 Hence the research tended to generate data
on problem areas and challenges, particularly in focus group discussions when
respondents felt they had limited time to ensure that their voices got heard.
This may not reflect many of the positive and optimistic views of respondents.
However, respondents were often aware that the discussions may come across as
negative in tone, and were quick to try and balance this by highlighting perceived
positive aspects of both their communities and their lives in the UK. We have
endeavoured to set out the ‘best’ story (in terms of explanatory power) in the
context of what is already known about why some of our respondents might
express negative feelings
6
The topic guide is included in the Technical Report, available from Communities and Local Government.
20 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
• In the current context, the politicisation of the research field meant that all
respondents were conscious of being part of a community under public and
government scrutiny. Respondents were made aware of the purposes of the
research through a ‘showcard’ that explained the research as well as possible uses
of the research.7 They were informed that this research would potentially be used
to inform a publication that would enter the public domain and would cover
aspects such as religion, intra-community dynamics and links with country of
origin. A climate of some scepticism within Muslim communities, discrimination,
both real and perceived, and awareness of government interest in ‘what is
happening’ on the ground, meant that respondents were often sceptical about
the use of the information that they were providing. Many will have had agendas
(for positive as well as negative reasons) when asked about issues for their
communities, which may have influenced their responses (eg representing their
community as having few or no problems, or conversely, as having many or major
needs and/or issues with public authorities)
• This also created a number of practical difficulties in research terms, including
difficulties in getting interviews with particular types of respondents, hesitancy
and caution in some responses, and a closing off of some lines of questioning in
relation to religion, identity and differences
• The researchers’ analytical response to these difficulties was to be critically attuned
to who was speaking, their location in the community, the interests that they may
have, and to judge their comments in the light of this context. Researchers were
aware that there are dynamic and charged debates and movement taking place
within these communities on a whole range of issues ranging from religion, its
expression and orientation in the context of being Muslim minorities living in a
non-Muslim society, to negotiations about roles, responsibilities, duties, gender
relations, and relationships with country of origin. This awareness underpinned
the analysis of the data and the conclusions drawn from responses received.
For all these reasons, the research should be viewed as a ‘snapshot’ in time rather
than reflective of the full complexity or range of issues, challenges and changes
taking place in these communities (eg, intergenerational relationships, gender roles,
perceptions of ethnic and religious identity, changing attitudes among the young
(both in liberal and more radical directions) and the levels of integration or tensions
within and across communities). We are conscious of the dynamism and the rapid
changes taking place in some communities, both positive and negative.
7
The showcard is included in the Technical Report, available from Communities and Local Government.
Country Profile and History | 21
4 Country Profile and History
© Crown copyright 2009 Crown copyright material reproduced with the permission of the Controller HMSO.
22 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Egypt is home to one of the most ancient civilizations going back over several
millennia. The Arab Abbasid, Fatimid and Ayyubid dynasties ruled Egypt for six
centuries from 642AD and introduced Islam and the Arabic language to the region.
A local military caste, the Mamluks, took control from the Arabs in about 1250AD and
continued to govern after the conquest of Egypt by the Ottoman Turks in 1517. As a
result of high taxes and economic misery, the Egyptians finally revolted against the
Turks between 1796 and 1797. Mamluk Ali Bey occupied Cairo and made Egypt into
an independent state within the Ottoman Empire.
A new phase in Egypt’s history began with the arrival of Napoleon Bonaparte’s
expedition to Egypt in 1798, which started a period of European interest and study
of ancient Egyptian history through the discovery of the Rosetta Stone and the
consequent deciphering of hieroglyphics, the ancient Egyptian language. After the
departure of the French, Mohamad Ali, an officer in the Ottoman Army, ruled Egypt
from 1805 to 1849. He is credited as being the father of modern Egypt, while Khedive
Ismail, a member of Mohamad Ali’s dynasty who rose to power in 1863 is seen as the
one who completed the process of modernisation begun by Mohamad Ali.
Despite becoming an important world transportation hub following the completion
of the Suez Canal in 1869, the country fell heavily into debt. In order to protect its
investments, Britain seized control of Egypt’s government in 1882. In the face of
nationalist struggles in the early part of the 20th century, the British Protectorate
terminated in February 1922 and Egypt was declared an independent state. In 1923,
the first Constitution was adopted and the first representative government of Egypt was
formed under Sa’ad Zaghloul. Egypt acquired full sovereignty with the overthrow of the
British-backed monarchy in 1952 by the Free Officer Movement led by Gamal Abd
El-Nasser. Mohamad Naguib was named as the first President of the new Republic in
1953, and Nasser assumed control as the second president in 1954. Nasser was an
advocate of Arab unity and during his time Egypt and Syria formed the short lived United
Arab Republic. After the death of President Nasser in September 1970, Anwar El-Sadat
took office. He was succeeded in 1981 by the current President, Hosny Mubarak, who is
serving his fifth term in office as leader of the National Democratic Party.
Contents | 23
Most academics and commentators see Egypt as the birthplace of political and radical
Islam. The Muslim Brotherhood, the world’s oldest, largest and most influential
Islamist organisation,8 was established in Egypt in 1928 by Hasan al-Banna and has
developed branches worldwide.9 Sayyid Qutb, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood
and author of Milestones (seen as a key text for jihadists), promoted the use of
violence to establish an Islamic State and introduced a split in the Brotherhood over
the issue of takfir.10 He was hanged in Egypt in 1966.11 Ayman-al-Zawahiri, described
variously as lieutenant, deputy or right hand man to Osama bin Laden is Egyptian and
had a period of imprisonment in the country for his role in the Egyptian Islamist group
Islamic Jihad before departing to Saudi Arabia. A number of radical and violent groups
such as Gamma Islamiya and Al-Jihad also claiming Islamic inspiration emerged in Egypt
and explicitly fought the state from the 1990s onwards before being suppressed.12
From 1996 onwards the policy of Egyptian government leaders has been of a ‘zero
tolerance’ for the Islamist movement, which Mubarak called the ‘acceptable’ face of
violence and the matrix from which terrorism came.13 Internal security services monitor
groups and individuals suspected of involvement in or planning for extremist activity.
Internal security agencies regularly detain such persons, and the state of emergency,
implemented after Sadat’s death and is still in place, allows them to renew periods
of administrative detention ad infinitum. The government outlawed the Muslim
Brotherhood in 1954, but has tolerated its operations to varying degrees and with
varying levels of interference at different times. Muslim Brothers speak openly about
their views and identify themselves publicly as members of the organisation. In 2007
the Muslim Brotherhood sought to register 5,754 candidates as independents in the
nationwide elections and the group filed complaints after electoral committees
accepted only 498 of these applications. Eighty-eight independent members of
Parliament associated with the Muslim Brotherhood were serving in the People’s
Assembly during 2007.
8
Robert S. Leiken and Steven Brooke, ‘The Moderate Muslim Brotherhood’, Foreign Affairs, Volume 86, No. 2, March/April 2007,
pp. 107-121.
9 Also known as Ikhwan, The Brotherhood is currently a collection of national groups with differing outlooks and differing views
about how to best advance its mission – all reject global jihad while embracing elections and other aspects of democracy.
(Source: Leiken and Brooke, 2007).
10 Takfir is the act of declaring another Muslim an apostate.
11 For more information on the ideologies and ideologues of radical Islam see: The Change Institute (2008), Studies into violent
radicalisation: Beliefs, ideologies and narratives, European Commission.
www.ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/terrorism/prevention/fsj_terrorism_prevention_prevent_en.htm
12 For more detail on this period see: Gilles Kepel (2004), Jihad, The Trail Of Political Islam, I B Tauris & Co Ltd.
13 Ibid.
24 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
However, whilst openly recognised, the Muslim Brotherhood remains subject to
arbitrary treatment and pressure from the government. During 2007, hundreds of
members were arrested and charged with membership of an illegal organisation,
planning to revive the activities of the banned group, possessing anti-government
leaflets, obstructing the Constitution and the law, and organising demonstrations
without obtaining prior security permission. Human Rights Watch reported on 30
March 2008 that the Egyptian government’s continuing mass round-up of opposition
activists and would-be candidates put the legitimacy of upcoming local and municipal
council elections in serious doubt.14 Security forces were reported as having arbitrarily
arrested and detained without charge more than 800 members of the Muslim
Brotherhood, Egypt’s largest opposition group, including at least 148 would-be
candidates in the April 2008 elections. Subsequently, only 30 per cent of the 52,000
council seats were actually contested and voter turnout was low.15
Egypt has close relations with the US tied to maintaining regional stability. The country
is seen by the US as a leader and moderating influence among many Arab, African,
Islamic and Third World states and a vital partner in the fight against terrorism.
