PERSPECTIVE The UN and the BWIs How to promote policy coherence and coordination for sustainable development WERNER PUSCHRA AND SARA BURKE May 2013 Strengthening and reform of the institutional framework should not be an end in itself but a means to achieve sustainable development. (The Future We Want) Even without a formal role in sustainable development many functions performed by the BWIs – IMF’s macroeconomic guidelines, Article IV consultations, advice on tax, energy and incentives policies, and research on inequalities and their economic and social effects; the Bank’s new vision to end extreme poverty and promote shared prosperity – affect development’s sustainability. A common perception in the BWIs is that ECOSOC’s overloaded and rigid schedule, too many pre-prepared statements and little opportunity for real policy dialogue make it unattractive as a forum for Ministers. Decades of incremental and stalled ECOSOC reform have taken decisionmaking capacity on international economic and social policy away from the UN and are an obstacle to effectively pursuing sustainable development through a reformed institutional framework. If we expect the proposed High Level Political Forum to achieve – rather than just discuss – sustainable development, we would be wise to learn from what the G20 does right: committing the necessary human and other resources to large amount of technical preparation required for meetings where Ministers and Leaders can engage in candid policy dialogue and take necessary decisions. 1. Introduction There was unanimous agreement at the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) that the “strengthening and reform of the institutional framework should not be an end in itself, but a means 1 to achieve sustainable development.” One knows the Bretton-Woods institutions (BWIs) can provide expert advice on data, indicators and analysis; one imagines they will be expected to take a role in financing sustainable development. However, the question before us is whether it is necessary to enhance their involvement in a reformed institutional framework in order to achieve sustainable development. So far the BWIs have not had a formal role in the IFSD, but many of the individual functions they perform already are necessary for pursuing sustainable development. The IMF’s production of macroeconomic guidelines, its yearly Article IV consultations with Members, its advice to countries on tax and energy policy and incentive schemes, as well as its research to assess the effects of inequalities on growth and economic stability all affect development and its sustainability. Similarly, the World Bank’s recently announced vision “to end extreme poverty and 2 promote shared prosperity” will have an effect on sustainable development. The question is, without coordination under sustainable development guidelines, what effect are their policies likely to have? With regard to IMF advice on policies to promote growth, a sustainable development orientation would have to emphasize the relationship between resource use and growth and the resulting impacts on the environment, jobs and social protection as well as on the economy. The Bank’s vision for poverty eradication and shared prosperity is to end $1.25/day poverty by 2030 while promoting income growth for the bottom 40 per cent in each country. For sustainable development there needs to be better coherence between poverty-eradication and inequality reduction policies: the promotion of income growth at the bottom 40 per cent in each country without attention 1 Paragraph 76 of the outcome document “The future we want” 2 “A Common Vision for the World Bank Group” (SecM20130122) 3 to the potential for a “middle-income-gap” between top earners and bottom earners ignores and in policy terms fails to combat the growth of inequalities and the economic and social instability that can result. The policies pursued by the BWIs influence international and national policies on trade, finance and investment and thus have a major impact on sustainable development, but without policy coherence and policy coordination, they can have negative consequences for that objective. This makes it necessary to create a global political decision-making body which brings together the key developed and developing countries to address the critical inter-linkages between trade, finance, investment, the environment and economic and social development. Clearly, if the BWIs were situated within a truly reformed institutional framework and their policies made coherent within the three dimensions – or pillars – of sustainable development, we can say that it would go a long way toward progress toward sustainable development. But how likely is such an outcome, and what are the challenges to be overcome? 2. Some challenges For the BWIs to take an enhanced role in a reformed institutional framework for sustainable development (IFSD), incremental and stalled governance reforms need to be accelerated. Despite incremental quota reform at the IMF to enhance the voice and representation of emerging market developing countries to better reflect changes in their relative weights in the global economy, agreement on a comprehensively reformed quota formula in time for it to serve as a basis for the 15th General Review of 4 Quotas in January of 2014 has stalled. There is also the concern that recent Board realignment has not yet gone far enough towards fulfilling European countries’ commitment to enhance the voice and representation of emerging market developing countries. Without governance reform, the new multilateral institutions for development finance and for emergency crisis support announced by the BRICS in late March could well 3 The term “middle-income-gap” was coined by Indermit Gill, World Bank chief economist for Europe and Central Asia, and Homi Kharas, from Brookings, as a caution that simply stimulating economic growth often resulted in greater inequality for middle-income countries. 