THE CONTROVERSY SURROUND1NS
THE DAVIS-MOORE EXPLANATION OF
STRATIFICATION
by
C o n s t a n c e Anne T a y l o r
B. S o c . S c . ( M . P . P . )
,
Birmingham
U n i v e r s i t y , 1966
A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
i n t h e Department
of
P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e , S o c i o l o g y and A n t h r o p o l o g y
c? CONSTANCE ANVE
-
TAYLOR 1 9 6 3
SIMON 7RASER UNIVERSITY
November, 1 9 6 8 .
EXAMINING
COMMITTEE
APPROVAL
David G. Bettison
Senior Supervisor
I
-
John McK. Whitworth
Examining Commi t tee
Karl Peter
Examining Committee
PARTIAL COPYRIGIIT LICENSE
I h e r e b y g r a n t t o Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y t h e r i g h t t o l e n d
my t h e s i s o r d i s s e r t a t i o n ( t h e t i t l e o f which i s shown below) t o u s e r s
o f t h e Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , and t o make p a r t i a l o r s i n g l e
c o p i e s o n l y f o r s u c h u s e r s o r i n r e s p o n s e t o a r e q u e s t from t h e l i b r a r y
o f a n y o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y , o r o t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , on i t s own
b e h a l f o r f o r one of i t s u s e r s .
I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t permission f o r
m u l t i p l e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d
b y me o r t h e Dean of G r a d u a t e S t u d i e s .
It i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g
o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d
w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .
T i t l e of ~ h e s i s / ~ i s s e r t a t i o n :
-
-
T h e-----c o n t r o v e r s y s u r ---..---,-r o u n d i n f i t.--h e bavis-Moore
e x n l a n a t i o n --of
----..---.-..---
stratification.
--------7urnabv. l3.C..
P1.A.
1968.
Thesis.
Simon F r a s e r I l n i v e r s i t v .
BY C o n s t a n c e Anne T a y l o r .
Author:
(signature)
(nee C o n s t a n c e Anne T a y l o r )
(name )
(date)
'
iii
ABSTRACT
We a t t e m p t t o a p p l y M a n n h e i m l s d i s c u s s i o n of t h e
s o c i o l o g y of knowledge t o t h e c o n t r o v e r s y surroundi n g t h e Davis-Moore a r g 7 ~ m e n t . Manqheim d i s t i n g u i s h e s
b e t w e e n 'he
immanent and e x t r i n s i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a
body o f i n t e l l e c t u a l k n o w l e d g e , t h a t i s , b e t w e e n , o n
t h e one hand, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n t e r m s of t h e p r e m i s e s
p r e s c r i b e d by a n i n ? e l l e c t u a l w o r k , and on t h e o t h e r ,
while holding t h e b a s i c premises i n abeyance, i n terms
of i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e wider e x i s t e n t i a l s i t u a t i o n .
E x t r i n s i c explanations seek t o r e l a t e t h e t h i n k e r ' s
p o l i t i c a l "perspective" t o h i s p o s i t i o n i n t h e wider
s o c i a l system, mainly i n terms of t h e " c l a s s " o r
s g s i a l group, t o which h e b e l o n g s .
F o r ?xarnple,
Mannheim i n t e r p r e t s n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y German c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t a ; a r e s p o n s e , g e n e r a t e d by t h e n e e d s
of t h e c l a s s t o w h i c h i t s c r e a t o r s b e l o n g e d ,
(the
" d e c l i n i n g bolngeois c l a s s " ) t o t h e c h a l l e n g e t o i t s
p o s i t i o n by a n o t h e r c l a s s ( " t h e a s c e n d a n t g r o u p . " )
We c l a i m t h a t , t o a l a r g e d e g r e e , t h e c o n t r o v e r s y i s
e x p l i c a b l e i n t e r m s o f t h e c o n f l i c t of p o l i t i c a l
p e r s p e c t i v e s on t h e p r o b l e m of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y , w i t h
t h e q u a l i f i c a t i o n t h a t on,? a r e a o f t h e e x c h a n g e i s
b a s i c a l l y a c o n f l i c t of m e t h o d o l o g i c a l axioms which
d o e s n o t m-l,2ifest a n u n d e r l y i n g c l a s h of p o l i t i c a l
opinions.
P e r s p e c t i v e s a r e i d e n t i f i e d by t h e e x a g -
g e r a t i o n o f some f a c t s a b o u t human s o c i e t i e s , a s
g e n e r a l l y con-eived,
t o t h e e x c l u s i o n of o t h e r s ; and,
by t h e f a i l u r e o f p r o p o n e n t s and c r i t i c s a l i k e t o
c o n s i d e r r e l e v a n t e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e and t h e o r e t i c a l
a r g u m e n t s p r e s e n t e d by o t h e r t h i n k e r s .
We r l a i m t h a t
proponents adopt a conservative, t h e i r c r i t i c s a
l i b e r a l view of s t r a t i f i e d i n e q u a l i t i e s .
Further,
when t h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f d i f f e r e n t c o n t r i b u t o r s a r e
v i e w e d a s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f w i d e r t r e n d s of t h e
p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t o f American i n t e l l e c t u a l s t h r o u g h o u t t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , a new d i m e n s i o n o f m e a n i n g
i s afforded the controversy.
Thus,the i m p l i c i t l y
c o n s e r v a t i v e a r g u m e n t p r e s e n t e d by D a v i s and Moore i s
viewed a s p a r t of t h e post-war
conservative reaction
t o t h e r a d i c a l i s m o f American l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s
d u r i n g t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s and t o t h e i r c o m m i t t m e n t a f t e r
1 9 3 6 , t o N3w D e a l m e a s u r e s t o r e d u c e t h e s c a l e o f
p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t i e s .
Criticisms
of t h e i r argument a r e viewed a s a l i b e r a l c o u n t e r - a t t a c k ,
p r o m p t e d by t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l a r t i c u l a t i o n o f c o n s e r v a t i v e
t h o u g h t i n t h e e a r l y f i f t i e s , and w h i c h r ~ f l e c t ,i n t h e i r
e s s e n t i a l l y l i m i t e d and d e f e n s i v e a p p r o 3 c h , t h e c l i m a t e o f
o p i n i o n of American l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e pr,st-war
period.
W h i l s t many o f Mannheim's s t a t e m e n t s a r e
s u p p o r t e d by o u r d i s c u s s i o n , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e c o n c e r n i n g
t h e development, o f c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t a s a " c o u q t e r i d e o l o g y , " t o m e e t t h e c h a l l e n g e o f a n o t h e r a l i e n and
h o s t i l e i d e o l o g y , h i s s t a t e m e n t t h a t t h e p e r s p e s t i v e 3f
a n i n t e l l e c t u a l work i s d e t e r m i n e d by t h e n e e d s and
aspiratjons of the class or group to which its creator
belongs, must be modified on the basis of our examination
of major trends of intellectual thought i n American
society;
The major developments in American political
theory were not generated by the needs or aspirations
of well-defined social groups, but by such variables
as the changing conditions of the American economy,
for example, the Great Depression, the New Deal reforms
a?(!
the later recovery of the capitalist economy
both at home and abroad during the post-war period;
the prevailing mood of the Ainerican public as expressed i n
post-war conservatism; and, America's relationship to
the rest of the world, particularly, the emergence
of a polar confrontation between America and Russia.
vi
CONTENTS
Page
Chapter
Introduction
1
The F u n c t i o n a l P r e m i s e s o f t h e
Davis-Moore Argument
14
Some M a j o r O b j e c t i o n s t o t h e
D a v i s-Moore Argument
38
F u n c t i o n and Cause: A M e t h o d o l o g i c a l
Discussion
68
The S o c i a l O r i g i n s of t h e C o n t r o v e r s y
91
;onclusion
125
Bibliography
132
vii
*
Acknowledgements
I wish t o thank D r . D.G.
Bettison f o r h i s
e n c o u r a g e m e n t and i n s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m s ,
and P r o f e s s o r T . B . B o t t o m o r e who g a v e v a l u a b l e
guidance t o t h i s t h e s i s a t an e a r l i e r s t a g e .
Chapter I
INTRODUCTION
The f i r s t s e c t i o n o f t h e p a p e r c o n s i s t s o f a
d i s c u s s i o n of Mannheim's t h e o r e t i c a l framework i n o r d e r
4
t o a s s e s s what a s p e c t s o f h i s " s o c i o l o g y o f k n o w l e d g e " a r e
t o be r e t a i n e d f o r t h e a n a l y s i s of t h e c o n t r o v e r s y
surrounding t h e Davis-M.oor~t h e o r y of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
Mannheim d i s t i n g u i s h e s b e t w e e n immanent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
o f a n i d e a , and e x t r i n s i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .
i s a m a t t e r of examination "from w i t h i n . "
L
The f o r m e r
The i n k e l l e c t u a l
phenomenon may b e d i s c u s s e d i n t e r m s o f t h e a s s u m p t i o n s
p r e s c r i b e d by i t , i n t e r m s o f a n o t h e r s y s t e m w i t h p r e m i s e s
d i f f e r e n t f r o m i t s own. o r , t h e d i s c u s s i o n may s t a r t f r o m
t h e g i v e n p r e m i s e s and a t t e m p t t o d r a w c o r r e c t c o n c l u s i o n s
from them.
Immanent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s may a l s o s e e k t o
e s t a b l i s h t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l o r i g i n of an idea o r i n t e r p r e t
i d e a s by r e f e r e n c e t o t h e t o t a l i t i e s of w o r l d v i e w s t h a t
c o r r e s p o n d t o them.
What i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f a l l t y p e s
of e x p l a n a t i o n "from w i t h i n " i s t h e a t t e m p t t o g r a s p t h e
i n t e l l e c t u a l pkenomenon f r o m t h e t f i d e o l o g i c a l " s p h e r e
itself.
E x p l a n a t i o n s "from w i t h o u t " hold t h e p r e s c r i b e d
assumptions i n abeyance i n o r d e r t o r e l a t e t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l
phenomenon t o s o m e t h i n g o u t s i d e i t s e l f .
Mannheim d i s t i n -
g u i s h e s two k i n d s o f e x t r i n s i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , n a m e l y ,
e x p l a n a t i o r i b y r e f e r e n c e t o u n - m e a n i n y e x i s t e n c e , and
e x p l a n a t i o n by r e f e r e n c e t o m e a n i n g f u l e x i s t e n c e .
1. K a r l Mannheim: "The I d e o l o g i c a l and t h e S o c i o l o g i c a l
I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ~ f I n t e l l e c t u a l Phencmena," (19261.
The p o i n t o f t h e d i s t i n c t i o n i s t o show t h a t i t i s
mistaken " t o l o c a t e sociological explanation i n t h e sphere
of unmeaning c a u s a l e x p l a n a t i o n and t o a p p l y t o i t t h e
a x i o m t h a t t h e g e n e s i s o f a n i n t e l l e c t u a l phenomenon
cannot d e t e r m i n e a n y t h i n g c o n c e r n i n g i t s meaning and
validity."
For i t i s maintained t h a t t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l
f u n c t i o n a l i z a t i o n of a system of meanings c o n t r i b u t e s
a novel i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of meaning w i t h r e s p e c t t o e x i s tence.
More s i m p l y , t h e s o c i o l o g i s t c o n t r i b u t e s a new
m e a n i n g t o a n i d e a by r e l a t i n g i t t o a w i d e r s o c i a l
existence.
The i d e a i s r e l a t e d t o a s o c i a l r e a l i t y
c o n c e i v e d of a s a c o m p r e h e n s i v e s y s t e m o f m e a n i n g s .
T h u s M a r x ' s e x p l a n a t i a n of i n d i v i d u a l i s m , w h i c h
c h a r a c t e r i z e s 1 8 t h c e n t u r y methods of i n q u i r y , by
r e f e r e n c e t o t h e f r e e competition of bourgeois s o c i e t y
i s n o t a n e x p l a n a . k i o n o f t h e o r e t i c a l a x i o m s i n t e r m s of
unmeaning e x i s t e n c e .
Rather i t i s a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of
t h e u l t i m a t e axioms c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a h i s t o r i c a l t y p e
by r e f e r e n c e t o a n u n d e r l y i n g s o c i a l o r d e r conceived of
a s a system of meaninas.
It i s n o t t h e n a n o b j e c t i v e
causal explanation i n t h e s c i e n t i f i c sense.
I n summary, s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a n
i n t e l l e c t u a l phenomenon i n v o l v e s f i r s t , t h e s u s p e n s i o n
of i n t r i n s i c understanding, second, t h e a s s e r t i o n of a
r e l a t i o n s h i p o f a n i n t e l l e c t u a l phenomenon t o s o m e t h i n g
o u t s i d e i t , a s t h e f u n c t i o n o f which i t t h e n a p p e a r s .
The f u n c t i o n a l i z a t i o n of a n i d e a t h u s b e s t o w s new
meaning on i t .
These e x i s t e n t i a l meanings a r e t h e
p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s of i t s v a l i d i t y , e v e n t h o u g h t h e y a r e
n o t s e e n by t h e t h e o r y i t s e l f .
A g r e a t p a r t of Mannheimrs d i s c u s s i o n c o n c e r n s t h e
r e l e v a n c e of t h e f i n d i n g s o f s u c h a s o c i o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y ,
t o t h e v a l i d i t y o f t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l phenomenon e x a m i n e d .
He u r g e s i n " I d e o l o g y a n d u t o p i a 1 $ t h a t t h e f i n d i n g s
constitute a critiaue.
Having s t a t e d t h a t s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s
r e l e v a n t t o v a l i d i t y , h e proceeds t o a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e
epistemological implications of t h i s statement.
He may
be accused of d o i n g p r e c i s e l y what h e c r i t i c i z e s t h e
epistemologist f o r
-
n a m e l y , of d e c i d i n g b e f o r e h a n d w h a t
t y p e s o f knowledge a r e p o s s i b l e and l e g i t i m a t e .
If the
s o c i o l o g y of knowledge c a n c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n
o f v a l i d i t y o n e may a s k , why i s i t n e c e s s a r y t o e s t a b l i s h
t h e claim beforehand?
Mannheim a r g u e s t h a t p h i l o s o p h y
u l t i m a t e l y f o l l o w s t h e t y p e of understandi-ng a t t a i n e d i n
t h o s e d i s c i p l i n e s i t proposes t o examine.
Thus, t h e
f o r m u l a t i o n s of Hume a n d L o c k e c o n c e r n i n g t h e n a t u r e o f
s c i e n t i - 7 ; ~e x p l a n a t i o g h a v e b e e n u n d e r m i n e d b y m o r e m o d e r n
p h i l o s o p h e r s , who h a v e h a d t o t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t a f a r
more e x t e n s i v e r a n g e o f s c i e n t i f i c t h e o r y a n d research:-
1. K a r l Mannheim, I d e o l o g y a n d J t o p i a , New Y o r k :
B r a c e a n d W o r l d , I n c . (1936) C h a p . V.
?
Harcourt,,
2. S e e 5. T o u l m i n , P h i l o s o p h y o f S c i e n c e , New Y o r k ,
Harper, (1960).
I n t h i s case it i s unnecessary t o e s t a b l i s h t h e claim f o r
t h e s o c i o l o g y o f knowledge on a n e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l b a s i s .
The a t t e m p t i s a s u b s t i t u t e f o r t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n t h a t
s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a f f e c t s i n any r e a l s e n s e
a p p r a i s a l s made o n a n immanent b a s i s .
1
E l s e w h e r e Mannheim a s s e r t s t h a t t h e a l t e r n a t i v e t o
t h e v i e w t h a t s o c i o l o g y of knowledge i s r e l e v a n t t o
v a l i d i t y , i s t h e v i e w o f immanent a n d e x t r i n s i c s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s incommensurable.
Thus, o n e rqiscusses
an i d e a a s v a l i d o r i n v a l i d s o l e l y i n terms of o t h e r i d e a s ,
o r one
-
a c c e p t s o n l y f u n c t i o n a l meanings a s v a l i d and
d i s c a r d s immanent d i s c u s s i o n a s ' i d e o l o g i c a l ' .
If t h e
two a p p r o a c h e s a r e i n t e r p r e t e d a s h e t e r o g e n e o u s , i t i s
n e c e s s a r y t o choose between them.
H e r e Mannheim a s s u m e s
t h a t t h e c r i t e r o n whereby a d i s c i p l i n e i s a c c e p t e d o r
rejected, i s i t s usefulness f o r determining v a l i d i t y ,
v a l i d i t y h e r e meaning ' t r u e ' ,
i n an absolute sense.
Immanent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n c o n s i s t s o f a n s x a m i n a t i o n o f
t h e l o g i c a l c o n s i s t e n c y o f axioms, o r , one a c c e p t s t h e
axioms and r e v i e w s them i n t e r m s o f o t h e r s .
Extrinsic
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n c o n c e r n s t h e c h o i c e of axioms i . e .
the
e v a l u a t i v e element, which i s t h e n e x p l a i n e d i n terms of
t h e s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of t h e t h i n k e r .
By w h a t e v e r c r i t e r i o n
of t r u t h i s s e l e c t e d , t h e t r u t h of a p r o p o s i t i o n must
b e a s s e s s e d i n d e p e n t d e n t l y of how i t h a p p e n e d t o b e a r r i v e d
1. I d e o l o g i c a l a n d S o c i o l o g i c a l I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f
I n t e l l e c t u a l Phenomena, o p . c i t . , p . 1 4 .
relevant t o i t s v a l i d i t y , i s t o extend a s i n g l e c r i t e r i o n
of v a l i d i t y t o t w o d i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f k n o w l e d g e .
I t
f o l l o w s f r o m t h i s t h a t Mannheim h a s c o n c e i v e d o f v a l i d i t y
a s a b s o l u t e , o r ' i n h e r e n t 1 i n t h i n g s , and a s t o t a l l y
independent of t h e p a r t i c u l a r nature of t h e p r o p o s i t i o n s
h e i s examining t o a s c e r t a i n t h e i r v a l i d i t y .
I n summary, i t i s a g r e e d t h a t t o t u r n f r o m a n immanent
t o an extrinsic interpretation involves a qualitative
c h a n g e i n t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l phenomenon,
b u t t h e c l a i m t h a t such a change c o n s t i t u t e s a l c r i t i a u e l
(i.e. i s relevant t o i t s validity) i s rejected.
Mannheimls
d i s c u s s i o n i s r e l e v a n t t o t h e t r e a t m e n t of t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l
c o n t r o v e r s y t o b e examined.
It i s i n s t r u c t i v e t o attempt
t o account f o r t h e development of a t h e o r e t i c a l c o n t r o v e r s y
i n t e r m s of a w i d e r e x i s t e n t i a l p r o c e s s .
Intellectual
phenomena w h e r e t h e y come i n t o c o n f l i c t , d o n o t g e n e r a l l y
r e f u t e each o t h e r immanently.
Unlike the natural sciences,
such t h e o r i e s o r arguments do not g e n e r a l l y c o n t a i n t h e
c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r w h i c h t h e y may b e r e f u t e d .
I
I n these
c a s e s i t makes s e n s e t o a s k why t h e y a r e c o n s i d e r e d v a l i d
a t one t i m e and n o t a t o t h e r s w i t h i n a g i v e n i n t e l l e c t u a l
community.
1. K a r l P o p p e r
B a s i c Books,
-
L o g i c o f S c i e n t i f i c D i s c o v e r y , New Y o r k ,
(1959).
Mannheim a r g u e s ,
It i s t h e i n t e l ; . e c t ~ . l a l e x i s t e n t i a i s i t , u a t i o n
w h i c h o v e r c c m e s ?rl(..-ll-er s u c h s i t u a t i o r ! a n d a
t h e o r y r e p l a c e s a ~ o k h e rt h e o r y o n l y a s a p a r t
of t h i s e x i s t e n t < . a l situati.or2.l
I n "he c o n t r o v e r s y u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n t h e o r i g i n a l argument
w h i c h i s s u b s e q u e n - t l y c r i t i c i z e d , i s n o t r e p l a c e d by
another.
I n f a c t t h e Davis-Moore t h e o r y of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
c o n t i n u e s t o be reviewed a s a f e a s i b l e argument i n g e n e r a l
t e x t books on s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
H o w e v e r , i t i s i n s t r u c t i v e t o e x a m i n e ( a ) t h e r i s e of
c r i t i c i s m a s an i n t e r e s t i n g event i n i t s e l f ( i . e . t o ask
when, why a n d how i t a r o s e ) , a n d ( b ) t h e t y p e s o f c r i t i c i s m
put forward; f u r t h e r ,
( c ) t o r e l a t e both t o t h e wider
i n t ~ l ' l . e c t u a 1e x i s t e n t i a l s i - t u a t i o n .
K u r t ~ o l f f "c o n s i d e r s t h e f e a s i b i l i t y o f t u r n i n g f r o m
t h e immanent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y t o a n
extrinsic interpretation.
He s u g g e s t s t h a t some s o c i o -
c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s a r e c . ~ ? e r a t i v ei n t h e ' s c i e n t i f i c ' work
of s o c i o l o g i s t s .
The f a c t t h a t v a l u a t i o n s e n t e r i n t o r e s e a r c h s u g g e s t s
t h a t A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y may be t r e a t e d a s a n o r i e n t a t i o n .
For example, " o b j e c - k i v i t y " i s a v a l u e i t s e l f , and e n t a i l s
t h e v a l u ~o f t h e s p e c i f i c r o l e - t y p e s t o b e a d o p t e d .
Again,
e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c f a c t o r s e n t e r i n t o t h e s o c i o l o g i s t % work
when h e con'emp.?.ates w r i t i - n g w i t h t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f
2. " N o I;es , owa;:ds
a S o c i o - 5 ~ I t u r a l I n t e r p r ~ t a r i o no f A m e r i c a n
S o c i o l o g y , " by K u r t W o l f f , A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w ,
7 . ( ~ c t o b e r .1946). n . 545.
?-
publication, i.e.,
t h e s e l e c t i o n o f t h e a r e a of i n q u i r y ,
a n d t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e s t u d y a r e c o - d e t e r m i n e d by
t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of p u b l i c a t i o n .
Wolff
s u g 3 e s t s two t r a i t s whereby t h e o r i e n t a t i o n
o f A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y may b e a n a l y z e d
-
( i )t h e a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s t h e s t a t u s auo
(ii)
t h e problem of t h e s e l e c t i o n of l l i i r l ~ n
characteristics.
He f o r w a r d s t h r e e m a i n e x a m p l e s .
With r e f e r e n c e t o t h e
f i r s t t r a i t ( a ) h e draws upon C. Wright M i l l l s a n a l - v s i s
of s o c i a l p a t h o l o g y
1
,
and a s s e r t s t h a t t h e c e n t r a l
ccncepJi, o f ' a d j u s t m e n t 1 i m p l i e s a m i d d l e - c l a s s
m o r a I . % t y and a p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e g r a d u a l p r o g r e s s
of
'respectable1 institutions.
( b ) W.
Lloyd Warner's
c a s t e t h e o r y of r a c e r e l a t i o n s i n t h e S o u t h e r n s t a t e s ,
i m p l i e s , by i t s u s e of t h e c o n c e p t ' c a s t e 1 t h a t Negroes
are In fact inferior.
R a c i a l p r e j u d i c e and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n
a r e h e r e i t r u c t u r a l i z e d i n t o a mDre o r l e s s s t a t i c
feat:!re
of t h e s t a t u s quo sys.l:erri.
(c)
i o g i . c a ? r e s e a r c h o f R.E. P a r k s , W o l f f ,
- - - 7 + ~ i
I n -the s o c i o -
2
( c i t i q g Gc.'3nar M y r d a l )
t h a t t h e r e i s a s y s t e m a t i c t e n d e n c y jr h i s
w o r k i n g t o i g n o r e a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f modir'yjrlg
conscious e f f o r t
-
-
by
t h e s o c i a l e f f e c t s of t h e n a t u r a l f o r c e s .
The u n i v e ~ ; a l a n d u n c r i t i c a l u s e o f t h e c o n c e p t s o f t h e
esolnyical school i n d i c a t e an unfavourable a t t i t u d e t o
1.
;7. W r i g h t M i l l s , " T h e P r o f e s s i o n a l I d e o l o g y ~f th? S o c i a l .
F a t h o l o g i s t , " i n Power, P o l i t i c s and P e o p l e . e d . ,
I.L. H o r o w i t z , New Y o r k , O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , (1963).
2.
G u n n a r M y r d a l , An A m e r i c a n Dilemma: The Negro P r o b l e m
a n d Modern D e m o c r a c y , ( 1 9 4 4 ; new e d i t i o n , New Y o r k ,
H a r p e r a n d Row, 1 9 6 2 . )
change and a " l a i s s e z
-
faire" attitude.
Wolff a r g u e s t h a t American s o c i o l o g y c a n a l s o b e
characterized a s an o r i e n t a t i o n i n terms of t h e absence
o f t h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e t r a g i c a s p e c t o f man.
It
o v e r l o o k s o n e s i d e o f man i n o r d e r c o n s c i o u s l y o r by
growth, t o p r o v i d e " t h a t u n i f i e d and c o h e r e n t t h e o r y
w h i c h men h a v e a l w a y s c r a v e d . "
On :he b a s i s o f t h e s e e x a m p l e s , h e s u g g e s t s o n Che
o n e h a n d , t h e c o - d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f c e r t a i n c o n c e p t s by
a s p e c t s of American c u l t u r e , o n t h e o t h e r , a s e l e c t : - v e
o b j e c t i v i t y w h i c h o m i t s o n e m a j o r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f man.
He p o i n t s o u t t h a t h i s own e x a m p l e s o f t h e o r i e q a r e
n o t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a n d t h a t h i s c o n c e p t o f America11
sociology i s vague.
( ~ seu g g 2 s t s t h e p r o b l e m may b e
t a c k l e d by c o n t e n t u a l a n a l y s e s o f c o u r s e s , b o o k s , a n d
sociological journals.)
A l t h o u g h t h e r e i s no a t t e m p t t o
s e e t h e t h e o r i s t s reviewed a s -7-esentative
of d i f f e r e n t
t r e n d s i n t h e ' s o c i o l o g i c a l community1, i t i s p o s s i b l e
t o i n f e r f r o m W o l f f l s own r e f e r e n c e s , t h a t t h e g e n e r a l l y
c o n s e r v a t i v e n a t u r e of American s o c i o l o g y i s c h a l l e n g e d
by a g r o u p of c r i t i c a l t h i n k e r s a r o u n d t h e m i d - 4 0 ' s .
( ~ o l f fc i t e s C. W r i g h t M i l l s , Gunnar Myrday, Y a r t i n g ,
0. C o x , and
g,j'T. Tumin 1) .
The p r e w n ;
1.
s t u d y aims a t a more p r e c i - + a n a l y s i s
One p . r o m i n e n t f i g u r e i n t h e Da.vis-Moor0 c r . ' t r o v e r s y
t o h e r e v i e w e d l a t e r , i s M . M . Tumin.
o f t h e changing p e r s p e c t i v e s of American i n t e l l e c t u a l s
and s o c i o l o g i s t s s p e c i f i c a l l y d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d
1910
-
1 9 6 0 , i n o r d e r t o e x p l a i n why t h e c o n t r o v e r s y
a r o s e when i t d i d , a n d t h e p a r t i c u l a r way i n w h i c h t h e
i n i t i a l s t i m u l u s t o d i s p u t a t i o n was g i v e n .
The dominant
p e r s p e c t i v e s of the c o n t r i b u t o r s t o t h e c o n t r o v e r s y w i l l
then be r e l a t e d t o t h e wider i n k e l l e c t u a l s i t u a t i o n .
A t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of
p e r s p e c t i v e s i s g i v e n by
Mannheim,
1
and i t w i l l b e
examined f o r i t s u s e f u l n e s s .
Mannheim s u g g e s t s p e r s p e c t i v e s b e i d e n t i f i e d i n
t e r m s o f ( a ) t h e a n a l v s i s o f m e a n i n a o f t h e c o n c e ~ t su s e d .
T h i s r e q u i r e s a n a n a l y s i s of t h e key c o n c e p t s i n any
body o f t h o u g h t .
It i s held t h a t a p a r t i a l o r one-sided
t r e a t m e n t of any g i v e n concept i n d i c a t e s t h e s o c i a l
p o s i t i o n of t h e proponent.
counter-concept.
( b ) t h e heno omen on of
the
Where a c o n c e p t r e f l e c t s t h e o b s e r v e r ' s
i n t e r e s t , a c o u n - t e r - c o n c e p t may b e f o r m u l a t e d b y a n o t h e r
t h i n k e r t o c o v e r a t l e a s t some a s p e c t s o f t h e c o n c e p t s
which have been o m i t t e d .
concepts.
( c ) t h e a l x e n c e of c e r t a i n
T h i s i n d i c a t e s t h e absence of a d e f i n i t e
d r i v e t o "come t o g r i p s w i t h c e r t a i n l i f e p r o b l e m s . "
( d ) t h e s t r u c t u r e of t h e c a t e s o r i c a l aAqparatus.
The
differences i n zategorical apparatus (e.g. morphological
a n d a n a l y t i c a l . ) may b e r e l a t e d t o t h e d i f f e r e n t b a s i c
1.
K a r l Mannheim, I d e o l o g ~ la n d U t o p i a , o p . c i t . ,
C h a p . V p . 573.
i n t e n t i o n s of t h e t h i n k e r s .
( e ) dominant models of- t h o u a h t .
The i m p l i c i t o r e x p l i c i t m o d e l s o f how ' f r u i t f u l t h i n k i n g ' c a n b e c a r r i e d on a r e a g a i n r e l a t e d t o t h e s o c i a l
p o s i t i o n of t h e observer.
D i f f e r e n t groups h ~ v e
d i f f e r e n t ways o f i n . L e r p r e t a t i n g t h e w o r l d .
of a b s t r a c t i o n
-
(f) level
i s d e t e r m i n e d by i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e
l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n beyond which a g i v e n t h e o r y
does not p r o g r e s s o r t h e d e g r e e t o which i t r e s i s t s
theoretical,
systematic formulation.
(g) the basic
o n t o l o q v which i s presupposed.
ManqheimTs d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of t h e u s e f u l n e s s of
t h e s e concepts a r e not always convincing.
i n opn
example h e ary-IP. t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n c a t e n o r i c a l
. a p p a r a t u s n a y h e explained b y t h e d i f f e r e n t s o c l a i . p o s i t i o n s
o f t l ~ ew r i t c r r ? .
7
-
lie
arcpec: t h a t C o n s e r v a t i v e thil?!:e~s
o f 1.9th C ~ ~ t u r Gtlrrnany
jr
-kcncI t o u s e morph~_l.o,.?:i.c:;_:.
"
7
c a t e g o r i e s !.,hereas the a n a l y t i c a p p r o a c h c h a r c 7 c t c ~ : i z e s
t h i n k e r s of t h e l e f t .
The d i f f e r e n c e i s explained a s
f o l l o w s : - G r o u p s o r i e n t e d t o t h e l e f t i n t e n d t n create
a new worl-d, a n d t h u s d i v e r t t h e i r a t t e n t i o n 5rnm t , h ~
ongoing r e a l i t y .
They t e n d t o t h i n k i n a b s J c r a c t f,erms,
t o a t o m i z e t h e g t v e n s i t u a t i o n i n t o i t s component
e l e m e n t s i n o r d e r t o r e c o m b i n e t h e m anew.
Conserva-lives
c o n c e p t u a l i z e i n s u c h a way a s t o s t a b i l i z e t h e e l e m e n t s
s t i l l i n f l u x , a n d a t t h e same t i m e i n v o k e s a n c t i o n
f o r what e x i s t s .
However, i n t h e c o n t r o v e r s y s u r r o u n d i n g t h e D a v i s -
Moore a r g u m e n t , i t i s c l e a r f r o m a c o n c e p t u a l a n a l y s i s
t h a t D a v i s m a i n t a i n s a c o n s e r v a t i v e , Tumin, a l i b e r a l
position.
D a v i s ' a p p r o a c h -i s a T a l y t i c a 1 .
He a r g u e q
a t a h i g h l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n ( f o r example, he d e l i n r a t e s p o s i t i o n and i n c u m b e n t ) .
Moreover, h e recombines
t h e e l e m e n t s o f h i s c o n c e p t u a l a n a l y s i s b y means o f a
function21 factor
-
( t h e s o c i a l need t o p l a c e and
m o t i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e ) . The
e s s e n t i a l l y ' c o n s e r v a t i v e 1 c o n c l u s i o n drawn i s t h a t
one a s p e c t of t h e s t a t u s quo, s t r a t i f i c a l L o n , i s
inevitable.
Tumin, a l t h o u g h h e g e n e r a l l y a r q u P s
w i t h i n t h e f r a m e w o r k p u t f o r w a r d b y i l a v i s , ernpl-
- ?
a
c o n c e p t o f c l a s s w h i c h i n c l u d e s b o t h p o s i 4 i o n a r d 'be
performance of t h e incumbent.
I n t h i s way, h e ?-c a;le
t o d i s c u s s a w h o l e r e a l m of p r o b l e m s which o n t h e t 7 a s i s
o f D a v i s 1 c o n c e p t u a l schili-1
-
w o u M b e i r r e l e v a n t -- name1 y ,
c l a s s i n h e r i t a n c e a n d i t s c o ~ s ~ q u e n c ef so r s o c i e t l - , s u c h
i n e q ~ l a il t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y .
(which r e s u l t s i n o b s t a c l e s
i o the maximum u t i l i z z t i c ? n o f a v a i l a b l e t a l e n t ) a n d t h e
r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f economic and p o l i t i c a l i n e q u a l i t y .
T u m i n 1 s a o r c l i n o r p h o l o g i c a l l a p p r o a c h , e n a b l e s him i o
c r i t i c t z ~ . 5 e s t a t u s quo a s u n j u s t , a n d o n t h e h n s i s
of t h i s
'ticism
I-6
advocates a searcb f o ~ sIitutio1?al
alternatives to stratification
-
c l e a r l y a ~ j n e r a ls t a n d -
point.
1.
K i n g s l e y D a v i s ; "4 r o n c e p t u a l A n a l y s i s of S t r a t i f i c a t i o n "
A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w 7 , ( 1 9 4 2 ) l i t > .3.
The r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n s o c i a l p o s i t i o n a n d t h e
p e r s p e c t i v e , a s i d e n t , i f i e d by t h e n a t u r e of t h e c a t e g o r i c a l a p p a r a t u s , i s m o r e v a r i a b l e t h a r : Mannheim
implies.
1
Moreover,
s i m i l a r examples could be brought
f o r w a r d t o show t h e v a r i a b i l i t y o f t h e t h o u g h t - m o d e l
a n d l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n a s i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a 3
position.
t h e k e y - c o n c e p t s , t h e c o u n t e r . c c i - c e p t n ~ d t h e ahi:en(-.e
of c e r t a i n c o n c e p t s .
The m a i n d i f ? k i ; l J i y t h e v a i l
i n v o l v e hllwever i s w h a t t o s e l e c t a s havinly b r ~ n
j.n h i s a r t i c l e d i s c a s s e s t h e a b y e n c e i
r~
1-cgv, of' t h e ' t r a g i ,
Howe-
a s p e c t 1 of man.
American
e7',
(-;a-
he
c o u i c e q u a l - v we- < h a v e s e l e ~ t e d' c r e a t i v e p e [ - e n t ia1
o f man, a s p e c ' " ' c
'
concern of n i n e t e e n t h century
European socioLogy and h a r d l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of American
Socioloqy.
Thus t h e r e w i l l a l w a y s b e a wide a r e a of
c o n s l d e r a t i n n s whi -h a n y p a r t i c u l a r s o c i o l o g i c a l t h e o r y
may n e g l e c t , a n d t h e c h a r a c t e r i z a - ' : i o n o f t h e p e r s p e c t i v e
u n c i e r l y j . n J t h e g i v e n t h e o r y clea-1.y d e p e n d s o n t h e s e
aspects ' . i e invest ' c a t o r chooses t o s e l c r t .
controv,
c,v
to
OG
In the
oramined however, t h i s mcthodolorlical
1. W i t h r e f e r e n c e t o a n e a r l i e r p o i n t , t h e v a r i a i i ? . l i t y
o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p r a i s e s t h e ques-;:,ion, i n w h a t
s e n s e c a n Mannheimls framework b e s a i d t,o b e ( i s e f u l
i n t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f a more v a l i d , o b j e c t i v e
s t a t e m e n t , when i t i s u n r e l i a b l e i n t h i s way.
C h a p t e r I1
THE FUNCTIONAL PREMISES C)F
THE DAVIS-MOORE ARGUMENT
I n t h i s c h a p t e r we a i m t o d i s c u s s some a s p e c . t s
o f t h e Davis-Moore
a r g u m e n t a n d some c r i t i c i s m s o f
i t s b a s i c f u n c t i o n a l premises, pointing out, wherever
possible, indications of t h e "perspectives" ( i n
Mannheimls s e n s e ) which u n d e r l i e c o n t r i b u t i o n s by
p r o p o n e n t s and c r < . t i c s t o t h e c o n t r o v e r s y .
I n t h e 1 9 4 5 a r t i c l e , D a v i s a n d Moore, s t a r t i - n g
f r o m t h e p r o p o s t i o n t h a t no s o c i e t y i s Itunst:i-a i..i-fi e d " ,
a t t e m p t t o e x p l a i n t h e " u n i v e r s a l n e c e s s i t y which c a l l s
f o r t h s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n a n y s o c i a l s y s t e m , " a n d to
s p e c i f y t h o s e f a c t o r s which d e t e r m i n e t h e rank o f
various social positions.
Tuns a s f o l l o w s : -
B r i e f l y , t h e i r argumen-c
any s o c i e t y must m o t i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s
t o f i l l v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s which a r e n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e
p r n d l ~ i c t . i o no f g o o d s a n d s e r v i c e s i n a s o c i e t y .
Further,
any s o c i e t y must m o t i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s , once h a v i n g
attaii-ied
those p o s i t i o i > r , t o d i l i g e n t performance
of t h e d u t i e c in-rolved.
Some p o s i t i o n s r e q u i r e
p a r t i c u l a r a j , i i i t i e s a n d t a l e n t s , a n d a r e "more
i-mportant" t o s o c i e t y t h a n o t h e r s .
S i n c e t a l e n t e d and
t r a i n e d p e r s o n n e l a r e s c a r c e , t h e r e m u s t be a s y s t e m of
d i f f e r e q t i a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d rewards, i n order t o rno+j.vat~
a p p r o p r i a t e i n d i v i d u a l s t o a s p i r e t o i m p o r t a n t pc!?,!.".?. ,ns,
t o a c q u i r e t h e n e c e s s a r y t r a i n i n g f o r them, and, o n c e
-
15
-
4
i n them t o p e r f o r m d u t i e s d i l i g e n t l y .
three types:-
R e w a r d s a r e of
t h i n g s which c o n t r i b u t e t o s u s t e n a n c e
a n d c o m f o r t ; t h i n g s w h i c h c o n t r i b u t e t o humour a n d
d i v e r s i o n ; and, t h i n g s which c o n t r i b u t e t o " s e l f r e s p e c t
and ego e x p a n s i o n " .
The two d e t e r m i n a n t s o f d i f f e r e n t i a l
r e w a r d a r e a ) t h e f u n c t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e o f ~ o s i t i o n sa n d
b ) t h e s c a r c i t y of t a l e n t e d . t r a i n e d p e r s o n n e l .
The
d i s t r i b u t i o n of unequal rewards by p o s i t i o n i s determined
by b o t h f a c t o r s .
"Social i n e q u a l i t y i s thus an unconsciously
e v o l v e d d e v i c e by w h i c h s o c i e t i e s e n s u r e
t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n s a r e
c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y f i l l e d b y t h e mos-k q u a l i f i e d
p e r s o n s . "1
T h e y p r o c e e d , f r o m t h e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e universal
e x i s t e n c e of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , t o attempts t o e x p l a i n
both t h e roughly uniform d i s t r i b u t i o n of rewards
between major t y p e s of p o s i t i o n i n e v e r y s o c i e t y ,
and a l s o , t h e v a r i a t i o n s which o c c u r i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
systems from one s o c i e t y t o a n o t h e r :
Uniform t r e n d s a r e
e x p l i c a b l e i n terms of f o u r "major s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n s "
i .e . r e l i g i o n , g o v e r n m e n t , e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y , a n d
technology.
illsitions responsible f o r the direction
o f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s a r e t h e most f u n c t i o n a l l y i m p o r t a n t
i n e v e r y s o c i e t y , and a r e u n i f o r m l y h i g h i y rewarded.