The United States has provided Egypt with an annual average of over $2billion in
economic and military foreign assistance since 1979.16
Egypt also has strong long-standing relations with Britain. Bilateral ties between
the two countries cover many areas including trade, defence, education and the
environment. Britain funds many projects in Egypt through its Strategic Programme
Fund and Bilateral Programme Budget. In 2006 the UK and Egypt had a total bilateral
trade of goods and services of over £2,220million and Egypt was the UK’s 40th largest
market for goods in 2007, with UK exports increasing 20 per cent to £692million.17
In August 2007 the Egyptian Minister of Investment announced that the UK was the
largest investor in Egypt, based on cumulative foreign direct investment (FDI) figures
since 1970.18
14
15
16
17
18
Human Rights Watch (2008): www.humanrightswatch.org/doc?t=mideast&c=egypt
‘Low turnout in Egypt elections’, Al Jazeera, 9.4.2008.
CRS Issue Brief for Congress, Egypt-United States Relations, Updated August 20, 2003.
UK Trade and Investment: www.uktradeinvest.gov.uk/ukti/egypt. Source of UK Export data: United Kingdom Balance of
Payments (Pink Book) 2006.
Ibid.
Migration History and Trends | 25
5 Migration History and Trends
Small numbers of Egyptians had started arriving to study in Britain in the 1930s and
1940s, but the first significant migration took place in the early 1950s after the Free
Officer’s coup that brought Nasser to power.19 These migrants were primarily uppermiddle class or professional people who were unhappy with the change of political
regime,20 and were overwhelmingly Muslim, though in the 1970s significant numbers of
Coptic Christian Egyptians migrated to London amidst fears of religious intolerance.21
From the beginning of the 1960s, political, economic, and social developments led
some Egyptians to migrate permanently to North America and European countries.
According to Egypt’s Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics (CAPMAS)
estimates in 2001, the total number of permanent Egyptian migrants in non-Arab
countries was 824,000. About 80 per cent of them are concentrated in five countries:
USA (318,000 or 39 per cent), Canada (110,000 or 13 per cent), Italy (90,000 or
11 per cent), Australia (70,000 or 8 per cent), and Greece (60,000 or 7 per cent).22
Nasser had restricted international migration as part of his socialist revolution.23
However, the Sadat period witnessed changes in the political, social and economic
sphere, and at the same time, the private sector was given a greater share in the
country’s economy through the implementation of the ‘Open Door Policy’. Large
numbers of Egyptians migrated on a temporary basis to the Arab Gulf countries, and
young male Egyptians from more economically impoverished groups followed family
and kinship network routes to Europe.24 Egyptians were able to emigrate relatively
easily to the UK and did so in large numbers, facilitated by a British willingness to
grant work permits and entry visas. About half of them came as economic migrants
and found low-paid work, particularly in catering and service industries.25 The rest
were either professional people who wanted to develop their careers, or who had
come to study and obtain higher degrees. Not all came with the intention of staying,
but many did so after finishing their studies.
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Karmi, 1997.
Ibid.
Ayman Zohry, Contemporary Egyptian Migration (2003), Arab Republic of Egypt, IOM, Cooperazione Italia.
www.zohry.com/pubs/CEM2003/CEM2003.pdf
The other 20 per cent are mainly in other Western European countries, such as Netherlands, France, England, Germany,
Switzerland, Austria, and Spain (CAPMAS, 2001). The statistics given by CAPMAS are just estimates which are drawn from the
reports of Egyptian embassies abroad, records of cross-border flows from the Ministry of Interior, emigration permits from the
Ministry of Manpower and Emigration, and some other sources. www.capmas.gov.eg/eng_ver/homeE.htm
Ayman Zohry (2005) Interrelationships between internal and international migration: A Pilot Study, Development Research
Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty, University of Sussex.
www.migrationdrc.org/publications/research_reports/AymanReport.pdf
Ibid.
Karmi, 1997.
26 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Recent migration flows from Egypt to the West have been largely determined by
economic factors and Egyptian economic migrants tend primarily to be young men
who intend to live in Britain for a short while. A 2004 study of Egyptian migrants
willing to migrate abroad found that 66 per cent were motivated by economic reasons
(73 per cent for male respondents).26 Given the pressures on Egyptian society, many
Egyptian youth regard migration – legal or illegal – as a potential way to escape
poverty and unemployment. An academic study from 2005 indicates that the main
reasons behind migration are the low wages and salaries in Egypt compared to
Europe, bad living conditions, and the lack of job opportunities in Egypt, especially
among new graduates.27 According to Zohry:
The choice of destination country in Europe is not a free choice. It is closely related
to the migration networks and linkages between origin and destination which
determine the choice of the country of destination in Europe.28
Hence travel to London and England is primarily informed by family, kinship and
friendship networks.
Education is another key reason for young Egyptians choosing to come to Britain. The
Chevening Scholarship Programme (formerly the Foreign & Commonwealth Office’s
Scholarships and Award Scheme) has sponsored up to 850 postgraduate students
since 1986, and there are a wide range of other UK scholarships offered for Masters
and higher degrees through the British Council.
Consequently, many Egyptian Muslim migrants to Britain are from well-educated,
professional (engineering, law, medicine) backgrounds.29 Anecdotal evidence from
respondents suggests that many come to Britain to continue medical training and a
large proportion go on to complete doctorates. It was also suggested by respondents
that a significant proportion of these educated and professional people coming to
Britain are women.
26
27
28
29
Leila Simona Talani (2004), ‘Out of Egypt: Globalisation, marginalisation and Muslim migration to the EU’,
University of Bath-London School of Economics
Zohry, 2005, p. 6.
Ibid, p. 7.
Zohry, 2005, Simona Talani, 2004 and Humayun Ansari (2004), The Infidel Within, Muslims in Britain Since 1800,
C. Hurst and Co.
Community Demography and Key Locations | 27
6 Community Demography and
Key Locations
Census 2001: Egyptian-born Muslim population in
England: 7,365
30
According to the 2001 census, 22,963 people living in England were born in Egypt,
of which 7,652 identified themselves as Muslim which represents 33 per cent of
the total Egyptian born population in England. However, because census data only
records individuals by country of birth, this figure does not include second and third
generation Egyptians and the exact size of the Egyptian Muslim community is
unknown. There is also an anomaly in the census data for the Egyptian-born
population. Unlike most of the other communities in this study, a significant number
(9,861) of the Egyptian-born population in England are actually ‘White British’. This
report therefore excludes this section of the population with respect to the reporting
of population and religious data.
In addition to the census, there are some other estimates of the size of the Egyptian
population. For example, the Egyptian consulate estimates that there are 50,000
Egyptian nationals living in the larger geography of the United Kingdom31.
Respondents suggested that official figures, including those from the consulate, are
unlikely to be accurate for a number of reasons. One of the reasons they gave for this
was that relations between Egyptians living in the UK and the Egyptian Consulate
have been generally poor, and that many Egyptians are believed to avoid the consulate
wherever possible. They also thought that Egyptians living outside London are even
less likely to have registered than those living in London. It was also suggested that
many children of Egyptian migrants may not possess Egyptian birth certificates,
identity cards or passports and will not have been registered with the Egyptian
consulate. Additional reasons cited for under-estimation include non-participation in
official data gathering, sometimes for a fear of imparting any personal information.
53 per cent of the Egyptian-born Muslim population lives in London and 10 per cent
in the South East – see Table 1 below. The percentage of the Egyptian-born population
that is Muslim varies significantly by region. For example 58 per cent of London’s
Egyptian born population is Muslim, compared to only 43 per cent of the population
in the South East.
30
31
Census, C1013. Excludes ‘white British’.
Zohry, 2005.
28 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Table 1: Distribution of Egyptian born Muslim population in Government
Office Region (Source: Census 2001, C1013)
GO Region
Egypt-born Egypt-born
% of
% of total Egypt-born
population
Muslims
Egypt-born Egypt-born Muslims as
population
Muslim
% of
who are
population
regional
Muslim
Muslim
in England
population
London
6,663
3,893
58
52.9
0.6
South East
1,737
751
43
10.2
0.7
North West
983
608
62
8.3
0.3
East
831
414
50
5.6
0.5
West Midlands
807
419
52
5.7
0.2
Yorkshire and
the Humber
649
418
64
5.7
0.2
East Midlands
586
359
61
4.9
0.5
South West
575
296
51
4.0
1.3
North East
284
207
73
2.8
0.8
13,115
7,365
56
100
0.5
Total
These figures are in line with respondent views that the vast majority of the Egyptian
Muslim population in England lives in London. According to all the respondents,
the Egyptian population originates primarily from the cities of Cairo and Alexandria.
Interviewees also suggested that there are small communities in Brighton, Hull,
Newcastle, Leicester, Liverpool, Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, Northern Ireland
and Glasgow. Most of these small clusters number in the hundreds and are not
represented by any known Egyptian organisations outside London. Of these clusters,
the Egyptian community is most visible and active in Birmingham.
Whilst Egyptian Muslims are distributed across London, their presence is strongest on
London’s Edgware Road and the western boroughs – see Figure 1. The southernmost
part of the road is known for an established mix of bars and shisha cafes, which have
made the area known to many Londoners as ‘Little Cairo’.32 There are also small
groups in Queens Park and Bromley. Edgware Road is located in the City of
Westminster which, according to 2001 census data, is the local authority with the
largest number of Muslims born in Egypt with 517, followed by Ealing with 369 – see
Table 2. However, the Egypt-born Muslim population in Westminster comprises only
2.4 per cent of the borough’s total Muslim population and only 1.2 per cent of Ealing’s
Muslim population.
