THURSDAY,
JUNE
2i,
I787.
JOURNAL
June 2L I787.
The honorable Jonathan Dayton Esquire, a Deputy of the
State of New Jersey, attended and took his seat
The following credentials were produced and read.
(here insert Mr Dayton's credentials). I
It was moved and seconded to agree to the second resolution
reported from the Committee, namely,
Resolved that the Legislature consist of
Two Branches.
which passed in -the affirmative. [Ayes -- 7; noes -- 3;
divided- I.]
It was moved and seconded to amend the first clause of the
3rd resolution reported from the Committee so as to read
Resolved that the Members of the first branch of the Legislature ought to be appointed in such manner as the Legislature of each State shall direct
On the question to agree to the amendment
it passed in the negative [Ayes m 4; noes -- 6; divided --I.]
It was then moved and secor_ded to agree to the first clause
of the third resolution as reported from the Committee,
namely,
Resolved that the Members of the first branch of the Legislature ought to be elected by the People of the several States. _
which passed in the affirmative [Ayes- 9; noes- I; divided1.1
1 See Appendix B.
2 There seems to have been no formal action to strike out the word "National"
in the 3d Resolution. In Wilson's copy of the Resolutions of the Convention used by
the committee of Detail; see Records, July 37 -- August 4), in the 3d Resolution '%t
the United States" is inserted after "Legislature" and above the llne.
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It was moved and seconded to erase the word
"three" from the second clause of the third resolution,
reported from the Committee
which passed in the affirmative [Ayes--7;
noes--3;
divided- x.]
It was moved and seconded to insert the word
"Two" in the second clause of the third resolution reported
from the Committee.
which passed unanimously in the affirmative
and then the House adjourned till to-morrow at I, o'Clock.
A. M.
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III
MADISON
Thursday
June 2I.* in Convention
Mr. Jonathan Dayton from N. Jersey took his seat.
Doetr. Johnson. On a comparison of the two plans which
• ( From June zI to July I8 inclusive not COl)ledby Mr. Eppes.) _
Madison's notes were loaned to Jefferson, whose son-ln-law, George W. Eppes,
evidently copied portions of them. See Appendix A, C_,
CCLXXXIV,
CCCXI, CCCXII, CCCXVI.
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had been proposedfromVirginia& N. Jersey,itappearedthat
the peculiarity
which characterized
the latterwas itsbeing
calculated
to preservethe individuality
of the States.The
plan from Va. did not professto destroythisindividuality
altogether,
but was chargedwithsucha tendency. One Gentleman alone (Col.Hamilton) in hisanimadversionson the
plan of N. Jersey,boldlyand decisively
contendedfor an
abolition
of the StateGovts. Mr. Wilson & the gentleman
from Virga. who also were adversaries of the plan of N. Jersey
held a different language.
Their wished to leave the States
in possession of a considerable, tho' a subordinate jurisdiction. _
They had not yet however shewn how this cd. consist with,
or be secured agst. the general sovereignty & jurisdiction,
which they proposed to give to the national Government.
If
this could be shewn in such a manner as to satisfy the patrons
of the N. Jersey propositions,
that the individuality
of the
States would not be endangered,
many of their objections
would no doubt be removed. If this could not be shewn their
objections would have their full force. He wished it therefore to be well considered whether in case the States, as was
proposed, shd. retain some portion of sovereignty at least,
this portion could be preserved, without allowing them to
participate effectually in the Genl. Govt., without giving them
each a distinct and equal vote for the purpose of defending
themselves in the general Councils.
Mr. Wilson's respect for Dr. Johnson, added to the importance of the subject led him to attempt, unprepared
as he
was, to solve the difficulty which had been started.
It was
asked how the genl. Govt. and individuality of the particular
States could be reconciled to each other; and how the latter
could be secured agst. the former? Might it not, on the other
side be asked how the former was to be secured agst. the latter?
It was generally admitted that a jealousy & rivalship would
be felt between the Genl. & particular Govts.
As the plan
now stood, tho' indeed contrary to his opinion, one branch of
the Genl.Govt. (the Senate or second branch) was to be
appointed by the State Legislatures.
The State Legislatures,
therefore, by this participation in the Genl. Govt. would have
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an opportunity of defending their rights.
Ought not a reciprocal opportunity to be given to the Gcnl. Govt. of defending
itself by having an appointment
of some one constituent
branch of the State Govts.
If a security bc necessary on one
side, it wd. seem reasonable to demand it on the other.
But
taking the matter in a more general view, he saw no danger
to the States from the Genl. Govt. In case a combination
should be made by the large ones it wcl produce a general
alarm among the rest; and the project wd. be frustrated.
But
there was no temptation to such a project.