V a r i a t i o n s a r e e x p l a i n e d i n terms of whatever f a c t o r s
.
1. K . D a v i s a n d W.E. M o o r e , "Some P r i n c i p l e s o f S t r a t i f i - ,
c a t i o n , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o q i c a l R e v i e w , 1) ( ~ p r i l ,1 9 4 5 ) ,
a f f e c t t h e two d e t e r m i n a n t s o f r e w a r d , f u n c t i o n a l
i m p o r t a n c e and s c a r c i t y of p e r s o n n e l .
These f a c t o r s
a r e subsumed u n d e r two h e a d i n g s , i . e . t h e d e g r e e s o f
i n t e r n a l development ( t e c h n o l o g i c a l , economic and
c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s ) and t h e " e x t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n s
f a c e d hy a s o c i e t y , " ( e . g . w a r o r p e a c e w i t h o t h e r
societies.)
I n t h e d i s c u s s i o n of t h e f i r s t "major s o c i e t a l
f u n c t i o n , " i .e . r e l i g i o n ,
D a v i s a n d Moore e x p l a i n a s
follows the f a c t t h a t religious functionaries are
: ~ j q ; . l l vr e w a r d e d i n t e r m s o f w e a l t h , p o w e r a n d p r e s t i g e
i n g v p ? - y known s o c i e t y :
"The re;lss;n why r e l i g i o n i s n e c e s s a y i ;
a p p a r e n t l y t o b e found i n t h e f a c t t i i a l
human s o c i e t y a c h i e v e s i t s u n i t y p r i m a r i l y
t h r o u q h t h e p o s s e s s i o n h-i i t s members o f
c . e r t a i . n i l l t i m a t e v a l u e s a n d e n d s i n common..
.
1
"
How h i g h l y r e l . i g i o u s f u n c t i o n a r i e s a r e r e w a r d e d
Y
r e l a t ; ~ r et o o t h e r p o s i t i o n s , d e p e n d s o n a number of
factors.
One f a c t o r i s t h e " n a t u r e " o f t h e u l t i m a t e
v a l : l e s a n d e n d s w h i c h a r e h e l d i n common.
For example,
whe7:e u l t i m a t e v a l u e s t e n d t o h e e x p r e s s e d i n
anth-opomorphic
in
r a t h e r t h a n i n t r a n s c e n d e n , a l t e r m s , aq
echllol-oqically advanced, i n c o n t r a s t t o m2diaeval
societies,
'12 p o s i t i o n
o f p r i e s t i s 1e s s f i l n c t i o m ' ! y
i m p o r t a n t , a n d t h u s l e s s highly r e w a r d e , d . ~-e.l.aj:,ive+,o
other positions.
Other ' i n t e r n a l '
f a c t o r s raiige from
" t h e d e g r e e of o c c u p a t , i o n a l s p e c i a l . i z a t i o n , " " t h e exi-s-
,
t e n c e o f a n e c o n o m i c s u r p l u s , " a n d " t h e i l l i t e r a c y of
9
1. I b i d . p . 246.
t h e populace.
It
D a v i s a n d Moore a p p l y s i m i l a r a r g u m e n t s t o t h e
" s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n s " of government, economic a c t i v i t y ,
and t e c h n o l o g y .
One m a j o r c o n c e r n o f c r i t i c s o f t h e D a v i s - M o o r e
argument i s t o examine t h e concept of " f u n c t i o n a l
i m p o r t a n c e " : - Tumin i n t e r p r e t s t h e " f u n c t i o n a l
i m p o r t a n c e " o f a p o s i t i o n t o r e f e r t o t h e d e g r e e of
c o n t r i b u t i o n t o " s o c i a l s u r v i v a l , " and q u e s t i o n s t h e
s t a t u s of propostions containing t h e l a t t e r term, a s
contingent propostions.
Tumin a r g u e s t h a t " s u r v i v a l v a l u e "
i s u n c l e a r , unmensurable and p o s s i b l y t a u t o l o g i c a l .
( B t~a u t o l o g i c a l h e i n t e n d s t h a t i f t h e " s t a t u s q u o "
means e v e r y t h i n g p r e s e n t i n i t , a l l p a r t s m u s t b e considered p o s i t i v e l y f u n c t i o n a l i n t h e sense t h a t they
2
1
a r e p a r t of t h e " s t a t u s quott)
Simpson
states that it
i s impossible t o v a l i d a t e e m p i r i c a l l y l i s t s of necessary
c o n d i t i o n s f o r s o c i a l s u r v i v a l , a n d p o i n t s o u t t h a t Tumin
and D a v i s
3
b o t h s u g g e s t l i s t s which d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y
from each o t h e r .
1. M e l v i n M. 'Tumin, "Some P r i n c i p l e s o f S t r a t i f i c a t i - o n : A
C r i t i q u e , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g . i c a 1 R e v i e w , 18 ( ~ u ~ u s 1t 9, 5 3 1 ,
p . 88.
,, .Theory
2 . R i c h a r d S i m p s o n , " A M o d i f i c a t i o n of c h e FuncJc-ioilal
o f S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " S o c i a l F o r c e s , ,>
( ~ e c e m b e r ,1 9 5 6 ) , p . 1 3 2 .
3. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , Human S o c i e t y , ( ~ e wY c r k : The M a c m
- .l l l a n
Company, 1 9 4 8 ) , p . 30; J o h n B e n n e t t and M e l v i n M . l u r n i ~ ~ ,
S o c i a l L i f e : S t r u c t u r e a n d F u n c t i o n , ( ~ e wY o r k : A l f r e d
A. Dnopf, 1 9 4 8 ) p . 2.
"This d i f f e r e n c e i n d i c a t e s t h e b a s i c weakness
o f s u c h l i s t s . Any i n v e s t i g a t o r i s f r e e t o
i n v e n t h i s own l i s t , a n d no o n e c a n g a i n s a y
h i m , f o r no o n e h a s f o u n d a way t o t e s t t h e
v a l i d i t y of such a l i s t .
1
..
11
To t h e o b j e c t i o n t h a t n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n s f o r
s o c i a l s u r v i v a l a r e i m p o s s i b l e t o v a l i d a t e by e x p e r i mentation, Davis r e p l i e s t h a t t h e i m p o s s i b i l i t y of
e m p i r i c a l t e s t s d o e s n o t o f i t s e l f , make a c o n c e p t
worthless.
However, Simpson r a i s e s t h e more p e r t i n e n t
i s s u e t h a t l i s t s of f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e s a r e perhaps
d e t e r m i n e d by t h e s o c i o l o g i ~ t ! cSr-'
I
8
"
ve evaiua: i o n of
t h o s e p o s i t i o n s which a r e most e s s e n t i a l : "The r e a s o n i n g 1 ~ i " i r e g a r d t o t h e s e u n i v e r s a l
s o c i a l needs i s o f t e n c i r c u l a r . P o s i t i o n s
a r e s a i d t o be i m p o r t a n t because t h e y meet
o n e o f t h e n e e d s , b u t o n e s u s p e c t s t h a t some o f
t h e n e e d s h a v e b e e n i n v e n t e d -Lo a c c o u n t f o r
t h e p o s i t i o n s , i t h a v i n g b e e n assumed i n a d v a n c e
t h a t t h e p o s i t i o n s must b e f u n c t i o n a l o r t h e y
would n o t e x i s t . " 3
The s u g g e s t i o n t h a t D a v i s a n d M o o r e ' s s t a t e n
t,
c o n c e p t i o n of s o c i e t y , i s d e v e l o p e d b y H u a c o , who a s s e r t s
t h a t t h e s e u;li-,rerSa!.ly
t h e " v a r j :7us a r i a l y l i c a ! .
of soci c t y .
'I"
necessary funct.ions a r e i n f a c t
p a r t s of t h e i r i m p l i c i t m o d e l
To s u p p o r t t h j
-
c o n t e n c i o n , Huaco
2 . K i n g s l e y Dzvls, " T h e Mvth of F u n c t i o n a l 4 n a I v q . s
a s a S p e c i a l M e t h c d i n S o c t o l o g - j a11 ; A n t h r o p L ) lo q f , "
p . 768.
2 4 , [ ~ e c e m b ~ r1959),
,
3. R. S i m p s o n , o p . c i t . ,
p . 133
4 . George Huaco, "A L o g i c a l A n a l y s i s of t h e Davis-Moore
T h e o r y , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 28, [ ~ c t o b e r ,
1 9 6 3 ) p . 802.
demonstrates t h a t t h e f o u r "major s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n s "
correspond t o t h e f o u r a n a l y t i c a l l e v e l s of t h e
Marxian model o f s o c i e t y : DAVIS
M.4RX
Religion
Government
Economic A c t i v i t y
Technology
U p p e r l a y e r of s u p e r s t r u c t u r e
Lower l a y e r o f s u p e r s t r u c t u r e
Relations of Production
Forces of F r o d u c t i o n
Davis1 only r e p l y t o t h e s e c r i t i c i s m s , i s t h a t t h e
c o n c e p t o f f u n c t i o n a l i m ~ o r t a n c e:: : : m e n s u r a b l e a r d
evaluative.
But,
"Rough m e a s u r e s o f f u n c t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e a r e i n
f a c t applied i n practice.
I n wartime, f o r example,
d e c i s i o n s a r e made a s t o w h i c h i n d u s t r i e s a n d
occupations w i l l have priorit,\/ i n c a p i t a l equipment, l a b o r r e c r u i t m e n t , raw m a t e r i a l s , e t c . I n
t o t a l i t a r i a n c o u n t r i e s t h e same i s d o n e i n p e a c e time, a s a l s o i n underdeveloped areas attempting
t o maximise t h e i r s o c i a l and economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n .
I n d i v i d u a l f i r m s must c o n s t a n t l y d e c i d e what
p o s t i o n s a r e e s s e n - t i a l and which a r e n o t . " l
Huaco o b j e c t s t h a t D a v i s 1 examples a r e drawn from
economic systems of p r o d u c t i o n which a r e e i t h e r p a r t l y
o r t o t a l l y p l a n n e d , and a s s u c h a r e " u s e l e s s f o r
drawing i n f e r e n c e s a p p l i c a b l e t o unplanned systems."
2
Most s o c i e t i e s t h r o u g h o u t h i s t o r y , h e a s s e r t s , h a v e h e e n
"unplanned.
U n f o r t u n a t e l y H u a c o l s commenk d e n i e s t h e
f a c t s t h a t human c o n d u c t i s p u r p o s i v e i . e .
goal-oriented,
a n d t h a t , d u e t o g o v e r n m e n t l e g i s l a t i o n many a r e a s o f
social interaction are regulated.
However, t h e p o i n t
1. K i n s l e y D a v i s , " R e p l y , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w ,
18 7 1 9 5 3 ) No. 4 , p . 3 9 5 .
2 . G. H u a c o : A L o g i c a l A n a l y s i s o f t h e D a v i s - M o o r e T h e o r y ,
o p . c i t . , p . 803.
may be made that an over-all committment to some goals
and a systematic implementation of them is not as
typical of human societies generally con'zeived, as
is the case in business enterprises and industrial
organizations.
Davist reply does not clarify his earlier discussion of functional importance.
I n his examples above,
the criterion of a position's importance is the subjective evaluation of it, according to certain ends,
by political or economic groyps within s3ciety.
In
the 1945 article the proponents clearly intended a
position's importance to be determined "objectively"
by the sociologist.
To this end, they suggested that
the uniformly most important positions in every
society are those which perform "major societal
functions, whilst shifts in the relativz importance
of these positions are attributable to an array of
internal and external social factors.
According to
this statement, political leaders may be disapproved
by groups within society, but the latterst subjective
evaluations are strictly irrelevant to a sociological
statement of the functional importance of major
governmental positions.
Some sociologists have criticised the concept of
"functional importance" in closer detail:- Simpson considers two clues for the determination of relative
functional importance that were given by Davis and
Moore i n a f o o t - n o t e t o t h e o r i g i n a l a r t i c l e :
1
( a ) t h e d e g r e e t o which a p o s i t i o n i s u n i q u e ,
t h e r e b e i n g no o t h e r p o s i t i o n t h a t c a n
perform t h e f u n c t i o n i n question
a nd
( b ) t h e d e g r e e t o which o t h e r p o s i t i o n s a r e
dependent upon t h e one i n q u e s t i o n .
He o b j e c t s t h a t t h e s u g g e s t e d " c l u e s " d o n o t
s u f f i c e t o a s s e s s t h e r e l a t i v e f u n c t i o n a l importance
of t h e p o s t i t o n s of " g a r b a g e c o l l e c t o r " ani3"janitor."
"These p o s t i o n s a r e presumably about
e q u a l i n f u n c t i o n a l u n i q u e n e s s and t h e
e x t e n t t o which o t h e r p o s i t i o n s depend
o n t h e m . Y e t we m i g h t f e e l t h a t t h e
g a r b a g e c o l l e c t o r i s more i n p o r t a n t s i . l c e
u n c o l l e c t e d r e f u s e p r e s e n t s a,more s e r i o u s
problem t h a n unsvdept f l o o r s .
"<-
The " c l u e s " w e r e i n t e n d e d t o s u p p l e m e n t t h e D a v i s Moore a r g u m e n t , b u t S i m p s o n ' s o b j e c t i o n m i s s e s i t s
c e n t r a l c o n c e r n t o show t h a t t h e m o s t i m o 3 r t a n t
p o s i t i o n s i n e v e r y s o c i e t y must c a r r y rewards g r e a t
enough t o p r e v e n t s c a r c e , q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n n e l from
being attracted i n t o l e s s functionally important
positions.
I t would h a v e b e e n more c o n s i s t e n t w i t h
t h i s c e n t r a l c o n q e r n t o a s k why s u c h s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n s
a s j a n i t o r and g a r b a g e c o l l e c t o r e t c . c a r r y u q i f o r m l y
l o w r e w a r d i n e v e r y s o c i e t y , t h a n t o demand a s t a t e ment of t h e r e l a t i v e r a n k o f a l l o c c u p a t i o n a l
positions i n a given society.
1. K . D a v i s a n d W.E. M o o r e , I1Some P r i n c i p l e s of
S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " o p . c i t . , F o o t n o t e 3, p . 244.
2. R . S i m p s o n : A M o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e F u n c t i o n a l
T h e o r y o f S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , o p . c i t . , p . 133.
Elsewhere, Simpson a r g u e s ,
" A l t h o u g h i t may b e a d m i t t e d t h a t a p o s i t i o n
which i s u n i q u e l y c a p a b l e of performing an
essential function i s important, this statem e n t s t i l l b e g s t h e q e s t i o n o f how e s s e n t i a l
a given function I s . "
Y
Again, h e has not c o n s i d e r e d t h e e n t i r e argument.
The
proponents not o n l y d e s i g n a t e d "major s o c i e t a l
f u n c t i o n s , " b u t a l s o v e n t u r e d t o s u g g e s t t h a t some
function^^^ ( i .e . t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f common e n d s ) may
b e "more e s s e n t i a l " t h a n a n o t h e r ,
( i . e . t h e discovery
of t h e t e c h n i c a l means t o t h e g i v e n e n d s . ) : " . . . t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t e c h n i c a l knowledge
f r o m a s o c i e t a l p o i n - t o f vier^ i s n e v e r a s
g r e a t a s t h e i n t e g r a t i o n of g o a l s which
t a k e s p l a c e on t h e r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l
and economic l e v e l s . " *
One g e n e r a l f e a t u r e o f t h e a b o v e c r j - t i c i s m s and
o f D a v i s ' r e p l y , i s t h e t e n d e n c y t o o v e r l o o k D a v i s and
Moore's a t t e m p t t o determine t h e most irnp3rtant
p o s i t i o n s b y r e f e r e n c e t o " m a j o r s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n s . I'
The c o n c e p t o f " s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n " c o n t a i n s t w o
logically separate propositions.
One c o n c e r n s t h e
e x i s t e n c e of f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e s , t h e o t h e r t h e
s t r u c t u r a l arrangements indispensable t o t h e i r
fulfillment.
The c o n f u s i o n of two d i s t i n c t p r o p o s i -
tions i s evident i n t h e following statement:-
1. I b i d .
2 . K . D a v i s a n d W.E. M o o r e ; 5 o m e P r i n c i p l e s o f
S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " o p . c i t . , p . 247.
"Owing t o t h e u n i v e r s a l n e c e s s i t y o f c e r t a i n
f u n c t i o n s i n s o c i e t y which r e a u i r e s o c i a l
orqanisation f o r t h e i r performance, t h e r e i s
an underlying s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e kind of
p o s i t i o n put a t t h e top, t h e kind put a t
t h e m i d d l e a n d t h e k i n d p u t a t t h e bo-Horn
o f t h e s c a l e . 11 1
(my e m p h a s i s )
The q u e s t i o n o f w h i c h a c t i v i t i e s a r e n e c e s s a r y t o
t h e " s u r v i v a l " of a s o c i e t y i s l o g i c a l l y p r i o r t o a n
a t t e m p t t o determine which s t r u c t u r a l arrangements a r e
indispensable t o t h e performance of t h o s e a c t i v i t i e s .
S i n c e however, n e i t h e r proponents nor c r i t i c s have
discussed t h e former concept of f u n c t i o n a l prerequis i t e , we s h a l l e x a m i n e t h e d i s c u s s i o n p r o v i d e d b y A b e r l e
et al.
2
T h e i r model of s o c i e t y i s more q u a l i f i e d
b u t b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r t o Davis and Moore's c o n c e p t i o n
of s o c i e t y a s a " s y s t e m o f a c t i o n . "
A b e r l e e t a 1 b e g i n t h e i r e s s a y by d e f i n i n g
" s o c i e t y 1 ' a s d i s t i c t f r o m o r g a n i z a t i o n , c o m m u n i t y , and
culture, as,
" a g r o u p o f human b e i n g s s h a r i n g a s e l f s u f f i c i e n t system o f a c t i o n which i s capa b l e of e x i s t i n g longer t h a n t h e l i f e s p a n o f a n i n d i v i d u a l . tl 3
They t h e n s t i p u l a t e f o u r c o n d i t i o n s any one of
w h i c h i s s u f f i c i e n t t o b r i n g o u t t h e t e r m i n a t i o n of a
1. K . D a v i s : Human S o c i e t y , o p . c i t . ,
p. 371.
2. D.F. A b e r l e , A.K. C o h e n , A . K . D a v i s , M . J . Levy J r . ,
a n d F.X. S u t t o n , " T h e F u n c t i o n a l P r e r e q u i s i t e s of
a S o c i e t y , " E t h i c s , 6 0 ( ~ a n u a r ~1 9, 5 0 ) p p . 1 0 0 - 1 1 1 .
3. I b i d . p . 1 0 1 .
society.
These a r e a s f o l l o w s , " t h e b i o l o g i c a l
e x t i n c t i o n o r d i s p e r s i o n o f t h e m e m b e r s , " " a p a t h y of
t h e members,'' " t h e w a r o f e a c h a g a i n s t a l l , " and t h e
" a b s o r p t i o n of t h e s o c i e t y i n t o a n o t h e r s o c i e t y . "
With t h e s e n e g a t i v e c o n d i t i o n s i n mind t h e a r t i c l e
p r o c e d e s t o a l i s t of p r e r e q u i s i t e s i . e .
conditions
which must b e met t o e n s u r e s o c i a l s u r v i v a l .
The e s s a y c o n t a i n s a number o f d i f f i c u l t i e s .
For i n s t a n c e , t h e p r o c e s s of j u s t i f y i n g t h e i n c l u s i o n
of each f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e i n t h e i r l i s t i s
determined i n p a r t by t h e i r c o n c e p t i o n o f s o c i e t y a s
a " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t system of a c t i o n . "
The a s s e r t i o n
t h a t " t h e c o n t r o l of d i s r u p t i v e b e h a v i o u r " i s a
f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e f o l l o w s d i r e c t l y from t h e
conception of s o c i e t y a s an " i n t e g r a t e d system."
A t h e o r i s t , s u c h a s R i e s m a n , who c o n c e i v e s c o n f l i c t a s
e n d e m i c t o s o c i e t y , f a i l s t o s e e why a s o c i e t y c a n n o t
"survive" unless d i s r u p t i v s behaviour i s e f f e c t i v e l y
controlled.
T h i s i s t h e i m p l i c a t i o n of Riesman's
" . . . s o c i e t i e s can t o l e r a t e even without
d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , much more t l i s o r g a n i s a t i o n
and e v e n r u i n t h a n many p e o p l e r e c o g n i z e . 11 1
A second major d i f f i c u l t y i s t h a t not a l l t h e f o u r
"negative conditions" are, as they claim, contingent
1. D a v i d R i e s m a n , N a t h a n G l a z e r , and R e u e l D e n n e y ,
The L o n e l y Crowd: A S t u d y i n C h a n g i n g A m e r i c a n
C h a r a c t e r , New Y o r k : D o u b l e d a y Anchor Books,
( 1 9 5 3 ) , p. 45.
statements.
A c c o r d i n g t o i h e i r d i s c u s s i o n , t h e con-
d i t i o n o f t h e " w a r of e a c h a g a i r s t a l l , " i s a c o n d i t i o n
i n w h i c h , n o r m a t i v e r e g u l a t i o n i s a b s e n t and human
conduct i s based on " f o r c e and f r a u d . "
It follows
from t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f " s o c i e t y " a s a "system of a c t i o n "
t h a t t h e meanings a t t r i b u t e d t o s i t u a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g
o t h e r human b e i n g s c a n n o t b e p u r e l y p r i v a t e ; t h a t i s ,
i n o r d e r f o r a "system of a c t i o n " t o e x i s t , t h e r e must
b e some common p a t t e r n s i n t h e way human b e i n g s d e f i n e
such s i t u a t i o n s .
Now, i f i t i s t r u e b y A b e r l e e t a l ' s
d e f i n i t i o n o f s 6 c i e t y t h a t human b e h a v i o u r m u s t b e
normatively regulated, t h e i r statement, "the r e a l i s a t i o n o f t h e c o n d i t i o n of tbLe war of e a c h a g a i n s t a l l "
( i . e . i n w h i c h no norms e x i s t ) l e a d s t o t h e d e m i s e o f
a s o c i e t y , " a l s o f o l l o w s from t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of
society.
Aberle e t a 1 claim t o determine functional prer e q u i s i t e s by r e f e r e n c e t o c e n t i n g e n t c o n d i t i o n s
b u t i n t h o s e i n s t a n c e s where t h e y r e f e r t o t h e "war
of e a c h a g a i n s t a l l " t h i s i s c l e a r l y n o t t h e c a s e .
F o r t h i s c o n d i t i o n , w h i l s t i t may b e m o r e o r l e s s
approximated i n d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s , cannot be f u l l v
realised i n a given society.
It i s not an empirical
r e a l i t y b u t t h e h y p o t h e t i c a l a n t i t h e s i s of " s o c i e t y "
a s d e f i n e d by A b e r l e e t a l , i . e .
an indeterminate
f l u x a s ppposed t o a " s y s t e m of a c t i o n " .
By c o n t r a s t ,
c o n d i t i o n s s u c h a s t h e " b i o l o g i c a l e x t i n c t i o n of t h e
members," and " t h e a b s o r p t i o n of t h e s o c i e t y i n t o
a n o t h e r s o c i e t y , " may b e r e g a r d e d a s c o n d i t i o n s
which c a n be f u l l y r e a l i s e d i n a n e m p i r i c a l i n s t a n c e ,
f o r example, i n t h e c a s e s of t h e Tasmanian a b o r i g i n e s
a n d o f some t r i b e o f A m e r i c a n I n d i a n s i n t h e U . S
society, respectively.
I n summary, t h e e x a m i n a t i o n o f A b e r l e e t a 1
attempt t o j u s t i f y a l i s t of f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e s ,
d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e p o i n t s u g g e s t e d by Tumin, Huaco a n d
Simpson, t h a t a s t a t e m e n t of f u n c t i o n a l needs depends
u l t i m a t e l y on t h e s e l e c t e d model of s o c i e t y o r t h e
.
p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e p t i o n o f human b e h a v i o u r a d o p t e d .
Davis and Moore's " s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n s " a r e
g e n e r a l l y assumed by c r i t i c s t o be f u n c t i o n a l
p r e r e q u i s i t e s , b u t some c l e a r l y e n t a i l a r e l a t i v i z e d
n o t i o n of f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t w h i c h r e f e r s t o t h e
" p r o p e r f u n c t i o n i n g , " of a s o c i e t y , and n o t i t s
"barest survival".
For example, t h e ' l f u n c t i o n s of
t e c h n o l o g y , " a s p r e s e n - L e d b y D a v i s a n d Moore, a r e
r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r t h e e f f i c i e n t p r o d u c t i o n of goods
and s e r v i c e s i n complex, i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s .
They
s t r e s s t h e d i f f e r e n t i a l t a l e n t and t r a i n i n g r e q u i r e d
by h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d p o s i t i o n s i n t h e s e s o c i e t i e s .
1
" T h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f why p o s i t i o n s r e q u i r i n g
g r e a t technical s k i l l r e c e i v e f a i r l y
high rewards
i s t h e simplest case of
t h e rewards being so d i s t r i b u t d t o draw
t a l e n t and m o t i v a t e t r a i n i n g . "
...
f
1. K. D a v i s a n d W.E. M o o r e , "Some P r i n c i p l e s of
S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " o p . c i t . , p. 247.
I
As A b e r l e e t a 1 p o i n t o u t s u c h e m p h a s i s i s i n c o r r e c t f o r s o c i e t i e s , " s o s i m p l e t h a t an7? t e c h n i q u e
c a n b e l e a r n e d b y a n y i n d i v i d u a l who i s n o t f e e b l e minded.
"
1
schwartz'study2 a l s o indicates the inappro-
p r i a t e n e s s of D a v i s and Moore's s t r e s s on d i f f e r e n t i a l
t a l e n t a n d t r a i n i n g f o r some s o c i e t i e s .
I n h i s s t u d y of
a n I s r e a l i c o l l e c t i v e f a r m i n g community, h e n o t e s t h e
development of a s u r p l u s of p e r s o n n e l q u a l i f i e d t o
perform important administrative p o s i t i o n s .
These
i n d i v i d u a l s w e r e r o u t i n e , u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s , who h a d
a c q u i r e d o v e r a g e n e r a t i o n , t h e k n o w l e d g e and s k i l l s
r e q u i r e d by a d m i n i s t r a t i v e j o b s .
.
D a v i s a n d Moore h a v e c o n s i d e r e d t h e " f u n c t i o n s of
t e c h n o l o g y " s o l e l y i n t h e c o n t e x t of complex, i n d u s t r i a l
s o c i e t i e s , and t h u s i m p l i c i t l y i n c o r p o r a t e t h e c o n c e p t
of a f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t r e l a t i v e t o t h e " p r o p e r
f u n c t i o n i n g " of t h i s t y p e of s o c i e t y .
However,
they do not u s e t h i s r e l a t i v i z e d concept i n an
e m p i r i c a l l y m e a n i n g f u l way, f o r t h e y f a i l t o s p e c i f y
f o r a g i v e n s\,rstem t h e r a n g e o f p o s s i b l e s t a t e s
w i t h i n w h i c h t h e s y s t e m may b e s a i d t o b e " p r o p e r l y
functioning.
"
They r e c o g n i z e , i n p r i n c i p l e , t h e need
f o r such p r e c i s e e m p i r i c a l d e l i n e a t i o n , where t h e y s a y
t h a t t h e l ' f u n c t i o n a l importance" of p o s i t i o n s i s d e t e r -
1. A b e r l e e t a l . , o p . c i t . , p . 1 0 5
2. R i c h a r d S c h w a r t z , " F u n c t i o n a l A l t e r n a t i v e s t o
I n e q u a l i t y , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 20
( ~ u ~ u s 1t 9, 5 5 ) , p p . 4 2 4 - 3 0 .
mined by a w i d e r a n g e of v a r i a b l e s which i n c l u d e t h e
I
l e v e l of t e c h n o l o g i c a l development, p o l i t i c a l and
economic i 8 7 s t i t u t i o n s e t c .
But t h e y m a k e no u s e o f
t h i s observation i n t h e i r explanation, since the
l i s t e d variables a r e not d e a l t with systematically
i n t h e i r inter-connections with the functional requirements of a given system.
T u r n i n g now i n o u r d i s c u s s i o n of " m a j o r s o c i e t a l
functions," t o t h e l o g i c a l l y secondary proposition
t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r s t r u c t u r a l arrangement i s indispens a b l e t o t h e f u l f i l l m e n t of a designated f u n c t i o n a l
requirement, Merton
1
p o i n t s o u t t h a t a t l e a s t one
a s s e r t i o n b y D a v i s a n d Moore i n t h i s r e s p e c t i s
u n w a r r a n t e d by t h e e m p i r i c a l f a c t s o f modern s o c i e t i e s : They a s s e r t t h a t " r e l i g i o n " i s i n d i s p e n s a b l e t o m e e t i n g
t h e f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t of t h e " i n t e g r a t i o n of
common v a l u e s , ' ' b u t t h i s s t a t e m e n t i s h a r d l y
consistent with t h e tendency f o r c o n f l i c t i n g evaluations
o f p r o b l e m s of w i d e s p r e a d c o n c e r n ( e . g . b i r t h c o n t r o l )
t o b e f o s t e r e d by d i v e r s e r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s w i t h i n
modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s .
M o r e o v e r , t h e r e i s no
evidence t h a t non-religious people subscribe l e s s
r e a d i l y t o common v a l u e s t h a n t h o s e d e v o t e d t o
r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e s , but t h i s assumption i s i m p l i c i t
i n t h e i r proposition.
-
1. R.K. M e r t o n : S o c i a l T h e o r y a n d S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e ,
G l e n c o e , I l l . , The F r e e P r e s s , ( 1 9 4 9 ) C h a p t e r I .
D a v i s and Moore a r e e x t r e m e l y s e l e c t i v e i n t h e i r
" u n i v e r s a l " s t a t e m e n t s of i n d i s p e n s a b l e s t r u c t u r a l
arrangemen-ts.
I f we a s k what p a r t i c u l a r e m p i r i c a l
f a c t s a r e subsumed u n d e r t h e g e n e r i c -term " r e l i g i o n , "
i t becomes c l e a r f r o m conqtan-k r e f e r e n c e s t o
1
p r i e s t h o o d , " a n d "Lh&
religious activities"
"the
in a
d i s c u s s i o n w h i c h r a n g e s f r o m m e d i a e v a l t o modern
t y p e s o f s o c i e t y , t h a t t h e y h a v e i n mind t h e e x i s - ,
t e n c e of a s i n g l e , u n i f i e d r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n .
W h i l s t t h i s a s s u m p t i o n may b e c o r r e c t f o r some
p r i m i t i v e s t ~ c i e t i e s ,i t i s c l e a r l y i n c o r r e c t f o r
modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s .
2
Another p o s s i b l e l i n e of o b j e c t i o n i s t h a t
e a c h o f t h e f u n c t i o n a l r e q ~ i r e m e n t sd e s i g n a t e d by
D a v i s and Moore may b e met i n a number o f ways
o t h e r t h a n by t h e s t r u c t u r a l a r r a n g e m e n t , t h e y s e l e c t .
Thus o n e m i g h t s u g g e s t t h a t " t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f common
e n d s " may b e a s w e l l e f f e c t e d by p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y
and o r g a n i z e d mass m e e t i n g s a s by r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f
3
and r i t u a l .
1 . For example, " . . . L t i s e a s i l y p o s s i b l e f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l s t o e x a g g e r a t e t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h the
p r i e s t h o o d i n a presumably s e c u l a r m i l i e u has l o s t
p r e s t i g e , " i n "Some P r i n c i p l e s of S t r a t i f i c a t i o n "
bv K . D a v i s and W.E.Moore, o p . c i t . , p . 2 4 5 .
2 . S e e R.K. M e r t o n : S o c i a l T h e o r y and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e ,
o p . c i t . , p. 19.
3. R . D . S c h w a r t z a p p l i e s t h i s k i n d o f r e a s o n i n g t o t h e
s t a t e m e n t of t h e f u n c t i o n a l i n d i s p e n s a b i l i t y of
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n made by t h e p r o p o n 3 n t s .
So f a r we h a v e b e e n c o n c e r n e d w i t h c o n c e p t u a l
problems.
1
Stinchcombe, however, i s l e s s concerned
w i t h t h e s e t h a n w i t h t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of v a l i d a t i n g
e m p i r i c a l l y s t a t e m e n t s which i n c l u d e t h e term
"functional importance."
The l e g i t i m a c y o f t h e
Davis-Moore a r g u m e n t r e s t s u p o n t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f
d e r i v i n g v e r i f i c a b l e e m p i r i c a l consequences from i t : -
He s u g g e s t s t h a t h a v i n g i d e n t i f i e d c h a n g ? s l i k e l y t o
o c c u r i n t h e r e l a t i v e f u n c t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e of
p o s i t i o n s , due t o changes i n i n t e r n a l o r e x t e r n a l
c o n d i t i o n s of t h e s o c i e t y i n q u e s t i o n , one c o u l d
s t a t e t h e consequences l i k e l y t o r e s u l t i n e m p i r i c a l
terms.
For example, one could p r e d i c t t h a t i n t i m e s
o f w a r , t h e p o s i t i o n o f g e n e r a l i s more i m p o r t a n t
r e l a t i v e t o o t h e r p o s i t i o n s , t h a n i n peace-time.
Thus o n e would t h e o r e t i c a l l y e x p e c t g e n e r a l s t o b e
more h i g h l y r e w a r d e d t h a n g r o u p s " w h i c h h a v e n o t h i n g
t o do w i t h v i c t o r y , "
( h i s examples a r e t h o s e charged
w i t h t h e c a r e of i n c u r a b l e s , t h e aged e t c . )
Stinchcombe s t a t e s t h a t i f t h e "derived"
e m p i r i c a l consequences do not i n f a c t occur, t h e n
i t may b e a ) b e c a u s e t h e t h e o r y i s u n t r u e b ) b e c a u s e
t h e p o s i t i o n o f g e n e r a l i s n o t i n f a c t more i m p o r t a n t
r e l a t i v e t o o t h e r positCans i n t i m e of war,
1. A . L . S t i n c h c o m b e , "Some E m p i r i c a l C o n s e q u e n c e s of
t h e Davis-Moore T h e o r y , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l
R e v i e w , 28, ( ~ c t o b e r ,1 9 6 3 ) p . 805.
I
o r , c ) b e c a u s e s o c i o l o g i c a l m e a s u r e m e n t s o f r e w a r d may
be inadequate.
A c l o s e r s c r u t i n y o f t h e Davis-Moore argument r e v e a l s
other d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r empirical validation. 'Jariations
i n p o s i t i o n a l ranking a r e t o be understood not only i n
terms of whatever f a c t o r s a f f e c t t h e f u n c t i o n a l importance
of p o s i t i o n s , b u t a l s o t h o s e which a f f e c t t h e s c a r c i t y o f
q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n n e l . Stinchcombe i g n o r e s t h e l a t t e r
d e t e r m i n a n t and t h u s f a i l s t o s e e t h a t t h e Davis-Moore
argunlent embraces t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t h i s "derived1'
c o n s e q u e n c e s w i l l n o t o c c u r . One c o u l d e x p l a i n t h e
absence of increased rewards f o r g e n e r a l s i n terns of t h e i r
t h e o r y ; f o r e x a m p l e , s . l n c e t h e common d e s i r e o f members
f o r national victory motivates a r e l a t i v e l y greater
number o f s c a r c e , q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n n e l t o a s p i r e t o h e
g e n e r a l s , e x t r a inducements i n t h e form of rewards a r e
u n n e c e s s a r y . The e x a m p l e i s s p e c u l a t i v e , b u t i t s e r v e s
t o p o i n t o u t t h a t any d i s c r e p a n c y between consequences
"derivedl'from the:.explanation ,and a c t u a l observations
c a n i n t h e o r y b e a t t r i b u t e d t o a wide a r r a y of " o t h e r
f a c t o r s " i n t h e s i t u a t i o n . T h i s , i n e f f e c t , makes t h e i r
a n a l y s i s immune t o e m p i r i c a l d i s p r o o f :
5jame.critics have argued t h a t t h e l o g i c of t h e DavisMoore a r g u m e n t i s r e m i n i s c e n t o f c l a s s i c a l e c o n o m i c s
t h e o r y . R i e s s m a n comments,
' " I n d e e d , Adam S m i t h r e a c h e d a l m o s t t h e same
c o n c l u s i o n a n d f o r a l m o s t t h e same r e a s o n s
when h e d i s c u s s e d why c e r t a i n o c c u p a t i o n s
,
s h o u l d command a h i g h e r r e m u n e r a t i o n t h a n
o t h e r s . "l
r.
simpso;
r e s t a t e s t h e argument i n terms of supply-
demand a n a l y s i s . The c o n c e p t o f f u n c t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e
i s i n t e r p r e t e d a s t h e " e f f e c t i v e demand" of r h e cAnsuming
public. Similarly, s c a r c i t y of qualified personnel i s
viewed a s one f a c t o r which a f f e c t s t h e s u p p l y of p o s i t i o n
holders.
F a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g t h e demand f o r p o s i t i o n s a n d t h e
services they provide, are:-
a ) " c u l t u r a l va1ues":where
m o s t members o f a g i v e n s o c i e t y e v a l u a t e h i g h l y r e l i g i o u s
a c t i v i t i e s , t h e p o s i t i o n o f p r i e s t w i l l b e demanded a n d
h i g h l y r e w a r d e d w i t h p r e s t i g ? , w e a l t h a n d power e t c . I n
c o n t r a s t , a s o c i e t y where s e c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s a r e e v a l u a t e d
highly such p o s i t i o n s a s e n t e r t a i n e r
,
Sxsinessman, e t c . ,
w i l l c a r r y t h e h i g h e s t rewards. b)technology: whereas i n
a t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y advanced s o c i e t y , e n g i n e e r s a r e i n
g r e a t demand, i n a s i m p l e , n o n - l i t e r a t e s o c i e t y o c c u p a t i o n s
a r e n o t g e n e r a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t e r m s of s k i l l .
c ) t h e power o f g r o u p s a n d i n d i v i d u a l s t o r e w a r d , i . e .
some
p o s i t i o n s m o r e t h a n o t h e r s endow t h e i r i n c u m b e n t s w i t h
t h e r e s o u r c e s which f a c i l i t a t e t h e h i r i n g and rewardingP?f
servants.
Factors a f f e c t i n g t h e supply of position-holders
1. IL. R i e s s m a n , C l a s s i n A m e r i c a n S o c i e t y , G l e n c o e :
The F r e e P r e s s , (1959).
2 . i?.Simpson, o p . c i t . , p . 1 3 2 .
and
a n c f t h e i r s e r v i c e s a r e : a ) t a l e n t and t r a i n i n g n e c e s s a r y
t o t h e c o n s c i e n t i o u s perform3nce of p o s i t i o n a l t a s k s .
b ) power t o r e s t r i c t t h e s u p p l y of p e r s o n n e l ; f o r example
professional associations r e s t r i c t entry into t h e i r
p r o f e s s i o n s , l a b o u r u n i o n s monopolize t h e s u p p l y of
l a b o u r a v a i l a b l e t o employers. c ) p r o d u c t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n :
t h r o u g h mass media a d v ? r t i s i n g , t h e consuming p u b l i c i s
p e r s u a d e d of t h e u n i q u e n e s s of a p a r t i c u l a r p r o d u c t , i n
t h a t no o t h e r i t e m c a n p r o v i d e t h e s a t i s f a c t i o n i t a f f o r d s .
d ) t h e process i f career choice: values, goals, family
and s o c i a l background, l e a d d i f f e r e n t p e a p l e t o choose
different occupations. e ) labour mobility: t h e degree
of e a s e wibh which w o r k e r s c a n s h i f t from o n e o c c u p a t i o n
t o a n o t h e r a f f e c t s t h e speed w i t h which imbalances ( i n
which rewards of one occupation f a l l , w h i l e t h o s e of
another r i s e ) can b e ' r e c t i f i e d .