32
‘London high life hit as rich Arabs decamp’, The Sunday Times, 27.7.2003.
Community Demography and Key Locations | 29
Table 2: Local authorities with the largest number of Muslims born in Egypt
(Source: Census 2001, commissioned table C1013).
Local
Authority
Egypt-born
population
Egypt-born
Muslims
% of
Egypt-born
population who
are Muslim
Egypt-born
Muslims as
% of total
borough
Muslim
population
City of London
& Westminster
749
517
69
2.4
Ealing
580
369
64
1.2
Brent
524
359
69
1.1
Kensington
& Chelsea
609
353
58
2.6
Birmingham
324
203
63
0.1
Barnet
391
202
52
1.0
Hammersmith
and Fulham
317
192
61
1.7
Manchester
228
186
82
0.5
Camden
278
149
54
0.7
Hounslow
247
144
58
0.7
Figure 1: Distribution of Egyptian-born Muslim population in London
(Source: Census 2001, C1013)
30 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
7 Key characteristics
7.1 Identity
A variety of issues highlight the complexities surrounding identity formation among
the Egyptian community in the UK. At a simple level, the dilemmas people face in
deciding how they see themselves is illustrated by the responses of individuals in the
community towards official data collection categories. When recording their ethnicity
for official surveys, Egyptians tend to categorise themselves as either ‘white’ or as
‘Black African’.33
Two-thirds of respondents in Karmi’s 1997 survey of predominantly Muslim34
Egyptian’s in Britain saw themselves as Egyptian first and only 11 per cent saw
themselves as Arab first.35 Of the Muslims respondents, 19 per cent saw themselves
as Muslim first and 46 per cent put this as the second most important part of their
identity. 30 per cent of survey respondents said that a British identity was either of
primary (20 per cent) or secondary importance to the identity of their children.
Many respondents highlighted the variety of ethnic and cultural influences that inform
how Egyptians see themselves, as well as the fact that many are descended from
peoples who migrated to Egypt as well as other faith traditions outside of Islam.
While the community sees itself as Egyptian first and foremost, many respondents
acknowledged their ethnic, cultural and religious differences, as well as the difficulties
that many people have in defining their identity in the face of the wide range of
factors that impinge on identity formation:
This is a very difficult question for Egyptians. Most Egyptians are themselves
descended from immigrants, with Turkish, Arab, African, French, Italian and Greek
influences. I see Egypt as a melting pot. We have Muslims, and within these, Sufi
and Ahmadiyya and Baha’i and what people call Sunna, but really this word has
no meaning in Egypt. The Christians are majority Coptic orthodox, but in the south
you can find Catholics and Protestants as a result of missionary work.36
Concerns about the media portrayal of Middle East issues potentially indicate a
community which also coalesces around a wider Arab identity. Beneath this strong
sense of Egyptian identity, respondents were aware of segregation that exists within
the community, particularly among groups and organisations that are based on along
religious and class lines. Among these groupings there is limited social interaction.
While respondents stressed that these things are not important, it is clear that divisions
that exist in Egyptian society impact on the willingness of the Egyptian community in
the UK to develop a strong group identity, and this in turn impacts on the corresponding
development of community ‘group’ allegiance on issues of collective concern.
33
34
35
36
Karmi, 1997.
87 per cent of respondents.
Karmi, 1997.
Egyptian community respondent, Male, London, 40s.
Key characteristics | 31
Additionally, there were suggestions that there is reluctance within the community
about being identified as a homogenous ‘Egyptian Muslim’ group, in part because of
the primacy given to its Egyptian identity, but also because of the differences in faith
practice and/or non-practice that exists within the community in the UK. However,
some respondents suggest that since 9/11, an increasing number of Egyptians are
placing more of an emphasis on their faith identity and seeing themselves primarily
as Muslims, with a consequent denial of their Egyptian nationality.
Among the younger generations of British-born Egyptians, views concerning identity and
religious markers differ considerably. Some respondents remarked at the tendency for
increasing numbers of young people in the community to align themselves to specific
Madhabs (Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence), which are seen as an anathema to many in
light of the Egyptian tradition and Islamic principle of moderation (Al Wasatiya).
Other respondents suggested an ‘identity crisis’ amongst young British-born
Egyptians, as a result of the challenges of navigating both British and Egyptian values
and traditions. A number of older respondents described the difficulties that young
people have in understanding and negotiating the different social and cultural norms
of British and Egyptian society, and how this can cause confusion and alienation
amongst young people:
The culture in Britain is very different to that of the Middle East. It is transparent,
whilst in Egypt for example everything is hidden. People drink but they do it
indoors – here everything is out in the open. So for young people the shift from
being open to having to close up is very damaging. They are having severe identity
conflicts. Their understanding of religious interpretations is creating actual
isolationism from other Egyptians and the broader society.37
However, not all Egyptians share the view that their community identity is changing
or being reshaped by external events and contexts. Some respondents suggested
that sections of the Egyptian community have been able to maintain their ethnic and
cultural traditions. For instance, the Egyptian Nubian community has been able to
maintain their specific traditions because of a conservatism that exists within family
contexts and the steps they take to ensure that their children maintain close association
with Egypt. Additionally, a majority of respondents suggested that connections with
Egypt remained strong, pointing to the frequency and enthusiasm with which second
and third generation British-born Egyptians travel to their country of heritage.
7.2 Ethnicity
There is no reliable estimate of the spread of Egyptian ethnic groups in the UK and
respondents generally identified the community in terms of being Egyptian rather than
other ethnic categories. However in Egypt, which has a population of 74 million,38
the main ethnicities making up the majority of the population are Eastern Hamitic
37
38
Egyptian community interviewee Female, London, 40s.
Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics (CAPMAS), Arab Republic of Egypt:
www.capmas.gov.eg/eng_ver/sdds/POPULATION.htm
32 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
(Egyptians, Bedouins, and Berbers), with other ethnicities including Nubian, Beja
and Dom minorities. Over its history, the country has also been host to many other
communities including Greeks, Italians, Syrians, Jews and Armenians. Whilst a minority
remain, most either left or were forced to leave after political developments in Egypt
during the 1950s. According to recent estimates by the UN Refugee Agency, the
UNHCR, the country hosts some 97,000 refugees and 15,000 asylum seekers, and
over the recent period concerns have been expressed about the treatment of Eritrean
asylum seekers by the Egyptian authorities.39
7.3 Religion
Census counting methods in Egypt do not include religion, so religious statistics are
often estimates made by religious and non-governmental agencies. Consequently,
approximately 90 per cent of the population is estimated to be Sunni Muslims, with a
significant Shi’a minority.40 Coptic Christians are thought to represent nine per cent of
the population, and other faiths constitute less than one per cent of the population.41
The religious composition of Egyptian-born migrants in England is vastly different from
its country of origin. Even excluding the ‘White British’ population, only 56 per cent of
Egyptian-born migrants in England classified themselves as Muslim in the 2001 Census
and 32 per cent are Christian. This is supported by interviewees who suggest that
there is a sizeable number of Coptic Christians in England, but contradicts an earlier
survey on the Egyptian community in Britain which found that 87 per cent of
respondents were Muslim.42
The dominant Madhabs followed by Egyptian Muslims in London, are the Hanafi
School, followed by the Shafi School, along with some Salafi practice. However,
respondents in the study unanimously stressed that people in Egypt and in the UK are
not very concerned with Madhabs, sects or dogma. There are also many Egyptians
who are secular in their outlook whilst retaining a Muslim cultural identity. A large
number of Egyptians worship at the London Central Mosque in Westminster, but
respondents suggest that there are no other mosques that have a notable Egyptian
component. Nearly half of respondents in Karmi’s 1997 survey said they prayed
regularly and 80 per cent reported going to Friday prayers every Friday.43
The Muslim Brotherhood is popularly reported as having a significant support base
in the UK, however, there was no evidence for this from our interviews beyond
recognition from some interviewees that those groups that exist are well organised.
Similarly with Salafism,44 contrary to popular perceptions about the extent to which
this is practiced by Egyptians in the UK, this was seen to be a minority practice.
39
40
41
42
43
44
‘Refugees, asylum-seekers, internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees (refugees and IDPs), stateless persons, and others of
concern to UNHCR by country/territory of asylum, end-2007’ 2007 Global Trends: Refugees, Asylum seekers, Returnees,
Internally Displaced and Stateless Persons; June 2008, UNHCR. www.who.int/globalatlas/default.asp
UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Country Profile: Egypt. www.fco.gov.uk
Foreign and Commonwealth Office Country Profile, Egypt: www.fco.gov.uk
Karmi, 1997.
Karmi, 1997.