4 Group of 24 Communiqué, April 18, 2013 decide to compete with the Bank and IMF rather than cooperating with them. The UN Secretary General’s February 2013 Report on implementing GA Resolution 61/16 to strengthen the ECOSOC states: the “recent economic and financial crisis has underscored the importance of strengthening the multilateral system with respect to global economic and financial issues and the critical role of global 5 economic coordination and coherence.” Since the ECOSOC is the greater UN system’s institutional point of engagement with the BWIs, the degree and character of ECOSOC reform would have to be determined in order to say whether enhanced involvement of the BWIs in a reformed IFSD would be capable of enhancing their contributions to sustainable development. The co-facilitators of GA resolution 61/16, in their “Food for Thought: The ECOSOC we want” document, offer suggestions on the integration of sustainable development into the ECOSOC’s work. They suggest to use the integration session in May to consolidate inputs by all actors linked to ECOSOC on the integration of the three pillars of sustainable development and to contribute to a focused annual theme and coordinated follow-up on major summits and UN conferences. The overall goal of this session is to “deal with global problems (unemployment, food security, poverty, inequality, biodiversity loss, climate change) through 6 three-dimensional lenses” and 2) to feed these results into the annual ECOSOC High-Level Segment in July. Informal interviews with a number of Executive Director’s offices, from both developed and developing countries in both the IMF and World Bank, conducted as background for this brief, revealed a common perception that ECOSOC – with an overloaded and rigid schedule because of its complicated mandate, and with too much reading of pre-prepared statements and too little opportunity for genuine policy dialogue – is simply not a place where Ministers can discuss and take decisions. If the High Level Political Forum is to attract not only Heads of State for a one or two day event in September, but engage the full range of Ministries that 5 Paragraph 54 of Report of the Secretary-General on “Implementation of General Assembly Resolution 61/16 on the Strengthening of the Economic and Social Council” 6 “Food for Thought: The ECOSOC we want”, Part V, section on possible lines of action. need to be involved in sustainable development – not only Environment and Development Ministers, but Labor and even Finance Ministers, – the HLPF will have the additional challenge to overcome resistance to participation in a universal forum, seen as anathema to genuine policy dialogue and decision-making on contentious issues. As with governance reform in the BWIs, decades of incremental and stalled ECOSOC reform have contributed to taking decision-making capacity on international economic and social policy away from the UN and present a serious obstacle to the development of an effective institutional framework for sustainable development within the intergovernmental system. Additional obstacles stemming from conflicting political and economic interests operating both within and outside of this system, as well as the facets of the intergovernmental system that hinder candid policy dialogue, reinforce a tendency for the most pressing decisions related to international cooperation to be taken in informal bodies, such as the G20, despite the fact that this violates standard norms of good governance and policy accountability. Reform efforts therefore face the extremely difficult imperative to correct weaknesses in the present intergovernmental system while constrained by powerful political and economic interests that prefer the exclusivity and expediency of informal arrangements. In replacing the Commission for Sustainable Development, if we genuinely expect to create a High Level Political Forum that can muster and direct political will to achieve sustainable development, it would be wise to learn from what the G20 does right. Shaped by its experiences in international cooperation and decision-making in the five years since it has become a Leaders forum, the G20 has realized it is impossible to have a high-level political debate – a real policy dialogue even if it is just a yearly one-day or two-day summit – without a huge amount of technical preparation by the ministries involved. At first, this meant just the finance ministries, which dedicated appropriate numbers of their staff necessary to prepare the background for an ambitious, year-round calendar of meetings. Eventually the G20 branched out to include development, labor, tourism, environment and other ministries in their expanding calendar of meetings. In each case, the political will existed on the part of participating governments to dedicate the human resources, that is, to contribute to the secretariat necessary to appropriately prepare for meetings in which issues are discussed and decisions taken. If we want the High Level Political Forum to provide the political leadership to actually achieve sustainable development within an intergovernmental framework, we will plan for the necessary human and other resources to do the work that is needed to prepare meetings at which they can take the necessary decisions. About the Authors There have been many proposals over the years for creating new bodies to overcome deficiencies in global governance, such as the Stiglitz Commission’s idea for a 7 Global Economic Coordination Council. Its proposal for an intergovernmental Council could provide a good model for the High Level Political Forum. It would have to be supported by an independent panel to identify systemic risks and to issue wake-up calls on tipping points and issues of urgency to the global economy, the planet and its people that governments might be tempted to ignore or suppress and that private economic interests do already lobby to cover up. It would also have to provide for the necessary technical preparation for effective Ministers’ and Leaders’ meetings. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung | New York Office 747 Third Avenue, 22B | New York, NY 10017 | USA 7 “Report of the Commission of Experts of the President of the United Nations General Assembly on Reforms of the International Monetary and Financial System”, United Nations (2009) Werner Puschra was Executive Director from August 2008May 2013 and Sara Burke is Senior Policy Analyst for Economic and Social Issues for the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung New York Office. The views expressed in this publication are not necessarily those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Imprint Responsible: Dr. Werner Puschra Executive Director, New York Office Tel.: +1-212-687-0208 | Fax: +1-212-687-0261 http://www.fes-globalization.org/new_york/ Contact: [email protected]
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