The s u p p l y a n d demand o f s e r v i c e s p r o v i d e d b y d i f f e r e n t
positions, together determine p o s i t i o n a l ranking.
" A s s u m i n g a g i v e n s u p p l y of t h e s e s e r v i c e s
t h e g r e a t e r t h e demand f o r t h e m , t h e
Assuming
higher w i l l be t h e i r rewards.
a g i v e n demand f o r t h e s e s e r v i c e s , t h e
m o r e l i m i t e d t h e s u p p l y o f t h o s e who
c a n f u r n i s h them, t h e h i g h e r w i l l be
t h e r e w a r d s . rt 1
Simpson m o d i f i e s t h e Davis-Moore argument t o i n c l u d e
a s d e t e r m i n a n t s o f p o s i t i o n a l r a n k i n g a w i d e r r a n g e of
f a c t o r s , t h a n t h e i m p o r t a n c e of p o s i t i o n s , and t h e
--
-
1. R . S i m p s o n , o p . c i t . ,
p. 134.
I'
s c a r c i t y o f q u a l i f i e d pers-onnel; f o r example, t h e "powertt
of groups w i t h i n s o c i e t y t o i n f l u e n c e t h e g e n e r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e w a r d s .
The u n e q u a l r e w a r d s o f p r e s t i g e a n d
wealth "attached t o " t h e p o s i t i o n s a f f o r d t h e i r incumbents
g r e . a t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o h i r e and reward s e r v a n t s and
a s s i s t a n t s o r t o r e s t r i c t e n t r y in-ko t h e i r p r i v e l e g e d
groups.
However, i n making t h i s p o i n t , Simpson
a b a n d o n s D a v i s a n d M o o r e ' s c e n t r a l c o n c e r n w i t h how
positions are attained.
-
The " p o w e r o f g r o u p s w i t h i n
s o c i e t y t o influence t h e general d i s t r i b u t i o n of
p o s i t i o n a l r e w a r d s , " c o n c e r n s t h e b e h a v i o u r o f incumb e n t s once p o s i t i o n s h a v e been a t t a i n e d , and t h i s i s
e x p l i c i t l y beyond t h e s c o p e of D a v i s and Moore's
analysis.
1
F u r t h e r , Simpson abandons t h e p r o p o n e n t s 1 m a j o r
f u r n c t i o n a l premises.
He translates,
"functional
i m p o r t a n c e , " a s t h e e f f e c t i v e demand f o r t h e s e r v i c e s
a p o s i t i o n p r o v i d e s by t h e consuming p u b l i c .
Thus,
t h e s o c i o l o g i s t l s " o b j e c t i v e t t judgement, i s e x p l i c i t l y
r e p l a c e d b y t h e s u b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s o f t h e members
of a s o c i e t y , of t h e "importance" of a p o s i t i o n .
He
r e p l a c e s D a v i s and Moore's a t t e m p t t o e x p l a i n t h e
u b i q u i t y of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n terms of i t s p o s i t i v e
f u n c t i o n a l i t y f o r t h e e n t i r e s y s t e m , by a n a r r o w e r
a i m t o show w h i c h f a c t o r s a r e m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t i n
d e t e r m i n i n g t h e r e l a t i v e rank of a l l o c c u p a t i o n s i n a
1. K . D a v i s a n d W.E. Moore, o p . c i t . , p . 242.
given society.
I n some r e s p e c t s , t h e s e m o d i f i c a t i o n s i m p r o v e t h e
argument.
The p r o p o n e n t s c o n c l u d e t h a t c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n s ,
due t o t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l i r ? ; i s p e n s a b i l i t y must c a r r y
h i g h rewards i n e v e r y s o c i e t y b u t Simpson a r g u e s
t h a t t h e shape of a g i v e system of d i f f e r e n t i a l
p o s i t i o n a l r e w a r d s d e p e n d s upon t h e combined o p e r a t i o n
o f a w i d e r a n g e o f f a c t o r s . E . g . He r e c o g n i z e s
that
t h e l e v e l of t e c h n o l o g i c a l development i n f l u e n c e s t h e
demand f o r c e r t a i n t y p e s o f p o s i t i o n s a n d s e r v i c e s :
H i s schema a l l o w s f o r c h a n g e s i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f
.
r e w a r d s w h i c h a r e d e n i e d by D a v i s a n d M o o r e ' s
s t a t e m e n t s o f t h e i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f h i g h r e w a r d s f o r some
types of p o s i t i o n .
Simpson a l s o q u a l i f i e s Davis and Moore's b e h a v i o u r a l
assumption t h a t q u a l i f i e d personn2l w i l l not t r a i n o r
perform d i l i g e n t l y i n complex, e x a c t i n g p o s i t i o n s , u n l e s s
induced t o d o s o by t h e o f f e r of d i f f e r e n t i a l r e w a r d s .
Their assumption t h a t a r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n of s e l f i n t e r e s t i s t h e major f a c t o r i n t h e c a r e e r c h o i c e s of
most i n d i v i d u a l s , i s q u a l i f i e d by t h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e
f a c t o r s which a f f e c t t h e s u p p l y of q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n n e l ,
t o i n c l u d e t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s g o a l s , v a l u e s and s o c i a l
background.
A l t h o u g h S i m p s o n makes e x p l i c i t t h e
supply-demand model of c l a s s i c a l economics which
u n d e r l i e s t h e Davis-luloore a r g u m e n t , h e m & i f i e s
b a s i c b e h a v i o u r a l a s s u m p t i o n of economic t h e o r y .
the
C l e a r l y , Simpson-has not "reduced" t h e i r argument
t o economic d i s t r i b u t i o n t h e o r y , s i n c e rewards o t h e r
t h a n monetary ones a r e c o n s i d e r e d and s i n c e f a c t o r s
o t h e r t h a n t h e p r i c e movements a r e s e e n t o o f f s e t t h e
1
s u p p l y of p o s i t i o n - h o l d e r s and t h e i r s e r v i c e s .
I n c o n c l u s i o n , f o l l o w i n g Mannheimls s u g g e s t i o n t h a t
t h e p e r s p e c t i v e of a n i n t e l l e c t u a l body of knowledge
i s i n d i c a t e d by t h e p a r t i a l i t y o f i t s k e y - c o n c e p t s ,
we
a r g u e t h a t Davis and Moore's s t a t e m e n t s c o n c e r n i n g ,
"major s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n s , " a r e d e r i v e d from a p a r t i c u l a r conception of s o c i e t y .
The a u t h o r s a s s u m e a
h i g h l e v e l of o c c u p a t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n which r e q u i r e s
d i f f e r e n t i a l a b i l i t y and t a l e n t f o r some p o s i t i o n s , a n d
also highly unified religious organizations.
Facts
p e c u l i a r t o complex i n d u s t r i a l and s i m p l e n o n - l i t e r a t e
societies respectively, a r e presented as " ~ n i v e r s a l . ~ ~
Moreover, i t i s on t h e b a s i s of t h e s e " u n i v e r s a l " f a c t s
t h a t h i g h rewards f o r r e l i g i o u s and t e c h n i c a l p o s i t i o n s
a r e explained a s "functionally indispensable" f o r a l l
societies.
T h u s t h e proponen"'
conservative bias i s
i l l u s t r a t e d by t h e a t t e m p t t o e x p l a i n s t r a t i f i e d
inequalities as universally necessary, without proper
c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e r e s p e c t s i n which s o c i e t i e s d i f f e r .
1. R i c h a r d L . S i m p s o n , o p . c i t . ,
p. 134.
Furthermore, t h e i r emphasis on t h e i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f
high rewards f o r c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n s , manifest a s t a t i c
b i a s i n t h a t t h e y deny t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of f u t u r e changes
i n t h e p a t t e r n of r e w a r d - d i s t r i b u t i o n
due t o c u l t u r a l and
technological developments.
Although most c r i t i c s c h a l l e n g e t h e p r o p o n e n t s t
claim t h a t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s i n e v i t a b l e , t h e i r f a i l u r e
t o examine t h e l a t t e r s 1 b a s i c f u n c t i o n a l premises o r t o
e x p l a i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n from a f u n d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t
p e r s p e c t i v e r e n d e r s most c r i t i c i s m s i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l .
T h i s i n d i c a t e s a d e f e n s i v e n e s s o f t h e p a r t of t h e
c r i t i c s , a t r a i t w h i c h we w i l l show l a t e r t o b e
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t 5 e c l i m a t e of American i n t e l l e c t u a l
l i b e r a l thought i n t h e 1950's.
C h a p t e r I11
SOME MAJOR OBJECTIONS TO
THE DAVIS-MOORE ARGUMENT
The p u r p o s e o f t h i s c h a p t e r i s t o e x a m i n e c r i t i c i s m s
and r e p l i e s w h i c h a r e d i r e c t e d t o t w o m a i n i s s u e s : F i r s t , t h a t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n does not o p e r a t e t o meet
e f f e c t i v e l y t h e f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t d e s i g n a t e d by
D a v i s a n d Moore, a n d i s i n t h i s s e n s e , d y s f u n c t i o n a l .
Second, t h a t t h e p r o p o s i t i o n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s i n d i s p e n s a b l e t o t h e meeting of t h e designated f u n c t i o n a l requirement i s q u e s t i o n a b l e o n t h e g r o u n d s t h a t e v i d e n c e d r a w n
from s t u d i e s of e x p e r i m e n t a l communities s u g g e s t s t h e
e x i s t e n c e of a l t e r n a t i v e s o c i a l arrangements; f u r t h e r ,
b e c a u s e t h e p r o p o s i t i o n r e s t s on h i g h l y q u e s t i o n a b l e
a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t human m o t i v a t i o n .
We a t t e m p t t o i n d i c a t e t h e " p e r s p e c t i v e s " u n d e r l y i n g
t h e arguments p r e s e n t e d by p r o p o n e n t s and c r i t i c s a l i k e ,
and t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t t h i s a r e a of t h e c o n t r o v e r s y i s
b a s i c a l l y a c o n f l i c t between " c o n s e r v a t i v e " and
" l i b e r a l " i n t e l l e c t u a l s , c o n c e r n i n g t h e " j u s t i c e " of
stratified inequalities.
Most o b j e c t i o n s t h a t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s d y s f u n c t i o n a l
a r e a d d r e s s e d t o D a v i s and Moore's c l a i m t h a t , " s o c i a l
inequality
...e n s u r e s
t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n s
a r e c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y f i l l e d by t h e m o s t q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n s . "
1
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s a n d W.E. Moore:"Some P r i n c i p l e s of S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , l O , ( ~ p r i l , 1 9 4 5 ) ,
p . 243.
C r i t i c s o b j e c t t h a t t h e proponents over-emphasize t h e
e f f i c i e n c y w i t h which s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o p e r a t e s i n t h i s
way a s a s e l e c t i v e mechanism s i n c e i n e v e r y s t r a t i f i e d
not
s o c i e t y , many " p o t e n t i a l l y c a p a b l e " i n d i v i d u a l s a r e
t r a i n e d o r r e c r u i t e d t o i m p o r t a n t and e x a c t i n g p o s i t i o n s
appropriate t o t h e i r c a p a b i l i t i e s : - Under-privileged
c h i l d r e n e x p e r i e n c e o b s t a c l e s i n t h e development of
a p p r o p r i a t e m o t i v a t i o n f o r t r a i n i n g and upward m o b i l i t y .
O t h e r o b s t a c l e s r e s u l t from t h e t e n d e n c y f o r incumbents
of h i g h l y - r e w a r d e d p o s i t i o n s t o g i v e t h e i r own c h i l d r e n
absolutely or relatively greater opportunities t o a t t a i n
t h e same p o s i t i o n s i n t h e n e x t g e n e r a t i o n , and f r o m t h e
tendency f o r e l i t e s ( p o l i t i c a l , economic, p r o f e s s i o n a l e t c . )
t o r e s t r i c t access t o t h e i r priveleged positions.
Thus,
one c r i t i c a s s e r t s ,
"Whether o r n o t d i f f e r e n t i a l r e w a r d s and
o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r e f u n c t i o n a l i n any one
generation, it i s clear t h a t i f those
d i f f e r e n t i a l s a r e alluded t o be s o c i a l l y
i n h e r i t e d i n t h e next generation, then t h e
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system i s s p e c i f i c a l l y
d y s f u n c t i o n a l f o r t h e d i covery of t a l e n t s
i n t h e next generation."
f
Buckley c l a i m s , t h a t , o n l y i f t h e f a c t s of c l a s s
i n h e r i t a n c e a r e i m p l i c i t l y t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t by
defining "qualified persons" a s those individuals with
2
" s o c i a l l y n u t u r e d and m a t u r e d s k i l l s , " a r e D a v i s and
1. M e l v i n M. Tumin, "Some P r i n c i p l e s of S t r a t i f i c a t i o n :
A C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s , " A m e r i c a n S o l i o l o g i c a l Review,
1 8 , ( ~ u ~ u s 1t 9, 5 3 ) , p . 389.
2. W a l t e r B u c k l e y , "On E q u i t a b l e I n e q u a l i t y , " A m e r i c a n
S o c i ~ l o g i e aReview,
~
2 8 , ( 0 c t o b e r , 1963) p . 7 9 9 .
Moore c o r r e c t i n s t a t i n g t h a t i n e v e r y s o c i e t y , s t r a t i f i c a t i o n e n s u r e s t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n s a r e
f i l l e d by t h e m o s t q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n s .
" I n a word, t h e Davis-Moore t h e o r y c a n
o p e r a t e o n l y w i t h i n o r on t h e b a s e of
t h e more f u n d a m e n t a l f a c t s of ~ t r a t i fication i n actual societies."
By t l s o c i a l l y n u r t u r e d t ' s k i l l s B u c k l e y p r e s u m a b l y
r e f e r s t o t h e t e n d e n c y f o r members o f h e r e d i t a r y u p p e r
c l a s s e s t o t e a c h t h e i r c h i l d r e n c e r t a i n s k i l l s , f o r example,
t h o s e of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l e a d e r s h i p i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r
t h e i r l a t e r assumption of t h e s e p o s i t i o n s .
H i s point i s ,
t h a t i f " q u a l i f i e d " means " p o t e n t i a l l y c a p a b l e "
i n d i v i d u a l s , e q u a l a c c e s s t o t r a i n i n g and r e c r u i t m e n t t o
highly-rewarded
p o s i t i o n s m u s t e x i s t f o r a l l members o f
a society i n order f o r stratification t o operate as
D a v i s a n d Moore d e s c r i b e i t .
The p r o p o n e n t s ' i m p l i c a -
t i o n t h a t t h e system of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a c c u r a t e l y ref l e c t s t h e d i f f e r e n t i a l t a l e n t s and a b i l i t i e s of
members o f t h e s o c i e t y , w h e r e t h e y c l a i m , " s o c i a l
inequality.. .ensures..
.
rmst important positions a r e
c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y f i l l e d by t h e most q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n s , "
e n t a i l s an assumption of equal opportunity.
But
t h i s u n d e r - s t a t e s t h e d i s c r e p a n c y between t h e American
i d e a l of e q u a l o p p o r t u n i t y and a c t u a l p r a c t i c e .
Critics
a r g u e t h a t Davis and Moore's e x p l a n a t i o n , " r e p r o d u c e s
with remarkable f a i t h f u l n e s s , a c u l t u r a l l y circumscribed
1. I b i d .
1
i d e o l o g y , " o f f e r e d by t h e p r i v i l e g e d t o t h e l e s s
fortunate, that "class differencestt reflect
ttintellectual capacity.
It
Davis r e p l i e s t o t h e s e c h a r g e s of i d e o l o g i c a l
b i a s by p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t c r i t i c s f o b j e c t i o n s a r e n o t
b a s e d o n c a r e f u l s c r u t i n y o f t h e Davis-Moore a r g u m e n t ,
b u t on a n a d v e r s e r e a c t i o n t o a d e m o n s t r a t i o n of t h e
n e c e s s i t y of a n i n s t i t u t i o n which t h e y s t r o n g l y
disapprove.
Of Tumin, D a v i s s a y s ,
"He a r g u e s t h r o u g h o u t h i s c r i t i q u e t h a t
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n does not have t o be i n s t e a d
o f t r y i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d why i t i s . I: 2
However, i n r e p l y t o c r i t i c s ' o b j e c t i o n s t h a t
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s d y s f u n c t i o n a l , Davis acknowledges
a d e g r e e of over-statement i n t h e 1945 a r t i c l e :
Me:
d r a w s a t t e n t i o n t o h i s a c c o u n t i n "Human S o c i e t y , "
3
o f t h e ways i n w h i c h s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s l i m i t e d i n i t s
s e l e c t i v e e • ’ k c t , by t h e o p e r a t i o n o f o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s .
By m a k i n g a c o n c e p t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n n o t g e n e r a l l y made
by s o c i o l o g i s t s o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , b e t w e e n t h e s y s t e m o f
u n e q u a l r e w a r d s " a t t a c h e d t o t t p o s i t i o n s , and t h e ways
i n which i n d i v i d u a l s a r e r e c r u i t e d t o them, Davis i s
a b l e t o accomnodate t h e f a c t s of t h e most r i g i d l y
1. W. B u c k l e y , " S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and t h e F u n c t i o n a l
T h e o r y o f S o c i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , " The A m e r i c a n
S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 2 3 , ( ~ u ~ u s 1t 9, 5 8 ) , p . 3 6 9 .
2. K i n g s l e y Davis, "Reply," American S o c i o l o g i c a l
R e v i e w , 18, ( l 9 5 3 ) , p . 3 9 4 .
3 . K i n g s l e y D a v i s Human S o c i e t y : New York: The M a c m i l l a n
Company, ( 1 9 4 8 ) , p p . 366-378.
s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t i e s i n t o h i s argument.
I n a caste
s o c i e t y where p o s i t i o n s a r e g e n e r a l l y a s c r i b e d a t
b i r t h , t h e s e l e c t i v e e f f e c t of t h e s y s t e m o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s s a i d t o b e " l i m i t e d " by t h e o p e r a t i o n o f
another functionally necessary i n s t i t u t i o n , the
k i n s h i p system.
The i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e f a m i l y g i v e s t o t h e
c h i l d r e n o f t h e i n c u m b e n t s o f some p o s i t i o n s i n o n e
g e n e r a t i o n , r e l a t i v e l y o r a b s o l u t e l y g r e a t e r opport u n i t i e s t o a t t a i n t h e same p o s i t i o n s i n t h e n e x t
generation.
But t h e f a m i l y ' s l i m i t i n g r o l e i s n e v e r
complete due t o such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a s c a s t e f e r t i l i t y
and m o r t a l i t y d i f f e r e n t i a l s , c h a n g e s i n t h e p h y s i c a l
environment and t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances, which g i v e
r i s e t o t h e c r e a t i o n o f new r o l e s a n d t h e d e s t r u c t i o n
of old ones.
T h u s , t h e r e w i l l a l w a y s b e some d e g r e e o f
v e r t i c a l m o b i l i t y which allows t h e system of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t o induce q u a l i f i e d persons i n t o important positions.
I n t h e s e arguments, Davis, a s t h e c r i t i c s , assumes
t h a t a degree of i n d i v i d u a l m o b i l i t y i s a necessary
c o n d i t i o n f o r t h e e f f i c i e n t o p e r a t i o n of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,
a s D a v i s a n d Moore a c c o u n t f o r i t i n t h e 1 9 4 5 a r t i c l e .
He concurs with t h e c r i t i c s t h a t r e s t r i c t e d mobility
and a c c e s s t o t r a i n i n g and r e c r u i t m e n t t o i m p o r t a n t
p o s i t i o n s , p r e v e n t t h e I'optimal u t i l i s a t i o n of t a l e n t "
1.
M.M.
Tumin, o p . c i t . , 389.
1
i n a society.
-However, h e c l a i m s t h a t s u c h r e s t r i c -
t i o n s r e s u l t from t h e o p e r a t i o n of t h e k i n s h i p system
not
and t h e r o l e o f i n h e r i t a n c e ,
from s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,
defined a s d i f f e r e n t i a l p o s i t i o n a l rewards.
He points
o u t t h a t c r i t i c s a t t r i b u t e r e s t r i c t i o n s t o e q u a l opport u n i t y , t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , because they d e f i n e s t r a t i f i cation differently, i.e.
of c l a s s s t a t u s .
t o include the inheritance
But,
"One c a n n o t e x p e c t a t h e o r y d e s i g n e d
t o account f o r t h e u n i v e r s a l existence
of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d i n e q u a l i t y a s
b e t w e e n p o s i t i o n s , t o b e a t t h e same
t i m e , a n e x p l a n a t i o n o f c l a s s s t a t u s . I1 1
S i n c e p r o p o n e n t s and c r i t i c s a g r e e t h a t i n e q u a l i t i e s
of o p p o r t u n i t y f o r t r a i n i n g and r e c r u i t m e n t t o h i g h l y rewarded p o s i t i o n s r e s u l t from t h e i n h e r i t a n c e of
d i s p r i v i l e g e , and a r e d y s f u n c t i o n a l f o r t h e e f f i c i e n t
p r o d u c t i o n o f goods and s e r v i c e s i n a s o c i e t y , one
m i g h t s u p p o s e t h a t t h e c o n t r o v e r s y w o u l d end t h e r e .
However, c r i t i c s p r o c e e d t o o b j e c t t o Davis and Moore's
d e f i n i t i o n of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
3uckley contends t h a t
t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n i s "basic conceptual flaw" i n t h e i r
explanation.
He c l a i m s t h e p r o p o n e n t s c o n f u s e " s o c i a l
d i f f e r e t i a t i o n , " t h e e x i s t e n c e of s p e c i a l i s e d r o l e s ,
w i t h " s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " i ~ h i c hh e d e f i n e s a s ,
" t h e e x i s t e n c e of s t r a t a , generall$r agreed
t o refer t o specifiable collectivities
o r sub-groups t h a t c o n t i n g e through
s e v e r a l g e n e r a t i o n s t o o c c u p y t h e same
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , " R e p l y ,
"
o p . c i t . , p . 396.
r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n s and t o r e c e i v e t h e
same r e l a t i v e a m o u n t s o f m a t e r i a l e n d s ,
p r e s t i g e and power.. . " l
Buckley's i n s i s t e n c e on t h e "customary" d e f i n i t i o n
o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , c o n s t r u c t e d f r o m % h e w r i t i n g s o f many
European and American s o c i o l o g i s t s , t o r e f e r t o " c l a s s
i n h e r i t a n c e " c a u s e s him t o m i s s t h e p o i n t o f D a v i s
and Moore's c o n c e p t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n s .
The p r o p o n e n t s
r e c o g n i z e t h a t amongst s o c i a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d r o l e s ,
some a r e m o r e i m ~ o r t a n tt o t h e " p r o p e r f u n c t i o n i n g "
o r " s u r v i v a l " of s o c i e t y , t h a n o t h e r s .
If t h e p r o d u c t i o n
o f goods and s e r v i c e s i n a s o c i e t y i s t o b e e f f i c i e n t ,
t h e s e r o l e s must be c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y f i l l e d by competent
persons.
I t i s i n t e r m s of t h i s f u n c t , i o n a l n e c e s s i t y
t h a t t h e y e x p l a i n t h e u b i q u i t y of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
The t e n d e n c y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s , h a v i n g a t t a i n e d i m p o r t a n t
and h i g h l y - r e w a r d e d
p o s i t i o n s t o p a s s them o n , o r , t o
p a s s o n t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a t t a i n i n g them t o t h e i r
c h i l d r e n , c o n s t i t u t e s a l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t problem which
D a v i s a n d Moore d o n o t t r y t o e x p l a i n , b u t w h i c h i s t h e
main f o c u s of B u c k l e y ' s d e f i n i t i o n .
I n r e p l y t o Buckley, Davis s t a t e s t h a t what i s o r
i s not t o be c a l l e d s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s a purely terminol o g i c a l q u e s t i o n , p r o v i d i n g one d i s t i n g u i s h e s
between
t h e s y s t e m o f d i f f e r e n t i a l p o s i t i o n a l r e w a r d s and t h e
1. W a l t e r B u c k l e y , " S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n a n d t h e
F u n c t i o n a l T h e o r y o f S o c i a l D i f f e r e n - t i a t i o n , I'
o p . c i t . , p. 372.
I
ways i n w h i c h p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s a r e r e c r u i t e d
t o them.
1
But D a v i s ' r e p l y b e g s t h e q u e s t i o n .
In
o r d e r f o r Buckley t o s e e t h e p o i n t of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g
these inter-related
a s p e c t s of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,
h e would h a v e t o r e c o g n i s e t h e u n i v e r s a l e x i s t e n c e of
d i f f e r e n t i a l p o s i t i o n a l rewards a s a problem i n i t s
own r i g h t .
We s u g g e s t t h a t t h e way s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s d e f i n e d
may n o t b e a p u r e l y t e r m i n o l o g i c a l m a t t e r , b u t may be
related t o the sociologist's desire t o present social
inequality i n a favourable, or l e s s favourable light.
The f a c t t h e p r o p o n e n t s d e f i n e s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n s u c h a
way t h a t t h e " d y s f u n c t i o n s " o f c l a s s i n h e r i t a n c e c a n n o t ,
l o g i c a l l y , b e a t t r i b u t e d t o i t , may i n d i c a t e a p r o c l i v i t y o n t h e i r p a r t , t o make c o n c e p t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n s
which s u p p o r t what i s b a s i c a l l y a p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n of
t,he d e s i r a b i l i t y of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y .
On t h e o t h e r
hand, c r i t i c s ' r e f u s a l t o s e r i o u s l y consider an argum e n t w h i c h p u r p o r t t o show t h a t ,
in
some l i m i t e d r e s ~ e c t s ,
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ( a s t h e y d e f i n e i t ) may b e p o s i t i v e l y
f u n c t i o n a l , i n d i c a t e s t h e i r p o l i t i c a l conviction of t h e
i n j u s t i c e of s t r a t i f i e d i n e q u a l i t i e s , and t h e i r d e s i r e
t o r e d u c e them.
Certainly, there are clear indications that political
o p i n i o n s u n d e r l y many o f t h e o b j e c t i o n s a n d r e p l i e s
considered above.
For example, Davis'
conservative
1 . K . D a v i s , "The Abominable H e r e s y : A Reply t o D r . B u c k l e y , "
American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 24, ( F e b r u a r y , l 9 5 9 ) , p . 8 2 .
a t t i t u d e s a r e i n d i c a t e d by h i s a s s u m p t i o n t h a t " f u l l t t
e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y would 3 e d y s f u n c t i o n a l f o r
t h e e n t i r e s o c i a l system i n t h a t requirements f o r f a m i l y
s o l i d a r i t y s e t l i m i t s t o t h e d e g r e e of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y a
s o c i e t y "can t o l e r a t e .
1
It
I n t e r e s t i r q a s such s p e c u l a t i o n
i s , v e r y l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h has been d i r e c t e d t o
t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n r a t e s of m o b i l i t y and t h e s t a b i l i t y of t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of g i v e n s o c i e t i e s .
2
However, a v a i l a b l e s t u d i e s u n d e r m i n a D a v i s ' u n q u a l i f i e d
assumption t h a t s t a b l e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s a r e incompatible
w i t h much m o b i l i t y .
Newburyport, W.
F o r example, i n h i s s t u d i e s of
Lloyd Warner d e l i b e r a t e l y s e l e c t e d a
community which h e t h o u g h t e x e m p l i f i e d t h e s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y
3
of "Yankee c u l t u r e "
O s c a r H a n d l i n , however, p o i n t e d
o u t t h a t t h i s c i t y had a n e x t r e m e l y h i g h r a t e of
in-and-out
migration.
4
D a v i s 1 c o n s e r v a t i v e o p i n i o n i s i n d i c a t e d by a n
argument p r e s e n t e d i n Human S o c i e t v , which we h a v e n o t
y e t considered.
He c l a i m s t h a t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o p e r a t e s
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , Human S o c i e t y , o p . c i t . , p . 370.
2 . S.M. L i p s e t and R . 3 e n d i x , S o c i a l M o b i l i t y i n I n d u s t r i a l
S o c i e t y , B e r k e l e y and Los A n g e l e s ; U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , ( l 9 5 9 ) , p.264.
3. W. Lloyd Warner and Par21 S . L u n t , The S o c i a l L i f e of
a Modern Community, New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s
( 1 9 4 1 ) , p p . 38-39.
4 . O s c a r H a n d l i n , "The S o c i a l L i f e of a Modern Community,"
New England Q u a r t e r l y , Vol 1 5 ( 1 9 4 2 ) , p . 5 5 6 .
at
t i m e s t o i n d u c e t h e most q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n s
i n t o t h e most i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n s :
One c a n n o t e x p l a i n ,
" t h e low e s t a t e of t h e sweeper c a s t e s i n I n d i a ,
a s compared w i t h t h e p r i e s t l y c a s t e s ...by s a y i n g
t h a t s o n s of s w e e p e r s become s w e e p e r s , and t h e s o n s of
Brahmins become Brahmins.
"'
Since t h e r e i s a tendency
f o r some p o s i t i o n s s u c h a s s w e e p e r s t o b e low and o t h e r s ,
s u c h a s p r i e s t s , t o b e h i g h i n t h e s c a l e of d i f f e r e n t i a l
p o s i t i o n a l rewards, Davis concludes, " t h e f u n c t i o n a l
n e c e s s i t y b e h i n d s t r a t i f i c a t i o n seems t o be o p e r a t i v e
a l l t i m e s , d e s p i t e t h e concurrent of o t h e r f u n c t i o n s , "
s u c h a s t h a t of t h e k i n s h i p s y s t e m .
I f one d i s t i n g u i s h e s between t h e o p e r a t i o n o f
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n " a t any g i v e n t i m e , " and " o v e r - t i m e , "
D a v i s ' c o n c l u s i o n i s s e e n t o be b o t h c o n s e r v a t i v e and
a-historical:
He d o e s n o t a d e q u a t e l y a c c o u n t f o r t h e
c o n t e m p o r a r y f u n c t i o n i n g of c a s t e s o c i e t y f o r h i s
c l a i m t h a t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o p e r a t e s a t any g i v e n t i m e
i n t h i s t y p e of s t r a t i f i e d s y s t e m , a s a s e l e c t i v e
mechanism, u n d e r - s t a t e s t h e e x t e n t t o which o c c u p a t i o n s
may b e a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y a s c r i b e d a t b i r t h .
The
h i s t o r i c a l o r i g i n of d i f f e r e n t i a l p o s i t i o n a l r e w a r d s
c o u l d b e p a r t l y e x p l a i n e d i n t e r m s of t h e i r argument
i f o n e assumed t h a t i t was once n e c e s s a r y t o a t t r a c t
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , Human S o c i e t y , o p . c i t . ,
2. I b i d .
p.370.
2
men into the priesthood.
But again, one would have to
assume that this selection of competent individuals
took place before the development of hereditary strata
and the tendency for positions to be ascribed at birth.
Dennis Wrong points out that the argument lacks a
1
"truly histimica1 perspective, It because it fails to
recognise that,
m A n l theory
~
of class structure, in dealing
with a given historical period, must
include prior class structures among its
data; ...and ... any general theory of classes
and class formation must explain the fact
that classes coexisting at any givatime
bear the marks of different centuries
on their brow.. . '13
Wrong prefers Schumpeter's historical account
of changes "over time" in the position of families and
firms within stable social structures and ultimately,
of changes in the structures themselves.
By viewing
a given class structure in terms of such long-run
changes as the gradual climbing, over several generations, of the representatives of a given family line
to the point where an apparently secure hereditary
class position is achieved,
Schumpeter avoids Davis
and Moore's error of interpreting a system of stratification as a "reflection of the available talent and
ability," of the individual members of that society.
1. Dennis H. Wrong, "The Functionalist Theory of Stratification: Some Neglected Considerations," American
Sociological Review, 24, (~ecember,1959) p. 778.
2. Joseph A. Schumpeter, Imperialism and Social Classes,
New York: Meridian Books, (1955) p. 111.
S t r i c t l y s p e a k i n g , Davis and Moore's r e i t e r a t e d
decision
not
t o d i s c u s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n t e r m s o f how
i n d i v i d u a l s a r e r e c r u i t e d t o p o s t i o n s , p r e c l u d e s cons i d e r a t i o n o f p a t t e r n s o f upward m o b i l i t y and c l a s s
inheritance.
But t h e s e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s ,
are relevant
t o Davis' d i s c u s s i o n of t h e k i n s h i p system, which, h e
s.gys, l i m i t s t h e s e l e c t i v e e f f e c t o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,
by t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n of s t r a t i f i e d i n e q u a l i t i e s from
one g e n e r a t i o n t o t h e n e x t :
Davis h a s c l e a r l y f a i l e d
t o c o n s i d e r i n p r e c i s e l y w h a t ways t h e s h a ~ eo f t h e
d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p o s i t i o n a l r e w a r d s may b e m o d i f i e d
o v e r t i m e by t h e c h a n g i n g c l a s s p o s i t i o n s of f a m i l i e s
i n that society.
Commenting o n t h e i d e o l o g i c a l b i a s o f t h e c r i t i c s ,
Wrong o b s e r v e s ,
" I t i s s t r a n g ? how i n s i s t e n c e o n t h e a l l e g e d
i n e f f i c i e n c y of unequal opportunities o f t e n
leads sociologists t o s t r e s s genetic
endowments t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f w h i c h t h e y a r e
disposed t o minimise i n o t h e r connections.
I s u s p e c t t h a t t h i s argument i s a n o t h e r i n s t a n c e of t h e p r o c l i v i t y of contemporary
social scientists t o find "factual" o r
instrumental reasons f o r supporting views
t h e y u l t i m a t e l y f a v o r o n e t h i c a l g r o u n d s . "l
Wrong's c l a i m t h a t c r i t i c s over-emphasize d i f f e r e n c e s
of " p o t e n t i a l c a p a b i l i t i e s " between i n d i v i d u a l s i n
o r d e r t o demonstrate t h e "alleged i n e f f i c i e n c y of
u n e q u a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s , " i s i n a c c u r a t e , f o r , a s we h a v e
s e e n , c r i t i c s and p r o p o n e n t s a g r e e b o t h t h a t e q u a l
o p p o r t u n i t y i s r e s t r i c t e d by c l a s s i n h e r i t a n c e and t h a t
1.
D.H.
Wrong, o p . c i t . ,
p . 779.
t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n i s dysfunctional f o r the "optimal
u t i l i z a t i o n of t a l e n t , " i n a society.
Wrong's
"demonstrationt1 of c r i t i c s 1 b i a s does i n f a c t r e v e a l
h i s own c o n s e r v a t i v e a t t i t u d e s t o l ~ a r d s s t r a t i f i e d
inequalities.
Wrong c l a i m s t h a t t h e b i a s of c r i t i c s i s i n d i c a t e d
b y t h e i r f a i l u r e t o c o n s i d e r t h a t , u n l i k e some p o s i t i o n s ,
(e.g. mathematician, p h y s i c i s t e t c . ), other important
p o s i t i o n s do n o t depend on over-average g e n e t i c
t a l e n t s , b u t o n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and l e a d e r s h i p s k i l l .
T h e s e p o s i t i o n s may b e b e s t f i l l e d by members of h e r e d i t a r y c l a s s e s who a r e " t o t h e m a n n e r b o r n " a n d who h a v e
b e e n " s u b j e c t e d t o a p r o c e s s of c h a r a c t e r - m o l d i n g
beginning i n infancy," i n preparation f o r t h e l a t e r
a s s u m p t i o n of t h e s e r o l e s .
T h i s argument,
( w h i c h , i n c i d e n t a l l y , was f i r s t
p r e s e n t e d by t h e E n g l i s h c o n s e r v a t i v e p h i l o s p h e r ,
Edmund B u r k e ) a s s u m e s t h e e x i s t e n c e o f " r e s p o n s i b l e "
h e r e d i t a r y upper c l a s s e s , i . e . ,
t h a t normative
e x p e c t a t i o n s e x i s t o n t h e p a r t of a l l members f o r
t h e e f f i c i e n t a n d c o n s c i e n t i o u s p e r f o r m a n c e of t h e i r
duties.
Wrong c o n c e d e s t h a t h e r e d i t a r y c l a s s e s 1 m o n o p o l y
of h i g h l y - r e w a r d e d
p o s i t i o n s may p r o d u c e i n a d e q u a t e
motivation t o perform t h e necessary t a s k s adequately,
but,
I t i t
c a n n o t b e assumed t h a t a h e r e d i t a r y r u l i n g
c l a s s always degenerates in'o
c l a s s i n t h e Veblenian sense."
a "decadent" l e i s u r e
Responsible a r i s t o c r a c i e s ,
" d e e p l y imbued w i t h a n e t h o s o f h o n o r , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
a n d n o b l e s s e . : o b l i g e , " h a v e e x i s t e d i n some s o c i e t i e s .
W r o n g ' s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t c r i t i c s h a - ~ eo v e r l o o k e d
t h e p o s s i b l e development of a r e s p o n s i b l e h e r e d i t a r y
r u l i n g c l a s s , f a i l s t o t a k e i n t o account recent widelynoted developments i n American s o c i e t y : - According t o
1
C. Wright Mills, t h e main s o c i a l d i v i s i o n i s not one
o f " c l . a ~ s , .b~u~t i n c r e a s i n g l y b e t w e e n a t t p o w e r - e l i t e "
w h i c h makes a l l t h e m a j o r d e c i s i o n s a n d a " m a n i p u l a t e d
mass."
The p o w e r - e l i t e i s n o t a " r u l i n g c l a s s t t i n t h e
s e n s e o f a s t a b l e and c o n t i n u i n g g r o u p which p u r s u e s
a s e t t l e d policy, nor does h e r e d i t a r y a s c r i p t i o n
a p p e a r t o b e t h e p r i n c i p a l means o f e n t r y i n t o t h i s
p o w e r f u l , u n i f i e d group of p o l i t i c a l , b u s i n e s s and
military leaders.
"responsible."
Furthermore, i t i s f a r from b e i n g
One o f M i l l s 1 p r i n c i p a l a c c u s a t i o n s
levelled against t h e power-elite i s t h a t it i s
"irresponsible,
going.
a n d d o e s n o t know e x a c t l y w h e r e i t i s
2
However, Wrong's o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t c r i t i c s
e x a g g e r a t e i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n g e n e t i c endowment i s s u p p o r t e d by t h e f o l l o w i n g exchange between
Tumin a n d Moore, c o n c e r n i n g t h e " j u s t i c e t t o f s t r a t i f i e d
inequalities:
Tumin o v e r e m p h a s i z e s g e n e t i c endowment
t o t h e t o t a l n e g l e c t of o t h e r well-known f a c t s a b o u t
human b e h a v i o u r : -
1. C. N r i g h t M i l l s . " T h e Power E l i t e ,
New Y o r k : O x f o r d
2 . T . B . B o t t o m o r e , C r i t i c s o f S o c i e t y , New Y o r k : P a n t h e o n
Books ( 1 9 6 8 ) , p . 57.
T u m i n c l a i m s , " n o s o c i e t y c a n e x p e c t o r demand
f r o m a n i n d i v i d u a l a n y more t h a n t h a t o f w h i c h h e i s
capable."
1
Amongst p e o p l e of e q u a l n a t i v e endowment,
d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l l y r e l e v a n t t r a i t s such a s
o c c u p a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t , a r e d e t e r m i n e d by s o c i a l
f a c t o r s , such a s t h e i n h e r i t a n c e of cl-ass s t a t u s .
A s s u m i n g men a r e e q u a l l y c o n s c i e n t i o u s , i t i s u n f a i r
t h a t t h e s e s o c i a l l y determined d i f f e r e n c e s should be
rewarded unequally.
Amongst p e o p l e of u n e q u a l n a t i v e
ability, differences i n occupational attainment a r e
b o t h g e n e t i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y d e t e r m i n e d .
Thus i t
i s u n f a i r t o reward h i g h l y d i f f e r e n c e s which a r e b o t h
b i o l o g i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y d e t e r m i n e d .