Salafism in its modern-day manifestation is a diverse movement characterised by its adherence to a strong emphasis on
monotheism and a commitment to the reform of the late medieval Sunni consensus in theology, mysticism and law, typified by
Salafism’s attack on following received scholarly opinion (taqlid). (Source: The Change Institute, 2008)
Key characteristics | 33
There is recognition however, that in the absence of a strong indigenous cultural,
religious and national identity amongst young people, many are vulnerable to
ideologies from different parts of the world, which can have a negative impact on
young people in Britain. One interviewee commented on the challenges that young
Egyptians are facing in relation to religion and identity:
Young Egyptians in London have forgotten about home. They have tried to
assimilate into British culture but they are ill-equipped to behave like Brits. So on
the one hand they are binge drinking, getting involved with drugs and teenage
sex, and on the other hand they are following a form of Islam that is more suited
to the Middle-East than it is to Britain.45
It was suggested by some interviewees that for young Egyptians born and raised in
Britain, a new ‘European’ form of Islam is urgently needed, one that understands and
is rooted in western socio-political, cultural and economic contexts. One observer
suggested that it is also crucial for young Egyptian and other Muslims brought up in
Britain to be taught by imams who were born and raised in Britain, and not imported
from the middle-east carrying what was referred to as their own set of cultural
prejudices.
7.4 Language
According to respondents the majority of the Egyptian Muslim population living in
Britain tend to speak modern Egyptian Arabic (Masri), including the small Nubian
community. All but one respondent in Karmi’s 1997 study spoke Arabic including
those born in Britain and more than half spoke other languages than Arabic and
English.46 French was the most popular third language spoken by 81 per cent of
respondents speaking other languages. Nubian is an oral language and according to
a Nubian respondent it was important that this language was continually practiced
to ensure its survival.
There are also notable linguistic differences with the Fellahin and Saidi dialects of
people from the rural, agricultural communities of Egypt.
One respondent noted that other Arabs are also able to communicate in the Egyptian
dialect, primarily due to the influential Egyptian film industry that has a pan-Arab
audience. However, is it was suggested by a respondent that Egyptians find it difficult
to imitate the Arabic of other Arabs. The respondent also noted that Egyptians living
close to the Libyan border can understand the Libyan dialect, and occasionally speak it
at home. In Britain, Egyptians usually restrict the use of Egyptian dialects to the home
amongst friends and family, and use traditional Egyptian Arabic with other Arabic
speakers as it is more familiar.
45
46
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Karmi, 1997.
34 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
8 Socio economic situation
Karmi’s study on Egyptians in Britain in 1997 states that:
The Egyptian community is not homogenous and displays a spectrum of different
social classes, based on occupation, wealth and ‘good’ family…the ‘elite’ class
consists of a large number of doctors, academics, businessmen and financiers.47
There is limited socio economic data available for the Egyptian and Egyptian-born
population. The most extensive analysis is the Greater London Authority’s Data
Management Analysis Group’s (DMAG) 2005 report on the Arab League in London.48
While this is limited to London residents born in Egypt irrespective of religion, in the
absence of other data, and given that the majority of the Egypt-born population lives
in London, it is a useful starting point. DMAG’s main findings are that:
• Of the 59.4 per cent of the Egypt-born population in London that is economically
active, 55.9 per cent are full-time employees compared to 63.1 per cent of the
total population. However, 21.4 per cent of the Egypt-born population in London
is self-employed compared to only 13.3 per cent of the total population
• 25.4 per cent of the Egypt-born population in London are managers and senior
officials compared to 17.6 per cent of the total population and 19.3 per cent are
in professional occupations compared to 14.9 per cent of the total population.
Distribution among industries is similar to the total population except for hotels
and restaurants where 12.6 per cent of the Egypt-born population is employed,
compared to only 4.6 per cent of the total population
• 38.4 per cent of the Egypt-born population in London is aged between 45-59
compared to only 16.1 per cent of the total population. Only 4.0 per cent of the
Egypt born population is aged 16-24 compared to 12.1 per cent of the total
population. These differences are likely to reflect the lack of substantial migration
from Egypt in recent years and the fact that many Egyptians in the country are now
British born
• In terms of housing tenure, 61.0 per cent of the Egypt-born population in London
are owner/occupiers compared to 58.4 per cent of the total population. 11.8 per
cent are in council-rented accommodation compared to 16.7 per cent of the total
London population
• 50.1 per cent of the Egypt-born population in London hold higher-level
qualifications compared to only 31.0 per cent of the total population.
47
48
Karmi, 1997.
Giorgio Finella (2005), London Country of Birth Profiles: The Arab League, Greater London Authority.
Socio economic situation | 35
Respondents suggested that traditionally there were two types of socio economic
situation that Egyptians in the UK were likely to find themselves in. The first related
to migrants who came to the UK with qualifications (often university level), but found
that these were largely unrecognised. Many of these people are thought to have
ended up in service industries which did not require high skill levels, eg cooking,
driving, and general assistant duties, either for other Egyptians or for Gulf Arab
employers. These roles often involved exploitative relationships in terms of hours and
minimum wage levels. Some of these individuals have eventually been able to move
on to becoming small business owners, for example in estate agency or the travel
industry. The second group came to the UK as highly qualified professionals (for
example in medicine, law, and engineering) and were seen as middle class and
professional in status.49 Respondents noted that a significant minority of this group
included highly qualified Egyptian women.
Respondents indicated that there is a real gulf between middle- and working-class
people and there is thought to be little significant interaction between these two
groups. Beyond the general historical suspicion and mistrust of organisations, their
agendas and possible links with the state, professional groups are largely seen as
relating to people within their own social and professional networks.
Respondents also referred to an unskilled ‘working class’ of largely invisible Egyptians
with limited employment prospects. Difficulties of access to employment for this
group were raised by a number of interviewees. For example one focus group
respondent noted that:
Many of those who come over are working class and they’ll do anything. Women
find it hard to work because there is very little manual labour they can do. They
also find it difficult to find employment because of language barriers. So often you
have single income families which is very hard.50
These are largely new arrivals with limited English language skills or undocumented
migrants, most of whom are working for Egyptian employers in what respondents
referred to as the ‘Arab economy’. They are thought to be largely closed off from
mainstream society, with most allegedly earning less than the minimum wage.
However, respondents suggested that a combination of not being aware of British
employment rights, and a belief that their situation here is still relatively better off
than the conditions they left behind in Egypt means that few are likely to complain
or challenge the situation.
49
50
Zohry, 2005, Simona Talani, 2004 and Ansari, 2004.
Focus group respondent, female.
36 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
9 Intra-community Dynamics
9.1 Intergenerational issues
Significant intergenerational issues emerged, including issues around difficulties in
language and communication, identity, cultural conflicts and the rise in faith based
identities.
Like many of the other ethnic communities in this study, many Egyptians are reported
to be concerned that despite family and community attempts at providing mother
tongue teaching, a large proportion of the younger generation does not speak Arabic.
This affects both cultural transmission but also communication within the family. For
example, one respondent noted:
I think there is a real lack of communication between the older and younger
generation. One of the things that I have noticed is that a lot of the children of our
members don’t speak Arabic. So I think generally they are quite anglicised and of
course this can cause problems at home.51
There were also concerns about identity conflicts for the younger generation
and possible resentments building up between parents and children, particularly if
children began to feel that their parents are not ‘British enough’ or, even ‘backward’
in some sense:
There is definitely a generational problem. Young people are torn between being
Egyptian and being British, the question for them is who they belong to? Parents
and children lead totally separate lives. There is a culture clash. But the thing is
that this also happens in Egypt too. For Egyptians in Britain, children often see
their parents as backward especially if their parents come from a working class
background.52
Respondents identified a range of problems resulting from this intergenerational
conflict, including young people leaving home, and boys and girls marrying outside
their nationality and religion. In response to these pressures from young people, many
parents are believed to resort to authoritarian ways that may not only exacerbate the
problems, but which in more extreme cases, are thought to also bring them into
conflict with authorities:
Some parents resort to things that are illegal here, like saying that their children
are not allowed out, and then you have children taking out court orders against
their parents.53
51
52
53
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Female, London, 40s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 50s.
Intra-community Dynamics | 37
At the same time, there were underlying anxieties from some respondents about the
growing faith-related identities of some young people, and the perceived stricter
interpretations of what it means to be Muslim which conflicts with the more tolerant
attitudes of some parents. For example one respondent noted that:
I’m not really aware of exactly what the issues are as its quite rare for people to talk
about their personal lives, but some members [of the community] have complained
that their children are becoming quite ‘Islamicised’, you know, ‘gone all Islamic’ as
it were. This is something that is generally welcome but on the whole Egyptians are
quite laid back about religion and it’s quite a tolerant society. This growing sense of
being Muslim among the younger generation can be worrying for some parents.54
9.2 Young people
Many of the issues faced by young Egyptians relate to potential tensions and conflicts
with their parents, in relation to the danger of either being seen as becoming too
acclimated into British culture, or being seen as becoming too ‘religious’ and adopting
a form of Islam that sits uncomfortably with the experience of their parents.