2
I n reply,
Moore r i g h t l y p o i n t s o u t t h a t T u m i n ' s
moral argument i s o v e r - d e t e r m i n i s t i c .
The a s s u m p t i o n
of " e q u a l c o n s c i e n t i o u s n e s s t ' i s a s e r i o u s wezkness
i n t h e argument, f o r one cannot d i s m i s s purpose from
human b e h a v i o u r a s t h e p h r a s e i m p l i e s .
It i s n o t
f e a s i b l e , w r i t e s Moore, t o t a k e t h e v i e w t h a t " s o c i e t y
i s a l l and t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l m o t i v a t i o n
a r e a purely dependent v a r i a b l e .
I'
Tumin s t r e s s e s d i f f e r e n c e s i n g e n e t i c endowmen-t
and i n t h e i n h e r i t a n c e o f c l a s s s t a t u s which d e t e r m i n e
a n . . i n d i v i d u a l Ts o c c u p a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t , b u t f o r g e t s
1. M . M . Tumin, On E q u a l i t y , A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w ,
2 8 , ( ~ e b r u a r ~l 9, 6 3 ) , p . 2 6 .
2 . W . E . Moore, " R e j o i n d e r , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w ,
2 8 , ( ~ e b r u a r ~1 9, 6 3 ) , p . 27.
t h a t s i n c e i n d i v i d u a l s can choose whether o r not
t o work d i l i g e n t l y , t h e y m u s t b e m o t i v a t e d t o p e r f o r m
a d e q u a t e l y i n complex and e x a c t i n g p o s i t i o n s .
Moore
p o i n t s o u t t h a t d i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n s a r e u n e q u a l l y demandi n g i n t e r m s of t h e e f f o r t and s k i l l r e q u i r e d .
Equal
r e w a r d f o r u n e q u a l Work, w o u l d , s a y s Moore, r e q u i r e a
d e g r e e o f f ' m a r t y r d o m " h i t h e r t o unknown.
Tumin's e x a g g e r a t i o n of g e n e t i c d i f f e r e n c e s t o
t h e n e g l e c t o f t h e p u r p o s i v e n a t u r e o f human c o n d u c t ,
and t h e f a c t t h a t v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s a r e u n e q u a l l y
d e m a n d i n g , r e v e a l s t h e s t r e n g t h o f h i s c o n v i c t i o n of
t h e " i n j u s t i c e " of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
S c h w a r t z 1c o n c u r s w i t h D a v i s a n d M o o r e ' s e x p l a n a t i o n
of t h e u b i q u i t y of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n terms of i t s o p e r a t i o n
a s a s e l e c t i v e mechanism, b u t p r e s e n t s e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e
f o r t h e e x i s t e n c e of o t h e r s o c i a l arrangements i . e .
f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t s w h i c h h a v e p r e c i s e l y t h e same
selective effect:-
T h i s e v i d e n c e i s b a s e d upon a s t u d y
of two I s r e a l i s e t t l e m e n t s , which a l t h o u g h s i m i l a r
i n t y p e of a g r i c u l t u r e a n d e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n e t c . ,
d i f f e r m a r k e d l y i n t e r m s of economic a r g a n i z a t i o n .
Orsh i s
-
a c o l l e c t i v e kvutza i n which m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s
are roughly equally distributed.
pendent decision-making
There a r e few inde-
j o b s and a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n
of r o u t i n e semi-skilled jobs.
Tamim i s a s m a l l h o l d e r s 1
moshav, i n which most f a m i l y h e a d s must u t i l i z e t h e i r
1. R i c h a r d D . S c h w a r t z , " F u n c t i o n a l A l t e r n a t i v e s t o
I n e q u a l i t y , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 20,
( ~ u g u s t ,1 9 5 5 1 , p p . 424-30.
d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s k i l l s t o s e c u r e
a living.
Assuming a l l o t h e r f a c t o r s e q u a l , s t a t e s S c h w a r t z ,
one would e x p e c t a s h o r t a g e of r o u t i n e w o r k e r s i n
t h e k v u t z a and a de&h
i n t h e moshav.
of r e s p o n s i b l e d e c i s i o n - m a k e r s
A c c o r d i n g t o Davis and Moore's a r g g -
ment, one would e x p e c t d i f f e r e n t i a l r e w a r d s f o r e a c h
t y p e of p o s t t i o n f o r w h i c h q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n q e l a r e
scarce.
However, i n e a c h s e t t l e m e n t m e a s u r e s o t h e r
t h a n d i f f e r e n t i a l rewards have developed t o
ensure q u a l i f i e d persons perform conscientiously i n
these positions.
For example, i n t h e kvutza one
m a j o r way h a s b e e n t o c h a n g e p o s i t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t s s o
t h a t t h e y c o i n c i d e more c l o s e l y w i t h a v a i l a b l e m o t i v a t e d
skills.
M e c h a n i s a t i o n o f f a r m work t e n d s t o r e d u c e
t h e number o f r o u t i n e j o b s , w h i l s t t h e n u a b e r o f d e c i s i o n making j o b s h a s been i n c r e a s e d by t h e a s s u m p t i o n of
p o s i t i o n s by members o u t s i d e t h e i r own community i n
government settlemen-: p r o j e c t s .
I n t h e moshav, p o s i t i o n a l
r e q u i r e m e n t s h a v e b e e n m o d i f i e d t o c o i n c i d e more c l o s e l y
with available
s k i l l s , by t h e c o l l e c t i v e u n d e r t a k i n g
o f e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t i e s w h i c h d e c r e a s e s t h e numbers o f
d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g jobs,:
a n d i n c r e a s e s t h e number o f r o u t i n e
jobs.
A n o t h e r m a j o r meqns o f e n s u r i n g q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n s
fill t m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n s i n e a c h community i s t h e
m o d i f i c a t i o n o f members' s k i l l s and m o t i v a t i o n t o s u i t
prevailing p o s i t i o n a l requirements.
I n t h e kvutza
a f t e r c o n t i n u o u s i m m i g r a t i o n of u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s ,
many d e v e l o p e d o v e r t i m e t h e n e c e s s a r y s k i l l s f o r
decision-making jobs.
A p a r t i a l s o l u t i o n was f o u n d
i n l i m i t i n g immigration i . e .
a c c e p t i n g immigrant
t r a i n e e s f o r a s h o r t p e r i o d b u t r e f u s i n g them
permanent membership i n t h e community.
E m i g r a t i o n of
d i s s a t i s f i e d i n d i v i d u a l s and t r a i n i n g programmes
c a l c u l a t e d t o produce a low l e v e l of a s p i r a t i o n
f o r managerial p o s i t i o n s , have a l s o served t o modify
t h e working population t o s u i t t h e p o s i t i o n a l requirements
of t h e k v u t z a .
Schwartz suggests t h a t h i s evidence of t h e
e x i s t e n c e of f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t s t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
p o s e s t h i s q u e s t i o n f o r t h e Davis-Moore argument:
"Why a r e n o t s o c i e t i e s a b l e t o s u r v i v e u s i n g t h e
a l t e r n a t i v e s o c i a l arrangemen-ts t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ? "
D a v i s a n d Moore m u s t , h e c l a i m s , e x t e n d t h e i r a r g u m e n t
t o account f o r t h e t a c t t h a t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n r a t h e r than
one of i t s f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t s e x i s t s i n most
societies.
Schwartz claims t h a t t h e proponents
cannot do so, without r e f e r r i n g t o t h e d e l i b e r a t e
p e r p e t u a t i o n of s t r a t i f i e d i n e q u a l i t i e s by powerful
groups within society.
He s u g g e s t s ,
"They may h a v e e r r e d i n s t r e s s i n g t h e
maximum e f f e c t i v e m e s s i n s t e a d o f t h e
i n d i v i d u a l s a t i s f a c t i o n which i - n e q u a l i t y
1
t y p i c a l l y b r i n g s t o t h o s e powerful
enough t o c o n t r o l t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e w a r d s . "
1. R . D .
Schwartz, o p . c i t . ,
p.430.
Schwartz' argument is basically that an undersupply of appropriately skilled and motivated personnel
may be rectified by means other thah the offer of
differential rewards, such as job rotation, emigration
etc.
The basic premise of his argument is speculative
for he states,". . .one would expect..
of workers i n each community.
.
I'
an under-supply
Schwartz is unable to
demonstrate empirically that the social arrangements he
discusses developed i n each community
the shortages of skilled personnel.
as
2 response to
Furthermore, Schwartz,
as Richard Simpson, concentrates on one determinant of
positional ranking, i.e. the scarcity of qualified
personqel, to the neglect of the other, i.e. functional
importance of positions.
SiJ7ce Schwartz does not
show social arrangements other than stratification,
meet the functional requirement of motivating qualified
persons to fill adequately, important positions, it is
doubtful whether his evidence requires Davis and Moore
to modify their argument to include the power element
of stratification.
However, some unexplored implication of Schwartz's
evidence are significant.
Davis and Moore's emphasis
on the differential skill and ability required by various
positions may be inappropriate for agrarian societies
like the kvutza i n which occupational specialization
is so low that unskilled workers were able, over time,
to develop the skills required for administrative
positions.
The proponent's neglect of Schwartz's
evidence, d e s p i t e Davis1 l a t e r statement, t h a t t h e
most r e l e v a n t e v i d e n c e f o r p r o p o s i t i o n s about f u n c t i o n a l
r e q u i r e m e n t s i s p r o v i d e d by e x p e r i m e n t a l communities
s e t up by r e l i g i o u s o r p o l i t i c a l s e c t s ,
I
indicates their
committmen-t t o t h e i d e a of t h e t h e o r e t i c a l n e c e s s i t y
of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n gn grounds which a r e u l t i m a t e l y
m o r a l and p o l i t i c a l .
Tumin c h a l l e n g e s t h e m o t i v a t i o n a l a s s u m p t i o n s
b a s i c t o t h e Davis-Moore argument.
"A g e n e r a l i z e d t h e o r y ~f s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
must r e c o g n i z e t h a t t h e p r e v a i l i n g s y s t e m of
i n d u c e m e n t s a n d r e w a r d s i s o n l y o n e of many
v a r i a n ~ si n t h e w h o l e r a n g ? of p o s s i b l e s y s t e m s
of m o t i v a t i o n which, a t l e a s t , t h e o r e t i c a l l y
a r e c a p a b l e o f w o r k i n g i n human s o c i e t y . " 2
He s u g g e s t s t h e s t r i v i n g f o r d i f f e r e n - t i a l r e w a r d s
of income and p r e s t i g e i s n o t a n i n d i s p e n s a b l e m o t i v e
w h i c h d r i v e s p e o p l e t o make t h e e f f o r t t o o c c u p y
p o s i t i o n s which a r e i m p o r t a n t and r e q u i r e t r a i n i n g .
T h r e e a l t e r n a t i v e m o t i v a t i o n a l schemes a r e ,
" j o y i n w o r k , " " s o c i a l s e r v i c e , " and l l s o c i a l d u t y . "
A l t h o u g h no h i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e o f t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n e x i s t s , Tumin a s s e r t s t h a t t h i s i s i n t h e o r y
possible.
Davis r e j e c t s Tumin's " a l t e r n a t i v e s " t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
1. K i n g s l e y D q v i s : The Myth o f F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s a s a
S p e c i a l Method i n S o c i o l o y a n d A n t h r o p o l o g y , A m e r i c a n
S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 2 4 , 1 9 5 9 ) , p p . 757-773.
9
2 . M.M. T u m i n , Some P r i n c i p l e s o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n : A
C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s , o p . c i t . , p . 388.
M o t i v a t i o n t o a t t a i n m e n t of complex a n d e x a c t i n g p o s i t i o n s
c a n n o t b e based s i m p l y on " j o y i n work," f o r i f e v e r y one e l e c t e d t o do a s h e p l e a s e d , " t h e whole p o p u l a t i o n
would w i n d u p i n o n l y a f e w t y p e s of p o s i t i o n . "
"TTnre-
warded a l t r u i s m t t i s i n a d e q u a t e t o e l i c i t s o c i a l l y
adequate behaviour,
" a s a n y s o c i o l o g i s t s h o u l d know."
I
F i n a l l y , Tumin1 s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t , " s o c i a l d u t y " c o u l d
b e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s o t h a t , " s e l f and s o c i a l i n k e r e s t
come t o c o i n c i d e , " i s a c t u a l l y a c c o m p l i s h e d b y t h e
o p e r a t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t i a l r e w a r d s , a s D a v i s a n d Moore
explain.
Davis s t a t e s t h a t t h e s e t h r e e t y p e s of normative
e x p e c t a t i o n a c t u a l l y m o t i v a t e few people t o a t t a i n
demanding, i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n s .
Moreover, t h e y a r e
"supplementary r a t h e r than a l t e r n a t i v e , " t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,
i n t h a t t h e y m o t i v a t e some i n d i v i d u a l s t o p e r f o r m
d i l i g e n t l y i n p o s i t i o n s , but do not m o t i v a t e
individuals t o a t t a i n those positions i n the f i r s t
place.
Davis1 b a s i c objection i s t o t h e i m p o s s i b i i i t y
o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n g e s Tumin s u g g e s t s .
a l t e r n a t i v e m o t i v a t i o n a l schemes a r e r e j e c t e d
The
as
"Utopian," i n t h e sense t h a t they repudiate t h e then
known f a c t s of h l ~ m a nm o t i v a t i o n .
"...we
were n o t
c o n c e r n e d , " s a y s Dzivis, " w i t h t h e i n d e f i n i t e o r ' u t o p i a n
1
I
f u t u r e b u t w i t h s o c i e t i e s a s we f i n d t h e m . "
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , R e p l y , o p . c i t . ,
p . 397.
The a b o v e e x c h a n g e r e p r e s e n t s a c o n f l i c t o f
p e r s p e c t i v e s i . e . between a c o n s e r v a t i v e outlook
which s t r e s s e s t h a t
t h e m o t i v a t i o n o f t h e human
i n d i v i d u a l I s u n c h a n g i n g , and an o u t l o o k , which i n
the Liberal-Progressive
t r a d i t i o n emphasises t h e
p e r f e c t i b i l i t y o f human n a t u r e a n d m a n ' s n a t u r a l l y
co-operative virtues.
Tumin a r g u e s t h a t D a v i s a n d M o o r e ' s a s s u m p t i o n s
a b o u t human m o t i v a t i o n a r e n o t u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e
t o a l l known s o c i e t i e s b e c a u s e some s o c i e t i e s d o n o t
e v a l u a t e h i g h l y t h e d i f f e r e n t i a l s k i l l and a b i l i t y
r e q u i r e d by v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s , and d o n o t r e w a r d s u c h
p o s i t i o n s h i g h l y i n t e r m s of i n c o m e .
I n I s r e a l i Kibbutz,
"a debate continues whether t o a s s i g n higher, equal
o r l o w e r s a l a r i e s t o t h e more v e r s u s t h e l e s s s k i l l e d . ! "
Although d i f f e r e n t i a l s k i l l t e n d s t o be e v a l u a t e d
highly i n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , t h e r e i s nothing,
"demonstrably n a t u r a l , " about r e a c t i n g t o i t i n 'his
way.
" A number o f a d d i t i o n a l f a c t s s u c h a s
very particular learned motivational
s c h e m e s a n d s o c i a l g ~ a l sa r r a n g e d i n
very particular hierarchies a r e required
t o b e p r e s e n t and t o b e u n d e r s t o o d i f
we a r e t o u n d e r s t a n d i n t u r n why we h a v e
2
e x i s t i n g forms of occupational s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . "
T u m i n ' s d i ~ t i ~ ~ c t bi eot w
n een s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ,
-- -
1. M.M.
Turnin: "On I n e q u a l i t y , " o p . c i t . ,
2. I b i d . ,
pp. 20-21.
p.20.
t h e ways i n w h i c h ~ o s i t i o n sd i f f e r i n t e r m s o f t h e
c o m p l e x i t y , c l e a n l i n e s s e t c . of i t s t a s k s , and
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , the tendency f o r d i f f e r e n t i a t e d
p o s i t i o n s t o b e u n e q u a l l y r e w a r d e d i n herms o f p r e s t i g e
and income e t c . i s v a l u a b l e .
He r i g h t l y p o i n t s o u t
t h a t comparisons i n terms of t h e i n t r i n s i c
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p o s i t i o n s e . g , t h a t one
position-
r e q u i r e s more s k i l l t h a n a n o t h e r , h a v e n o , " e x i g e n t
o r unavoidable implications f o r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . "
Whether o r n o t d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e s k i l l o r c l e a n l i n e s s
r e q u i r e d by v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s g i v e r i s e t o d i f f e r e n t i a l
p r e s t i g e r a t i n g s e t c . d e p e n d s o n how members o f a
society evaluate th9se intrinsic characteristics.
B u t Tumin n e g l e c t s t o c o n s i d e r t h a t d i f f e r e n t i a l s k i l l
may n o t b e h i g 5 l y r e w a r d e d b e c a u s e , d u e t o t h e l o w
l e v e l of t e c h n o l o g i c a l developmen,
and o c c u p a t i o n a l
s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , o n e p o s i t i o n d o e s n o t r e q u i r e v e r y much
more t h a n a n o t h e r .
Thus, h e emphasises l ' c u l t u r a l
v a r i a b i l i t y " t o t h e exclusion of o b j e c t i v e v a r i a t i o n s
i n c o n d i t i o n s such a s l e v e l of t e c h n o l o g i c a l development.
E l s e w h e r e , Turnin a t t e m p t s t o c h a l l e n g e m o t i v a t i o n a l
a s s u m p t i o n s b a s i c t o t h e Davis-Moore argument by showing
t h a t t h e American s y s t e m of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n p r e v e n t s
r a t h e r t h a n enha,lces t h e development of a p p r o p r i a t e
motivation f o r adequate role-performance i n every
institutional area.
H i s a r g u m e n t i s a s f o l l o w s :--
" . . . i f most a v a i l a b l e goods and s e r v i c e s a r e
d i s t r i b u t e d a s rewards f o r performance of
r o l e s i n t h e emphasised i n s t i t u t i o n , o t h e r
i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l s u ' f e r f r o m t h e a b s e n c e of
rewards r e q u i r e d l o m o t i v a t e performance of
necessary roles."
Tumin c l a i m s t h a t t h e t e n d e n c y f o r r e w a r d s t o
b e c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e economic s t r u c t u r e of American
s o c i e t y , "produces" r e l a t i v e l y inadequate rewards f o r
conscientious role-performance i n o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s ,
p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e k i n s h i p system.
P r e s t i g e , which i s
a l l o c a t e d p r i m a r i l y o n t h e b a s i s o f i n c o m e and
o c c u p a t i o n , h a s become t h e d o m i n a n t c r i t e r i o n o f a n
i n d i v i d u a l ' s moral and s o c i a l w o r t h i n e v e r y i n s t i t u tional context.
Since t h e " t r a d i t i o n a l " rewards f o r
a d e q u a t e performance of p a r e n t a l t a s k s , mainly, a
r a n g e o f p e r s o n a l g r a t i f i c 2 t i o n s , a n d community
a p p r o v a l , a r e no l o n g e r a d e q u a t e , e c o n o m i c c r i t e r i a f o r
e v a l u a t i n g r o l e performance "invade" t h e family system.
The i n v a s i o n t a k e s s u c h f o r m s a s , " c o m p e t i t i o n among
parents f o r invidious d i s t i n c t i o n a s parents i n terms
o f t h e goods and s e r v i c e s w i t h which c h i l d r e n a r e
2
supplied.
The " i n v a s i o n " i s d y s f u n c t i o n a l b o t h f o r
t h e f a m i l y and t h e e n t i r e s o c i a l s y s t e m : - P a r e n t s
r a t e d low on t h e economic i n d e x o f s o c i a l w o r t h a r e
able t o balance t h e i r unfavourable self-images with
1. M . M . Turnin, llSome D i s f u n c t i o n s o f I n s t i t u t i o n a l
I m b a l a n c e s , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, ( ~ e b r a u r ~ ,
l 9 6 3 ) , p. 221.
2. I b i d . , p. 219.
favourable d e f i n i t i o n s acquired through conscientious
parenthood, a s long a s rewards gained i n one i n s t i t u t i o n a l
context a r e not subject t o instrumental use i n other
i n s t i t u J ~ i o n a la r e a s .
I f " s o c i a l cohesion" depends
s i g n i f i c a n t l y o n t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h members s e n s e t h e i r
membership i n s o c i e t y i s v a l u a b l e , t h e i n f l u x i n t o
f a m i l y l i f e o f i n v i d i o u s d i s t i n c t i o n s b a 5 e d on e c o n o m i c
c r i t e r i a i s l i k e l y t o be dysfunctional f o r s o c i a l cohesion.
Turnin's e x p l i c i t a i m t o r e f u t e D a v i s a n d M o o r e ' s
explanation i s unsuccessful; since he i s exclusively
concerned w i t h m o t i v a t i o n t o c o n s c i e n t i o u s perfiormance
of p o s i t i o n a l t a s k s , t h a t i s , with behaviour a f t e r various
p o s i t i o n s i n a s o c i e t y have been a t t a i n e d , he does not
g r e a t l y u n d e r m i n e D a v i s and M o o r e ' s e x p l a n a t i o n o f
how p o s i t i o n s come t o b e f i l l e d i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e .
The m a j o r d i f f i c u l t y o f t h e a r g u m e n t i s t h a t Turnin
assumes p r e s t i g e judgements a r e d e r i v e d from economlc
v a r i a b l e s , b u t h e d o e s n o t s p e c i f y t h e presumed c o n n e c t i o n
between p o s i t i o n on one of t h e o b j e c t i v e h i e r a r c h i e s of
income s c a l e o r o c c u p a t i o n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and a
1
"total prestige-rating"
based upon i t . Research e v i d e n c e
indicates that the occupational
-
economic complex i s t h e
c o r e of o v e r a l l p r e s t i g e r a t i n g s i n American c u l t u r e .
1. S e e , M i l t o n M. G o r d o n : S o c i a l C l a s s i n A m e r i c a n
S o c i o l o g y , New Y o r k : McGraw-Hill Book Company I n c . ,
( 1 9 6 3 ) e s p e c i a l l y , C h a p t e r V.
-
63
-
1
Parsons
notes, t o o , t h a t a s o c i e t y tends t o emphasise
c e r t a i n c r i t e r i a a s more c r u c i a l f o r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
t h a n o t h e r s , i n t e r m s o f dominant v a l u e s , and s u g g e s t s
t h a t t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l system i s t h e dominant element
i n American s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
Nevertheless, these
same s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e i s much more t h a n
t h i s c o r e complex
-
of such c r i t e r i a a s
an important a d d i t i o n consisting
"
s t y l e s of l i f e , " p e r s o n a l b e h a v i o u r ,
2
s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d community p o w e r e t c .
Gordon
n o t e s t h a t t h e e x a c t method whereby t h e s e s e p a r a t e
s t r a t i f i e d v a r i a b l e s a r e t o be combined i n t o a n
i n d i v i d u a l ' s " t o t a l p r e s t i g ~s c o r e " i s a s y e t u n r e s o l v e d .
Given t h e m u l t i p l i c i t y o f v a r i a b l e s which a r e
relevant t o a t o t a l prestige-rating,
it i s theoretically
e x p e c t a b l e t h a t any g i v e n i n d i v i d u a l r e p r e s e n t s i n
h i m s e l f ' d i s p e r s e d p o s i t i o n s 3n t h e s e s e v e r a l component
criteria.
F o r e x a m p l e , a n i n d i v i d u a l may b e l o w o n t h e
i n c o m e s c a l e b u t h i g h ?.n e d u c a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t s .
There i s then, a c e r t a i n degree of i n c o n s i s t e n c y i n h i s
over-all
status situation.
T u m i n T s a r g l ~ m e n tt h a t p r e s t i g e r a t i n g s d e r i v e d
from economic v a r i a b l e s a r e s u b j e c t t o i n s t u m e n t a l u s e
i n n o n - e c o n o m i c c o n t e x t s of a c t i o n , s u c h a s t h e i n s t i t u t i o n
1. T a l c o t t P a r s o n s : "A R e v i s e d A n a l y t i c a l A p p r o a c h t o t h e
T h e o r y of S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " i n h i s v o l u m e , E s s a y s
i n S o c i o l o i c a l T h e o r y , r e v i s e d e d . , G l e n c o e , I l l . : The
F r e e P r e e , 719%).
2.M.Gordon,
op. c i t . , p . 177.
of t h e family e n t a i l s an exaggeration of s t a t u s consistency
and comparabi1i:ty i n complex i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s .
By
c o n t r a s t , D a v i s a n d Moore a r e c l e a r l y a w a r e o f t h e
e x i s t e n c e o f some s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y w h e r e t h e y s t a t e ,
"economic r e t u r n " i s one of t h e main i n d i c e s of s o c i a l
status, but,
"
a p o s i t i o n d o e s n o t b r i n g power a n d
p r e s t i g e because i t draws a h i g h income."
1
Further,
Moore p o i n t s o u t t h a t T u m i n 1 s n e g l e c t o f t h e p r o b l e m
l e a d s him t o i m p l y t h a t a s o c i t y w i t h o u t s u b s t a n t i a l
d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n income would b e " u n s t r a t i f i e d . "
But,
"income e q u a l i z a t i o n might w e l l h e i g h t e n t h e d i f f e r e n t i a l s , "
i n other variables relevant t o stratification.
Tumin1s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h t h e economic a s p e c t
of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s i n d i c a t e d by h i s s t a t e m e n t s i n
other contexts.
The f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n indicates
an e a r l y p r e d i s p o s i t i o n t o emphasise t h e negative
e f f e c t s of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n i t s economic a s p e c t .
Throughout t h e t e x t book i n which t h e q u o t a t i o n
a p p e a r s , c l a s s c o n f l i c t and economic d e t e r m i n i s m a r e
s t r e s s e d t o an extreme.
The p o s t - w a r p e r i o d
of economic improvement i s a c c o u n t e d f o r a s f o l l o w s : " I n America t h e growing i n e q u a l i t y i n power
among c l a s s e s h a s b e e n o b s c u r e d by t h e
r e l a t i v e e q u a l i t y i n t h e a r e a of wide
d i s s e m i n a t i o n of cheap, mass-produced
commodities.
T h i s p r o c e s s works t o w a r d s
a b l u r r i n g o f some o f t h e e x p e c t a b l e
a t t i t u d e d i f f e r e n c e s between c l a s s e s i n
t h e f a c e of d i s a r i t y between i d e a l and
r e a l p a t t e r n s . "I !
Moore,
2. J.W. B e n n e t t a n d M . X .
~ n o ~( 1f 9,4 8 ) , p . 80.
Tumin: S o c i a l L i f e , New Y o r k : A . A .
What is "expectable" in American society is clearly
determined by the authorst own preconceptions of the
2
"ideal" society as classless.
In other criticisms, Tumin attempts to show on
the basis of a comparison of the job role and parental
role in the U.S.A.,that motivation to performance of
positional tasks would be developed more efficiently
i
by eaual rather than unequal rewards.
This argument
is that; whereas in the job structure rewards tend to
be differentially allocated according to position, in
the parent-role structure rewards (in the form of
personal gratifications and community approval) tend to
be given in direct proportion to effort.
If one assumes,
as Davis and Moore, that men can only be motivated to
conscientious performance b-f the offer of differential
rewards, the "average employee" should work harder
But, Ifactu3l behaviour reverses
2
these theoretical expectations," since the average
than the "average parent. 'I
parent typically works hard regardless of personal
rewards, whereas the average employee tends to calculate
the minimum work required.
Tuminfs comparison is unconvincing in view of the
decisive affectional bonds between parent and child which
are not present in the work situation; further, because
he is exclusively concerned with performance of
1. Melvin M. Tumin, "Rewards and Task-Orientations,"
.4merican Sociological Review, 20 ( ~ u ~ u s t1955),
,
p.419-23.
2. Ibid., p. 421.
-
66
-
p o s i t i o n a l d u t i e s , r a t h e r than t h e attainment of
positions i n the f i r s t place.
But more i n t e r e s t i n g
from t h e p o i n t o f v i e w of a d i s c u s s i o n o f Tumin1s
i d e o l o g i c a l b i a s , i s t h e marked d i s c r e p a n c y b e t w e e n
t h e v i e w of t h e American k i n s h i p system p r e s e n t e d i n
t h i s and i n t h e a r t i c l e d i s c u s s e d above.
I n t h e former
he considers a v a i l a b l e rewards f o r t h e performance
of p a r e n t r o l e s a r e a d e q u a t e , y e t i n t h e o t h e r a r t i c l e ,
( w r i t t e n one y e a r l a t e r ) h e claims such rewards a r e
" i n a d e q u a t e " and a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y r e p l a c e d by "economic
c r i t e r i a of m o r a l and s o c i a l w o r t h . "
ruminls determination
t o r e f u t e t h e Davis-Moore argument a p p e a r s t o exceed h i s
desire f o r theoretical corsistency.
I n c o n c l u s i o n , we h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o i d e n t i f y t h e
" p e r s p e c t i v e s " o f p r o p o n e n t s and c r i t i c s , f o l l o w i n g
Mannheimls s u g g e s t i o n s , i n t e r m s of t h e i r p a r t i a l o r
o n e - s i d e d t r e a t m e n t o f v a r i o u s c o n c e p t s and p r o b l e m s ,
and by t h e i r f a i l u r e t o c o n s i d e r i m p o r t a n t a r g u m e n t s
and e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e p r e s e n t e d by o t h e r c o n t r i b u t o r s
t o t h e controversy.
Mannheim s u g g e s t s t h a t p e r s p e c t i v e s
may a l s o b e i d e n t i f i e d b y t h e t h i n k e r ' s i m p l i c i t o r
e x p l i c i t m o d e l of how " f r u i t f u l t h i n k i n g " c a n b e
c a r r i e d on; b u t i n ?he a r e a of t h e c o n t r o v e r s y p r e s e n t e d
above p r o p o n e n t s and c r i t i c s d o n o t d i f f e r i n t h i s
respect
-
indeed c r i t i c s do not o f t e n present objections
t o t h e Davis-Moore argument which assume d i f f e r e n t t h e o r e t i c a l
premises.
I n a l a t e r c h a p t e r we s h a l l r e l a t e t h e c o n f l i c t
o f p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n w h i c h h a s b o t h i n i a t e d and s u s t a i n e d t h e c o n t r o v e r s y , t o t h e c o n f l i c t s between American
l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l s d u r i n g t h e
c o u r s e of t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y .
The f a 5 . l u r e o f
c r i t i c s o f t h e Davis-Moore a r g u m e n t t o p r e s e n t a n
e x p l a n a t i o n of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n from a r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t
s o c i o l o g i c a l perspective w i l l then he explicable i n
t e r m s of t h e l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s l a c k o f a v i a b l e
p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y , w h i c h would p r o v i d e a n a l t e r n a t i v e
t o t h e p r e v a i l i n g c o n s e r v a t i v e mood o f t h e f i f t i e s .
C h a p t e r ITJ
FUNCTION AND CAUSE : A METHODOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
I n t h e p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r we r e v i e w e d t h e c o n t r o v e r s y
s u r r o u n d i n g t h e Davis-Moore a r g l ~ m e n ti n t e r m s of t h e
p o l i t i c a l perspectives underlying various criticisms
and r e p l i e s .
But n o t a l l c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e c o n t r o v e r s y
manifest ideological bias.
Some o b j e c t i o n s t o t h e
argument a r e b a s e d on a c o n c e p t i o n o f c a u s a l , s c i e n t i f i c
e x p l a n a t i o n o f human b e h a v i o u r , w h i c h d i f f e r s m a r k e d l y
from t h a t of t h e p r o p o n e n t s .
We b e g i n t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s c i e n t i f i c s t a t u s
o f th D a v i s - M o o r e a r g u m e n t by d e m o n s t r a t i n g i n a l o g i c a l
a n d s y s t e m a t i c m a n n e r t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r i t o f some
i s s u e s r a i s e d by t h e c r i t i c s .
I n t h e 1945 a r t i c l e , t h e proponents argue t h a t
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n meets a designated f u n c t i o n a l requirement, and t h e n s o n c l u d e ,
" H e n c e , e v e r y s o c i e t y no m a t t e r how s i m p l e o r
complex must d i f f e r e n t i a t e p e r s o n s i n t e r m s
of b o t h p r e s t i g e and e s t e e m , a n d m u s t t h e r e f o r e p o s s e s s a c e r t a i n amount o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d
i n e q u a l i t y . rt 1
D a v i s a n d Moore d o n o t d e f i n e t h e p a r t i c u l a r f o r c e o f
"hence"
But t h e y a p p e a r t o p r o c e e d f r o m a s t a t e m e n t o f
a functional requirement t o a categorical a s s e r t i o n t h a t
a c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l form i s a n e c e s s a r y T e a t u r e of
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s a n d W.E. Moore, "Some P r i n c i p l e s of
S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1 0
( ~ ~ r i1 9l 4, 5 ) , p . 243.
any s o c i e t y .
L a t e r , Davis claims t h a t t h e statement
of t h e t h e o r e t i c a l n e c e s s i t y of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s a
g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s i n f e r r e d f r o m t h e known f a c t s o f
human s o c i e t i e s .
" I f a s o c i a l form i s a c t u a l l y found i n a l l
known s o c i e t i e s i t w o u l d seem h a r m l e s s t o
entertain the hypothesis t h a t it i s indisp e n s a b l e . 11 1
He c l a i m s f u r t , h e r t h a t i t i s a c o n t i n g e n t s t a t e m e n t ,
i n p r i n c i p l e s u s c e p t i b l e of v e r i f i c a t i o n o r f a l s i f i c a t i o n ,
although t h e l a t t e r i s u n l i k e l y i n view of t h e u b i q u i t y
of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
Tumin i n t e r p r e t s t h e p r o p o s i t i o n a s a s t a t e m e n t o f
some " i n h e r e n t n e c e s s i t y " i n t h e l 1 r 1 a t u r e o f man" t o b e
u n w i l l i n g t o work h a r d o r a c q u i r e s p e c i a l i z e d k n o w l e d g e ,
u n l e s s i n d u c e d t o d o s o hy t h e o f f e r o f d i f f e r e n t i a l
rewards.
Da7~i.s a n d M o o r e ' s a s s u m p t i o n t h a t a p a r t i -
c u l a r m o t i v a t l o n a l p a t t e r n i s a permanent f e a t u r e of
human b e h a v i o u r i s n o t a c o r r e c t i n f e r e n c e f r o m a v a i l a b l e e v i d e n c e , f o r t h e r e a r e i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t man i s
c a p a b l e of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g a r a n g e of a l t e r n a t i v e
m o t i v a t i o n a l schemes o t h e r t h a n inducement by d i f f e r t i a l
reward.
I n r e p l y , D a v i s o b j e c t s t h a t t h e " e v i d e n c e " Tumin
1 . K i n g s l e y D a v i s , " T h e Myth o f F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s a s a
S p e c i a l Method i n S o c i o l o g y a n d A n t h r o p o l o g y , 2 4 ,
( ~ e c e m b e r ,1 9 5 9 ) , r e p r i n t e d i n S v s t e m . C h a n a e a n d C o n f l i c t ,
e d . , N.J. D e m e r a t h a n d P.A. P e t e r s o n , New Y o r k , F r e e
Press (1967).
presents i s largely speculat4ve.
His a l t e r n a t i v e
m o t i v a t i o n a l schemes a r e "bltopian" i n t h a t t h e y d o
not r e f l e c t r e a l s o c i a l developments.
U n f o r t u n a t e l y t h e exchange of i d e a s s t o p s t h e r e .
i3ut t h e q u e s t i o n h a s b e e n r a i s e d o f w h e t h e r D a v i s i s
warranted i n c a l l i n g t h e proposition, t h a t s t r a t i f i cation i s theoretically necessary, a predictive inference.
1
According t o HempelTs a n a l y s i s L t h e p r o p o s i t i o n c o n t a i n s
two d i S 3 i n c t p r e d i c t i o n s : -
(1) a d e s i g n a t e d f u n c t i o n a l
p r e r e q u i s i t e w i l l always be s a t i s f i e d , and, ( 2 ) t h i s
f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e w i l l always be s a t i s f i e d by
means o f s t r a t i f i i a t i o n .
The f i r s t p r e d i c t i o n a s ? , u m e s , " a g e n e r a l l a w t o
t h e e f f e c t , t h a t , w i t h i n c e r t a i n l i m i t s of t o l e r a n c e and
a d a p t i b i l i t y a system of t h e kind under a n a l y s i s w i l l
-
e i t h e r i n v a r i a b l y o r w i t h a h i g h d e g r e e of p r o b a b i l i t y
s a t i s f y by developing a p p r o p r i a t e t r a i t s , t h e v a r i o u s
f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t s . . . t h a t may a r i s e f r o m c h a n g e s
i n i t s i n t e r n a l s t a t e and environment.
3
Hempel c a l l s
t h i s a ( g e n e r a l ) h y p o t h e s i s of s e l f - r e g u l a t i o n .
Only
i f i t i s possible t o speci%y the empirical referents
of t h e k e y t e r m s , " s y ~ t e r n , ~ ~ " l i mj"i t s" a d a p t a t i o n " e t c . ,
C a r l G . H e m p e l , "The L o g i c o f F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s , "
i n Symposium o n S o c i o l o g i c a l T h e o r y , Ed. L k w e l l y n
G r o s s , New Y o r k , E v a n s t o n , a n d L o n d o n : H a r p e r . a n d
Row P u b l i s h e r s , ( 1 9 5 9 ) , C h a p . 9 .
This r e s t s on Hempelts view of s c i e n t i f i c explanat i o n a s t h e subsumption of i n d i v i d u a l events under
g e n e r a l c a u s a l laws.
-
of t h i s g e n e r a l , h y p o t h e t i c a l l a w i s i t p o s s i b l e t o
g i v e c l e a r e m p i r i c a l meaning t o s u c h c o n n e c t i o n s
a s " h e n c e , " and " c o n s e q u e n t l y . "
The h y p o t h e s i s t h a t
a s o c i a l s y s t e m w i l l t e n d t o f u l f i l l i t s own r e q u i r e ments must be g i v e n i n a n o b j e c t i v e l y t e s t a b l e f o r m .
O t h e r w i s e , a p r e d i c t i o n b a s e d upon i t w i l l b e , i n
principle, unverifiable.
A t i t s s i m p l e s t , t h e problem
i s , how c a n t h e p r e d i c t i o n t h a t a g i v e n f u n c t i o n a l
r e q u i r e m e n t w i l l b e -saki-sfied, b e v e r i f i a b l e , i f o n e
c a n n o t s t a t e i n e m p i r i c a l t e r m s what i t mezns T G ~a
"system" t o " f u n c t i o n p r o p e r l y . "
S i n c e D a v i s and
Moore d o n o t at-kempt t o d e l i n e a t e t h e s e t e r m s p r e c i s e l y ,
a s we showed i n C h a p t e r Two, t h e f i r s t p a r t of t h e i r
predictive inference i s unsatisfactory.
The second p a r t of D a v i s and M o o r e ' s p r e d i c t i o n
i s t h a t the designated functional r e q u i s i t e w i l l
a l w a y s be s a t i s f i e d by means o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
They
assume t h e r e a r e a d e q u a t e g r o u n d s f o r s t a t i n g t h a t a
g i v e n s o c i a l form i s i n d i s p e n s a b l e t o t h e f u l f i l l m e n t
of a p a r t i c u l a r f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t .
As Hempel p o i n t s
o u t , t h e e m p i r i c a l g r o u n d s f o r t h i s a s s u m p t i o n a r e questionable.
P a r s o n s , f o r example, s t a t e s t h a t , " t h e f u n c t i o n
of t h e r a i n d a n c e m i g h t b e s u b s e r v e d by some o t h e r c e r e m o n i a l , " i n o r d e r t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t i n many c o n c r e t e
c a s e s t h e r e a p p e a r t o b e a number o f c u l t u r a l i t e m s which
c a n e f f e c t i v e l y meet t h e same f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t .
F u r t h e r m o r e , Merton h a s i n s i s t e d t h a t t h e c o n c e p t of t h e
f u n c t i o n a l i n d i s p e n s a b i l i t y o f g i v e n c u l t u r a l i t e m s and
s t r u c t u r a l a r r a n g e m e n t s b e r e p l a c e d b y t h e c o n c e p t of
functional equivalents i n sociological research.
I n a d d i t i o n 'o
t h e s e g e n e r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , one c r i t i c
o f t h e Davis-Moore argument h a s p r e s e n t e d e m p i r i c a l
evidence f o r t h e e x i s t e n c e of s o c i a l arrangements which
m e e t p r e c i s e l y t h e same f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t a s
stratification.
These c o n s i d e r a t i o n s have s e r i o u s i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r
t h e s c i e n t i f i c s t a t u s of t h e proponents1 p r e d i c t i o n t h a t
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s f u n c t i o n a l l y n e c e s s a r y and i n e v i t a b l e .
T h i s i s a m a t t e r of l o g i c a l i n f e r e n c e .
The s t a t e m e n t
t h a t a given c u l t u r a l item ( x ) i s a necessary f e a t u r e of
a s o c i a l s y s t e m may b e v a l i d l y i n f e r r e d f r o m t w o p r o p o s i t i o n s : One, t h a t a c c o r d i n g t o a g e n e r a l l a w o f s e l f - r e g u l a t i o n ,
c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n a l requiremenk must always be m e t ;
two, t h a t t h e r e a r e a d e q u a t e grounds f o r e x p e c t i n g ( x )
r a t h e r t h a n one of i t s f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t s t o meet
t h i s f u n c t i o n a l requiremen-t.
The a b o v e p o i n t s may b e p r e s e n t e d i n s c h e m a t i c
form
1
a s follows:( a ) I f system ( s ) i s t o f u n c t i o n properly,
(proper functioning being defined i n
t e r m s o f s p e c i f i e d i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l
c o n d i t i o n s ) t h e n c o n d i t i o n ( n ) must b e
s a t i s f i e d a t some f u t u r e t i m e ( t ) .
-
-
1. C a r i H e m p e l , o p . c i t . ,
p . 283.
a
( b ) If i t e m ( x ) were p r e s e n t i n ( s )
-
then a s an e f f e c t , requirement ( n )
would b e s a t i s f i e d .
( c ) it hen), (x) i s p r e s e n t i n ( s ) a t ( t ) .
The f a i l u r e o f D a v i s a n d Moore t o p r o v i d e a d e q u a t e
g r o u n d s f o r s t a t i n g p r o p o s i t i o n s ( a ) a n d ( b ) means t h a t
they cannot v a l i d l y i n f e r ( c ) .
Thus t h e i r s t a t e m e n t ,
I t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s a necessary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of any
s o c i e t y , " appe3rs t o be very l i m i t e d i n i t s p r e d i c t i v e
i m p o r t , when i t i s c o n s i d e r e d o n t h e b a s i s o f a s t r i c t
view of s c i e n t i f i c explanation.
C r i t i c s , Dore and Bredemeier, deny t h a t Davis
and Moore's f u n c t i o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
i s a s c i e n t i f i c c a u s a l t h e o r y on t h e grounds t h a t
c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r w h i c h o n e c a n make t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m
a statement of " t h e f u n c t i o n of x i " t o a statement of t h e
"cause of x u c o n t a i n s e r i o u s d i f f i c u l t i e s .
Bredemeier
1
c r i t i c i z e s t h e l e g i t i m a c y of c a l l i n g an
explanation i n terms of f u n c t i o n , causal.
He m a i n t a i n s
t h a t sociologists often confuse statements concerning
t h e f u n c t i o n a l consequences of ( x ) w i t h s t a t e m e n t s
concerning t h e causes of ( x ) .
T h i s confusion stems from
t h e i r t e n d e n c y n o t i b d i s t i n g u i s h two s e p a r a t e a p p r o a c h e s
t o functional analysis:
E x p l a n a t i o n s which a t t e m p t t o
a s s e s s t h e p a r t p l a y e d by a n ~ b s e r v e d item ( x ) i n t h e
m a i n t e n a n c e o f some l a r g e r s y s t e m ( y ) i n w h i c h ( x ) i s
1. H a r r y C. B r e d e m e i e r , "The M e t h o d o l o g y o f F u n c t i o n a l i s m , "
A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 2 0 , ( ~ ~ r i . 119,5 5 ) , p . 1 7 3 .
i n c l u d e d , a r e of t h e g e n e r a l form, " t h e f u n c t i o n of
( x ) f o r ( y ) i s ( t ) , "w h e r e ( t ) a r e t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f ( x )
for (y).
On t h e o t h e r hand, e x p l a n a t i o n s which a t t e m p t
t o e x p l a i n t h e o r i g i n of ( x ) must l o o k f o r t h e c a u s e s of
(x) itself.
S o c i o l o g i s t s , however, o f t e n c o n f u s e
t h e s e d i s t i 4 2 c t k i n d s o f e x p l a n a t i o n and i n c o r r e c t l y
assume t h a t , h a v i n g shown," t h e f u n c t i o n of ( x ) f o r ( y )
i s ( t ) , "t h e y h a v e e x p l a i n e d t h e c a u s e o f ( x ) .
The t r a n s i t i o n from one t y p e of c o n c l u s i o n t o t h e
other i s logically incorrect.
The s t a t e m e n t " t h e f u n c t i o n
o f ( x ) f o r ( y ) i s (t),"c a n b e t r a n s l a t e d i n t o t h i s
s t a t e m e n t , "a c o n t r i b u t i n g cause of ( y ) i s ( t )of ( x ) . "
Thus, w h i l s t a f u n c t i o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n of a g i v e n c u l t u r a l
item does t e l l u s something of t h e c c n t r i b u t i n g cause
of t h e w i d e r system i n which t h e item i s i m p l i c a t e d ,
t h i s kind of explanation t e l l s u s nothing of t h e cause
of t h a t item, i t s e l f .
W i t h s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e t o +,he D a v i s - M o o r e a r g u m e n t
t h e s t a t e m e n t , " s t r a t i f i c a t i o n f u n c t i o n s t o make t h e
d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r w o r k a b l e , " may e x p l a i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
a s a c o n t r i b u t i n g cause ( o r cause of t h e p e r s i s t e n c e ) of
t h e d i v i s i o n of labour, but i t says nothing about
t h e " c a u s e " of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f .
I n r e p l y , Davis argues t h a t t h e f u n c t i o n a l i s t
a p p r o a c h d o e s n o t e x a m i n e o n l y t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of a
c u l t u r a l item f o r t h e wider s o c i a l system.
1
In
s o c i o l o g y a s i n s c i e n c e , some k i n d o f s y s t e m i s u s u a l l y
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , The Myth o f F u n s t i o n a l A n a l y s i s , o p . c i t . ,
p . 393.
being dealt with.
Thus, "an a n a l y s i s of t h e e f f e c t
o f o n e f a c t o r m u s t a l w a y s b e made w i t h t h e p o s s i b i l i t y
i n mind o f t h e r e t u r n e f f e c t , o r " f e e d - b a c k . "
Accord-
i n g l y , B r e d e m e i e r o v e r l o o k s t h e r e c i ~ r o c a li n f l u e n c e s
o f " c a u s e " a n d " c o n s e q u e n c e s , " w h e r e b y a n e f f e c t may,
i n t u r n , come t o m o d i f y i t s o r i g i n a l c a u s e .
D a v i s ' e x a m p l e of t h e o p e r a t i o n o f a " f e e d - b a c k "
i s , significantly, biological.
" . . , t h e i n c r e a s e o f f i s h ( y ) i n a pond
h a s t h e e f f e c t of i n c r e a s i n g t h e t o x i c i t y
( x ) of t h e w a t e r , t h e growth of t h e f i s h
population (y again) w i l l eventually cease
u n l e s s o t h e r f a c L o r s i n t e r v e n e . II 1
B u t w h e r e a s t h e c o n c e p t o f " f e e d - b a c k " may a p p l y t o
i t e m s and t h e i r e f f e c t s which c a n b e e m p i r i c a l l y
d e l i n e a t e d and measured a s i n h i s example, i t i s
d i f f i c u l t t o s e e how t h e c o n c e p t a p p l i e s t o t h e D a v i s Moore e x p l a n a t i o n o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , i n w h i c h s u c h p r e c i s e
d e l i n e a t i o n i s not even attempted.
Huacols c r i t i q u e 2 i s relevant here.
t h e a m b i g u i t y o f t h e Davis-Moore
t h e i r statemen"
He p o i n t s o u t
argument i n v o l v e d i n
of t h e r e l a t i o n of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t o t h e
o p e r a t i o n o f two f a c t o r s , t h e f u n c t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e o f
p o s i t i o n s and t h e s c a r c i t y o f q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n n e l . They s t a t e
1. I b i d .
2. G e o r g e H u a c o , " A L o g i c a l A n a l y s i s o f t h e D a v i s - M o o r e
T h e o r y of S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review,
2 8 , ( ~ c t o b e r , 1963), p p . 8 0 1 - 8 0 4 .
t h e o p e r a t i o n o f t h e two f a c t o r s g i v e n above i . e .
t h e f u n c t i o n a l o p e r a t i o n of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s determined
b y t h e o p e r a t i o n of a n u n d e r l y i n g m e c h a n i s m .
I n another
p a r t of t h e i r argument t h e y e x p l a i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
according
t h e , "proper f u n c t i o n a l i s t approach,
"
i n t e r m s of i t s c o n s e q u e n c e s f o r t h e w i d e r s o c i a l
system.
Here, s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s s a i d t o be an
" u n c o n s c i o u s l y e v o l v e d d e v i c e ; 'I t h a t i s , a d e t e r m t n a n t ,
which e n s a r e s t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n s a r e
cons&ntiously
f i l l e d by t h e m o s t q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n s .
Huaco c o n c l u d e s ,
" I n t h e f i r s t v e r s i o n of t h e t h e o r y , u n e q u a l
rewards a r e t h e e f f e c t of t h e o p e r a t i o n of
t h e mechanism s u r r o u n d i n g u n e q u a l f u n c t i o n a l
importanse; i n t h e second v e r s i o n of t h e t h e o r y ,
u n e q u a l r e w a r d s a r e t h e c a u s e of t h e o p e r a t i o n
o f t h e mech n i s m s u r r o u n d i n g u n e q u a l f u n c t i o n a l
i m p o & n c e . I' 7 .
One m i g h t s u p p o s e f r o m t h i s t h a t D a v i s ' c o n c e p t o f " f e e d back" i s an attempt t o j u s t i f y t h e ambiquity of t h e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of t h e v a r i o u s f a c t o r s considered.
Some c o n t r i b u t o r s t o t h e c o n t r o v e r s y h a v e s p e c i i i e d
t h e c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r which t h e y would a c c e p t t h a t a
f u n c t i o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n of a g i v e n i t e m ( x ) , i n t e r m s of
i t s consequences f o r t h e wider system ( y ) , c o n s t i t u t e s
a s t a t e m e n t of t h e c a u s e of ( x ) .
Bredemeier a r g u e s t h a t t h e t r a n s i t i o n
1. G. H u a c o , o p . c i t . , p .
second d e t e r m i n a n t of
qualified personnel.
one o r t h e o t h e r , b u t
i s logically
8 0 4 . N o t e t h a t Huaco o m i t s t h e
p o s i t i o n a l r a n k i n g , s c a r c i t y of
Generally c r i t i c s deal with
r a r e l y both.
a d e q u a t e i f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s who compose t h e g r o u p o r
s o c l e t y e x a m i n e d c a n b e s a i d t o b e a w a r e o f , and i n t e n d ,
t h e consequences of ( x ) f o r ( y ) .
1
I n Mertonfs terms
t h i s means t h a t t h e e x p l a n a t i o n n u s t b e c o n c e p t u a l i z e d
o n t h e l e v e l o f " m a n i f e s t f ~ n c t i o r i s , ~t 'o r e f e r t o ,
"those o b j e c t i v e consequences f o r a s p e c i f i e d u n i t
...
which c o n t r i b u t e t o i t s a d j u s t m e n t o r a d a p t i o n and
2
were s o i n t e n d e d . "
Dore a d o p t s a s i m i l a r view.
"Sociologists a r e not
always p r e c l u d e d from making t h e . . , t r a n s i t i o n
f u n c t i o n o f x t o t h e c a u s e of x .
from t h e
Human i n s t i t u t i o n s a r e
now p u r p o s e f u l l y d e s i g n s d o n a s c a l e r a r e l y a t t e m p t e d
before."
He c i t e s a s a n e x a m p l e t h e c a u s a l e x p l a n a t i o n
o f t h e o r i g i n o f C h i n e s e communes i n t e r m s o f t h e i n t e n d e d
p u r p o s e s of h i s t o r i c a l l y i d e n t i f i a b l e g r o u p s a n d i n d i v i d u a l s .
wrong4 a n d S c h w a r t z i m p l i c i t l y a d o p t t h e same v i e w
when t h e y s u g g e s t t h a t a f u l l c a u s a l a c c o u n t o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n must r e f e r t o t h e i n t e n d e d p u r p o s e s of p o w e r f u l
1. H a r r y C. B r e d e m e i e r , The M e t h o d o l o g y o f F u n c t i o n a l i s m ,
o p . c i t . , p.173-180.
2 . R o b e r t K. Merton, S o c i a l Theory and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e ,
GI-encoe, I l l . , The F r e e P r e s s , ( 1 9 4 9 ) , C h a p . 1 .
3. R o n a l d P h i l i p D o r e , " F u n c t i o n a n d C a u s e , " A m e r i c a n
S o c i o l o g f - c a l R e v i e w , 2 6 , ( ~ e c e m b e r ,1 9 6 1 ) , p p . 8 4 3 - 8 5 3 .
4 . D e n n i s H. Wrong, " T h e F u n c t i o n a l i s t T h e o r y o f S t r a t i f i c a t i o n : Some N e g l e c t e d C o n s i d e r a t i o n s , " A m e r i c a n
S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 2 4 , ( ~ e c e m b e r ,1 9 5 5 ) , p . 4 3 0 .
3
-
78
-
g r o u p s w i t h i n s o c i e t y , " t o augument and p e r p e t u a t e
p r i v i l e g e s a n d r e w a r d s t o t h e i r own a d v a n t a g e . "
1
C r i t i c s claim t h a t another condition for the
t r a n s i t i o n from a s t a t e m e n t of t h e f u n c t i o n of x, t o
t h e c a u s e o f x i s t h a t t h e s p e c i a l a p p r o a c h of e v o l u t i o n a r y f u n c t i o n a l i s m be employsd.
Bredemeier t a k e s D a v i s ' e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e i n c e s t
2
t a b o o a s a n example. Davis s t a t e s t h a t t h i s c u l t u r a l
i t e m e x i s t s , b e c a u s e i t h a s t h e l a t e n t f u n c t i o n of
preventing confusion of kinship r o l e s .
Bredemeier c l a i m s
t h a t a more s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n i n terms of l a t e n t
function i s as follows.
He hypothesises,
" . . . s o c i e t i e s w h i c h somehow s t u m b l e d upon a
d e f i n i t i o n o f m o t h e r and s o n r o l e s which
made s e x u a l r e s p o n s e s i m p o s s i b l e had a n
advantage i n carrying out t h e s o c i a l i z a t i o n
p r o c e s s , s o t h a t t h e y a r e t h e o n l y ones which
s u r v i v e d . . I t (my e m p h a s i s ) .
.
H e r e , B r e d e m e i e r c l a i m s t h a t o n e may e x p l a i n t h e
p e r s i s t e n c e of a s o c i a l form i n terms of i t s d e f i n i t e
advantages f o r " s o c i a l survival."
But t h e s t a t e m e n t ,
s o c i e t i e s which have t h e i n c e s t t a b o o a r e , " t h e o n l y ones
t o s u r v i v e , " c a r r l e s t h e i m ~ l i c a t i o nt h a t t h e i n c e s t t a b o o
i s indispensable t o t h e f u l f i l l m e n t of a functional
requirement; f o r a functional requirement i s a l s o defined
by r e f e r e n c e t o " s o c i a l s u r v i v a l . "
3
1. R i c h a r d D . S c h w a r t z , " F u n c t i o n a l A l t e r n a t i v e s t o I n e q u a l i t y , "
20, ( ~ u g u s t , 1 9 5 5 ) , p . 4 3 0 .
2 . Q u o t e d i n H a r ~ yC. B r e d e m e i e r , o p . c i t . ,
p. 173.
3. S e e C h a p t e r Two f o r t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s i n v o l v e d i n s u c h
an assertion.
I t i s t h e n d i f f i c u l t t o s e e how B r e d e m e i e r ' s r e s t a t e ment d i f f e r s from D a v i s ' f u n c t i o n a l s t a t e m e n t .
Dore p r e s e n t s a more c a u t i o u s r e f o r m u l a t i o n of t h e
Davis-Moore argument i n t e r m s o f e v o l u t i o n a r y f u n c t i o n a -
lism.
I t i s n o t o p e n 5 0 t h e o b j e c t i o n we r a i s e d f o r
Bredemeier's account because Dore s l i p s t h e concept
of " m a n i f e s t f u n c t i o n , " i n t o t h e e x p l a n a t i o n .
Thus p a r t
o f t h e r e a s o n s o c i a l f o r m s s u r v i v e i s t h a t human b e i n g s
e x p l i c i t l y r e c o g n i z e t h e i r a d v a n t a g e s , and d e l i b e r a t e l y
i n s t i t u t e them.
Dore s u g g e s t s ,
" . . . f o r some r e a s o n s some s o c i e t i e s w h i c h
began t h e d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r a l s o had, o r
d e v e l o p e d a s y s t e m of u n e q u a i p r i v i l e g e s . ~ ; ' T h o s e
which d i d , b r e d more r a p i d l y , a c q u i r e d
r e s o u r c e s a t t h e expense o f , and e v e n t u a l l y
e l i m i n a t e d , t h e o t h e r s . P e r h a p s . . .t h e i r
o b v i o u s s u p e r i o r i t y i n w e a l t h , power
induced t h e o t h e r s t o i m i t a t e t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s w h o l e s a l e i n c l u d i n g t h e p r i n c i p l e of
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . . 'I
...
These hypotheses a r e , h e admits, u n l i k e l y b u t t h e y
c o n s t i t u t e s e v e r a l causal chains, t h e r e l a t i v e importance
of which c o u l d " b e a s s e s s e d i n t h e l i g h t of h i s t o r i c a l
evidence."
But i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o t a k e D o r e ' s s u g g e s t i o n
s e r i o u s l y due t o t h e absence of a d e q u a t e h i s t o r i c a l
a c c o u n t s of t h e presumed t r a n s i t i o n from n o n - s t r a t i f i e d
t o stratified societies.
Simpson o b j e c t s t o D o r e ' s r e s t a t e m e n t of t h e DavisMoore a r g u n e n t b e c a u s e t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t p r a c t i c e s
which a r e not advantageous, b u t d e f i n i t e l y d e t r i m e n t a l t o
-
80
1
" s o c i a l survival" w i l l be eliminated, i s questionable.
. W h i l s t some s o c i a l f o r m s a r e c l e a r l y d y s f u n c t i o n a l ,
others a r e neither "adaptive" o r "maladaptive," but,
l i k e t h e human a p p e n d i x , f u n c t i o n l e s s .
Q u o t i n g Riesman,
he asserts,
" S o c i e t i e s can t o l e r a t e , even without d i s 2
i n t e g r a t i o n much m o r e d i s o r g a n i s a t i o n
a n d e v e n r u i n t h a n many p e o p l e r e c o g n i z e . "
Dore r e c o g n i z e s t h e l i m i t e d v a l u e o f t h e e v o l u t i o n a r y
approach.
E v o l u t i o n a r y t h e o r y i s i r r e l e v a n t t o some
i n s t i t u t i o n s which d i d not l'evolve" b u t were conceived
and d e l i b e r a t e l y s e t u p , s u c h a s t h e p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m
o f t h e U.S.A.
I n such cases it i s necessary t o apply a
weaker v e r s i o n o f e v o l u t i o n a r y t h e o r y , which d e f i n e s
c a u s a l l y important conditions f o r t h e transmission of a
c u l t u r a l item, once o r i g i n a t e d .
T h i s would i n v o l v e
s t a t i n g i n w h a t ways a n i t e m i s n o t d y s f u n c t i o n a l .
But s i n c e s u c h n e g a t i v e c o n d i t i o n s c a n b e enumerated
a t l e n g t h , a l l p l a y a small p a r t i n a complete c a u s a l
explanation.
The p r o b l e m r e m a i n s , o f a s s i g n i n g
relative significance t o the varrables identified.
Dore adds t o t h e above c o n d i t i o n s f o r t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n
1. R i c h a r d S i m p s o n , " A M o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e F u n c t i o n a l
T h e o r y of S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " S o c i a l F o r c e s , 35,
[ D e c e m b e r , 1 9 5 6 ) , p . 132.
2 . D a v i d R i e s m a n , N a t h a n G l a z e r a n d R e u e l Denney, The
L o n e l y Crowd: A S t u d y o f t h e C h a n g i n g A m e r i c a n C h a r a c t e r ,
New Y o r k : D o u b l e d a y A n c h o r B o o k s , ( 1 9 5 3 ) , p . 4 5 .
from " f u n c t i o n " t o " c a u s e " " t h e p o s t u l a t e of a n immanent
-
t e n d e n c y u n i v e r s a l i n human s o c i e t i e s , f o r t h e p a r t s o f
a s o c i e t y t o be i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e whole.
"Given such a
/
tendency t h e f u n c t i o n of an i n s t i t u t i o n i s i t s r a i s o n - d ' e t r e
and h e n c e i t s c a u s e . " '
He a r g u e s t h a t D a v i s t s t a t e m e n t
c o n c e r n i n g t h e postu3.ate of f u n c t i o n a l u n i t y ,
"It
would b e s i l l y t o r e g a r d s u c h a p r o p o s i t i o n a s t r u e , "
2
d e s t r o y s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of t h e t r a n s i t i o n from " f u n c t i o n "
t o "cause".
D o r e 1 s argument i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y f o r even i f one
granted t h e condition of perfect functional unity, t h e
p o s s i b i l i t y s t i l l e x i s t s of s e v e r a l s o c i a l arrangements
a l l e q u a l l y c a p a b l e of m e e t i n g e f f e c t i v e l y a g:.ven
functional requirement.
Thus t h e problem p o i n t e d o u t
b y Hempel, o f d e m o n s t r a t i n g e m p i r i c a l l y t h a t
one o f
these
s o c i a l forms i s i n d i s p e n s a b l e o r a t l e a s t more l i k e l y t o
occur than t h e o t h e r s , remains unresolved.
Consequently,
D a v i s and Moore's s t a t e m e n t of t h e f u n c t i o n a l n e c e s s i t y of
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n cannot be said t o be a statement of t h e
c a u s e o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n e v e n i f we a s s u m e a c o n d i i j o n o f
perfect functional unity.
On t h e w h o l e t h e a b o v e c r i t i c i s m s d o show t h a t t h e
grounds f o r making t h e t r a n s i t i o n from a s t a t e m e n t of
t h e f u n c t i o n of a s o c i a l f o r m t o s t a t e m e d o f i t s c a u s e a r e
logically inadequate.
Further, t h a t t h e conditions under
1. R.P. D o r e , o p . c i t . , p . 845.
2. . K i n g s l e y D a v i s , The Myth o f F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s , o p .
c i t . , p . 389.
w h i c h s u c h a t r a n s i t i o n - c o u l d b e made c o n t a i n s s r i o u s
difficulties.
Davis r e p l i e s t h a t although f u n c t i o n a l
analysks i s a t a p r i m i t i v e stage, i n t h a t not a l l
theoretical statements are logical inferences or empirically
verifiable,
it i s s t i l l c a u s a l a n a l y s i s because i t explains
phenomena, a s any s c i e n c e , "from t h e s t a n d p o i n t o f a
s y s t e m of r e a s o n i n g w h i c h p r e s u m a b l y b e a r s a r e l a t i o n t o a
corresponding system i n nature."
D a v i s c o n c e i v e s s c i e n t i f i c e x p l a n a t i o n a s a s y s t e m mode
~f reasoning.
He asks,
"How e l s e c a n d a t a b e i n t e r p r e t e d e x c e p t i n
r e l a t i o n t o t h e l a r g e r s t r u c t l ~ r e si n w h i c h
t h e y a r e i m p l i c a t e d ? Wow c a n d a t a o n t h e
e a r t h ' s o r b i t f o r example be understood
e x c e p t i n r e l a t i o n t o a system i n which
they a r e involved - i n t h i s case, t h e s p l a r
system o r t h e e a r t h ' s c l i m a t i c system."
Functional a n a l y s i s does not d i f f e r i n i t s b a s i c premises
and c o n c e p t s f r o m s c i e n t i f i c e x p l a n a t i o n f o r i t t y p i c a l l y
r e l a t e s t h e p a r t s o f a s y s t e m t o t h e whole, and r e l a t e s one
part t o another.
C r i t i c s tend t o t r e a t functional analysis as a
s p e c i a l mode o f s o c i o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n b u t t h i s i s n o t
so.
F u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s d a e s n o t d i f f e r b a s i c a l l y from
sociology i n general.
The " r e q u i r e m e n t - m e e t i n g ' ' mode
of r e a s o n i n g , a s Merton p o i n t s o u t , t y p i c a l l y s e e k s
t o i n t e r p r e t d a t a , "by e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r consequences
rn
L
f o r t h e l a r g e r s t r u c t u r e s i n which t h e y a r e i m p l i c a t e d . "
1. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , " T h e Myth of F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s , "
o p . c i t . , p . 393.
2. Quoted by K i n g s l e y D a v i s , o p . c i t . , p .
393.
I f , s a y s D a v t s , t h i s m e a n s t h a t among t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s
used t o i n t e r p r e t a g i v e n i t e m a r e i t s consequences f o r
t h e l a r g e r s t r u c t u r e , t h e n t h i s i s t r u e o f an.^ s c i e n c e . 1
There a r e s p e c i a l problems f o r s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s
which d e r i v e from t h e n a t u r e of t h e s u b j e c t m a t t e r ,
society.
The a n a l y s t c a n n o t b e t o t a l l y o b j e c t i v e i n
describing s o c i a l r e a l i t y because s o c i a l r e a l i t y i s
o n l y m e a n i n g f u l i n t e r m s of t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s t s h a r e d
definitions.
Moreover, o v e r and above t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s
of o b j e c t i v i t y , f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s o f t e n adopts a kind
o f l a n g u a g e which i s c l o s e t o p u r p o s i v e and m o r a l i s t i c
r e a s o n i n g , and s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e b e abandoned.
I n t h e f o l l o w i n g p a g e s we d o n o t i n t e n d t o e x p l o r e
t h e complex problem o f t h e o b j e c t i v i t y o f s o c i o l o g i c a l
e x p l a n a t i o n ; o u r m a i n c o n c e r n Ls t o c o n t r a s t t h e d i f f e r e n t
c o n c e p t i o n s of s c i e n t i f i c e x p l a n a t i o n espsused by Davis
and h i s c r i t i c s .
D a v i s 1 argument t h a t s o c i o l o g i c a l o r f u n c t i o n a l
analysis
2
i s f r e q u e n t l y i n t u i t i v e and u n v e r i f i a b l e
b u t y e t " s c i e n t i f i c , " r e s t s on a n a n a l o g y between t h e
n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s and s o c i o l o g y , which assumes b o t h
d i s c i p l i n e s t y p i c a l l y t r y t o show how a g i v e n u n i t i s
r e l a t e d t o a w i d e r system i n which i t i s i m p l i c a t e d .
3
Dore
o b j e c t s t h a t t h i s analogy i s misleading; whereas
I-. K i n g s l e y D a v i s , " T h e Myth o f F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s " , o p .
c i t . , p. 393.
2. T h e - t e r m s a r e , a c c o r d i n g t o D a v i s , i n t e r - c h a n g e a b l e .
3. R.P. D o r e , o p . c i t . , p p . 8 4 3 - 5 3 3 .
i n n a t u r e t h e p a r t s of a g i v e n system a r e i n c o n t i n u o u s
i n t e r a c t i o n with each o t h e r , i n s o c i a l systems t h e p a r t s
do not a f f e c t each o t h e r simultaneously.
He w r i t e s ,
"The m u t u a l r e l a t i o n o f , s a y , t h e s y s t e m
of s o c i a l i z a t i o n t o t h e s y s t e m o f p o l i t i c a l
c o n t r o l i s mediated by t h e p e r s o n a l i t y s t r u c t u r e ,
and a s s u c h i t i s a r e l a t i o n which r e q u i r e s
a l o n g t i m e i n t e r v a l t o work t h r o u g h t h e
w h o l e c a u s a l s e q u e n c e . :I 1
Dore p o i n t s o u t f u r t h e r t h a t t h e a n a l y s i s o f systems
such a s t h e s o l a r system can, a s Davis suggests, dispense
with t h e notion of cause i n favour of f u n c t i o n , b u t t h i s
i s s t r i c t l y t h e m a t h e m a t i c i a n ' s f u n c t i o n , n o t t h a t of
the sociologist.
D o r e 1 s p o i n t i s t h a t t h e system-mode o f
r e a s o n i n g means v e r y d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s when a p p l i e d i n
t h e n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s and i n s o c i o l o g y .
Whereas t h e c o n c e p t
of c a u s a l i t y c a n n o t b e a p p l i e d t o D a v i s ' " s y s t e m - e x p l a n a tion" of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , i t
can b e
examples of "system-explanation"
applied t o Davis1
i n the natural sciences.
We d o n o t i n t e i q d t o e x a m i n e D o r e 1 s h i g h l y t e c h n i c a l
arguments i n t h i s r e s p e c t .
He a p p e a r s t o h a v e s u c c e s s -
f u l l y t r a n s l a t e d a tlsystem-explanationtl of a g i v e n e v e n t ,
( t h e movement o f t h e moon) i n t o a n e x p l a n a t i o n w h i c h
r e l a t e s a whole s e r i e s of i n d i v i d u a l e v e n t s t o each
o t h e r b y mezns o f g e n e r a l , c a u s a l l a w s .
Having p r e s e n t e d arguments f o r t h e c o n c e p t i o n of
s c i e n t i f i c e x p l a n a t i o n i n terms of t h e subsumption o f
i n d i v i d u a l e v e n z s u n d e r more g e n e r a l l a w s , Dore c l a i m s
t h a t s i m i l a r p r i n c i p l e s o f e x p l a n a t i o n may b e a p p l i e d t o
1. I b i d .
sociological theory.
Davis, h e s a y s , assumes a , " s p e c i a l
and h a r d l y u n i v e r s a l , " view of what s c i e n t i f i c s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s s h o u l d b e . B u t t h e system-mode o f r e a s o n i n g i s not t h e only v i a b l e approach.
An e q u a l l y v i a b l e
alternative i s the search f o r regularities i n the
concomtant o c c u r r e n c e s o f s o c i a l phenomena, and t h e
a t t e m p t t o induce c a u s a l laws from such r e g u l a r i t i e s
i n o r d e r t o i n c o r p o r a t e them e v e n t u a l l y i n t o a comprehensive theory.
According t o Dore's view, i n s t i t u t i o n s such a s
m a r r i a g e and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a r e summary g e n e r i c t e r m s
f o r i n d i v i d u a l e v e n t s , and s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t t h e f u n c t i o n a l
i n t e r r e l a t i o n s of i n s t i t u t i n n s a r e u l t i m a t e l y g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l r e c u r ring events.
"
Thus,
' t h e system of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n f u n c t i o n s t o
make t h e d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r w o r k a b l e , ' i s a
g e n e r a l i z e d summation of lower o r d e r generalizations t o the effect that for instance,
'men s u b m i t t o a l e n g t h y m e d i c a l t r a i n i n g
b e c a u s e t h e y h a v e t h e p r o s p e c t of g r e a t e r
r e w a r d s , ' e t c . , which a r e themselves
g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s from s t a t e m e n t s of p a r t i c u l a r e v e n t s ( ' ~ a z ks u b m i t t e d
because he
had.. ' ) . " l
...
.
Questions about t h e "causet' of a n i n s t i t u t i o n , a r e
then questions about p a r t i c u l a r events
-
either with the
p a r t i c u l a r events a s s o c i a t e d with t h e o r i g i n of t h e
i n s t i t u t i o n , o r w i t h t h e r e c u r r i n a e v e n t s w h i c h compose
the institution.
The c o n c e p t o f f u n c t i o n b l u r s t h e
p r e c i s e c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s imputed and y e t d e s c r i p t i o n s
1. I b i d .
-
86
-
i n terms o f f u n c t i o n seem somehow c a u s a l ; " i t makes it
e a s i e r f o r i n s t i t u t i o n s t o be t r e a t e d as ultimate u n i t s
w i t h o u t c o n s t a n t r e f e r e n c e t o t h e e m p i r i c a l c o n t e n t of
1
s u c h c o n c e p t s . . . 'I
The d i s a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n p r o p g n e n t s a n d c r i t i c s
c o n c e r n i n g t h e r e l a t i o n of " f u n c t i o n " t o "cause" i s
b a s i c a l l y a d i s a g r e e m e n t o v e r t h e n a t u r e of s c i e n t i f i c
explanation.
On o n e h a n d , D a v i s i n t e r p r e t s i t a s t h e
a t t e m p t t o r e l a t e a n i t e m t o t h e wider system i n
which i t i s i m p l i c a t e d .
On t h e o t h e r h a n d , D o r e i n t e r p r e t s
s c i e n t i f i c e x p l a n a t i o n a s t h e subsurnption of t h e g i v e n i t e m
u n d e r more g e n e r a l c a u s a l l a w s .
According t o t h e former
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , t h e c o n c e p t of f u n c t i o n i s u n n e c e s s a r y ;..
s i n c e i t a d d s n o t h i n g t o t h e s y s t e m mode o f r e a s o n i n g ; a c c o r d i n g
t o t h e l a t t e r , it i s inadequate because i t precludes t h e
consideration of individual events i n r e l a t i o n t o general
causal laws.
Adopting a view of s o c i o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s i m i l a r t o
D o r e ' s , Bredemeier
2
suggests t h a t a causal explanation of
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n must b e g l v e n i n t e r m s which a r e u l t i m a t e l y
r e d u c i b l e t o i n d i v i d u a l r e c u r r i n g e v e n t s and t o p s y c h o l o g i c a l
propositions.
Thus h e a t t e m p t s t o r e f o r m u l a t e t h e D a v i s -
Moore a r g u m e n t i n t e r m s o f e m p i r i c a l l y t e s t a b l e m o t i v a t i o n a l
p a t t e r n s and p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e s .
1. I b i d .
2 . H.C. B r e d e m e i e r , " T h e M e t h o d o l o g y o f F u n c t i o n a l i s m , "
o p . c i t . , e s p e c i a l l y pp. 178-180.
Bredemeier concurs w i t h t h e " b a s i c l o g i c " of t h e i r
argument, which i s t h a t ,
" i f p e o p l e a r e m o t i v a t e d t o maximize t h e i r
r e w a r d s , a n d i f t h e y c a n d o s o o n l y by
p e r f o r m i n g t h e most i r p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n s
t h e i r t a l e n t s permit, then they w i l l d i s t r i bute themselves through t h e r o l e s t r u c t u r e i n
t h e manner most e f f i c i e n t f o r t h e s o c i a l system."
He g o e s o n t o p o i n t o u t t h a t i m p l i c i t i n t h i s a r g u m e n t
a r e assumptions about motivation.
"TIiet e m p i r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e t w o ' i f '
premises cannot be f u l l y understood u n t i l
t h e y a r e c o n c e p t u a l i z e d on a l e v e l which
s t a t e s c l e a r l y t h e s t r u c t u r a l s o u r c e s of
m o t i v a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n s 2nd t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s o f a d j u s t m e n t t o t h o s e s o u r c e s . 11 2
I n o t h e r words whether o r n o t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o p e r a t e s
a s D a v i s a n d Moore c l a i m , d e p e n d s o n t h e p r o c e s s o f
psychological adjustment t o c e r t a i n motivational
patterns.
A f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s w h i c h d o e s no m o r e t h a n
p r e s e n t t h e consequences f o r t h e w i d e r s o c i e t y of a g i v e n
s o c i a l form i s complete.
A thorough a n a l y s i s i n d i c a t e s
t h e m o t i v a t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s t h a t make t h e s e c o n s e q u e n c e s
functional.
I n o r d e r t o complete any f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s
one must r e s t a t e t h e f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t s of a s o c i e t y
i n t e r m s o f t h e k i n d s o f b e h a v i o u r i n d i v i d u a l members o f
t h a t s o c i e t y must m a n i z e s t .
Thus, t h e q u e s t i o n should
always b e r a i s e d a s t o what k i n d of m o t i v a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s
l e a d i n d i v i d u a l s t o b e h a v e i n t h e r e q u i r e d way.
Further-
more, Bredemeier p o i n t s o u t t h a t t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l
--
-
1. I b i d . , p . 1 7 8 .
2. I b i d .
p r i n c i p l e s underlying t h e s e motivational p a t t e r n s should
b e made e x p l i c i t .
H a v i n g made t h e s e t h e o r e t i c a l s t a t e -
ments, t h e o b s e r v e r - should examine t h e f u l l r a n g e
o f b e h a v i o u r a l c o n s e q u e n c e s o f a l l known m o t i v a t i o n
structures.
The e x p l a n a t i o n o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n b a s e d o n t h e s e
methodological arguments i s a s follows:-
If the division
o f l a b o u r i s t o b e made w o r k a b l e , p e o p l e m u s t f i l l
d i l i g e n t l y t h e o c c u p a t i o n s f o r which t h e y a r e b e s t
s u i t e d i n terms of i n t e l l i g e n c e , s k i l l , etc.
The m o t i -
v a t i o n a l mechanism which would l e a d t o s u c h b e h a v i o u r
would b e such t h a t s e l f - r e s p e c t f o l l o w s from p l a y i n g
t h e r o l e one i s b e s t s u i t e d t o .
The p s y c h o l o g i c a l
p r i n c i p l e assumed h e r e i s t h a t p e o p l e a c t t o maximize
g r a t i f i c a t i o n s a n d w h a t i s m o s t g r a t i f y i n g t o human
b e i n g s i s t h a t c e r t a i n n o r m a t i v e c r i t e r i a of s e l f r e s p e c t and ego-enhancement b e m e t .
The c o n s e q u e n c e s
of a n o b s e r v e d m o t i v a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e which makes s e l f r e s p e c t depend upon h a v i n g a c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n o r
i n c o m e , a r e t h a t many p e o p l e a r e d e p r i v e d o f s e l f respect.
C o m p u l s i v e a d j u s t m e n t t o s u c h d e p r i v a t i o n may
b e one of s e v e r a l t y p e s : compulsive achievement o r dominance:
a g r e s s i o n ; ritualism e t c . , any one o f which c o n s t i t u t e s a
source of i n s t a b i l i t y .
I n r e p l y t o B r e d e m e i e r , D a v i s w r i t e s , "One c r i t i c
f e e l s t h a t t h e o n l y way t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f a n a c t i o n
c a n s e r v e t o e x p l a i n i t s p e r s i s t e n c e i s by t h e a c t o r s
p e r c e i v i n g t h e p o s s i b l e c o n s e q u e n c e s and g u i d i n g h i s
behaviour accordingly.
To v i s u a l i z e t h e u n r e c o g n i z e d
s o c i a l c o n s e q u e n c e s o f a n a c t i o n a s l e a d i n g by t h e i r
unrecognized e f f e c t on t h e c o n d i t i o n s , t o t h e c o n t i n u o u s
r e i n f o r c e m e n t o r m i n i m i z a t i o n of t h a t a c t i o n i n s o c i e t y
i s t o o much a g a i n s t t h e g r a i n o f o r d i n a r y d i s c o u r s e , I1 1
Davis f u r t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s e s Bredemeier's approach a s
" u t i l i t a r i a n t t ; but although t h e l a t t e r clearly adopts
such a n approach where h e s t a t e s one c o n d i t i o n f o r a
t r a n s i t i o n from " f u n c t i o n of x" t o " c a u s e of x , " i s
t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s ' a w a r e n e s s and p u r p a s e f u l i n s t i t u t i o n
of t h e o b j e c t i v e consequences of x , Davis u n d e r - r a t e s
t h e complexity of B r e d e m e i e r l s r e f o r m u l a t i o n of t h e
Davis-Moore argument.