None of the existing Egyptian societies and associations reach out to young people,
and their interests and styles of operation are not felt to be of relevance to young
people. A respondent suggested that the gap between institutions and young people
is also a reflection of the gap between parents and children, and that young people do
not want to be part of an organisation that their parents are involved with.
Most of these organisations have no premises or staff that can develop any sustained
involvement on the part of young people, and young people themselves are not felt to
be particularly interested in participating in meetings and events with local authorities
and the police. A respondent suggested that they have a good social life and like
young people from other communities, they are happy to just get on with that.
However, respondents felt that even socially there are limitations for Egyptian youth,
particularly if they do not want to congregate in places where alcohol is served:
There is no social life in Britain outside the pub. The one thing that was keeping
young people going was the shisha cafes, and most of them have closed.55
The activities and facilities offered by mosques were also seen as limited in scope and
not meeting the wider needs of young people:
Some mosques organise Saturday classes and help with marriages, but I don’t
think any of these organisations are reaching out to young people.56
54
55
56
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 20s
Focus group participant, female.
38 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
The only organisation mentioned that was set up by young Egyptians is the Egyptian
Society London (ESL). According to respondents this is a purely social and networking
organisation that meets for dinners, weddings or occasional fundraising events.
The organisation stays clear of religion and politics and members prefer to talk online
about these issues. As one respondent explained:
Online you can talk about taboo subjects but without the screaming and shouting
at each other. Which would happen if we tried to get people to talk about these
things in a group.57
9.3 Women
In relation to women, a number of differing views emerged depending on
respondents’ own socio economic status and experience. These ranged from
perceptions of there being no specific issues as they are largely professional in status,
to views that they are too busy with child rearing responsibilities to have time for
anything else. The following responses are typical of the two viewpoints:
We don’t really have a problem because most are graduates, and many work in the
medical professions.58
We have a very patriarchal society and women are too caught up in raising their
children to worry about their own problems too much.59
Whilst there are a significant number of women who are confined to childcare and
looking after the home, many of them also tend to engage in community work to
support other Egyptians and Arabs in general. An interviewee elaborated on the wide
range of roles and responsibilities that may actually be undertaken by women:
Women are responsible for social networking for the family. They are also the main
educators in Arabic and English. Generally women are completely responsible for
the kids and fathers are very hands-off. Women stay in touch with each other, and
with families here and back home. In many cases women maintain social networks
through mosques. Like the Bromley Egyptian community, the women set up a
Saturday school and organise Eid parties and activities for their children, all
organised by women.60
57
58
59
60
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 20s.
Focus group respondent, female.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Female, London, 40s.
Intra-community dynamics | 39
Whilst many professional women are actively involved in professional networks and
associations, there are reported to be few who are fully engaged in the management
and governance of these organisations as trustees or chairs. A number of respondents
also highlighted particular problems that older women or those newly arrived in the
country may have in relation to the loss of a social life or places to meet and
participate in outside the home. In relation to mosque attendance and involvement,
some respondents raised issues about access and appropriate provision for women.
One interviewee stated:
The mosques are mostly places for men, there aren’t that many women who
attend mosques, especially if it’s a smaller mosque they don’t have a suitable place
for women.61
9.4 Cohesion and integration issues
According to most of the respondents, integration and cohesion are not terms that are
the focus of much discussion in the community. When respondents were asked about
the subject they had a wide range of views, but most agreed that in a general sense
integration is a ‘good thing’. A few respondents felt strongly that cohesion and
integration issues are less the problem of the Egyptian community than for British
society more generally:
Who is talking about integration? The newspapers and the government. Not British
people. Our children are already British.62
Like some of the other communities in this study, Egyptian respondents also stressed
the fact that they see themselves as fully integrated and questioned the way in which
the term is used and understood in public debate:
The community has no problem to say that they have integrated. We live here, we
work and participate in the economy, we are part of the health system – we have
many doctors working here. But what does integration mean? Does it mean that
we have to start going to night clubs and drinking alcohol. We are well integrated
already.63
If there is any debate, it is said to centre on whether individuals define themselves as
Egyptian or British, or British Egyptian, or just Egyptian or just Muslim. According to
one respondent, it is impossible for anyone living in this country to honestly say they
are only Egyptian. He believed that most people accept the ‘best of both worlds’ and
call themselves British Egyptians, and that the process of accepting a mix of identities
and recognising both elements as equally important makes people integrated.
61
62
63
Egyptian community interviewee: Female, London, 40s
Focus group respondent, male.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
40 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
A young respondent suggested that the level to which parents are integrated or not,
and the messages they give their children as they are growing up, has a large impact
on how far young people are integrated:
The parents who do not integrate find it difficult to deal with change and they
keep you and themselves in this closed (Arab) circle until you get to go to University
or something, and then you get your first taste of this society and what it has to
offer, and sometimes that’s a lot to handle or resist.64
Another factor identified by respondents as affecting levels of integration are peoples’
employment options and choices:
Those who work in the Arab economy in London/Britain tend to be quite isolated.
They work in an embassy full of Arabs, their friends are Arabs, their TV is in Arabic,
their food is Arabic. They find it difficult to integrate into society. On the other
hand there are those who work in the society – doctors and engineers. They tend
to interact more, and are more used to dealing with British society.65
Some respondents however stressed despite this familiarity with British society, many
people still experience external barriers in relation to the cultural mores of the wider
society and difficulties in social interaction based on conflicting social and cultural values:
Even people who have been here a long time find it difficult to socialise with the
English. We do not have the same humour, we do not drink, we like to bring
people to our house and feed them.66
Whilst the majority opinion was that the community is generally well integrated, this was by
no means a universal view. One respondent felt very strongly that all talk about integration
and cohesion is hypocritical and that the reality for all communities, including the host
community, is the desire to stay apart, and that this should be openly acknowledged:
There is no debate. There are just conflicting identities and people just choose if
they want to identify themselves as Egyptians or Muslim or Arab or Copt. Everyone
just does their own thing. Egyptians came here for economic reasons and the
mindset is that everyone should keep themselves to themselves and stick with
whichever identity they have chosen and to socialise based on that, and that’s it –
there are no debates about it.67
There was also a feeling among some respondents that underneath the rhetoric of
integration there is a strong assimilation agenda:
The way integration is seen here, the rules I mean, are about a one way system –
it’s not about understanding or accommodating other people.68
64
65
66
67
68
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 20s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 20s.
Focus group respondent, male.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 50s.
Media | 41
10 Media
10.1 Perceptions of the UK media
There was a general distrust among most respondents concerning UK broadcast media
in relation to Middle East and Muslim issues, including the BBC. Most respondents felt
that there is a clear pro-Israeli bias in the media in the coverage of the Israeli Palestinian
conflict. They were also very critical of media representations of Islam and Muslims:
There is an automatic negative portrayal of Islam. People keep talking about 70
virgins and all kinds of things that we are not familiar with ourselves.69
A recent Channel 4 documentary was shocking in terms of its ignorance. They don’t
realise we have had multicultural societies for hundreds of years before they have.
There are definitely problems but they often overemphasised these when it comes
to Arab or Muslim societies.70
10.2 Media consumption
Amongst professionals and British-born Egyptian Muslims the mainstream UK media is
believed to be the main source of news and entertainment. However, all respondents
identified Al-Jazeera as their own principal source of news on Egypt and the wider
Arab world. According to them Al-Jazeera provides significant coverage of events
in the Arab world, whilst the mainstream UK media only gives a passing mention to
events and developments they are interested in. Arab Al-Arabiyh and the Egyptian
channel Misr are also said to be popular among the UK diaspora. Al-Jazeera however,
appears to have top billing. In the words of one respondent:
Almost everyone watches Al-Jazeera. It’s the closest thing we have to an
international or world service.71
Egyptian state media, both television and newspaper coverage, is reported to be
largely discredited as it maintains a totally pro-government agenda.72 News of
presidential meetings, decrees and telephone conversations with other leaders occupy
the front pages of the state run titles like Al-Ahram and Al-Gomhuria. As a result,
Egyptians in the diaspora rarely watch or read Egyptian media in order to find out
what is going on in Egypt. As far as the Egyptian state satellite channel is concerned,
all respondents conceded that it did not cover domestic Egyptian issues, in that in fact
it actively avoids coverage of events deemed to be damaging to the ruling elite.
69
70
71
72
Focus group, female.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 30s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 20s.
This was mentioned by five Egyptian community respondents.
42 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Subsequently, the Egyptian state media has had to make some efforts to recover
audiences for its current affairs programming. Programmes like Hiwar maftouh and
Albayt Baytak go part way towards addressing some of the real concerns of people
in Egypt and abroad. Members of the community in England are aware of these
programmes but they still fail to compete with Al-Jazeera.
In recent years, the regime in Egypt experimented with increased freedom of the press.
As a result of this a wave of anti-government newspapers have become available
in Egypt, London and beyond with titles like Al-Dustour (the Constitution), Al-Masry
Al-Youm (The Egyptian Today), Al-Karama (Pride/Self Respect), Al-Fajr (The Dawn) and
Sawt al-Ummah (The Voice of the Nation), providing a weekly stream of in-depth and
highly critical coverage of the economic suffering of the population, political nepotism
and corruption. The majority of these opposition newspapers are said to maintain clear
domestic agendas in contrast to the state media which almost ignores domestic issues
that are not related to the political fortunes of the government or its dependents.
A number of respondents observed that ‘opposition’ papers appear to be bought/sold
out as soon as they emerge in contrast to the papers associated with the state.
Some respondents suggested that many Egyptians do not read papers at all, and of
those that do, readers fall into two general groups:
The more working class will read Al-Ahram, but really when they are reading it
they are interested in sports, articles about the price inflation in Egypt or deaths/
obituaries. Then you have the elites, they read the opposition papers like Al-Masry
and Al-Youm. Normal Egyptians [non-elite Egyptians] don’t read these papers.73
Websites and blogs are also popular with Egyptians to get information on politics and
society. Interviewees noted that this is often the preferred way of getting information,
given the restrictions on press and perceived government manipulation of the written
and broadcast media in their home country:
You would never watch an Egyptian news channel if you wanted to know what
was going on, that is the case for people here but also for people in Egypt.74
Facebook was seen as increasingly important, and has been used to organise
demonstrations in Egypt.
73
74
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Focus group participant, male.
Links with country of origin | 43
11 Links with country of origin
11.1 Travel
Respondents suggested that most Egyptians visit Egypt once or twice a year, and
that many keep their Egyptian passports or have dual citizenship. Table 3 shows the
number of flights made to the UK by Egyptian nationals in 2006. While the number of
passengers returning after a temporary leave of absence (10,100) is much smaller than
the estimated Egyptian population, this is most likely due to the large number who are
dual citizens and travelling on a British passport. Student visa admissions to the UK
align to roughly one per year for the Egyptian international student population in the
UK.75 Many Egyptian doctors in the UK also return home to do medical work during
the summer.
Table 3: Passengers given leave to enter the UK by Egyptian nationals,
2006 (Source Home Office)
Total
Ordinary
Admitted (Tourists)
Business
Students
Passengers Leave to
returning enter
after
temporary
leave of
absence
Refused
entry on
Arrival
47,400
12,700
1,000
10,100
45
18,200
1,600
There was a real sense from many respondents of their strong feelings for their home
country, but no indication that they felt it was possible or realistic to return home
permanently in the near future. Some female focus group respondents said that they
considered both Britain and the UK to be ‘home’. Other members of the group said
they felt a sense of powerlessness when they visit Egypt after having lived in Britain
for a long time and they felt mentally different and unable to ‘fit in’ in Egypt. Many
respondents also referred to the enthusiasm displayed by British-born Egyptians in
returning regularly to Egypt.
In London there are no Egyptian graveyards and many people still expect to return and
die or be buried in Egypt. It was said by one interviewee that: Egyptians don’t migrate
they just move their bodies.76 The implication being that for the many Egyptian Muslims
in London they still retain a strong connection with Egypt as a spiritual homeland.
Only 21 per cent of respondents in Karmi’s study ruled out returning to Egypt.77
75
76
77
There were 804 Egyptian students paying international university tuition fees in 2006. (Source: Global Education Handbook,
UNESCO, 2007).
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Karmi, 1997.
44 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
11.2 Remittances
It is estimated that £137 million is sent in remittances to Egypt every year.78 However,
this figure is likely to be an under-estimate due to the proliferation of informal money
transfers. Remittances of Egyptian migrants who work in European countries are an
important factor in stimulating a continuous stream of migration as the flow of
finance into the country has the effect of fuelling the desire for migration from
Egypt.79 The building of large houses in rural Egypt by expatriates, prestigious
marriages, and the visible consumption of returnees are also strong factors attracting
young men to migrate, either to Europe, or to Gulf countries where there is a high
demand for labour. Many Egyptian youth, when weighing the risks of illegal migration
against the expected returns, prefer to take the risk for an assumed better life.80
However, some respondents indicated that there is a much lower level of remittances
from the UK than from other parts of the world due to the different profile of the
Egyptian community here:
It’s not the same as the Egyptians in the Gulf who are mostly manual labourers and
they send a lot of remittances back to Egypt. Egyptians here are mostly professionals.
They haven’t come here to send money home.81
Another interviewee noted that economic instability in Egypt means that investing
money back home is not usually regarded as a sensible option, although some
expatriates do buy holiday villas.
11.3 Political links
Virtually all respondents had an interest in Egyptian politics, but many expressed
cynicism and disillusionment about the value of any active involvement:
There have been many attempts to organise politically from here, and there are
some exiles who live here who are afraid to return, so they organise groups like the
“Al-Haraka min aglinkath Masr” (Movement to save Egypt). But they cannot really
achieve anything from here. They need to be on the ground in Egypt but because
the regime is so oppressive, there is really nothing you can do there either.82
78
79
80
81
82
Michael Blackwell and David Seddon (2004), Informal Remittances from the UK: Values, Flows and Mechanisms, London:
DFID.
Simone Tailani, 2004.
Zohry, 2005.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Links with country of origin | 45
There has been some political activity related to specific events in Egypt. A group
called Kemt (the Pharonic name for Egypt) came together during a standoff between
the government and the judges over political reform.83 Kemt organised some public
meetings and took part in a demonstration outside the Egyptian embassy in support
of the judiciary, but the group disbanded following disagreements within the group
about how to proceed. The Muslim Brotherhood is also present but it is not possible
on the basis of this limited research to gauge their significance. As one respondent
noted:
There are some opposition figures here particularly from the Muslim brotherhood.
But apart from that most Egyptians are happy to talk about politics but not really to
do anything.84
11.4 Business and commerce
It was difficult to gauge the extent of business and commercial links, though most
respondents felt these were unlikely to be significant beyond the building of family
homes in rural areas, or the purchase of homes and land that could be used for
holiday and agricultural purposes.
83
84
The Egyptian ‘Judges Club’ had been lobbying the Egyptian government for nearly 15 years to pass a law freeing the judiciary
from financial and administrative control by the Ministry of Justice. (Source: Dina Shehata, ‘Judges Club Challenges the
Regime’, Arab Reform Bulletin, June 2005).
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 50s.
46 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
12 Civil Society
12.1 Brief overview
Egyptian civil society is very limited in size and scope. In part this appears to reflect the
low profile and relative invisibility of the community to local authorities and in public
policy. Added to this are the sensitivities and suspicions surrounding individuals and
organisations in the context of the political history of Egypt. Estrangement from the
structures and institutions of the Egyptian state is a characteristic of the Egyptian
community, and is mostly attributable to a serious lack of confidence in the legitimacy
of regimes and the bureaucracy of the state, as well as to an underlying suspicion of
the activities of the consulate. As one respondent noted: We are raised not to trust
institutions and leaders.85
Some Egyptian contacts explained that this fear is the residual effect of the secret
police and state surveillance activities experienced in their country of origin. Also it
was suggested that there can be a defensiveness about a perceived lack of patriotism
towards Egypt implied by becoming rooted in London, though it is not possible to
gauge how widespread this view is.
One of the main issues raised by respondents was that the civil society organisations
that do exist are mostly loose associations that focus largely on social and cultural
events, as opposed to addressing community development needs or trying to move
the community on significantly. They also blamed the lack of community support
for the weakness of these organisations, and were critical of their failure to involve
young people:
The main obstacle is that relations within the community are weak. People are not
even prepared to pay the annual membership of any of these organisations. They
are just limited to annual dinners. None of the organisations have young people at
their forefront, and therefore they cannot attract young people.86
One respondent indicated that the Nubian community is better organised than the
rest of the Egyptian community, and that it is active in providing services to the
community in the UK and in funding and supporting educational activities in Egypt.
85
86
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 30s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Civil Society | 47
12.2 Types of organisation and services they offer
Egyptian civil society is characterised by a range of organisations primarily established
for the purposes of bringing groups together for cultural functions or as part of social
and professional networks. These are described as purely networking organisations,
and some may hold conferences/seminars or the occasional dinner to raise funds for
charitable causes. In the words of one respondent: They gather every few months for
a meal. It’s a very hello goodbye situation.87
None of these organisations are said to be overtly religious in their outlook.
There are a small number of organisations established in opposition to the Egyptian
state. However, the dynamics surrounding this area are fractious and the level of active
support and sustainability of these groups is uncertain. A number of respondents
mentioned a community organisation or Jalia established by the embassy, but indicated
that it does not provide any services, and that the community finds it difficult to engage
with it. As one respondent noted:
You can’t be free to express yourself with all those embassy officials around and it is
only really limited to those who have an interest in the embassy and its activities.88
The only organisation that appears to be active in the sense of providing direct services
to the community is the Egyptian Association UK, though its activities appear to be
motivated mainly through the drive and commitment of one individual. The
organisation does not receive any public funding but raises money through organising
Hajj trips and uses the money raised through these to organise educational activities
and provide a repatriation service to help send people to Egypt for burials.