Sredemeier s t a t e s t h a t s t r a t i f i c a t i o n e x i s t s
not because i t s consequences f o r s o c i e t y a r e perceived
by t h e a c t o r s , (which would b e a u t i l i t a r i a n e x p l a n a t i o n ) :
r a t h e r , t h e i d e a of l a t e n t f u n c t i o n i s r e t a i n e d .
The
p u r p o s e s t h e a c t o r s h a v e i n mind a r e t r e a t e d a s n o t
n e c e s s a r i l y i n c l u d i n g t h e s e c o n s e q u e n c e s , b l ~ ta s b e i n g
p a r t o f t h e mechanism by which s o c i a l r e q u i r e m e n t s
a r e met.
T h u s , B r e d e m e i e r ' s r e t e n t i o n o f t h e conlzept
o f l a t e n t f u n c t i o n means t h a t h e c o m n l c t ~r ~
ather than
1. K . D a v i s , The Myth of F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s , o p . c l t . ,
p. 393.
r e w l a c e s t h e Davis-Moore argument.
i
I n c o n c l u s i o n , c r i t i c s r a i s e some s i g n i f i c a n t
o b j e c t i o n s t o Davis and Moore's f u n c t i o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n
b u t t h e major a t t e m p t t o r e s t a t e ;he a r y u n e n t i n terms
of t h e p r i n c i p l e s of m e t h o d o l o g i c a l i n d i v i d u a l i s m does
not d e p a r t f u n d a m e n t a l l y from t h e a u t h o r s 1 f u n c t i o n a l
premises.
I n r e p l y t o h i s c r i t i c s , Davis t r i e s t o j u s t i f y
functional analysis as essentially similar t o sociology
i n general.
S o c i o l o g y i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by t h e " s y s t e m -
mode o f r e a s o n i n g ,
employs.
"
which, h e c l a i m s , "any s c i e n c e "
The b a s i c d i s a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n c r i t i c s a n d
proponents, concerns t h e conception of s c i e n t i f i c
e x p l a n a t i o n a s a p p l i e d t o human s o c i e t i e s , t h e l a t t e r
a d h e r i n g t o t h e "system-approach"
general causal laws.
t h e former t o t h a t of
The d i s a g r e e m e n t h e r e i s u l t i m a t e l y
a c o n f l i c t of m e t h o d o l o g i c a l axioms, and d o e s n o t a p p e a r
t o b e g e n e r a t e d by a c o n r l i c t of p o l i t i c a l perspeciives.
Thus M a n n h e i m T s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t a b o d y o f i n t e l l e c t u a l
k n o w l e d g e may b e a n a l y s e d e n t i r e l y i n t e r m s o f e x t r i n s i c
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n must b e m o d i f i e d .
A t l e a s t p a r t of t h e con-
t r o v e r s y s u r r o u n d i n g t h e D a v i s - M o o r e a r g l ~ m e n tc a n o n l y
b e i n t e r p r e t e d on a n "immanent" b a s i s .
1. A s R.P. D o r e p o i n t s o u t i n " F u n c t i o n and " C a u s e , " o p .
c i t . , Bredemeier undermines t h e argument p r e s e n t e d e a r l i e r
t h a t c a u s a l ex l a n a t i o n s i n f u n c t i o n a l terms can o n l y
b e g i v e n v i a a 7 m o t i v e s and b ) e v o l u t i o n a r y t h e o r y .
Chapter V
THE SOCIAL ORIGINS OF
THE CONTROVERSY
I n t h i s c h a p t e r we d i s c u s s i n i t s w i d e r s o c i a l
context the ideological bias manifest i n the controversy
s u r r o u n d i n g t h e Davis-Moore a r g u m e n t .
I n i t s widest
c o n t e x t , we s h a l l r e v i e w t h e m a j o r l i n e s o f d e v e l o p m e n t
o f A m e r i c a n C,hought t h r o u g h t h e e a r l y d e c a d e s of t h e
t w e n t i e t h c e n t ~ r yt o t h e e a r l y s i x t i e s , p o i n t i n g o u t
wherever p o s s i b l e , t h o s e f a c t o r s , i n t e r n a l o r e x t e r n a l t o
American s o c i e t y which a p p e a r t o have s i g n i f i c a n t l y
influenced t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l climate of opinion.
The
c o n t e n z and s c o p e o f t h e i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t which
a p p e a r s t o h a v e i n i a t e d and s u s t a i n e d a l a r g e a r e a of t h e
c o n t r o v e r s y , i s g i v e n a new d i m e n s i o n o f m e a n i n g i n a
n a r r o w e r c o n t e x t , when ~ ~ i e w eads r e p r e s e n - t a t i v e o f c e r t a i n
t r e n d s of i n t e l l e c t u a l p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t i n t h e p o s t - w a r
period.
T h u s , t h e D a v i s - M o o r e a r g u m e n t , w h i c h we showed
t o be an i m p l i c i t l y conservative explanation of s t r a t i f i cation, particularly i n i t s unqualified presentation i n
1945, i s represen-tative of t h e post-war conservative r e a c t i o n
by t h e b u s i n e s s community and c o n s e r v a t i v e c r i t i c s , and
more g e n e r a l l y by t h e American p u b l i c , t o t h e e x t r e m e
r a d i c a l i s m o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s , and
t h e i r subsequent rapprochement w i t h government i n t h e
New D e a l r e f o r m s .
The a b s e n c e o f a n i m m e d i a t e c o u n t e r -
a t t a c k b y s o c i o l o g i s t s who e s p o u s e d a more l i b e r a l v i e w
o f s t r a t i f i e d i n e q u a l i t i e s , a n d t h e f a c t t h a t when
t h e c o u n t e r - a t t a c k was made i n t h e e a r l y f i f t i e s ,
i t was e s s e n t i a l l y o f a d e f e n s i v e n a t u r e and was p r e s e n t e d on a n unresdved i d e o l o g i c a l b a s i s , a r e symptomatic
of t h e v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s t o c o n s e r v a t i v e criticism f o r past associations with radicals; associ-t:
a t i o n s w h i c h l i b e r a l s t h e m s e l v e s came t o r e g r e t .
The
lack of a vigorous response i s i n d i c a t i v e a l s o of t h e
d e s p a i r o f many l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s o f a new r a p p r o c h e ment w i t h government,
s i m i l a r t o t h a t of t h e P r o g r e s s i v e
p e r i o d , o r t o t h a t o f t h e New D e a l e r a , w h e r e b y t h e i r
p o l i t i c a l p r o p o s a l s c o u l d t o some d e g r e e b e i m p l e m e n t e d .
The i n t e l l e c t u a l c l i m a t e o f t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s i n
A m e r i c a was g e n e r a l l y ore o f e x t r e m e r a d i c a l i s m a n d was
a n outcome of t h e e s t r a n g e m e n t from t h e i r c o u n t r y f e l t
by most American i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e t w e n t i e s .
The o v e r -
a l l c l i m a t e of o p i n i o n had i n t h e t w e n t i e s been one of
r e v o l t ; i n t e l l e c t u a l s h a d a s s a i l e d p o l i t i c l n . 1 ~a n d
businessmen f o r t h e i r p e r s o n a l and c u l t u r a l i n a d e q u a c i e s
( a s i n t h e d i a t r i b e s o f H.L. Mencken) w h e r e a s i n t h e
e a r l i e r P r o g r e s s i v e e r a t h e y had a t t a c k e d t h e concent r a t i o n o f w e a l t h a n d power a s inimitable t o i n d i v i d u a l
liberty.
They h a d b e e n e x c l u d e d f r o m p o l i t i c a l l i f e
b y t h e r e t u r n t o power o f a s t r o n g c o n s e r v a t i v e l e a d e r s h i p which d i s s o l v e d t h e i n 5 e l l e c t u a l s t b r i e f rapprochement w i t h government, and a i s o by p u b l i c r e a c t i o n , a g a i n s t
Woodrow W i l s o n f o r h i s a d v o c a c y o f t h e w a r and t h r o u g h
whom i n t e l l e c t u a l s r e c e i v e d w i d e n a t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n i n
t h e I n q u i r y of 1919.
Even i n t h e P r o g r 2 s s i v e e r a , t h e
rapprochement of i n t e l l e c t u a l s w i t h government had been
s h o r t - l i v e d ; m o r e o v e r , b e f o r e t h e I n q u i r y , when a l a r g e
qroup of i n t e l l e c t u a l s a c t i n g a s a d v i s o r s accompanied
Wilson t o P a r i s f o r t h e d r a f t i n g of t h e Peace T r e a t i e s ,
i n t e l l e c t u a l s had n o t been used e x t e n s i v e l y t o a s i i s t
government a g e n c i e s .
Theodore R o o s e v e l t , f o r example,
c o n s i d e r e d t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h government
i m p o r t a n t a n d a t t r a c t e d many i n t o p u b l i c s e r v i c e , b u t t o
q u o t e H o f s t a d t e r , h e , "embodied t h e American p r e f e r e n c e f o r
c h a r a c t e r over i n t e l l e c t i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e . " l
After the
e l e c t i o n o f 1 9 1 2 , Woodrow W i l s o n , who h a d b e e n P r e s i d e n t
of P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y from 1902 t o 1910, d i d n o t r e a l l y
make u s e o f t h e many i n t e l l e c t u a l s who s u p p o r t e d h i m .
Only u n d e r t h e p r e s s u r e of war i n 1916, w i t h t h e c r e a t i o n
of such a g e n c i e s a s t h e M i l i t a r y I n t e l l i g e n c e , Chemical
W e l f a r e a n d War I n d u s t r i e s B o a r d , d i d W i l s o n amend h i s
attitude.
A f t e r t h e d i s s o l u t i o n of t h i s short-lived rapprochem e n t , a n d p a r t l y a s a r e a c t i o n t o i t , some i n t e l l e d u a l s i n
t h e t w e n t i e s e x p a t r i a t e d t h e m s e l v e s ; o t h e r s became e s t r a n g e d
f r o m p o l i t i c a l l i f e , d e s p i s i n g i t a s con:ormist,
t i v e and m a t e r i a l i s t i c .
conserva-
Furthermore, t h e i r separation
f r o m t h e b u s i n e s s community was d r a m a t i z e d b y t h e S a c c o V a n z e t t i case of 1921
-
1927, and i n 1929 r e i n f o r c e d by
t h e S t o c k Market Crash.
I t was i n t h i s c o n t e x t o f a n i n c r e a s i n g e s t r a n g e m e n t
from American p o l i t i c a l and economic l i f e , t h a t i n t h e
e a r l y t h i r t i e s a l a r g e m i n o r i t y o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s became
1. R . H o f s t a d t e r , A n t i - I n t e l l e c t u a l i s m i n A m e r i c a n L i f e ,
New Y o r k : A l f r e d A . K n o p f , ( 1 9 6 4 ) , p . 208.'
i m p r e s s e d by S o v i e t a c h t e v e m e n t s i n economic p l a n n i n g and
t e c h n o l o g i c a l advance.
T h e y a d o p t e d t h e S o v i e t 'Union a s
a m o d e l f o r t h e r e f o r m o f t h e i r own s o c i e t y .
e n t e r e d t h e Communist P a r t y .
Some
Many l e a d i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l s ,
e . g . J o h n Dos P a s s o s a n d o t h e r s v o t e d f o r t h e Communist
P a r t y i n 1932.
B u t t h i s was t h e " p o l i t i c s o f d e s p a i r , "
t o u s e E . Digby B a l t z e l l ' s p h r a s e .
1
Few o f t h o s e who
j o i n e d t h e Communist P a r t y , h o w e v e r , w e r e t o w i t h s t a n d
t h e , " s t u l t i f y i n g r i g o r s o f P a r k y d i s c i p l i n e , " and a f t e r
t h e 1 9 3 4 e l e c t i o n , 7 , 0 0 0 members,
membership) r e s i g n e d .
(one t h i r d of t h e p a r t y
The w h o l e i n + e l l e c t u a l c l i m a t e o f
t h e t h i r t i e s was r e f l e c t e d i n t h e New D e a l e f f o r t s t o
change t h e economic and c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t $hrough
l e g i s l a t i o n t o w a r d s more e q u a l c o n d i t i o n s .
But i n t h e
f i r s t p e r i o d o f t h e New D e a l ( 1 9 3 2 - 3 5 ) m o s t i n t e l l e c t u a l s ,
b e i n g c o m m i t t e d t o c e n t r a l p l a n n i n g a s t h e m a j o r means o f
s o c i a l change
-
f o r t h e r a d i c a l s t o b e accompanied by
r e v o l u t i o n and t h e " d i c t a J i . o r s h i p o f t h e p r o l e t a r i a t , "
and f o r t h e l a r g e r g r o u p o f l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s t o b e
s e t w i t h i n t h e framework of e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s
-
considered t h e government's measures t o be, "frank experim e n t a t i o n , " w i t h i n o r t h o d o x i n s t i t u t i o n s and u n d i r e c t e d
by a c l e a r i d e o l o g y .
J o h n Dewey's s t a t e m e n t i n , " L i b e r a l i s m and S o c i a l
A c t i o n , " ( 1 9 3 5 ) , i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h i s mood.
l l E x p e r i m e n - t a l . irlethod,
"
h e w r o t e , " i s n o t just m e s s i n g
1. E . D i g b y B a l t z e l l , The P r o t e s t a n t E s t a b l i s h m e n t ,
New Y o r k : V i n t a g e R o o k s , ( 1 9 6 6 ) , p . 2 6 2 .
around n o r d o i n g a l i t t l e of t h i s and a l i t t l e o f t h a t
Just as i n the physical
i n t h e hope t h i n g s w i l l improve.
s c i e n c e s , it i m p l i e s a c o h e r e n t b o d y o f i d e a s , a t h e o r y
that gives direction to effort."
p r a g n a t i c approach t o p o l i t i c s .
He c r i t i c i z e d R o o s e v e l t l s
"
' R e f o r m s ' t h a t d e a l now
w i t h t h i s a b u s e a n d ncw w i t h t h a t w i t h o u t h a v i n g a s o c i a l
g o a l based upon a p l a n , d i f f e r e n " i r e 1 y from e f f o r t a t
re-forming i n i t s l i t k r a l sense, t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l
scheme o f t h i n g s . "
C e n t r a l s o c i a l p l a n n i n g was u r g e d
a s , " t h ' e s o k m e i - h o d o f s o c i a l a c t i o n by w h i c h l i b e r a l i s m
can r e a l i z e i t s professed aims."
American i n z e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s were
more r a d i c a l i n t h e r e f o r m s t h e y u r g e d , t h a n t h o s e of t h e
New D e a l i n i t s f i r s t p e r i o d , y e t , i r o n i c a l l y , i n t e l l e c t u a l s
came t o s u p p o r t t h e New D e a l a f t e r 1 9 3 6 , when governmen;
m e a s u r e s were more c o n s e r v a t i v e i n e m p h a s i s .
L a t e r we
s h a l l examine t h e m a j o r f a c t o r s which l e d t o t h i s moderat i o n of liberalism.
The d o m i n a n t i d e a s o f r a d i c a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s w e r e
f r e q u e n ~ l yt a k e n u p f r o m t h e s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , a s d e v e l o p e d
by J o h n Dewey, W i l l i a m J a m e s , C h a r l e s A . B e a r d , T h o r s t e i n
V e b l e n , L.H. C o o l e y , e t c .
Dewey's emphasis on t h e
p l a s t i c i t y o f human n a t u r e t o e x p r e s s i t s e l f f u l l y ,
u n f e t t e r e d 5y t h e harmful conditioning of competitive,
b o u r g e o i s c u l t u r e , "l was s h a r e d b y many i n ? e l l e c t u a l s
1. I b i d . , p . 2 6 8 .
i n the 30's.
The p r e m i s e s o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e t e r m i n i s m
w e r e e v i d e n t i n many a r e a s o f i n t e l l e c t u a l t h o u g h t ,
v i z . t h e o r i e s of c r i m e , law, r e l i g i o n and t h e a r t s .
R a d i c a l s a t t r i b u t e d i m p o r t a n c e t o s u c h b o o k s a s "Das
K a p i t a l " ( f i r s t E n g l i s h E d i t i o n , i886), t h e " G o l d e n
Bough,
It
( 1 8 9 0 ) a n d Edward B e l l a m y l s " L o o k i n g B a c k w a r d ,
I'
However, a n y s t a t e m e n t o f t h e r a d i c a l i s m o f i n t e l L
l e c t u a l s i s s u b j e c t t o many q u a l i f i c a t i o n s .
2
Although
many i n t e l l e c t u a l s e x p r e s s e d a c o n c e r n f o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l
reform, few could be termed M a r x i s t .
This i s indicated
by t h e r e v i v a l o f B e l l a m y l s "Looking Backward.
It
I n it,
t h e a u t h o r v i s u a l i z e d a u t o p i a n w o r l d , r u n by e x p e r t s
i n t h e i n t e r e s t s o f a l l r a t h e r t h a n f o r t h e p r o f i t s of
a few.
B i g g e r a n d b e t t e r c o n s u m e r g o o d s . would b e
i n c r e a s i n g l y i n s u p p l y , b u t a b o v e a l l , t h e u t o p i a was
t o a l l o w men t o e x p r e s s t h e i r n a t u r a l l y c o - o p e r a t i v e
virtues.
While t h i s u t o p i a ,
"out-socialized the socialists,"
t o q u o t e t h e a u t h o r , i t s g r a d u a l a d v e n t was t o b e w i t h o u t
r e v o l u t i o n o r c l a s s war.
M a r x 1 s i d e a s g a i n e d a new-
found p o p u l a r i t y amongst American i n t e l l e c t u a l s .
But
i t was t h e l i t e r a r y i n t e l l e c t u a l s ( f o r e x a m p l e , J o h n Dos
1. When i n 1 9 3 5 , C h a r l e s A . 8 e a r d , J o h n Dewey a n d Edward
Weeks o f t h e A t l a n t i c M o n t h l y , i n d e p e n d e n t l y s e l e c t e d t h e
most i m p o r t a n t books of t h e l a s t h a l f - c e n t u r y , t h e s e
t h r e e were chosen.
2 . T . B . 3 o t t o m o r e , C r i t i c s o f S o c i e t y , New Y o r k : P a n t h e o n
Books I n c . , ( 1 9 6 8 ) , p . 37.
Passos,.~JamesF a r r e l l , John Steinbeck e t c . ) r a t h e r than
s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s , who i n c o r p o r a t e d t h e m i n t o t h e i r
1
writings.
W h e r e a s Dos P a s s o s i n "LT.S.&. T r i l o g y "
w r o t e about t h e e v i l s of t h e c a p i t a l i s t system, s o c i a l
t h e o r i s t s , B e r l e anid Means a d v o c a t e d a s y s t e m o f
"managed c a p t i a l i s m " i n " t h e Modern C o r p o r a t i o n a n d
Private Property," (1932).
I n t h i s s y s t e m t h e economy
would b e r e g u l a t e d by t h e s t a t e , and i n t h i s r e g u l a t i o n ,
a r e s p o n s i b l e b u s i n e s s community s h o u l d p l a y a l e a d i n g
p2rt.
The L y n d s '
s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d y , "Middletown i n
T r a n s i t i o n , " was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e " r a d i c a l i s m " o f
social theorists.
The L y n d s ' o r i g i n a l i n t e n t i o n t o
d o c u m e n t f u r t h e r s o c i a l c h a n g e s of c u l t u r a l a d a p t a t i o n
t o t e c h n o l o g i c a l change had been abandoned, f o r a n
a n a l y s i s of c l i s s s t r u c t u r e and d y n a s t i c power, n e i t h e r
of which had b e e n p r o m i n e n t i n t h e e a r l i e r s t u d y .
A l t h o u g h t h e a n a l y s i s was i n f l u e n c e d t o some d e g r e e b y
Marx a n d V e b l e n , i t was c l e a r l y n o t M a r x i s t i n I t s
conclusion t h a t t h e r e a c t i o n of t h e worker t o t h e mutual
m i s t r u s t between, " t h e b u s i n e s s c l a s s , " and " z k working
c l a s s , " was l a r g e l y a n i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e f o r e a c h
w o r k e r a n d was n o t , " g e n e r a l i z e d by h i m i n t o a c l a s s
experience."
The L y n d s ' s t u d y d i d , h o w e v e r c o n s t i t u t e a b r e a k
w i t h t h e t r a d i t i o n a l r e m o t e n e s s of A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y
1. P u b l i s h e d b e t w e e n 1930 a n d 1 9 3 6 .
from p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l s t r u g g l e s .
The E c o l o g i c a l
S c h o o l , p a r t i c u l a r l y , eschewed t h e p o l i t i c a l i n t h e i r
s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s conducted d u r i n g t h e r e v o l t of t h e
twenties:
Although t h e r e had been d e t a i l e d i n v e s t i g a t i o n s
a t t h e UnLversity of Chicago, i n t o a wide r a n g e o f
p u b l i c problems, r e s e a r c h s t u d i e s had been d e v o i d of
c r i t i c a 1 , m o r a l and p o l i t i c a l e v a l u a t i o n o f American
society.
The " s c i e n t i f i c " e x p l a n a t i o n s o f s o c i e t y
i n t e r m s of " n a t u r a l p r o c e s s e s , " which were t h o u g h t
t o u n d e r l y t h e human w i l l , w e r e i n d i c a t i v e o f t h e
g e n e r a l v i e w o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s of t h e i n e f f i c a c y o f
p o l i t i c a l participation during the twenties.
The r a d i c a l i d e o l o g i c a l c o m m i t t m e n t s o f many
i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s stimulated an
u n p r e c e d e n t e d s e n s i t i v i t y , n o t a b l y by t h e Lynds, t o
i n e q u a l i t i e s o f income, s t a t u s and power, a n a w a r e n e s s
w h i c h was c o n t i n u e d i n l a t e r y e a r s by L l o y d W a r n e r ' s
s t u d i e s of t h e American c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , and J o h n
D o l l a r d t s " C a s t e a n d C l a s s i n a S o u t h e r n Town. '
The L y n d s t s t u d y , h o w e v e r , was h a r d l y t y p i c a l o f
sociology i n the t h i r t i e s .
The i d e a s o f E u r o p e a a
s a c i o l o g i s t s , e s p e c i a l l y , of those concerned w i t h c l a s s
s t r u c t u r e a n d c l a s s c o n f l i c t s u c h a s Marx, Weber, S o m b a r t ,
P a r e t o a n d Mannheim, w e r e o n l y b e g i n n i n g t o b e known
a t t h i s time, and d i d n o t p e n e t r a t e w i d e l y i n t o
A m e r i c a n sociological t h e o r y o r r e s e a r c h .
Only Lacswell
and P a r s o n s t o o k up c o n c e p t s from European s o c i o l o g y ,
( t h e l a t t e r i n s o c i a l theory alone, t h e former i n
b o t h t h e o r y and e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h ) , b u t b o t h w e r e i n
d i f f e r e h t ways m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h q u e s t i o n s o f p o l i t i c a l
a n d s o c i a l o r d e r t h a n s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y and c o n f l i c t .
M a n n h e i m ' s comment i n 1 9 3 2 , was l a r g e l y a p p l i c a b l e t o
American s o c i o l o g y .
"American C u d i e s s t a r t from q u e s t i o n s i n
nowise connected w i t h t h o s e problems which
everyday p o l i t i c a l
ar3use our passions
and s o c i a l s t r u g g l e . "
ip
The emergence o f r a d i c a l i n t e l l e c t u a l t h o u g h t
committed t o t h e S o v i e t Union a s a model f o r r e f o r m ,
was a c c o m p a n i e d by a " s t r i c t l y n a t i v e b r a n d o f r a d i c a l
2
thought."
The l a t t e r was a n a f f i r m a t i o n o n t h e p a r t
of almost a l l American i n t e l l e c t u a l s , e x c e p t f e l l o w t r a v e l l e r s , of t h e Progressive-Liberal t r a d i t i o n .
Some
o f t h e s e i n t e l l e c t u a l s , s u c h a s p a t r i a r c h s J o h n Dewey
and C h a r l e s A . B e a r d , d e v e l o p e d a n a r t i c u l a t e b o d y
of l i b e r a l opinion h o s t i l e t o t h e d u a l despotisms of
Communism a n d F a s c i s m .
O t h e r s e x t e n d e d a more s y m p a t h e t i c
r e j e c t i o n o f Communism, s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e e d i t o r s o f t h e
N a t i o n a n d t h e New R e p u b l i c , who t e n d e d t o e v a l u a t e
Communism m o r e f a v o u r a b l y t h a n F a s c i s m , b u t r e j e c t e d t h e
1. K a r l Mannheim, " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g y , " f r o m E s s a y s i n
S o c i o l o g y a n d S o c i a l P s y c h o l o g y , b y K a r l Mannheim,
e d i t e d by P a u l K e c s k e m e t i , London: R o u t l e d g e and
K e g a n P a u l L t d . , ( 1 9 5 3 ) , Chap. 4 , p p . 1 8 5 - 9 4 .
2 . o p . c i t . , E . D i g b y B a l t z e l l , The P r o t e s t a n t E s t a b l i s h m e n t , p . 267.
f o r m e r on p r a g m a t i c g r o u n d s , v i z . a s l a r g e l y i n a p p l i c a b l e
t o t h e American s i t u a t i o n , r a t h e r t h a n on m o r a l g r o u n d s .
The e x t r e m e r e v o l u t i o n a r y i m p e r a t i v e o f r a d i c a l
thought s h i f t e d a f t e r 1936, mainly due t o r a d i c a l s '
s u p p o r t of t h e P o p u l a r F r o n t which p u t o f f i n d e f i n i t e l y
t h e c a l l t o r e v o l u t i o n , and ended a f t e r 1936 i n t n e
"domain of e i t h e r - o r .
1
"
Their adherence t o t h e
e i t h e r - o r a b s t r a c t i o n s of p u r e s o c i a l i s m o r t h e p r e s e r .
.
v a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m ( b y which t h e y meant R o o s e v e l t
a n d t h e New D e a l m e a s u r e s ) i s i l l u s t r a t e d b y a n a r t i c l e
f r o m t h e New R e ~ u b l i ci n 1 9 3 5 , w h i c h u r g e d ,
" e i t h e r t h e n a t i o n must p u t up w i t h t h e
c o n f u s i o n and m i s e r i e s of a n u n r e g u l a t e d
c a p i t a l i s m , o r i t must p r e p a r e t o s u p e r cede c a p i t a l i s m with socialism. There i s
no l o n g e r a f e a g i b l e m i d d l e c o u r s e . "
A s i g n i f i c a n t abandonment o f i d e o l o g y i n t h e
second h a l f of t h e t h i r t i e s , f a c i l i t a t e d s u p p o r t and
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n R o o s e v e l t ' s r e f o r m programmes, which
o n l y a few y e a r s e a r l i e r , had been r e j e c t e d a s "ad hoc"
measures.
C o s e r ' s comment t h a t i n t e l l e c t u a l s no l o n g e r
found a c o n t r a d i c t i o n hetween working f o r t h e government
2
and w o r k i n g f o r r e f o r m , i s a p t .
The e x t e n t o f t h e i n f l u e n c e
of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n government h a s , however, been overe m p h a s i z e d s i n c e , a n d was e x a g g e r a t e d a t t h e t i m e .
3
1. A r t h u r M. S c h l e s i n g e r J r . , " S o u r c e s o f t h e New D e a l , "
i n P a t h s o f A m e r i c a n T h o u g h t , by A . M . S c h l e s i n g e r J r . ,
a n d M. W h i t e , B o s t o n : H o u g h t o n M i f f l i n C o . , ( 1 9 6 3 ) , p . 3 8 9 .
2. L . A . C o s e r , Men o f I d e a s , A S o c i a l View, New Y o r k : The
F r e e P r e s s , ( 1 9 6 5 ) , Chap. V I .
3. I b i d .
I n t e l l e c t u a l s were i n t r o d u c e d i n t o t h e government i n t h e
f i r s t New Deal w i t h t h e c r e a t i o n of t h e B r a i n s T r u s t
t o F.D.R.
by Raymond Moley d u r i n g t h e e l e c t i o n
campaign of 1 9 3 2 .
T h i s g r o u p of men, d i s t i n c t from
R o o s e v e l t l s e l e c t i o n s t a f f , were employed f o r t h e p u r p o s e s of r e s e a r c h and c o n s i s t e d of Moley, R e x f o r d ,
T u g w e l l and A . A .
Berle.
A f t e r t h e e l e c t i o n of
R o o s e v e l t t h e y came t o be known a s t h e most c o n s p i cuous of a l a r g e g r o u p o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s a s s i s t i n g t h e
public service.
men
,sere
Many of t h e p r o p o s a l s and p l a n s of t h e s e
t h w a r t e d ; m o r e o v e r , t h e r e f o r m programme was
a t t h i s time g e n e r a l l y unsupported by l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s .
D u r i n g t h e s e c o n d p e r i o d of t h e New D e a l , t h e r e f o r m
m e a s u r e s were g i v e n a more c o n s e r v a t i v e e m p h a s i s , which
was g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d by American i n t e l l e c t u a l s .
The l i b e r a l " b r a i n s t r u s t e r s " f r o m t h e Columbia U n i v e r s i t y
economics d e p a r t m e n t , were g r a d u a l l y r e p l a c e d by more
c o n s e r v a t i v e men f r o m t h e H a r v a r d Law S c h o o l .
These
men, who were i n s p i r e d by t h e d e c e n t r a l i z i n g p h i l o s p h y
of L o u i s D. B r a n d e i s , c a l l e d f o r a change of e m p h a s i s
from c e n t r a l i z e d p l a n n i n g t o a g o v e r n m e n t - r e g u l a t e d
r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of w e a l t h i n o r d e r t o g i v e g r e a t e r
comsuming power t o t h e mass of c o n s u m e r s .
1
A l t h o u g h by 1 9 4 0 , t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l rappochement
w i t h government had p a s s e d i t s p e a k , i n t e l l e c t u a l s and
1. E . Digby B a l t z e l l , The P r o t e s t a n t E s t a b l i s h m e n t , p . 2 4 3 .
e x p e r t s were r e q u i r e d d u r i n g t h e war-years t o s t a f f
such a g e n c i e s a s t h e O f f i c e s of S t r a t e g i c S e r v i c e s ,
and t h e O f f i c e o f S c i e n t i f i c R e s e a r c h D e v e l o p m e n t .
I n summary, t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l r a p p r o c h e m e n t w i t h
g o v e r n m e n t was t y p i c a l l y , a l a r g e g n u p o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s
and , e x p e r t s f r o m d i v e r s e d i s c i p l i n s s ? a c t i n g i n a n
advisory capacity.
I n t h e s e c a n d p e r i o d o f t h e New
D e a l , p a r t i c u l a r l y , t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l s who a s s i s t e d t h e '
g o v e r n m e n t c o l ~ l db y no means b e t e r m e d r e v o l u t i o n a r y
b u t , a l t e n a t e d from t h e a s s u m p t i o n s and o b j e c t i v e s of
t h e b u s i n e s s community, t h e y s o u g h t t o r e f o r m t h e s y s t e m .
1
The s t r o n g e s t c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e New D e a l r e f o r m s
e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1 9 3 6 , came f r o m t h e b u s i n e s s community.
The a n t i p a t h y o f b u s i n e s s m e n t o e c o n o m i c r e f o r m s was
e x p r e s s e d e a r l y i n t h e New D e a l a s i t s a c c u s t o m e d power
and a u t h o r i t y , w h i c h h a d b e e n v i r t u a l l y u n t o u c h e d d u r i n g
t h e " y e a r s of i n a c t i o n " o f Hoover a n d C o o l e r i d g e became
t h r e a t e n e d by i n c r e a s i n g f e d e r a l r e g u l a t i o n s .
For
e x a m p l e , t h e S e c u r i t y and E x c h a n g e A c t h o r r i f i e d t h e
p r e s i d e n t o f t h e New York S t o c k E x c h a n g e , R i c h a r d W h i t n a y ,
who p r o t e s t e d t h a t A m e r i c a " h a d b e e n b u i l t on s p e c u l a t i o n . "
Nevertheless, despite increasing f e d e r a l regulation t h e
m a j o r r e f o r m s o f t h e e a r l y y e a r s c e n t e r e d on t h e
N a t i o n a l I n d u s t r i a l Recovery Act which, a s an experiment
i n c e n t r a l i z e d planning under t h e co-operative leadership
1. L.A.
Coser, o p . c i t . , p .
181-2.
o f b i g b u s i n e s s and g o v e r n m e n t , was s u p p o r t e d i f
r e l u c t a n t l y by many members o f t h e b l ~ s i n e s s community.
After t h e N.R.A.
was d e c l a r e d u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l
b y t h e Supreme C o u r t , t h e New D e a l m e a s u r e s
t u r n e d f r o m c e n t r a l i z e d p l a n ~ i n gt o a c o m p e n s a t i n g
economy v i z . t o a g o v e r n m e n t - r e g u l a t e d r e d i s t r i b u t i o n
of w e a l t h d e s i g n ? d . t o encourage t h e masses t o spend
r a t h e r t h a n t h e few t o s a v e .
The more c o n s e r v a t i v e
e m p h a s i s o f R o o s e v e l t T s r e f o r m programme was n o t
a p p r o v e d b y t h e b u s i n e s s community, m a i n l y b e c a u s e
t h e y r e a l i z e d t h e c o s t l i n e s s of t h e proposed inrome
and i n h e r i t a n c e t a x e s .
The L i b e r t y L e a g u e , f o u n d e d in 1 3 3 4 , was a n
organized e x p r e s s i o n of t h e g e n e r a l h o s t i l i t y of t h e
b u s i n e s s community t o New D e a l r e f o r m s .
The L e a g u e
was d e v o t e d t o t h e d e f e n z e o f t h a , C o n s t i t u t i o n , t h e
p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e A m e r i c a n Way o f L i f e , f r o m NI>W D e a l e r s ,
Communists and t h e " i n 2 v i t a b l e d i c t a t o r s h i p " o f F r a n k l i n
3. R o o s e v e l t .
These i d e a s were a r t i c u l a t e d i n a f l o o d of
p a m p h l e t s e . g . "Government by B u s y b o d i e s , " a n d "The
Way D i c t a t o r s h i p s S t a r t , " and p r o v i d e d t h e m o s t " c o n c i s e
summary o f c o n s e r v a t i v e p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t
. . . .w r i t t e n
in
t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , s i n c e t h e F e d e r a l i s t e r a . II 1
The p r e o c c u p a t i o n o f t h e L i b e r t y L e a g u e w i t h
e i t h e r - o r a b s t r a c t i o n s rn2tched t h e p o l a r i z e d a l t e r n 3 t i v e s
1. E . Digby B a l t z e l l , o p . c i t . , p . 2 4 4 .
of t h e extreme L e f t a f t e r 1936.
For example, A 1 Smith
a t t h e o p e n i n g o f t h e 1936 c a m p a i g n y e a r , t h e h e i g h t
o f t h e L e a g u e ' s c r u s a d e t o p r e s e r v e t h e American Way
of L i f e , a t t a c k e d t h e N3w D e a l a s Communist and u r g e d : " T k e r c a n o n l y b e one c a p i t a l , W a s h i n g t o n o r
Moscow. . . T h e r e c a n o n l y b e o n s f l a g , t h e S t a r s
and S t r i p e s , o r t h e f l g of t h e g o d l e s s
Union of t h e S o v i e t s . " 7
I t would b e m i s t a k e n t o i m p l y t h a t t h e b u s i n l ? s s
community was " u n a n i m o u s " 2 i n i t s a n t i p a t h y t o t h e
New D e a l , f o r t h e L i b e r t y L e a g u e h a d more p u b l i c i t y t h a n
followers, w h i l s t a s u b s t a n t i a l proportion of i t s funds
f o r 1935 snd 1 9 3 6 w e r e c o n t r i b i ~ t e dby a s m a l l number o f
b a n k e r s , i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and b u s i n e s s m e n ,
M o r e o v e r , some
busin3ssmen z l e a r l y stood t o p r o f i t from a t t e m p t s t o
i n c r e a s e mass p u r c h a s i n g - p o w e r ,
especially those
e n g a g e d i n t h e newer consumer and c o m m u n i c a t i o n b r a n c h e s
of i n d u s t r y .
N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e a n t i p a t h y was s u f f i c i e n t l y
w i d e s p r e a d t o c a l l f o r t h t h i s s t a t e m e n t i n Time m a g a z i n e ,
i n A p r i l , 1935:" R e g a r d l e s s o f p a r t y and r e g a r d l e s s of r e g i o n
t o d a y members of t h e s o - c a l l e d u p p e r c l a s s e s
frankly h a t e Roosevelt."
I n t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s , t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Fascism
had b e e n a m a j o r s o u r c e o f c o n t e n t i o n f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l s
whether r a d i c a l o r l i b e r a l .
The f o r m e r h e l i e v e d i t t o b e a n
e x t e n s i o n o f c a p i t a l i s m , t h e l a t t e r , o f whom t h e m o s t
1. I b i d .
2 . T h i s c l a i m was made by F.D.R. i n h i s e l e c t i o n c a m p a i g n
of 1936.
a r t i c u l a t e was A l f r e d Bingham, maintained i t was a
misdirected revolt against capitalism.
By 1 9 3 5 , w i t h
t h e r i s e t o power o f F a s c i s m i n I t a l y and N2zism i n
Germany t h e d e s i r e t o o p p o s e i t o v e r - r o d e d i f f e r e n c e s
o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and l i b e r a l s and r a d i c a l s j o i n e d i n
s u p p o r t of t h e Popular F r o n t .
The l i b e r a l a l l i a n c e
w i t h r a d i c a l s was v i a b l e i n t e r m s o f t h e f o r m e r ' s
Left-Right world-view.
As R u s s i a was u n d e r a t t a c k
f r o m N j t i o n a l S ~ c i a l i s m , and s i n c e S o v i e t i d e o l o g i c a l
ends of s o c i a l i n 1 2 q u a l i t y were t a k e n t o be " p r o g r e s s i v e "
l i b e r a l s p l a c e d t h e S o v i e t Union on t h e L e f t a s opposed
t o t h e r e t r o g r e s s i v e and t o t a l i t a r i a n R i g h t .
The t r e n d t o w a r d s m o d e r a t i o n 9n t h e p a r t o f l i b e r a l
i n t e l l e d u a l s c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l views of t h e
L i b e r t y League.
The f o r m e r ' s r e l a t i v e abandonmen-:,
of
i d e o l o g y was t h e o u t c o m e , f i r s t , o f t h e compromised
p o s i t i o n i n t e l l e c t u a l s were thrown i n t o a s a consequence
o f t h e r i s e o f N a t i o n 3 1 S o c i a l i s m : The l i b e r a l c o m m i t t men-t t o c e n t r a l p l a n n i n g h a d b e e n o u s h e d i n t o t h e b a c k ground a s l i b e r a l s j o i n ? d r a d i c a l s i n t h e Popular Front
d e f e n c e of democracy.
Second, t h e c o l l a p s e of t h e
P o p u l a r F r o n t w i t h t h e s i g n i n g o f t h e N < ~ z i - S o v i e tp a c t ,
s e r v e d t o u n d e r m i n e t h e i d e o l o g i c a l b a s i s of b o t h
r a d i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l t h o u g h t .
The P o p u l a r F r o n t
w i t h i t s b a s i c premise of a union of " p r o g r e s s i v e s "
a g a i n s t Fascism i n c r e a s i n g l y l o s t support a f t e r r e a c h i n g
i t s c l i m a x i n t h e S p ~ n i s hC i v : l War.
As t h e t o t a l i t a r i a n
a s p e c t s o f t h e S o v i e t U n i o n became a p p a r e n t , l a r g e l y
d u e t o t h e Moscow T r i a l s , t h e r e was a g c n e r a l r e t r e a t
f r o m t h e P o p u l a r F r o n t and i n 1939, w i t h t h e s i g n i n g
of t h e N a z i - S ~ v i e t p a c t i t c o l l a p s e d .