12.3 Key organisations
Significant Egyptian organisations identified by respondents include:
• The Egyptian Association of the UK, is one of the most significant national
organisations which was founded in 1997. It aims to ‘integrate Egyptian and Arab
communities.’89 Some respondents noted that it was starting to do work to reach
out to young people in the community
• Egyptian Medical Society UK.90 Egyptian medical doctors have established their
own society, which includes more than 120 members, many of whom reside in
London and are also university professors
87
88
89
90
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 30s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Female, London, 40s.
Egyptian Association in the UK web-page: www.egyptian-uk.com
www.emsuk.org/
48 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
• The Egyptian Society London (ESL)91 is a network organisation of students and
young professionals. Its main focus is on social events and it runs an active online
social networking website
• The British Egyptian Society (BES)92 has 140 members which includes doctors, but
also many Egyptian professionals (scientists, pharmacists, journalists, engineers).
The Society organises cultural events such as a conference in 2006 on “EgyptianBritish relations from Suez to the present day” to mark the 50th anniversary of the
Suez War, as well as a number of talks at the School of Oriental and African Studies
(SOAS) in London
• The Egyptian British Friendship Society at the British Museum, chaired by Dr. Hehazy,
was also identified as important by some in building links between Egyptians and
British to further their mutual interests. The British Museum provides sponsorship/
scholarship funding for two students through the BES
• The Anglo-Egyptian Society,93 established in 1992 began by offering burial services
and also offers services to Moroccans, Iraqis and Lebanese. It translates NHS health
materials, runs health awareness sessions, and offers English as a foreign language
and IT tuition
• The Multaqa group94 was mentioned by some interviewees as being influential
but was thought to have split due to infighting. The group, consisting mainly
of professionals and doctors, used to meet weekly in Edgware Road and have
seminars on cultural and political issues related to Egypt
• The Ashraf Marwan (the son-in-law of the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser
who died in a fall from a London balcony in 2007) group was also thought to
have declined since Ashraf passed away.
12.4 Key influencers
Respondents generally felt that the community was not unified or coherent and that
there were very few influential leaders with a broad constituency, particularly since the
passing away of Dr Zaki Badawi. Hany El Bana (founder of Islamic Relief) and Professor
Tariq Ramadan were mentioned, but were perceived as somewhat ‘distant’ from the
community. A number of people mentioned individuals like Magdi Yacoub, the heart
surgeon, not as individuals who necessarily influence the community, but as someone
who is a well-known Egyptian.
91
92
93
94
www.egyptiansocietylondon.com/
The British Egyptian Society was founded in 1990, with the aim, as formally defined in its Constitution, of promoting
friendship and bilateral relations between the UK and Egypt, in all fields for the benefit of the community at large.
www.britishegyptiansociety.org.uk.
www.angloegyptian.co.uk
www.multaqa.org
Civil Society | 49
One or two imams were, mentioned as being highly thought of, but most, especially
those who have trained in Egypt, are not thought to have much influence due to their
unfamiliarity with British society and lack of understanding of issues affecting young
people here. However, one respondent mentioned his concern that faith-related
influencers appear to be becoming more significant:
Unfortunately, religious leaders are becoming more and more important. Mosques
and churches have their structures and people are mixing along these lines.95
Many respondents were uncomfortable with the idea of ‘leaders’ and felt that these
were often self-promoted people, and that they generate suspicion in relation to
motives. For example one respondent noted that:
One individual claims that he is the ‘President of the Egyptian Community in
Europe’. This is completely not the case, he was not elected by the community and
we are not even connected with other Egyptian communities in Europe. I was so
angry when I saw him on Al-Jazeera speaking on behalf of the community. He has
no legitimacy and no following in the community.96
Nevertheless, respondents did mention a few individuals:
People are very reluctant to align themselves with one person. You could say that
someone like Amir Khalid (from the Bright Start Foundation) is influential but only
for Arabic speakers in the community, which for the young people is an issue.97
The inability of people to put their trust in individuals and a general suspicion
towards authority is thought to be related to the political culture that Egyptians have
experienced since the revolution in 1952. This includes a long period of one-party
politics during the Nasser era, when having anti-government political ideologies and
agendas could often result in imprisonment or worse. This was followed by a period
of very limited liberalisation during President Sadat’s era. Some political activity was
permitted as long as it had no chance of challenging the status quo. This trend has
continued throughout the 27 year reign of Hosni Mubarak. In most cases Egyptians
who have settled in the UK have done much to distance themselves from that political
culture largely by being disengaged from institutions and not associating themselves
with controversial figures or movements.
95
96
97
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 40s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 50s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 30s.
50 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
12.5 Civic engagement and participation
While some civil society organisations have contacts at senior political levels through
high-level patrons for their organisations, most interviewees felt that to date there had
been no real perceived need to engage with local or central government. The same
was felt to be true of engagement in British politics more generally. One respondent
who is active in the community reported having good relations and easy contact with
police and local authority agencies, but felt that the real barrier to engagement was
the lack of activism within the community itself. One or two respondents raised the
issue of mistrust of the government on the basis of British foreign policy and
legislation targeting Muslims. They felt that it would be useful to have more
engagement in order to convey to the government how these policies impact on
Muslim communities, and to stress that real engagement is not possible unless such
root causes of mistrust and suspicion are addressed.
12.6 Community issues and capacity building needs
There was a general sense from many interviewees that the community did not have
many needs or issues relevant for public policy, over and above the needs that most
communities have. However, there was a view amongst some respondents that the
Egyptian community is not immune to broader problems of discrimination and
stereotyping facing all Muslim communities in Britain. The majority of respondents felt
that economically and socially the community is doing well and saw it as comparatively
better off than most of the other Muslim communities included in this research.
However, it should be noted that the profile of the interviewees means that data
on the perceptions and views of Egyptians in lower socio economic groups is limited.
The responses below are typical:
The community is doing well, most people are in work and we have a lot of
university and highly educated people.98
The community itself does not have many needs, some families have specific issues.99
However, there were some respondents who were concerned about the lack of
understanding of the needs of the more disadvantaged groups within Egyptian
Muslim community in England. For example:
The people I work with are all suffering. Their lives are very hard work. I am just
worried about my son, the education here is not good. It would be good if there
were sports activities where the children could go and play with other Egyptian
kids, football or anything.100
98
99
100
Focus group respondent, female.
Egyptian community interviewee: Male, London, 50s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Female, London, 30s.
Civil Society | 51
This lack of provision and facilities for young Egyptians was echoed in the views of
other respondents, who felt that this was a key development need. However, one
interviewee foresaw problems in undertaking some activities that might attract young
people, especially involving music:
Egyptians love music but many scholars have recently started to frown upon music.
Unfortunately because these schools of thought are dominating at the moment I
think if I opened a community organisation which used music to engage people I
think I would meet a lot of opposition. Unfortunately Muslims here are more
extreme than back home.101
One or two respondents stressed the need for Arabic/Egyptian schools that are not
funded by governments of the Gulf States, which echo concerns expressed by other
respondents about the influence of Middle Eastern forms of Islam.
A respondent expressed the opinion that the issue is not that the community does not
have any needs, but that there is a lack of knowledge about these needs on the part
of the Egyptian organisations that do exist, along with the lack of skills to help address
them. He also suggested that the community has alternative and individual ways
of solving its problems rather than through political or social action as is common
in Britain:
We do not have the concept of voluntary work in the way that it operates in British
society. People help each other but in different ways, using different mechanisms.
Still it is strange that after all these years in the UK the community has not adopted
the kind of voluntarism that is prevalent in British society.102
In relation to capacity building, lack of finance, staff and premises were identified
as key needs. However, most respondents stressed the need to get young people
involved in establishing and running community organisations to ensure that civil
society structures do not disappear altogether over time. There was also a suggestion
about the need for some of the existing community organisations to come together
in order to develop a better understanding about community needs and more
co-ordinated mechanisms for public engagement.
101
102
Egyptian community interviewee: Female, London, 30s.
Egyptian community interviewee: Female, London, 40s.
52 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
13 Conclusions and recommendations
According to the 2001 Census, 56 per cent of the Egyptian-born population in England
is Muslim, which does not reflect the makeup of the population in Egypt. This may be
partly due to the large numbers of Coptic Christians who migrated to Britain amidst
fears of religious intolerance in the 1970s. Whilst large and concentrated in London, the
Egyptian Muslim community is fragmented and lacks any clear political or civil society
infrastructure. The Egyptian population as a whole remains invisible in terms of key
locations, community organisations and places of worship. By contrast the Egyptian
Coptic Christian community is thought to be better organised than the Muslim
community, with a number of prominent churches and institutions in London and
Stevenage. The lack of cohesion and organisation appears to reflect more deeply rooted
issues relating to the experiences of the country of heritage, with the community having
brought with it the problems of its home country. This is perceived by some as
contributing to continuing fear and distrust of bureaucracy and state institutions.
In contrast to most other communities included in this study, early Egyptian migration
to Britain was lead primarily by students, professionals and people in the higher
echelons of Egyptian society. They have done well and are well-established in
professional careers and successful businesses. However, more recent migration has
been driven by the economic hardship that many face in Egypt. New migrants are
not as well educated as the earlier settlers and many are working in low paid service
industries, often for other Egyptians or Gulf Arab families. Whilst there are distinct
religious differences within the community, Egyptian society in England appears to be
more divided along class lines than according to religious affiliation.
The Egyptian Muslim society in England is thought to be split into two tiers with a
professional and well-off middle class, and an ‘invisible’ working class concentrated
in low paid jobs, primarily in the ‘Arab economy’. Employment patterns also affect
the levels of integration of Egyptians in British society, and this applies to individuals
regardless of class. People in high-ranking jobs in the embassy, or owners of big
businesses are thought to have as little contact outside of a closed Arab society as
do the low-paid migrants they employ.
Most Egyptians align themselves with a broader Arab identity, but at the same time
many are also wary of the influence of Middle Eastern countries and Gulf States
in relation to the funding and propagation of their particular ideologies and
interpretations of Islam. Whilst religious identity has not been traditionally at the
forefront of how Egyptians in Britain have defined themselves, this is felt to have
changed since 9/11, with more people becoming increasingly conscious of their
Muslim identity. There is also a palpable concern that the impact of this has been
greater on younger people.
Conclusions and recommendations | 53
Similar to intergenerational issues common across most migrant communities,
conflicts based on cultural differences and life expectations are a significant problem in
the Egyptian community. They have helped create a gap between the generations and
a lack of involvement on the part of young people in the institutions established by the
older generation. One of the most pressing concerns identified by respondents is the
need to get more young people involved by removing the barriers presented by these
existing differences and conflicts.
The situation of women varies along class lines. Many are well-educated professionals
in high paid jobs and active in community or professional associations, whilst others
face severe difficulties in relation to employment, resulting in significant levels of
poverty within some families. However, the situation of professional women is not one
of complete equality with men, and many come up against the same kinds of gender
ceiling within Egyptian organisations as they and other women do in mainstream
organisations in relation to leadership and senior management positions. Most
women of all class backgrounds also have limited access to mosques, and there are
hardly any venues or facilities for women to socialise outside the circle of their
immediate family and friends. This can lead to severe isolation for many women who
are ether housebound due to age or childcare responsibilities, and for women who are
new arrivals with no English language skills or social networks in this country.
Civil society structures are virtually non-existent in the sense of enabling community
civic engagement and political participation. There is also a sense that although
attempts have been made by exiles to organise politically, including by members
of the Muslim Brotherhood, it is difficult to do so effectively from the UK, as well as
impossible to operate on the ground in Egypt in the face of an authoritarian state
with wide ranging detention powers. This restricts most ‘community’ activities to the
social and cultural sphere. There are also differing views concerning the problems,
needs and issues within the community. Most respondents believed that issues are
not community wide but specific to individual families, religious and socio economic
groups. However some expressed a strong concern that disadvantaged groups do
exists within Egyptian society, and that the general lack of knowledge about their
needs or ways of addressing them is a serious challenge for the community as a
whole. There is also a real fear that unless more is done to involve young people in
community associations, even the few that do currently exist will soon disappear,
leaving the community with no mechanism for the articulation of a collective voice,
or any forums for participation and civic engagement.
54 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
13.1 Recommendations
There has been very limited research on the Egyptian Muslim community to date and
this and the other UMEC reports should be seen as a starting point in the process of
understanding England’s diverse Muslim and ethnic minority communities in greater
detail. Many areas are highlighted in this report as community concerns but require
further enquiry to draw firm conclusions.
The UMEC Overview report provides detailed recommendations for engagement with
and development of Muslim civil society organisations.
The lack of leadership within the community is also a key issue, both in relation to the
lack of role models within families to guide and direct young people, but also at the
level of the wider community, which has in part contributed to the lack of effective
community structures for advocacy, civic participation and political engagement.
Whilst there are some well-established civil society organisations, civil society
structures on the whole are under developed and under resourced. Organisations have
many capacity building needs and further community development hinges on the
strengthening of civil society organisations. Proactive efforts are necessary both from
within the community as well as from public authorities to develop appropriate
partnerships and forums for ongoing engagement, consultation and dialogue.
Specific recommendations arising from community respondents include:
• It is evident from respondents that there is a lack of youth provision but given the
geographical fragmentation of the community this is likely to be best achieved
through existing organisations providing culturally sensitive youth programmes
that can best respond to the specific needs of the community
• To gain insight into the socio economic situation and experiences of new Egyptian
migrants, further research is required.
Other recommendations:
• Census data suggests that the community in England is more religiously diverse
than the Egyptian population – it would be worthwhile understanding the level of
religious interaction between the community in comparison with other religiously
diverse communities in England such as the Nigerian community
• Comparative research into the integration trajectories of established Muslim
communities in the UK. This could include the Egyptian, Iranian, Turkish, Iraqi
communities among others.
Glossary | 55
14 Glossary
Ahmadiyya: An Islamic sect created in 1889 by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who claimed
to be the Messiah mentioned in the Qur’an. In 1974 Ahmadis were denounced by a
group of Muslim scholars from 124 countries as being ‘non-Muslims’.
CI: The Change Institute.
CLG: Communities and Local Government.
Copts: Copts are descendants of ancient Egyptians who adopted Christianity in the
first century and refused to convert to Islam after Arab conquest.
ESL: Egyptian Society London.
Hanafi: Major Sunni Islamic school of law which emphasises analogous reasoning of
jurists over literal interpretation of hadith. Predominate in the Arab world and South
Asia. It is the oldest of the four schools of thought (jurisprudence or Fiqh) within Sunni
Islam. Named after its founder, Abu Hanifa an Nu’man ibn Thbit (699 – 767), the
Hanafi school is the oldest, but it is generally regarded as the most liberal and as the
one which puts the most emphasis on human reason. The Hanafi school also has the
most followers among the four major Sunni and is predominant among the Sunnis of
Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan and most of the Indian Subcontinent, China as
well as in Iraq, Turkey, Albania, the Balkans and the Caucasus. (Esposito, 2008).
Madhabs: Schools of Islamic jurisprudence.
Muslim Brotherhood: the world’s oldest, largest and most influential Islamist
organisation.
Salafi: Name (derived from salaf) given to a reform movement led by Jamal al-Din
al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh at the turn of the twentieth century. Emphasised
restoration of Islamic doctrines to pure form, adherence to the Qur’an and Sunnah,
rejection of the authority of later interpretations, and maintenance of the unity
of ummah.
Shafi: School of Islamic law founded by Muhammad ibn Idris ibn al-Abbas ibn
Uthman ibn Shafii in the eighth century. Prominent in Egypt, Palestine, and Jordan
with a significant number of followers in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Hejaz, Pakistan, India,
and Indonesia and among Sunnis in Iran and Yemen. The Shafi school also refers to
the opinions of Muhammad's companions (primarily Al-Khulafa ar-Rashidun). The
school, based on Shafi’s books ar-Risala fi Usul al-Fiqh and Kit’b al-Umm, emphasises
proper istinbaat (derivation of laws) through the rigorous application of legal principles
as opposed to speculation or conjecture. It is considered one of the more conservative
of the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence. (Esposito, 2008).
56 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Egyptian Muslim Community in England
Shi’a: Muslims who believe that succession to the political and religious leadership of
the Muslim community should be hereditary through Muhammad’s daughter Fatimah
and her husband, Muhammad’s cousin Ali. Although Shi’as do not believe that these
successors (imams) are prophets, they do believe that they are divinely inspired and
infallible. Approximately 15 per cent of all Muslims are Shi’as. (Esposito, 2008).
Sufi/Sufism: Spiritual aspect of Islam. The word Sufi has a range of meanings deriving
different interpretations of the word’s etymology but generally refers to those who
are interested in inner knowledge and practice towards spiritual awakening and
enlightenment. There are a number of Sufi orders or ‘paths’ (tariqas), including the
Tijaniyah and Qadiriyah, many which developed between the 9th and 12th centuries.
(Esposito, 2008).
Sunni: Muslims who emphasise the importance of the actions and customs
of Muhammad and the first generations of Muslims, viewing as legitimate the
establishment of the caliphate, in contrast to Shi’a beliefs. About 85 per cent of
all Muslims are Sunnis. (Esposito, 2008).
UN: United Nations.
UNHCR: United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees.
Bibliography | 57
15 Bibliography
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The Change Institute (2008), Studies into violent radicalisation: Beliefs, ideologies
and narratives, Brussels: European Commission
UNESCO (2007), Global Education Handbook, Paris: UNESCO
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A Pilot Study, Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty,
University of Sussex
This report presents a picture of the Egyptian Muslim community in England. It is one of
a series of thirteen reports on different Muslim communities in England.
It has been commissioned by the Department for Communities and Local Government
to enhance the understanding of the diversity of England’s Muslim population and as an
effective route to engagement.
Price: £25
ISBN 978-1-4098-1275-3