F o r t h e l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l t h e c o l l a p s e of t h e
Popular Front r e s u l t e d i n a m o d i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r
world-view v i z . t h e development of a l i b e r a l - c o n s e r v a t i v e dichotomy, opposed t o a l l forms of t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m ,
Left o r Right.
The l i b e r a l s ' a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h r a d i c a l s
had been v i a b l e i n t e r m s of t h e f o r m e r ' s world-view,
b u t w i t h t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h e P o p u l a r F r o n t , and i n
t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e g r o w i n g d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e Cold War,
t h e y showed a s i g n i f i c a n t a b a n d o n m e n t o f p r o - r a d i c a l
sympathies.
Former s y m p a t h s i z e r s and f e l l o w - t r a v e l l e r s ,
such
a s V i n c e n - t S h e e a n , R a l p h B 3 t e s and L o u i s F i s c h e r ,
r e n o u n c e d t h e S o v i e t - N i i z i p a c t and t h e New Communist
policies.
To some e x t e n t s y m p a t h y f o r t h e S o v i e t U n i o n
was r e v i v e d by h e r r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e A l l i e s d u r i n g t h e
s e c o n d World War, b u t w i t h t h e a d v e n t o f t h e S o l d War
i n t h e l a t e 4 0 t s , Communism was r e n o u n c e d a s h o s t i l e t o
democracy.
A f t e r t h e S e c o n d World War t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e mood
became more g e n e r a l i z e d .
One i n d i c a t i o n .sf t h i s i s t h e
p o p u l a r i t y w h i c h was a c c o r d e d H a y e k ' s "The Road t o
Serfdom," i n w h i c h & e a u t h o r argued t h a t t h e i d e a s of
c e n t r a l e c o n o m i c p l a n ~ i n gw h e t h e r l i b e r a l , N a z i , s o c i a l i s t
o r Communist, l e d i n e v i t a b l y t o t o t a l i t a r i a n s e r f d o m .
The book was h a i l e d b y a n t i - N e w D e a l p u b l i c a t i o n s ,
bought i n quan'ity
by a number o f A m e r i c a n c o r p o r a t i o n s ,
and r a p i d l y became a b e s t - s e l l e r .
Despite Hayek's
p r o t e s t a t i o n , " t h a t h e d i d n o t w i s h t o b e a spokesman
f o r any p o l i t i c a l group,"'
h e found h e had g i v e n t h e
f i r s t i n t e l l e c t u a l a r t i c u l a t i o n t o t h e American
c o n s e r v a t i v e mood.
The p o s t - w a r c o n s e r v a t i v e mood was i n p a r t a
r e s p o n s e t o t h e r e c o v e r y o f c a p i t a l i s m b o t h i n America
and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y : The U.S.A. a n d S o v i e t R u s s i a emerged
f r o m t h e s e c o n d World War a s t h e o n l y two w o r l d p o w e r s .
The U.S.A.,
t h r o u g h t h e M a r s h a l l P l a n , implemented i n
1 9 4 6 , and p r i v a t e i n v e s t m e n t r e f i n a n c e d and a i d e d t h e
r e c o v e r v o f E u r o p e a n i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s and J a p ~ n ,on
c a p i t a l i s t l i n l l s , t o m e e t t h e t h r e a t of S o v i e t Communist
takeovers.
T h u s , t h e p a s t - w a r c o n s e r v a t i v e mood i n
America was a r e s p o n s e t o t h e r e c o v e r y o f c a p i t a l i s m
a t home and a b r o a d , f o r A m e r i c a n , c a p i t a l i s m was now
s e e n a s t h e o n l y v i a b l e a l t e r n q t i v e t o t h e t h r e a t of
S o v i e t Communism.
Following t h e 1946 e l e c t i o n t o Congress of R e p u b l i c a n s ,
many R e p u b l i c a n s l e d b y S e n a t o r R o b e r t T a f t , p r o c e d e d
t o a t t a c k t h e New D e a l L e g i s l a t i o n .
The Democrat
Truman h a d b e e n more f a v o u r a b l e t o b i g b u s i n e s s t h a n
R o o s e v e l t had b e e n , a l t h o u g h h e endeavoured t o m a i n t a i n
1. E r i c F . Goldman, The C r u c i a l D e c a d e : America 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 5 5 .
New Y o r k : A l f r e d A , K n o p f , (19%), p . 8.
t h e New D e a l o r i e n t a t i o n t o g o v e r n m e n t a l i n t e r v e n t i c n
i n f a v o u r of lower income g r o u p s .
The R e p u b l i c a n C o n g r e s s
p a s s e d t h e T a f t - H a r t l e y Act t h e r e b y w e a k e n i n g t h e power
o f u n i o n s and p r o c e e d e d t o r e d u c e i n c o m e t , a x e s f o r
upp3r-income g r o u p s .
I n t h e New R e ~ u b l i ccame t h e
f o l l o w i n g comment: m T h i s Congress brought back a n atmosphere
you h a d f o r g o t t e n o r n 3 v e r t h o u g h t p o s s i b l e . . .
v i c t o r i e s f o u g h t and won y e a r s a g o w e r e
s u d d e n l y i n d o u b t . E v e r y t h i n g was d e b a t a b l e
a g a i n . !'
T u r n i n g now t o t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l c o n t r o v e r s y u n d e r
e x a m i n a t i o n , we c o n s i d e r D a v i s and M o o r e ' s i m p l i c i t l y
conservative explanation of s t r a t i f i e d i n e q u a l i t i e s ,
p r e s e n t e d i n 1945, t o be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of post-war
c o n s e r v a t i v e r e a c t i o n t o t h e New D e a l r e f o r m s , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h o s e d e s i g n e d t o r e d u c e t h e s c a l e of p r e v a i l i n g
e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t i e s by g o v e r n m e n t - r e g l ~ l a t e d r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of w e a l t h t h r o u g h t a x l e g i s l a t i o n .
Moreover,
t h e Davis-Moore a r g u m e n t i s n o t o n l y c l e a r l y a n t i t h e t i c a l t o t h e e g a l i t a r i a n i d e a l s of most American
l i b e r a l s throughout t h e t h i r t i e s , but i s i n larked contrast
t o t h e a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t man and s o c i e t y w h i c h d o m i n a t e d
t h e r a d i c a l c l i m a t e of t h o u g h t i n t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s .
I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e p o l i t i c a l n a t u r e of s o c i o l o g y
d u r i n g t h e t h i r t i e s , D a v i s and M o o r e ' s s o c i o l o g i c a l
a p p r o a c h i s e x p l i c i t l y n o n - e v a l u a t i v e and n o n - p o l i t i c a l .
1. E.F.
Goldman, o p . c i t . ,
p.57.
Thus t h e y s t a t e t h e i r c c n c e r n i s w i t h " s c i e n t i f i c
e x p l a n a t i o n s " o f known f a c t s a b o u t a l l s o c i e t i e s , n o t
w i t h how s o c i e t i e s , " o u g h t t o b e r e f o r m e d . ' '
Their
e m p h a s i s on t h e i n e v i t a b i l i t y of o n e d o m i n a n t i n s t i t u t i o n , s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , c o n t r a s t s , . w i t h t h e committment of
. .
i n ? e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s , t o r a d i c a l r e f o r m of
t h e e n t i r e s o c i a l s y s t e m b a s e d on e g a l i t a r i a n a s s u m p t i o n s ,
and w i t h t h e c o m m i t t m e n t o f m o s t i n t e l l e c t u a l s a f t e r 1936,
t o R o o s e v e l t ' s government-regulated
tax-distrib- tio on
p r o p o s a l s t o r e f o r m economic i n e q u a l i t i e s .
The o p p o s i t i o n
S y 3 a v i s and Mo3re t o e n v i r o n m e n t a l r e f o r m i s i l l u s t r a t e d
b y t h e i r e m p h a s i s on t h e u n c h a n g i n g , " i n d i s p e n s a b l e "
i t e m s of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e .
F u r t h e r , t , h e y assume t h e
r a t i o n 2 1 c a l c u l . a t i o n of s e l f - i n t e r e s t t o be a permanent
f e a t u r e of h;.~man . n o t i v a t i o n .
i.n.
'This a s s u m p t i o n a b o u t man,
t h a t h ~ wil.1. n o t u n d e r t a k e i m p o r t a n t , e x a c t i n ?
poc;i t i o n s o r a c q u i r c s p e c i a l i z e d k n g w l e d g o , u n l e s s
i n d u c e d t o d o s o by t , h e o f f e r o f d i f f e r e n t i a l r e w a r d s ,
c o n t r a s t s m a r k e d l y w j t h t h e v i e w of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e
t h i r t i e s , + h a % man i s n a t u r a l - l y v t r t u o u s and c o - o p e r a t i v e .
I n 1.945 t h e U . S .
j o i n e d t h e ' r n l t e d N ; ~ t . i o n s and a s
% h e d i f f i c u l . t i e s i n - ~ o l v e di n p e a c e f u l c o - o p e r a t i v e
r e l a t i o n s w i t h R u s s i a w e r e r e v e a l e d , members o f t h e
A m e r i c a n Communist P a z t y became i n c r e a s i n g l y f e a r e d
and suh:ject. t o c h a r g e s o f c o n s p i r a c y and " r ; > a s o n .
In the
t
which
-,ont,ox-t of t h i s general f e a r of S a v - i ~ Communism,
h a d b e g u n i n 1 9 3 9 ~ i i thh e s i g n i n g o f t h e N j z i - S o v i e t
p a c t a s t h t~o t a l j t a r i a n 2 s p e c t c o f S t a l i n ' s r u l e became
e v i d e n t , many i n t e l l e c t u a l s w e r e h e l d i n s u s p i c i o n
by t h e A m e r i c a n p u b l i c and some..were d i s m i s s e d a s
e a r l y a s 1945 from u n i v e r s i t y p o s t s , f o r p d s t i n v o l v e ment w i t h N2w D e a l r e f o r m s .
One s u c h c a s e was t h a t
o f Homer R a i n e y who was d i s m i s s e d f r o n t h e p r e s i d e n c y o f
t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f T e x a s i n 1 9 4 5 b e c a u s e o f h i s "N'?w
D e a l i s h " o p i n i o n s , and i n s i s t e n c e on a c a d e m i c f r e e d o m
.The Truman a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s o u g h t t o m e e t t h e Communist
t h r e a t w i t h a p o l i c y of d e f e n c e and c o n t a i n m e n t .
L i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s having abandoned t h e i r former
i d e o l o g i c a l committments h e l d , " l i b e r a l i s m . . . c a n n o t
meet t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m w i t h a n o p p o s i n g i d e o l o g y : i t
m u s t b e d e a l t w i t h o n a n ad h o c " p r s g m a t i c " r e a l i s t i c
basis.
1
"
L i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e f i f t i e s w e r e i n no
position t o return b a t t l e t o the conservative attacks
o f t h e McCarthy e r a .
They h a d , a s H o f s t a d t e r p u t s i t ,
b e e n " c a u g h t o u t " by h i s t o r y .
"Some f o u r h u n d r e d l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s
a p p e n d e d t h e i r s i g n ~ t u r e st o a m a n i f e s t o
denodncing t h e f a n t a s t i c f a l s e h o o d t h a t t h e
U.S.S.R. and t h e t o t a l i t a r i a n s t a t e s a r e
b a s i c a l l y a l i k e , and d e s c r i b i n g t h e S o v i e t
Union 3s a "bulwark" o f p e a c e .
r h i s document was r e p r o d u c e d i n The N a t i o n t h e week
t h a t t h e H i t l e r - S t a l i n p a c t was s i g q e d .
I n % e l l e c t u a l s t h u s caught o u t were not i n
t h e b e s t h i s t o r i c a l , moral o r psychological
p o s i t i o n t o m ke a vigorous response t o
McCa r t h y i sm. I'
3
1. F r a n k A . W a r r e n : L i b e r a l s and Communism. B l o o m i n g t o n :
I n d i a n a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , ( 1 9 6 6 ) , p . 230.
2. Richard H o f s t a d t e r , o p . c i t . ,
p. 40.
I n - t e l l e c t u a l s abandonled t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l c o m n i t t m e n t s
o f t h e P o p c l a r F r o n t p e r i o d w i t h t h e r e s u l t t h a t when t h e y
w e r e m o s t v u l n e r a b l e t o a t t a c k d u r i n g t h e McCarthy
i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f communist i n f i l t r a t i o n i n t h e
u n i v e r s i t i e s , t h e y no l o n g e r h a d a v i a b l e p o l i t i c a l
p h i b a p h y i n t e r m s of which t o meet t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e
counter-attack.
O n e i n d i c a t i o n of t h e abandonment of p r e v i o u s
i d e o l o g i c a l committments i s t h e appearance i n 1952
and 1 9 5 3 r e s p e c t i v e l y , o f two b o o k s , b y J o h n K e n n e t h
G a l b r a i t h ( " ~ m e r i c a n? a p i t a l i s m l ' ) a n 3 David L i l l e n t h a l
( " ~ i gR u s i n ~ s s :A New E r a " ) .
Both w r i t e r s had been
i n - ~ o l v e di n New D e q l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a g e n c i e s , b u t
b 9 t h now d e f e n d e d t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n i n d u s t r y and t h e
technologically progressive characteroflarge-sl~ale
industries.
The f a c t t h e i r d e p a r t u r e f r o m t h e
P r o g r e s s i v e - L i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n of American i n t e l l e c t u a l s
met w i t h no s i g n i f i c a n ? d e g r e e o f p r o t e s t , and f r o m
o t h e r w r i t e r s , s u g g e s t s t h a t " t h e an5i-monopoly
s e n t i m e n t w h i c h was s o l o n g a t t h e h e a r t o f P r o g r e s s i v e
t h i n k i n g i s no l o n g e r i t s l i b e r a l c e n t r a l t h e m e . "
1
The l i b e r a l v i e 1 , ~ son human n a t u r e had c h a n g e d .
The a s s u m p t i o n s o f t h e f a l l i b i l i t , ~o f man, h i s p r o n e n e s s
t o e v i l , h a d , a s W a r r e n s t a t e s , "become 1 - i b e r a l a s w e l l
a s c o n s e r v a t i v e cliche's
sin-,e t h e war, j u s t a s man's
--1. R i c h a r d H o f q t a d t e r , The Aqe o f R e f o r m , New Y o r k :
A l f r c d A . K i ~ c ~ p f(, 1 9 6 5 ) , p . 3 1 4 .
c o - o p e r a t i v e t e n d e n c i e s and g o o d - w i l l were t h e l i b e r a l
1
c l i c h k s of t h e P o p u l a r F r o n t . "
T h i s change of a t t i t u d e
was g e n e r a l ' a m o n g s t t h e l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s o f t h e
post-war p e r i o d .
Less o p t i m i s t i c than i n t h e
Progressive e r a , o r i n t h e 3OVs, l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s
t e n d e d t o t u r n from a committment t o r e f o r m o f t h e i r
c o u n t r y , t o a n a c c e p t a n c e of d o m i n a n t American i n s t i t u t i o n s .
Many i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e e a r l y f i f t i e s e x h i b i t e d
I n 1952, t h e e d i t o r s
2
o f P a r t i s a n Review g a v e a " q u a s i - o f f i c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n "
a s t r o n g pro-American o r i e n t a t i o n .
t o t h i s new i n t e l l e c t u a l mood i n d e v o t i n g a number of
i s s u e s t o a symposium e n t i t l e d , "Our Country and Our
Culture.
"
"American i n t e l l e c t u a l s ,
l1
t h e y s a i d , "n9w
r e g a r d America and i t s i n 5 t i t u t i o n s i n a n t w w a y , .
.
Many
w r i t e r s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s ngw f ~ e cl l o s e r t o t h e i r
c o u n t r y and i t s c u l t u r e ... F o r b e t t e r o r worse, most
w r i t e r s no l o n g e r a c c e p t a l i e n a t i o n a s t h e a r t i s t ' s f a t e
i n A m e r i c a ; on t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e y want v e r y much t o b e
p a r t of American L i f e . "
The o v e r - a l l i n t e l l e c t u a l c l i m a t e of o p i n i o n a f t e r
t h e Second World War was i n c r e a s i n g l y m o d e r a t e , and
e x h i b i t e d a s t r o n g pro-American o r i e n t a t i o n .
This post-
war mood was c l e a r l y n o t c o n d u c i v e t o a l i b e r a l - c o u n i e r a t t a c k on t h e Davis-Moore e x p l a n a t i o n 7f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .
-
1. F r a n k W a r r e n , o p . c i t . , p . 231.
2 . R . Hof s t a d t e r , A n t i - I n t e l l o , , t u a l i
1
,
c p . c i t . , p . 394.
It was not until 1953 that the initiative to
liberal criticism of the argument was given by M.M.
Tumin, We suggest that this criticism was prompted
by the intellectual articulation in terms of compre-
hensive political philosphy, of an implicit category
of p~liticalpreference.
Before the early fifties, whereas the business
establishmentexplicitly stated their conservative
attitudes, for example, in the series of pamphlets
issued by the Liberty League after 1936, intellectuals
usually stated their conservative attitudes implicitly,
through appreciation or in defence of the free-enterprise economic system, or in terms of isolationist
policy.
One example is William Graham Sumner, ont?
of the "founding fathers" of American sociology who
frequently incorporated the values of the business
establishment into his writings.
Although he was
primarily a champion of the middle-class and was
left-wing in the sense that he recognized as significant class divisions and conflicts in community life,1
he took over many ideas of S3cial Darwinism and was
as extreme as Spenzer in his opposition to "amateur
social doctors" with their socialist plans for "nourishing the unfit."
He believed the upper classes were the
main benc?factors of civilization.
"The millionaires..
:
may be fairly regarded as the naturally selected agents
1. C.H. Paye: Class and American S3ciolo y: from Ward to
Ross, New York: The Dial Press, (19409, p. 10.
of s o c i e t y f o r c e r t a i n work.''
They g e t h i g h wages
and l i v e i n l u x u r y , b u t t h e b a r g a i n i s a aood ont3 f o r
society.
There i s t h e i n t e n s e s t competition f o r t h e i r
p l a c e and o c c u p a t i o n .
T h i s a s s u r e s u s t h a t a l l who a r e
c o m p e t e n t f o r t h i s f u n c t i o n w i l l b e employed i n i t , s o
t h a t t h e c o s t of i t w i l l be reduced t o t h e l o w e s t
terms.
..
1
I'
P o s t - w a r c o n s e r v a t i v e r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e N1.w
D e a l r e f o r m programmes and t h e r a d i c a l - l i b e r a l
alliance
i n t h e P o p u l a r F r o n t was h e i g h t e n e d i n t h e c o n t e x t o f
t h e C o l d War.
I t i s no c o i n c i d e n c e t h a t t h e e m e r g e n c e
of c o n s e r v a t i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l t h e o r y h a s r u n p a r a l l e l
t o t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f S o v i e t Communism a s t h e f i r s t r e a l
t h r e a t t o A m e r i c a n v a l u e s and s e c u r i t y . *
Morgenthau
asserts,
" E u r o p e i n c o n t r a s t t o America h a s known c l a s s e s
determined by h e r e d i t y o r o t h e r w i s e s h a r p l y
and p e r m a n e n t l y d e f i n e d i n c o m p o s i t i o n and
s o c i a l s t a t u s , which have had a s t a k e i n
d e f e n d i n g t h e p r e s e n - t s t a t u s quo o r r e s t o r i n g
a n a c t u a l o r f i c t i t i o u s s t a t u s quo o f t h e p a s t .
But f o r t h e d e f e n c e o r r e s t o r a t i o n o f w h a t
s t a t u s quo c o u l d t h e A m e r i c a n r o n s e r v a t i v e
f i g h t ? F o r p r i v a t e p o w e r , s t a t e s ' r i g h t s ...
e x c l u s i v e male s u f f r a g e , s l a v e r y o r perhaps
t h e B r i t i s h Monarchy? The a b s u r d i t y o f t h i s
rhetorical question i l l u s t r a t e s the absurdity
of t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e p o s i t i o n i n terms of l l m r p o s e s
w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t of American p o l i t i c s .
1. Q u o t e d i n R i c h a r d H o f s t a d t e r ; S o c i a l D a r w i n i s m i n
4merican Thought, 1860-1915.
Philadelphia: University
of P h i l a d e l p h i a P r e s s , ( 1 9 4 5 ) , p . 4 4 .
2 . T . M o l n a r : The D e c l i n ? o f t h e I n t e l l e c t u a l , C l e v e l a n d :
M e r i d i a n Books, ( 1 9 6 1 ) , p . 2 7 3 .
3 . Quoted i n T . M o l n 3 r , c p . c i t . ,
p.273.
Morgen-thauls p o i n t needs t o b e q u a l i f i e d .
Frequently
c o n s e r v a t i v e a t t i t u d e s a r e j u s t i f i e d i n t e r m s of t h e
Constitution.
Thus t h e N a t i o n a l I n d u s t r i a l Recovery
Act was d e c l a r e d u n ~ o n s t i t u t i o n a lby t h e Supreme
C o u r t and d u r i n g t h e McCarthy e r a , i n t e l l e c t u a l s w e r e
accused of u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d i s l o y a l t y .
What makes
t h i s p r a c t i c e u n f e a s i b l e from t h e p o i n t o f view o f
p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y , i s t h a t t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f i s an
e s s e n t i a l l y l i b e r a l document b a s e d on e g a l i t a r i a n
assumptions.
C o n s e r v a t i s m became i n t e l l e c t u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t
i n t h e c o n t e x t of t h e emergence of t h e S o v i e t Union
a s a t h r e a t t o t h e American "way of l i f e . "
Russell
K i r k ' s "The C o n s e r v a t i v e Mindt1 a p p e a r e d i n 1953.
In
i t t h e a u t h o r a t t e m p t s t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h e e x i s t e n c e of
a n i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n from Burke t o S a n t a y a n q .
Continuing h i s a r t i c u l a t i o n of c o n s e r v a t i v e thought,
t h e weekly magazine N a t i o n a l Review was l a u n c h e d i n
1955, and had a s i t s e x p l i c i t aim, " a d e e p g o i n g r e n e w a l
of American l i f e i n t h e s p i r i t o f t h e w e s t e r n and
American t r a d i t i o n , " and s o u g h t t o g i v e d i r e c t i o n t o
t h e "conservative i n t e l l e c t u a l resurgence."
I n t h e c o n t e x t of t h e Cold W q r , c o n s e r v a t i v e
writers articulated a long-felt revulsion against
New D e a l Reforms.
A c c o r d i n g t o Minogue t h e most
p o p u l a r * a t t a c k . o n l i b e r a l s i s i n terms of t h e l i b e r a l
t e n d e n c y " t o r e f e r a l l problems t o t h e l a r g e s t a v a i l a b l e
p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . "l
For t h r l i b e r a l , a l l widespread
prohl.cms i n v i t e l ", a s ~ l u t i o nl7-y c t a t e a c t i v i t y . " -
2
Son.,.>rva t i l r c w r i t ~ r ci - v p i c a l l y r e s e n t t h e growi c.2
a u t h o r i t y o v c r p r i v a t~ l i f e , p r e f e r r i n g t h e a u t o n o m y
c~f ' h n i nc-Iividlial an-I c C i n c t i l l i l i o n s .
i
137
o f " ~ r i v a r? n~( I . q ~ l n l ti y . o r
~ i ~ ' . Qi '
i
I
t a
" i n cf.r4c1 . i. v(
7
:.I,
v
1," C ,
c r i t ii-,j
cj
I
hc
o
I]( v
!I?\'-
ny thc
:11o11ahl, o f t h e
lair[! b
p
r
r h e y s:i-cs:
~ J - ~ V ~ and
C V
a certai
.i
h j~i b ~r a l s h a v ~h a e n
~ P W I ~ J P ~ V I J> * C:
; ? r i v a c y a n d f reedorr!. "
~ e r i e i a l l yf o l l o w e d K i r k 1 ( l e a d
i
the
i i y
n , - , h a r a c t ( ~ r i s t i co f P r o g r r s s i - r n
n ~ ~ i c t i oofn t h e " n a t u r a l g o o d n e s s "
a r d p e r f e c t i b i l i l y o f man.
L i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s a r e sometimes c r i t i c i s e d
f o r t h e i r p a s t i d e o l o g i c a l committment t o t h e S o v i e t
IJnion a s a model f o r r e f o r m , w h i l s t c o n s e r v a t i v e w r l t ~ r c
urqp i n c o n t r a c t . t h e
" h c y J e f i nr
'-IV
A m ~ r i c a n "way of l i f e , " w h i c h
at r i o t i c and ( n o r a l s t a n d a r d s .
Kirk,
f o r example. ~ j s s e r t st , h a t " c o n i e r v a t i s m " r e p r e s e n t s t h e ,
" n r e s e v v a t i o n 47f t h e a n ( - i o n ' m o r a l t r a d i t i o n . ; o f h u m a n i t y . "
P e t e r V i ~ r e c kh a s (c1.i-tic; z c d K i r k and c o n t r i b u t o r s - ' o
N a - t i o n 2 1 R e v i e w , f o r "succum'cling t o . . . t h e c o n s e r v a t i s m
of n o s t a l g i a , t h e confusion o f c o n c r e t e l i v i n g r o o t s
w i t,h a b s t r a c t y e a r n i n g f o r r o ~ t i . " ' and f o r e v a d i n g
such i s s u e s a s McCarthyism.
3e rcjects the idea that
1. J u o t e d i n J 2 f f r e y Har-i,: The A m e r i c a n 3 i s s e n t : A D e c a d ~
of Modern C o n : ; e r v a t i s n : New Y o r k : D o u b l e d a y , ( 1 9 6 6 ) ,p. 1.7.
2. I b i d .
3. P e t e r V i e r e c k : C o n 3 e r v a t i s r n R e v i s i t e d , New Y o r k , C o l - l i e r
B o o k s , ( 1 9 6 2 ) , p . 150.
c o n s e r v a t i s m i s an i d e o l o g y ; i t
j
s r a t h e r a "balancing
and t r a n s c e n d i n g u 1 of i d e o l o g i e s .
' J i e r e c k i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a number o f "new
conservatives"
( e . g . Ravmond E n g l i s h , Chad Y a l s h ,
Thomas C o o k , C l i n t o n R o s s i t e r ,
T.A.
Lukacs, August
H e c k s h e r , W i l l H e r b e r g a n d Rei n h o l d N i ~ b u h r )w h o s e
o r i e n t a t i o n i s more l i b e r a l .
They d e s c r i b e A d l a i
S t e v e n s o n 3s c o n s e r v a t i v e , an6 r e j e c t t h e r i u h t - w i n g
c o n s e r v a t i v e mentioned above.
Clinton Rossiter, f o r
e x a m p l e , d e f i n e d a conservative\ a s a man c o m m i t t e d ,
" t o no p a r t i c u l a r p a l i c i e s b u t m u s t a s p i r e t o a n i m a g i n a t i v e , h o p e f u l and t o l e r a n t o u t l o o k ,
ing the antl-liberal
and 3 u c k l e y .
2
"
thereby reject-
o r i e n t a t i o n o f H a y e k , Burnham
Further, V i o ~ '
-17.'
R o s s i t ~ rmake c.
d i s t i n c t i o n between conservatism which embodies
t r a d i t i o n s of f r e e d o m , and l i b o r a l f o r m u l a e " h a t d e f i n e
it.
" C o n s ~ r v a t irn i s n o t i d e n t i c a l w i t h l i l ~ ~ r ~ l i s m
n o r w i J i h o p t i m i c r n a b o u t human n a t u r e , c t i i i t d r i a n
empnasi s on m a t e r i a l p r o g r e s c , o r t r u q '
democracy of t h e mass.
II
in +he d i r e c t
3
T h e e m e r g e n c e o f articulate c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t ,
t h e n , embodied two m a i n t y p p r
- "thoughtful conservativ~s,"
o f whom V i e r e c k i s r e p r e c ~ n t ~ ~ at ni dv ~t h e " r i g h t i s t s . "
1. I b i d .
2. H . Wish: S a c i e t y 7
V o l 11, New Y o r k :
p . 601.
-
TI-'ovnht i n k!o&~rn A m c r i c a ,
,?)
Yc K r l
f,nrr;pa n y ,
.
I n c , ( 1962)
The r i g h t i s t e l e m e n t d o m i n a t e s i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t a s V i e r e c k acknowledges i n t h e t i t l e of
ont2 s e c t i o n o f h i s b o o k : "The ?\Jew C o n s e r v a t i s m : What
went wrony?"
The d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e s e b r a n d s o f
c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t must n o t , however, be over-emphasised
f o r t h e y s h a r e a b a s i c o p p o s i t i o n t o Communism, a
support of t h e
A m e r i c a n "way of l i f e , " a n 3 t h e
p r i n c i p l e s of i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m .
The c r i t i c i s m s by many American s o c i o l o g i s t s of
t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e D2vis-Moore
argument were t h e n prompted by t h e emergence of
a r t i c u l a t e i n t e l l e c t u a l t h o u g h t by a m i n o r i t y o f
American i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e e a r l y f i f t i e s .
These
c r i t i c i s m s r e v e a l a s t r o n y committment t o t h e P r c g r e s sive-Liberal t r a d i t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l thought:
T u m i n r s " e x t r e m e c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m , " h i s assumpt i o n o f t h e e x t r e m e p l a c t i c i t y o f human b e i n g s and
h i s o p t i m i s t i s t i c v i e w of human n a t u r e a r e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of p r o g r e s s i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l thought, p a r t i c u l a r l y
o f t h e s o c i a l s c i e n z e s a s d e v e l o p e d by J g h n Dewey,
C h a r l e s A . Q e a r d , T h o r s t e i n Veblen e t c . ) .
These
became o r t h o d o x r e a d i n g f o r manT/ American i n t e l l e c t u a l s
1
i n the early thirties.
Thus, Tumin's s u g g e s t i o n - t h a t
c e r t a i n m o t i v a t i o n a l schemes s u c h a s " j o y i n w o r k , "
" s a c i a l d u t y " e t c . could be i n s t i t u t e d a s a l t e r n a t i v e s
t o s t r a t i f i e d i n e q u a l i t i e s , r e q u i r e s , a s Moore s t r e s s e s ,
t h a t men b e w i l l i n g t o d o " u n e q u a l work f o r e q u a l p a y "
1. E . D i g b y B a l t z e l l , o p . c i t . , p . 270.
and b e t r a y s a n o p t i m i s m c o n c e r n i n g t h e n a t u r a l l y
C O - o p e r a t i v e v i r t u e s o f man s i m i l a r t o Edward B e l l a m y 1 s : "Men by 7 a t u r a l i n t e n t i o n and s t r u c t u r e a r e
generous not s e l f i s h . ,
sympathetic not
arrogant, god-like i n aspiration, i n s t i n c t
w i t h d i v i n e s t i m p u l s e s of t e n d e r n e s s and
self-sacrifice."l
.
Most c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e Davis-Moore argument a s
we d i s c u s s e d i n e a r l i e r c h a p t e r s , m a n i f e s t a cornmitt-
l e c t u a l s a f t e r 1936.
The e m p h a s i s of Tumin1s argumen-ks,
p a r t i c u l a r l y , r e f l e c t t h e p r i m a r y c o n c e r n of t h e New
D e a l m e a s u r e s t o r e d u c e t h e s c a l e of e x i s t i n g e c o n o m i c
inequalities.
More i m p o r t a n t t h a n t h e s i m i l a r i t i e s , a r e t h e
d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e c r i t i c s
p o l i t i c a l i d e a s and
t h o s e w h i c h came t o t , h e ' f o r e i n t h e e a r l y t h i r t i e s :
Tumin s u g g e s t s " a l t e r n a t i v e a r r a n g e m e n t s " t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
which a r e
not
v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s i n t h e sense t h a t
t h e y r e f l e c t r e a l s o c i a l dpvelopments.
He h i m s e l f
a c k n o w l e d g e s t h a t t h e y a r e " u t o p i a n " i n 'he
sense
t h a t t h e y a r e u n s u p p o r t e d by h i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e , b u t
nevertheless claims they a r e , i n principle, possible.
T h e s e p r o p o s a l s a r e o f s u c h a n a t ~ l r et h a t t h e y c o u l d
n o t b e i n s t i t u t e d by a g o v e r n m e n - t ; f u r t h e r , t h e y
p o s t u l a t e a f u t u r e s o c i e t y which depends f o r i t s
1. Q u o t e d i n E . D i q b y E . a l t z e l l , o p . c i t . , p . 2 5 9 .
B e l l a m y p r e s e n t e d i n f i c t i o n a l i z e d form t h e m a j o r
a s s u m p t i o n s and i d e a s of t h e s o c i a l s c i e n c e of t h e
Progressive Era.
r r > a l~
Z R :j
o n \loon a " m o r a l c o n v ~ r . i o n " wl-lich woul d
r c p u d i a j c + h e t h c n krlown f a c t q o f h ~ ~ m abne h a v i o u r .
r nkr.11 ~ r t u a cl o f t h +
~h i r t i c s were h o p e f u l t h a t
l h ~ i rc o c i a l t h c o r i e ~c o u l d , t o
extent a t leact,
h~ ? v p l p m ~ n t ~ d .T ~ Ncw
P
Dcal r e f o r m s ~ ~ ~ ~ n t i a l l y
r c f l + c ~ e dt h e o v c r a l I i n t r l I c c t u a l c o n r ~ r nw i t h
c n v i r o n r n n n t a l r c f o r m , w h i l c t -om0 o f ' h c i r
i n t o gnvernrnr n t
h a d b f ~ introduced
~ n
-
nu~her
n an advirory
capaci t y .
Pllt
-.
~ w nni 7 c ~ ~ q r ciaz la h l r.
propopal
a r e , i.n marked
o f - f h c r n ~ s eo f i m p o t ~ ~a ncl ~
c o n t r a c t , qymptomati.:
d 2 c p a i r o f l i h ~ r a li n k c l l c r t l l a l - -
:n
tho c a r l y f i f t i
P.;
a t l h e i r ~ x c l t i ~ i of nr o m t h e p o i i t i c a i 3 i f c o f t h c i r ;
c o u n t r y , t h c L r v u l n t - r a h i l i :y i n a t t a c k f r o m ~ o n q r , r v a t i v c r ,
h u s i n c > 9 s m ~ n ,p o l i t j
c,'
a n 5 jnd a r t r o n q n i n o r i t y o f
i n t c l l t c t u a l r , and f i n 2 l l y a t t h e l a c k o f h o p e o f
a n v nr3w r a p p r o c h n m ~ n tw i ' h
qovcrnripnt.
iflor t o l - j e c t - i o n . t o t h e O a v i r - h l o o r c a r g l ~ m e n ~
preq~ntcd
by A ~ ~ q r i c arno r i o l o g i q t q i n t h c c o u r c ~o f t h e f i f t i c c ,
a r c no1 convincinq.
that .;krntification
On t h ~
onp hand t h c i r o b j e c t i o n 2
1 5
d y s f u n - t i o n a l and t h a t D a v i s
and Mmrc. h a v c i q n 3 r c d t h e ~ l ~ r n e no ft pafirer i n t h c i r
pxp?anqtion, arf3 i r r e l e v a n ? i n terms of t h e t h c o r c t i r a l
framnw3t-k e m p l o y e d ; o n t h o~t h e r h a n d , d c m o n c i r a t i onq o f
a l t e r n a t i v e s t o s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a r e e s s e n t i a l l y based
u p o n t h e same p r e m i s e s a n d + h e f u n c t i o n a l c o n c e p t <
e m p l o y e d by D a v i s a n d V o n r e .
No a l t e r n a t i v e a c c o u n t
o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n h a s i n f a c t b e e n 9 u t f o r w a r d by
t h e c r i t i c s , s i n c e c r i t i c s do not genPrally s t r a y
f a r f r o m D a v i s and M o o r e ' s f u n c t i o n a l p r o p o s i t i o n s
( v i z . of f u n c t i o n a l importance, f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i sites).
The r e l u c t a n c e o f c r i t i c s t o o f f e r s e r i o u s
c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e b a s i c a s s u m p t i o n s of f u n c t i o n a l
a n a l y s i s , o r t o a b a n d o n t h i s framework i n o r d e r t o
present stratification i n a significantly different
p e r s p e c t i v e t h a n D a v i c and M o o r e ' s a r e s y m p t o m a t i c of
t h e p c s t - w a r l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s l a c k of a v i a b l e
i d e o l o g i c a l f r a m e w o r k i n t e r m s of which h e c o u l d
c o u n t e r - a t t a c k t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e e m p h a s i s on f u n c t i o n a l
n e c e s s i t y of dominant i n s t i t u t i o n s .
a ~
w r e_ f o r m movement,
Tn t h e a b s e n c e o f
l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s have, n o t
s ; : r p r i s i n y l y , been u n w i l l i n g t o examinc i n a d e t a i l e d ,
r e a l i s t i c way, t h e need f o r r e f o r m i n d o m i n a n t i n s t i t u t i o n s .
C r i t i c s a p p z a r t o b e m o t i v a t e d more by a d ~ q j r e
t o r e j e c t and r i d i c u l e t h e c l b i m
that "stratification
i~ f u n c t i o n a l l y n e c e s s a r y " , t h a n b y a d e s i r e t o p r e s e n t
serious theoretical objections.
Tumin, h a s i n v o l v ~ dh i m s e l f i n
I n d e e d one c r i t i c ,
3
s e r i e s of c o n t r a d i c -
t o r y s t a t e m ~ n t c ( v i z . c o n c e r n i n y t h e f a m i l y s y ~ t e mi n
A m c r j c a n s o c i r t l\ ~i ~n o r d e r t o show i n one a r t i c l e , t h a t
s t r a t i < i c a t i o n i s d y s f u n c t i o n a l , and i n a n o t h e r a r t i c l e ,
t h a t more e q u a l p o s i t i o n a l r e w a r d s would e n h a n c e
conscientious role-performance i n every i n s t i t u t i o n a l
context.
The l a c k o f e f f e c t i v e c r i t i c i s m o f k e y c o n c e p t s
on t h e p a r t of a l l c r i t i c s , b e t r a y s t h e i r r e j e c t i o n
of t h e conclusion : t s e l f ,
r a t h e r than t h e b a s i c
p r e m i s e s and m e t h o d s w h e r e b y t h e c o n c l u s i o n was
I
reached.
The c r i t i c i s m s a r e i n t h i s s e n s z s i m i l a r t o t h e
v i e w s o f a m l n o r i t y o f Americ.an i n t e l l e c t u a l s w h i c h
came i n c r e a s i n g l y t o t h e f o r e i n t h e c o u r s e of t h e
f i f t i e s , and whose m a i n c o n c e r n i s t o a d o p t a c r i t i c a l
stance vis-5-vis
t h e " a b s o r p t i o n t ' of American i n t e l -
l e c t u a l s i n t o American c u l t u r e .
Loren B a r i t z c h a r a c t e r -
i z e s t h e i r m a j o r t o show t h a t " . . , a n y i n t e l l e c t u a l
who a c c e p t s d,ld a p p r o v e s of h i s s o c i e t y p r o s t i t u t e s h i s
s k i l l s and i s a t r a i t o r t o h i s h e r i t a g e . " They c o n s i d e r
a b e r a t i o n not a s a r i s k t h a t must be r u n t o p r e s e r v e
i n t e g r i t y , b u t " a s a n o b l i g a t i o n which p r e c o n d i t i o n s
a l l . other obligations.
Thi.
1
"
"new n o t e u 2 o f i n s i s t e n s e on a c r i t i c a l v i e w -
p o i n t may-,be i n t e r p r e t e d a s a "symptom o f d e s p a i r " a t
t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of t h e a v a n t - g a r d e .
Certainly
t h e s e c r i t i c s a l l d e p l o r e t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s a p p r o v a l of
w o r k s of s u c h " p r o f e s s i o n a l J e r e m i a h s " a s Vance P a c k a r d ,
C . W r i g h t M i l l s , D a v i d R i e s m a n , W i l l i a m Id. Whyte.
Nevertheless, i t i s significant t h a t these i n t e l l e c t u a l s
a r e f o r t h e most p a r t engaged i n an e s : , e n t i a l l y
1. L o r e n 3 a r i t z : The S e r v a n t s o f Power, Middletocvn,
Connecticut,
p . 397.
( 1 9 6 0 ) . Q u o t e d by R . H o f s t , a d t e r , o p . c i t . ,
2 . R . H o f s t a d t e r , o p . c i t . , p . 398.
n o n - ~ o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n of t h e i r e s t r a n g e m e n t from
society.
D e s p i t e t h e c r i t i c i s m s by I r v i n g Howe, Norman
M a i l e r , C . W r i g h t M i l l s and Delmore S c h w a r t z p r e s e n t e d
i n t h e P a r t i s a n Review symposium m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r ,
t h a t most American I n - t e l l e c t u a l s had s u r r e n d e r e d t o
c u r r e n - t p r e s s d r e s t o c o n s e r v a t i s m , t j t a t t h e y had
shown, " a s h r i n k i n g d e f e r e n c e t o t h e s t a t u s q u o , "
" a s o f t and a n x i o u s c o m p l i a n c e , " " a p a i n f u l l a c k o f
m i l i t a n c y , " t h e s e c r i t i c s do p o t p r o v i d e a new
p h i l o s o p h y t o m e e t t h e need oE a v i a b l e i d e o l o g i c a l
f r a m e w o r k on t h e p a r t o f m o s t A m e r i c a n l i b e r a l i n t e l lectuals.
T h i s i s e v i d e n t i n C. Wright M i l l s ' White C o l l a r ,
(1951) i n w h i c h h e a p p e a r s t o e m b r a c e b o t h t h e r e j e c t i o n o f t h e l a b o u r movement a s a s < ? l f - s e e k i n g g r o 7 J p
w i t h i n t h e framework of a m o d i f i e d c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y ,
and t h e d e s i r e f o r a " t h i r d p a r t y " w h i c h would q u e s t i o n
i h e~x i s t i n g c a p i t a l i s t way o f l i f e , o r a t l e a s t , t h e
s t r u c t u r e of
power.
But s i n c e C . IriTrLght M i l l s e x p l i -
c i t l y r e c o q n i z e s that, w h i t e - c o l l a r workers a r e p o l i t i c a l l y i m p c t o n t and a p a t h e t i c , h e h a s no c h o i c e b u t t o
r e g a r d t h ~ i rp a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s u c h a p o l i t i c a l i n s u r gency i n t h e i r " t r u e i n t e r e s t , " b u t extremely improbable.
1. T . B . B o t t o m o r e c o n s i d e r s o t h e r o f W r i g h t M i l l s '
w r i t i ~ g sf r o m a s i m i l a r v i e w - p o i n t i n C r i t i c s o f
S r c i e t y , o p . c i t . , p p . 53-61.
A l s o , W.J. Nt>wman:
Iihcralism and t h e Retreat.
1
The e m e r g e n c e o f t h i s p o w e r f u l m i n o r i t y o f d i s s e n - t i e n t i n t e l l e c t u a l s was p r o b a b l y c o n d u c i v e t o
c r i t i c i s m o f t h e i m p l i c i t c o n s e r v a t i s m o f D a ~ ~ and
is
Moore i n t h e 1 9 5 0 ' s .
It i s significant that the
m o s t p e r s i s t e n t of t h e c r i t i c s , M e l v i n M. Tumin, h a d
b e e n m e n t i o n e d by K u r t Wolff i n 1 9 4 6 a s o n e o f a
s i n a l l m i n o r i t y o f i n - t e l l e c t u a l s , c h a r a c t e r i z e d b.1 a
"conscientious adherence t o t h e c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e , "
and a n e x p l i c i t l y v a l u e - o r i e n t e d a p p r o a c h t o s o c i o l o g y .
WoTff m e n t i o n s a s t u d y i n w h i c h Tumin a t t e m p t e d a n
e v a l u a t i v e comparison of c u i t u r e d t y p e s u s i n g S a p i r ' s
d i s t i n c t i - o n b e t w e e n " g e n u i n e " and " s p s r i o u ? " c u l t u r e .
1
I n r e s p e c t o f t h e i r a t t e m p t s t o r e ~ u d i hD a v i s
and h l o o r e ' s a r g u m e n t , and o f t h e i r l a c k o f a c l e a r
i d e o l o g i c a l rramcwork i n t e r m s o f w h i c h a n a l t e r n a t i v e
e r p l a n a t i o n c o ~ ~ lb de g i v e n , c r i t i c s a r e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e
of a tendencv, c e n t e r e d i n a powerful m'nority
of
d i s . ; ~ n t i e * ~ic~. t c l l~ c t u a l r ,t o c r i t i c i z e t h e i r f e l l o w
intpllc
'
1
an6
n r i a1 c o n d i t i o n .
i n Amcrica, i n
?I
gical I~aqis.
1. M e l v i n M . Tumin., " C u l t u r e ; Gcnuini? and S p i ~ r i o ~ ~ c :
A Tie-eva1.uatior.i. " A m e r i - c a ! ~. ? o c i o l o g i c a l . R e v i c w . (1.945) .
C h a p t e r VI
CONCLUSION
I n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h Mannheim's s u g g e s t i o n s ,
d i s c u s s e d i n C h a p t e r I , we h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o g o b e y o n d
a n immanent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a body o f i n t e l l e c t u a l
thought i n o r d e r t o e x p l a i n i t i n terms of something
e l s e , a s t h e f u n c t i o n L of which i t t h e n
appears.
Thus,
having demonstrated t h a t t h e soriological controversy
u n d e r e x a m i n a t i o n w a s i n i t i a t e d a n d s u s t a i n e d by a
c G n f l i c t o f p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n , we showed t h a t t h i s
p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t was r e p r e s e q t a t i v e of more
general
p a t t e r n s o f p o l i t i - c a l c o n f l i c t amongst American
intellectuals.
However, t h e a n a l y s i s d e p a r t s from Mar~nheim's
c o n c e p t i o n of t h e s o - i o l o g y o f knowledge i n o n e
i m p o r t a n t r e s p e c t : A c c o r d i n g t o Mannheim, e x t r i n q i c
interpretatio? involves an attempt t o explain an
i n t e l l e c t u a l phenomenon b y r e f e r e n c e b m e a n i n g f u l s o c i a l
c x i s t ~ n c e . I n t h e example g i v e n , i n "The I d e o l o g i c a l
and t h e S o c i o l o g i c a l I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f I n t e l l e c t u a l Phencmena"
i h e i n d i v i d u a l i s t type of i n q u i r y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c
of t h e eighteenth
is
century,
e x p l a i n e d by r e f e r e n c e t o ,
"an underlying s o c i a l order"
. ;:.
c o n c e i v ~ do f a s a s y s t e m o f
L
idea of f r e e competition.
b o u r o n ~ i ss o c i e t y ,
.vnich i n c l u d e s t h e
re,
F'
1. ' F u n c t i o n ' i s u s e d h e r r
co-variation.
Set? R.:,.
'1
S o c i a l Theory, Chap.
I..?
,
-.
2
'
the existential
..latical s e n s e of
a 1 C t r u c t u r e and
,PC^
2 . K a r l Mannheirn: I d e o i o ;T a n d U t o p i a , ( ~ e wY o r k : H a r c o u r t , ,
B r u c e and World I n c . , F i r s t P u h l i s h c d i n 1 9 3 6 ) , c h a p . ~ v .
c o n n e c t i o n i n v o l v e s more s p e c i f i c c l a s s v a r i a b l e s
d e r i v e d f r o m t h e M a r x i s t model o f s o c i e t y , v i z .
"asc2ndant c l a s s e s , " "declining c l a s s e s , " "threatened
classec" etc.
F o r exampl-e, n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y
German c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t i s i n t e r p r e t e d a s a
r e s p o n s e , g e n e r a t e d by t h e n e e d s o f t h e c l a s s t o
which i t s c r e a t o r s belonged ( t h e d e c l i n i n g b o u r g e o i s
c l a s s ) a s i t was c o n f r o n t e d w i t h t h e c h a l l e n g e
t o i t s p o s i t i o n by a n o t h e r c l a s s , ( v i z . " t h e
ascendant group represen'ing
a new e p o c h . " )
We d o n o t p r o p o s e t o d i s c u s s t h e t h e o r e t i c a l
and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a m b i g u i t i e s and p r o b l e m s i n v o l v e d
i n these statements.
However, t h e a c c o u n t o f d o m i n a n t
t r e n d s i n i n t e l l e c t u a l tho;lght s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e
M a r x i s t model o f s o c i e t y w h i c h u n d e r l i e s them i s
l a r g e l y i n a p p l i c a b l e t o t h e U.S.A.
The m a j o r " e x i s -
t e n t i a 1 f a c t o r s " why-ch i n f l u e n c e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t
oE i n t e l l e c t u a l t h o u g h t w e r e n o t c l a s s v a r i a b l e s
b u t t h e c h a n g i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e A m e r i c a n economy,
f o r e x a m p l e , t h e G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n , t h e New D e a l r e f o r m s
and t h e l a t e r r e c o v e r y o f t h e c a p i t a l i s t economy i n
t h e p o s t - w a r s i - t u a t i o n ; t h e p r e v a i l i n g mood o f t h e
American p u b l i c a s e x p r e s s e d i n post-war c o n s e r v a t i s m :
~o r~
ld, f o r
a n d , A m e r i c a ' s r e l a t i o n t o t h e r e s t of t l w
example, t h e ewergpnce of a p o l a r c o n f r o n t a t i o n between
America and R u s s i a .
A m e r i c m l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l s do
n o t " a r t i c u l a t e t h e i n t e r e s t s and a s p i r a t i o n s o f
o p p o s i n g g r o u p s " w i t h i n s o c i e t y a s Mannheim s u g g e s t s ;
i n d e e d , l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t h e post-war s i t u a t i o n
h a v e no w e l l - d e f i n e d
thought.
alternative t o conservative
L i b e r a l s f a c e a dilemma i n t h a t t h e c o n s e r v a -
t i v e ' s d e f e n c e o f t h e A m e r i c a n "way o f l i f e , " i s
e s s e n t i a l l y a n a t t e m p t t o c o n s e r v e p r i n c i p l e s which
a r e themselves l i b e r a l .
On t h e o t h e r h a n d , l i b e r a l
i n t e l l e c t u a l s do not espoxse " r a d i c a l " ideas due t o
the radicals'
c o m m i t t m ~ n t t o c o l l e c t i v e means t o t h e
a t t a i n m e n t of d e m o c r a t i c e n d s .
I n t h e c o n t e x t of t h e
C o l d War, l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y
vulnerable t o public reaction against t h e i r past
s y m p a t h y t o w a r d s t h e S o v i e t U n i o n a s a model f o r r e f o r m
by c e n t r a l i z e d p l a n n i n g , a n d f o r t h e i r p a s t a l l i a n c e
with radical
jn',cllectu3ls
d u r i n n t h n I?cl,~lils- F r o n t
p e r i o d whcn t h e t o t a l i t a r i a n a s p e c t 5 cf C c v i e t Communism
became a p p a r e n t .
Thp i n a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of t h e M a r x i a n m o d e l o f
c l a s s t o American s o c i e t y
i q
i n d i c a t e d by t h e Lynd7s
s t u d y , " M i d d l e t o w n i n Trnnc i t i o n ,
"
which concludes
t h a t t h e w o r k i ng c l a s s i n M u n c i e d i d n o t d e v e l o p a
d i s t i n c t i v e i d e o l o g y ; f u r t h e r , t h a t t h e r e was no i n d i c a t i o n of a c l a r q s t r u g g l e s i n c e resentment of workers t o
p r e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c i n ~ q u a l i t i c swas a n
in-d-i v i d u a l r a I h e r t h a n a c l a y s e x p c r i
r e c ~ nl y , C . Wr g h t M i l l
r q
c.?ce.
More
s t u d i e c T I Amcrican c , o s i e t y
do n o t d e m o n s t r a t e a M a r x i s t e m p h a s i s .
The "power-
e l i t e " which c o n s i s t s of t h r e e c o a l e s c i n g groupst h e p o l i t i c a l , b i g b u s i n e s s and m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s whose members a r e a l i k e i n s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d ,
e x p e r i e n c e and a s p i r a t i o n s , i s n o t , a s B o t t o m o r e
p o i n t s o u t , " a r u l i n g c l a s s i n t h e s e n s e of a s t a b l e
and c o n t i n u o u s g r o u p w h i c h D u r s u e s a s e t t l e d p o l i c y . "
Moreover, t h e d i v i s i o n Wright M i l l s s t r e s s e s i s
1
nQt
one of c l a s s , b u t a c l e a v a g e between t h e p o w e r - e l i t e
and t h e m a s s e s : "The t o p o f modern A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y i s
i n c r e a s i n g l y u n ; - f i e d , and o f t e n seems
w i l f u l l y co-ordinated: a t the top there
h a s emerged a n e l i t e o f p o w e r .
The
m i d d l e l e v e l s a r e a d r i f t i n g s e t of
stalemated, balancing forces: the
middle does not l i n k t h e bottom with
the top.
The b o t t o m o f s o c i e t y i s
p o l i t i c a l l y f r a g m e n t e d , and e v e n a s a
p2ssive f a c t , increasingly powerless:
a t t h e b o t t o m t h e r e i s e m e r g i n g a mass
stlciety. "2
R a t h e r t h a n d e s c r i b i n g p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s
i n t h e Marxian t r a d i t i o n , Wright M i l l s emphasizes t h e
p o l i t i c a l a p a t h y and i m p o t e n c e o f t h e m a s s e s , and
the inefficacy
of p o l i t i c s i n a s o c i e t y i n c r e a s i n g l y
c o n t r o l l e d by a n e l i t e .
Not s u r p r i s i n g l y m o s t s t u d i e s o f s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
i n America h a v e b e e n o r i e n t a t e d t o a
model o f c l a s s .
1 . T.B.
-
functionalist
L l o y d W a r n e r ' s t e c h n i q u e s and c o n c e p t s
Bottoinore, o p . c i t . ,
p . 57.
2 . C . W r i g h t M i l l s , "The Power E l i t e t t , N e w Y o r k : 9 x f o r d
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , I n c . , ( 1 9 5 6 ) ~p . 3 2 4 .
h a v e b e e n r e f i n e d , b u t h i s a t t e m p t i n "Yankee C i t y "
t o show t h e e s s e n t i a l i n t e r - r e l a t e d n e s s o f a p p a r e n t l y
d i s p a r a t e b e h a v i o u r and i n s t i t u t i o n s by f o c u s i n g on
t h e " c l a s s - s t r u c t u r e , "I i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f A m e r i c a n
s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n
I f , however, Mannheim's s o c i o l o g y o f knowledge i s
modified so t h a t " e x i s t e n t i a l s i t u a t i o n " includes a
much w i d e r a r r a y o f v a r i a b l e s t h a n " c l a s s , " i t i s
i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t most of h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g
t h e n a t u r e of c o n s e r v a t i t r e i n t e l l e c t u a l t h o u g h t h a v e
b e e n s u p p o r t e d by t h e p r e c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n of t r e n d s
i n American i n t e l l e c t u a l t h o u g h t .
Marlnheim s t a t e d t h a t ,
" C o n s e r v a t i v e m e n t a l i t y a s s u c h h a s no
p r c d i s p 3 s i t i o n towards t h e o r i z i n g .
This
i s i n a c c o r d w i t h t h e f a c t t h a t human
b e i n g s do not t h e o r i z e about a c t u a l
s i t u a t i o n s i n which t h e y l i v e a s long
a s t h e y a r e w e l l - a d j u s t e d t o them."2
Furthermore, i t i s o n l y t h e " c o u n t e r - a t t a c k of
o p p ~ s i n gc l a s s e s and t h e i r t e n d e n c y t o b r e a k t h r o u g h
t h e l i m i t s of t h e e x i s t i n g o r d e r ,
which c a l l s f o r t h
an i n t e l l e c t u a l a r t i c u l a t i o n of conservative thought.
Mannheim's m a i n p o i n t i s t h a t i t i s p r i m a r i l y t h e t h r e a t
of a c o u n t e r - i d e o l o g y whose p r o p o n e n t s b e l o n g t o a
" s o c i a l l y a s c e n d a n t c l a s s " which provokes t h e a r t i c u l a t i o n
1. R . K . Mertm: Book R e v i e w : L l o y d W a r n e r ' s "Yankee C i t y "
S u r - ~ e yG r a p h i c
(1942).
2 . K . Mannheim: I d e o l o g y and U t o p i a , o p . c i t . , p . 2 9 9 .
3. I b i d .
o f f o r m e r l y i m p l i c i t c o n s e r v a t i v e a t t i t u d e s on t h e
p a r t of the " t h r e a t e n e d c l a s s . "
The a r t i c u l a t i o n i s
n o t , Mannheim o b s e r v e s , g e n e r a l l y g i v e n by members o f
t h e s o c i a l c l a q s i t s e l f b u t by " a body of i d e o l o g i s t s
attached t o it."
I n t h e c a s e of c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t
j n n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y Germany, t h e m o s t n o t a b l e was
llegel.
Mannheimls o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t c o n s e r v a t i v e a t t i t u d e s
o n l y become e x p l i c i t i n t h e c o n t e x t o f a c o u n t e r i d e o l o g y i s s u p p o r t e d by a d i s c u s s i o n of c o n s e r v a t i v e
T
t h o u g h t i n American q o c i e t y .
V
c o n c i s e sumrl
I
o f c o n s e r v a t i v e t h o u g h t s i n c e t h e F e d e r a l i s t e r a and
b e f o r e t h e f i f t i e s was g i v e n i n a
floe,'
of p ~ i l p h l e t s
F
i s s u e d by t h e L i b e r t y L e a g u e a f t e r 1 9 3 5 .
o r e 1935
t h e f i r s t 1:evi D e a l c e n t e r e d on t h e N a t i o n a l I n d u s t r i a l
R e c o v e r y AT^, w h i c h , a s a n e x p e r i m e n t i n c e n t r a l i z e d
p l a n n i n g under t h e c o - o p e r a t i v e l e a d e r s h i p or b o t h
b i g b u q i ~ e s s m e nand g o v e r n m e n t , d i d n o t s e r i o u i l y
t h r e a t e n t h e power o f t h e b u s i n e s s e s t a b l i s h m e n t .
A f t e r 1935, a t t h e t i m e t h e f l o o d of psmphlets i s s u e d
by t h e L e a g u e , d e n o u n c e d New D e a l e r s , Communists and
t h e d i c t a t o r s n i p of F.D.R.,
b u s i n e s s m e n l s p r o f i t s were
b e i n g s s r i o u s l y t h r e a t e n e d by t h e
and inheritance legislation-,.
, ~ c o n dNew Deal t a x
ctual.;
A l t h o u q h ma ly i n
wpre r a d i c a l i.n t h e i r o p p o s i t j o n t o
I
hc
s y s t e m and u r q p - ' c + , n t r a l i z e d p l a n n i n g ::
l ~ i t z ~ ' ~
7
;n
'3
-, of
reform i n the e a r l y t h i r t i e s , t h e 'counter-id?ologyl
; h o r . $ r e C e ~ 7 ; - :~ a ni?t
r l l f f i ~ i .t o~ ~
c a~l ; f o r ' b aar
a r C i c t li
cnrl,
'-"'
' ;
7'
,r
-
o f c 9nt7c3rvalive t h o u g h : .
6.1.
ieal i
zc,
r e d u c e t h e : r p r o f i t s , were impi i i t
cffcrt;vel
7'
a t i o n wh:
Only i n +he
r
:
tlhreat~~~t
~
r o n ~ ~ r v a t i va t t~i t u d e s a r t i c u l a t e d 5 y t h e b u s i n ~ ; s
commu~ity.'heir
F.A.
a c c e p t a n c e of t h e E n g l i s h economist
Hayek d f t e r 1 9 4 4 i n d i c a t e s t h e b r e a d t h o f t h e i r
search ror
2
aroader philosphy.
The f i r <
i n t e l l e c t u a l a r t i c u l a t i o n of American
c o n s e r v a t i v e c h o u g h i was n o t g i v e n ~ n t i lt h e e a r l y
f i f t i e s , when a m i n o r i t y o f i n t e l l e c t u a l c made e x p l i c i t ,
not t h e needs o r a s p i r a t i o n s of a t t c l a s s " o r group
a s Mannheim s d g q e s t s . b l ~ t t h e p r e v a i l i n g mood o f t h e
American p u b l i L .
C o n s e r v a t i s m h a d become i n c r e a s i n g l y
g e n e r a l i z e d a f t e r t h e end o f t h e S e c o n d World War,
l a r g e l y a s a r e s p o n s e t o t h e r e c o v e r y of c a p t t a l i s m
a t home and a b r o a d and i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h S~o l d Wa1.
i n w h i c h t h e ;J.3.4. c o n f r o n t e d R u s s i a a s t h e o n l y o t h c ~
. > o v i e + -ommunisr was p e r c e i v e d b y t h e
world powel.
A m e r i c a n o u h l i c , p c ~ i i t i r a ll e a d e r s e t c . a s a n a l i e n
and h o c t i l t
: d e o l o g y t o which American c a p i t a i i s m
was t h e o n l , v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e .
counterec
'
, j v j
PT
Intellectuals explicitly
h m m u n i s m , by u r g i n q t h e
American
"wav o f l i f ~ . "d e f i n e d by p a t r i o t i c and m o r a l s t a n d a r d s ,
and by d c f c n d i n : ~ d o m i n a n t A m e r i c a n i n q t i t u t i o n c o f t h e
f a m i l y , r c l i a i on 2 n d d e m o c r a c y .
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
A b e r l e , D . F . , Cohen A . K . , Levy J r . , M . J . , a n d S u t t o n F . X . ,
ItThe F u n c t i o n a l P r e r e q u i s i t e s o f a S o c i e t y , " E t h i c s , 6 0
an., 1 9 5 0 ) pp.lOO-111.
Alvarez, A . ,
Under P r e s s u r e , London: P e n g u i n Books, ( 1 9 6 5 ) .
B a l t z e l l , E.D., The P r o t e s t a n t E s t a b l i s h m e n t , New York:
V i n t a g e Books, ( 1 9 6 6 ) .
B a r b e r , B . , S o c i a l S t r a t i f f c a t i o n , New York::
B r a c e and Co., ( 1 9 5 7 ) .
Harcourt
!
Bendix R . , a n d L i p s e t S.M.,
The F r e e P r e s s , ( 1 9 5 3 ) .
C l a s s , S t a t u s and Power, G l e n c o e :
and Tumin M . M . ,
B e n n e t t , J.I.V.,
Knopf, ( 1 9 4 8 ) .
S o c i a l L i f e , New York: A . A .
B o t t o m o r e T.B., S o c i o l o g y , A Guide t o Problems and
L i t e r a t u r e , London : Unwin U n i v e r s i t y Books, ( 1 9 6 2 ) .
C l a s s e s i n Modern S o c i e t y , London: Ampersand,
'
0
.
'
, C r i t i c s of S o c i e t y , New York: P a n t h e o n
Books I n c . , ( 1 9 6 8 ) .
B r e d e m e i e r , H . C . , " The Methodology o f F u n c t i o n a l i s m , "
American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 20 ( ~ p r i l ,1 9 5 5 ) , P P - 173180.
S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and t h e F u n c t i o n a l
Buckley, W . ,
T h e o r y of S o c i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l
R e v i e w , 2 3 ( ~ u g . ,1 9 5 8 ) , p p . 369-373.
,
" O n E q u i t a b l e I n e q u a l i t y , I' American S o c i o l o g i c a l
Review,28,
( ~ c t . ,1 9 6 3 ) , ~ ~ . 7 9 9 - 8 0 1 .
,t ~ S t r u c t u r a l - F u n c t i o n a lA n a l y s i s i n Modern
S o c i o l o g y , " i n H . B e c k e r and A . B o s k o f f , ( e d i t o r s ) ,
Modern S o c i o l o g i c a l T h e o r y i n C o n t i n u i t y and Change,
New York: The Dryden P r e s s , ( 1 9 5 7 ) .
C h a m b e r l a i n , J . , F a r e w e l l t o Reform, C h i c a g o : Q u a d r a n g l e
Paperbacks, (1965).
Coser L.A.,
(1965j.
Men o f I d e a s , NPW York: The F r e e P r e s s ,
C u b e r , J. F. , a n d K e n k e l W. F., S o c i a l S t r a t i f a t i o n i n t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s of America, New ' A - o r k : R i n e h a r t and C o . ,
(1957).
. tillman
F---'
?Ic,
!
.
S o c i e t y , Yew Y o r k : T h e M a c m i l l a n L h n p ~ r ~ . r ,
7
arid Moore, W.E., "Some P r i n c i p l e s o f S t r a t i f i c a t i o 1 - 1 , ~ ~
Amcri.can Soci.ol:ogi.cal Review, 1 0 , ( ~ ~ r i 1 , 1 9 4 5 p) p, . 249-349.
-
----
;957',
.
.
"'<eply " 4 m e r i c a n S o c i o l . o g i c a l Review, 18
p y . 'Q4-?"7.
O.L., A n E n c o r e
G r a h a r ,TT.,
1
p
Hofstadter, R.,
(1-965)
-
"
( !967),
L
L
( A U ~ I I lY ,
o r R e f o r m , New Y o r k : fixford
The A g e o f R r f o r m , New Y o r k : A . A . K n o p f ,
H o f s t a d t e r , R . , The A m e r i c a n P o l i t i c a l T r a d i t i o n , New Y o r k :
V i n t a g e Books, ( 1 9 4 8 ) .
-----,
A.A.
Knopf,
A n t i - I n + ; e l l e c t u a l i s m i n . 4 m e r i c a n L i f e , New Y o r k :
(1964).
-9
The P a r a n o i d S t y l e i n A m e r i c a n P o l i t i c s , and
O t h e r E s s a y s , New Y o r k : A..4. K n o p f , ( 1 9 6 6 ) .
Homans, G . C . , " C o n t e m p o r a r y T h e o r y i n S o c i o l o g y , i n t h e
Handbook o f Modern S o c i o l o g y , e d i t e d by R . E . L. F a r i s ,
C h i c a g o : Rand McNally and Go., ( 1 9 6 4 ) .
I l o r o w i t z , I . L . , e d i t o r , The New S o c i o l o g y , New Y o r k : The
Oxford I J n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , (19651.
N o w e , . L . , e d i t o r , The R a d i c a l I m a g i n a t i o n , New Y o r k : The
New A m e r i c a n L i b r a r y I n c . , ( 1 9 6 7 ) .
1
S t e a d y Work, New Y o r k : H a r c o u r t , B r a c e and World
, E666).
Huaco, G . , " A L o g i c a l A n a l y s i s o f t h e D a v i s - Moore T h e o r y
o f S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " A m e r i c a n S ~ c i o l o g i c a lR e v i e w , 2 8 ,
( ~ c t o b e rl ,9 6 3 ) , p p . 3 0 1 - 8 0 4 .
H u g h e s , H..S., " I s t h e I n t e l l e c t u a l O b s o l e t e ? " Commentary,
(1956) .
J a c o b s , P . , and L a n d a u , S . , The New R a d i c a l s , New Y o r k :
Random H o u s e , ( 1 9 6 6 ) .
K a h l , J . A . , The A m e r i c a n C l a s s S t r u c t u r e , New Y o r k :
Random H o u s e , ( 1 9 6 6 ) .
K e l l e r , S . , "The S o c i o l o g y o f S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 5 5 , "
i n S o c i o l o g y i n t h e U . S . . 4 . : A T r e n d R e p o r t , e d i t e d by
H . L . Z e t t e r b e r g , Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , U. N. E. S . C . O . ,
pp. 114-119.
K n i g h t , E . , The O b j e c t i v e S o c i e t y , New Y o r k : G e o r g e
Brnziller Inc., (1960).
K o l b , W.L. , " V a l u e s , P o s i t i v i s m and t h e F u n c t i o n a l T h e o r y o f
R e l i g i o n , " S o c i a l F o r c e s , 31, (Mqy,1953), pp. 305-311.
L a i d l e r , H . W . , S o c i a l Economic Movements, London: R o u t l e d g e ,
and Kegan P a u l L t d . , ( 1 9 6 0 ) .
L a s c h , C . , The Nsw R a d i c a l i s m i n A m e r i c a , New Y o r k : A . A .
Knopf, (1965) .
L e v y , M . , The S t r u c t u r e o f S o c i e t , P r i n c e t o n N,J . :
Princeton University Press, (1952r
.
Levy J r . . M . J . , " F u n c t i o n q l i s m : A R e p l y t o D r .
B u c k l e y , " American 5 o c i o l o g i c a l Review, ( ~ e b r u a r ~ ,
1 9 5 9 ) , pp-03-84.
L i p s e t , S.M., "American I n t e l l e c t u a l s : t h e i r p o l i t i c s
a n 3 s t a t u s , " D a e d a l u s , (summer 1 9 5 9 ) .
, P o l i t j - c a l Man, D o u b l e d a y and Co. I n c . ,
(1960).
, and B e n d i x , R . , S o c i a l M o b i l i t y i n I n d u s t r i a l
S o c i e t y , B e r k e l e y and Los A n g e l e s : U n i v e r s i t y o f
California Press, (1959).
and
, " S o c i a l S t a t u s ( ~ n dS o c i a l
S t r u c t u r e ; A R e - e x a m i n a t i o n o f D a t a and I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s ,
I , " B r i t i s h J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , I1 ( S e p t . , 1951),
p p . 230-254.
,
L u b e l l , S . , The F u t u r e o f A m e r i c a n P o l i t i c s , NPW Y o r k :
H a r p e r Colophon Books, ( 1 9 6 5 ) .
M a c L e i s h , A . , The I r r e s p o n s i b l e s , New Y o r k : D u e l l ,
S l o a n and P e a r c e , ( 1 9 4 0 ) .
Mannheim, K a r l , " The I d e o l o g i c a l and t h e S o c i o l o g i c a l
I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f I n ~ e l l e c t u a lP h e n o m e n ? , " " I d ~ o l o q i s c h e
und s o z i o l o q i ~ c h eI n t e r p r e t a t i o n d c r y ~ i s t i s e n
G e b i l d e , " J a i , : > u r h f l l r S o z i o l o g i e , e d . hjr G S a l o m o n ,
K a r l s r u h e : G . J r a u n , ( 1 9 2 6 ) V o l . , -ii,p p . 41'4-449.
T
I r z n c l a t e d by K u r t H. W o l f f ,
-, I d e o l o g y and U t o p i a , New Y o r k : H a r c 3 u r - t ,
B r a c e and W o r l d , I n c . , ( 1 9 3 6 ) .
,
"
American S o c i o l o g y , " from Ess3ys i n
S o c i o l o g y , e d . P . K e c s k e m e t i , London: R o u t l e d g e a r d
Kegan P a u l L t d . , ( 1 9 5 3 ) .
Maycr, K . 3 . ,
(1955).
"
-
C l a s s and S o c i e t y , New Y o r k : D o u b l e d a y ,
D j ~ c u s ~ i o n ,A"m e r i c a n . S o c i o l o q i c a l R e v i e w ,
I . ~ T K $ ~ ~1918).
I,
M-rt o n , R . K . ,
1-i
Took R e v i e w : L l o y d Wa-rl ? - I s Y a n k a ~
( 1942)-
k y, Yllrvey G r a p i l i c ,
' . o c i a l T h ~ o r yand S o c i a l S 1T 1 1 : " n c Fr1.p P r f - - ;- . ( 1-9/19?
.
---
.
a
I
I
curt', Glencoe,
M i l l s , C . W r i g h t , " The P r o f e s s i o n a l I d e o l o g y o f t h e
S o c i a l P a t n o l o g i s t , " i n Power, P o l i t i c s and P e o p l e ,
e d . , I . L . H o r o w i t z , New Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y
Press, (1963).
, The Power E l i t e , New Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y
Press,
(1956).
M o l e y , R . , The F i r s t New D e a l , New Y o r k : H a r c o u r t ,
B r a c e and W o r l d , I n c . , ( 1 3 6 6 ) .
h l o l n a r , T . , The D e c l i n e o f t h e I n - c e l l e c t u a l , C l e v e l a n d :
M e r i d i a n Book, ( ~ e c e m b e r , 1 9 6 1 ) .
Moore J r . , B . , I f The New S c h o l a s t i c i s m and t h e S t u d y
o f P o l i t i c s , " World P o l i t i c s 6 , ( ~ c t . ,1 9 5 3 ) .
Moore, W . E . , " Comment," A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l
R e v i e w , 1 8 , ( ~ u ~ u s 1t 9, 5 3 ) p . 3 9 7 .
-7
" But Some a r e More E q u a l t h a n O t h e r s , " A m e r i c a n
S o c i o l o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 2 8 , ( ~ e b . ,1 9 6 3 ) , p p . 1 4 - 1 5 .
" R e j o i n d e r , I' A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w ,
m k e b .
,
l 9 6 3 ) , pp. 26-28.
M y r d a l , G u q n a r , An A m e r i c a n Dilemma: The Negro
P r o b l e m and V o d e r n Democracy, New Y o r k : H a r p z r and
Row, new e d i t i o n , ( 1 9 4 4 ; 1 9 6 2 ) .
Newman, W . J . , L i b e r a l i s m and t h e R e t r e a t f r o m P o l i t i c s ,
New Y o r k : G e o r g e B r a z i l l e r I n , . , ( 1 9 6 4 ) .
P a g e , C.kl., C l a s i znd A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g y , New Y o r k :
The D i a l P r e s s , ( 1 9 1 0 ) .
A R e v i s e d A n a l y t i c a l Ap;-.rr<,acht o t h e
Parsons, T.,
Thegry of S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " i n h i s volume,
Es;3ys i n S o c i o l o g i c a l T h e o r y , r e v i s e d e d i t i o n ,
G l e n c o e , I l l . : The F r e e P r e s s , ( 1 9 5 4 ) .
P e r s o n s , S . , A m e r i c a n Minds New Y o r k : H o l t , R i n e h a r t
and W i n s t o n . ( ~ a n u a r ~1 9, 6 6 ) .
P f a u t z , H.F., l1 S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and S o c i o l o g y , "
World C o n g r e s s of : : a c i o l o g y T r a n s a c t i o n s , S e c o n d
I n t e r n a t i o n 2 1 S o c i o l o g i c a l A s - ? c i a t i o n , ( 1 9 5 4 ) , pp.
311-321.
P f a u t z , H,1W., " T h e L u r r e n c L i t e r a t u r e on S o c i a l
S t r a t i f i . c a i i o n : C r i t i q u e and a i h l i o g r a p h y , " A m e r i c a n
J o u r n a l . ofSoci~olo q y , 53, ( 1.953), pp. ? , O l . - 4 1 8 .
P h i l l i p s , C . , The Truman P r e s i d e n c y , New Y o r k : The
M a c M i l l a n Comp3ny, ( 1 9 6 6 ) .
P o p p e r , K a r l , L o g i c o f S c i e n t i f i c D i s c o v e r y , New Y o r k :
B a s i c Books, ( 1 9 5 3 ) .
R a d e r , B.G., The Academic Mind and R e f o r m , U n i v e r s i t y
of Kentucky P r e s s , ( 1 9 6 6 ) .
R e s e k , C . , e d . , The P r o g r e s s i v e s , I n d i a n a p o l i s and
N2w Y o r k : The B o b b s - M e r r i l l Company, ( 1 9 6 7 ) .
R i e s m a n , D . , G l a z e r , N . , and Denn?y, R . , The L o n e l y
Crowd: A S t u d y o f t h e C h a n g i n g A m e r i c a n C h a r a c t e r ,
New York : D ~ u b l e d a yAnchor Books, ( 1 9 5 3 ) .
R i e s s m a n , L . , C l a s s i n Ainerican S o c i e t y , G l e n c o e , I l l . :
The F r e e P r e s s , ( 1 9 5 9 ) .
Rosenfeld, E., " Social S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n a 'Classless1
S o c i e t y , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 1 6 , ( ~ e c . ,1 9 5 . 1 ) ,
pp.766-74.
S a m s o n , L e o n , Towards a U n i t e d F r o n t , New Y o r k :
F a r r a r and R i n e h a r t , ( 1 9 3 3 ) .
S c h l e s i n g e r J r . , A . M . , The P o l i t i c s o f U p h e a v a l ,
B o s t o n : H o u g h t o n M i f f l i n Company, ( 1 9 6 3 ) .
, and W h i t e , M., e d s . , P a t h s o f A m ~ r i c a n
T h o u g h t , B o s t o n : H o u g h t o n M i f f l i n Company, ( 1 9 6 3 ) .
S c h u m p e t e r , J . A . , I m p e r i a l i s m and S o c i a l Z ! a s s e s ,
New Y o r k : M e r i d i a n R o o k s , ( 1 9 5 5 ) .
S c h w a r t z , R. D. , " F u n c t i o n a l A l t e r n a t i v e s t o I n e q u a l i t y ,
A n , e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 2 0 , ( ~ u ~ u s 1t 9, 5 5 ) , p p .
424-430.
S h i l s , E . , The P r e s e n t S t a t e o f A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g y ,
G l e n c o e I l l . : The F r e e P r e s s , ( 1 9 4 8 ) .
Simpson, R . , " A M o d i f i c a t i o n of t h e F u n c t i o n a l
Theory of S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , " S o c i a l F o r c e s , 3 5 ,
( ~ e c e m b e r ,1 9 5 6 ) , p p . 1 3 2 - 1 3 7 .
S t i n c h c o r n b e , A . i., " Some E m p i r i c a l Cc,. < - e q u e n c e s o f
t h e Davis-Moore T h e o r y , " A m e r i c a n Sop' i l o q i c a l
Revj ew, 2 8 , ( ~ c t . ,1 9 6 3 ) .
Toulmin, S . , P h i l o s o p h y of S c i e n c e :
New Y o r k : Harpk.r, ( 1 9 6 0 ) .
:,I-
Tntroduction,
"
Tumin.M.M. ,
Fomc P r i n c i p l e s o f S t r a t i f i c a t i o n :
A C r i t i c a l A n a l y c i s , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l Review,
18, ( A U ~ : ] . ;l ~~ ,) ~ i 2 p) p, . '394-97.
-
On E a c a l i t y ,
, 1 ?6? ) .
287;eb.
American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review,
" Somc ' X s f u n c t i o n s o f I n s t i t u t i o n a l I m b a l a n c ~ s , "
Am-rican S o c j o l o -q i c a l R e v i e w , 2 8 , ( ~ e b . ,1 9 6 3 ) ,
p p . 3 L8-?2'?.
----*
-- --
9
" R c w a r c j - and T a s k - O r i e n t a t i o n s , A m c r i c a n
.:oc,i ol oqi c a l Pcvic\w, 20, ( A U ~ ~ J1S9 5~ 5, ) , ~ 7 . 4 1 9 - 2 3 .
, iI'11anqinc.r < ' t a t u s S y s t e m s , " i n Symposium on
L a i ~ o r .C j ~ t c m - and S o c i a l C h a n g e , e d . W . E . Moore and
4 . F c tdvan,
~
Y o ~ rY o r k : S ~ c i a lS c i e n c e R e s e a r c h C o u n c i l ,
( l.Qhn .
- an'd Fcldrnan, A..:. , S o c i a l C l a s s and S o s i a l
Chnntr- i r? I h ~ r \ +r o K i c o . P r i n c e t o n N . J . : P - i r ? c ~ t o n
.
1 J n ; ~ rr -~i iy I T T ~ ~ S (1961).
I' ri ' i e j o i r i d e r t o F u l c t i o n a l i s t s D r . D a v i s
--)
'[i *.reek. P e t 0 r , iConserva t i s m R e v i c , i i
i
7 i
7 3 ~ k, ( 1 9 6 2 ) .
1,
New Y o r k :
Q
'
r
,
.
. , a n 1 3 Lun',, P . S . , The S o c i a l L i f ~o f a
by. New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r q i \ 7 " r e s s
M l c r n "omm\l?;
P941).
-
n P . A . , L i . b ~ r a 1 . s and Communism, Bloom-i n g l - o n :
Indiana 1Jniversi:Ly P r e s s , ( 1 9 6 6 ) .
a
Wrong, D.H., " P o l i t i c a l B i a s a n d t h e S o c i a l S c i e n c e s , "
C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y Forurn, 2 , fo all, 1 9 5 9 ) .