The States having
in general a similar interest, in case of any proposition in the
National Legislature to encroach on the State Legislatures, he
conceived a general alarm wd. take place in the National Legislature itself, that it would communicate itself to the State
Legislatures, and wd. finally spread among the people at large.
The Genl. Govt. will be as ready to preserve the fights of the
States as the latter are to preserve the rights of individuals;
all the members of the former, having a common interest, as
representatives
of all the people of the latter, to leave the
State Govts. in possession of what the people wish them to
retain.
He could not discover, therefore any danger whatever on the side from which it had been apprehended.
On
the contrary, he conceived that in spite of every precaution
the General Govt. would be in perpetual danger of encroachments from the State Govts. _
(Mr. Madison) was of opinion that there was I. less danger
of encroachment
from the Genl. Govt. than from the State
Govts.
2. that the mischief from encroachments would be
less fatal if made by the former, than if made by the latter.
I. All the examples of other confederacies prove the greater
tendency in such systems to anarchy than to tyranny;
to a
disobedience of the members than to usurpations of the federal
head. Our own experience had fully illustrated this tendency.
But it will be said that the proposed change in the principles & form of the Union will vary the tendency, that the
Genl. Govt. will have real & greater powers, and will be
4 See further Appendix A, CXLII.
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derived in one branch at least from the people not from the
Govts. of the States.
To give full force to this objection, let
it be supposed for a moment that indefinite power should be
given to the Gen'l Legislature, and the States reduced to
corporations
dependent on the Genl. Legislature;
why shd.
it follow that the Gen'l Govt. wd. take from the States (any) 5
branch of their power as far as its operation was beneficial,
and its continuance desirable to the people? In some of the
States, particularly
in Connecticut,
all the Townships
are
incorporated,
and have a certain limited jurisdiction.
Have
the Representatives
of the people of the Townships in the
Legislature of the State ever endeavored to despoil the Townships of any part of their local authority?
As far as this local
authority
is convenient to the people they are attached to
it; and their representatives
chosen by & amenable to them
(naturally) respect their attachment
to this, as much as their
attachment
to any other right or interest:
The relation of a
Genl. Govt. to State Govts. is parallel.
_. Guards were more
necessary agst. encroachments
of the State Govts.on the
Genl. Govt. than of the latter on the former.
The great
objection made agst. an abolition of the State Govts. was that
the Genl. Govt. could not extend its care to all the minute
objects which fall under the cognizance of the local jurisdictions. The objection as stated lay not agst. the probable
abuse of the general power, but agst. the imperfect use that
could be made of it throughout so great an extent of country,
and over so great a variety of objects.
As far as its operation would be practicable it could not in this view be improper;
as far as it would be impracticable,
the conveniency of the
Genl. C_vt. itself would concur with that of the people in the
maintenance
of subordinate
Governments.
Were it practicable for the Genl. Govt. to extend its care to every requisite
object without the cooperation of the State Govts. the people
would not be less free as members of one great Republic than
as members of thirteen small ones. A citizen of Delaware
was not more free than a citizen of Virginia: nor would either
i Crossed out "one ".
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be more free than a citizen of America. Supposing therefore
a tendency in the Genl. Government to absorb the State Govts.
no fatal consequence could result. Taking the reverse of the
supposition, that a tendency should be left in the State Govts.
towards an independence on the General Govt. and the gloomy
consequences need not be pointed out. The imagination of
them, must have suggested to the States the experiment we
are now making to prevent the calamity, and must have
formed the chief motive with those present to undertake the
arduous task.
On the question 6 for resolving "that the Legislature ought
to consist of two Bzanches"
Mass ay. Cont. ay. N. Y. no. (N. Jersey no) 7 Pa. ay. DeL
no. Md. divd.8 Va. ay. N. C. ay. S. C. ay. Geo. ay [Ayes -- 7;
noes -- 3; divided _ I.]
The third resolution 9of the Report taken into consideration.
Genl. Pinkney moved "that the ist. branch, instead of
being elected by the people, shd. be elected in such manner as
the Legislature of each State should direct.;' He urged I. that
this liberty would give more satisfaction, as the Legislature
could then accomodate the mode to the conveniency & opinions
of the people. 2. that it would avoid the undue influence of
large Counties which would prevail if the elections were to
be made in districts as must be the mode intended by the
Report of the Committee. 3- that otherwise disputed elections must be referred to the General Legislature which would
be attended with intolerable expence and trouble to the distant parts of the republic.
Mr. L. Martin seconded the Motion. _
Col. Hamilton considered the motion as intended manifestly to transfer the election from the people to the State
Legislatures, which would essentially vitiate the plan. It
would increase that State influence which could not be too
s See further Appendix A, CXXXVII, CLXVI, CCCXXXI.
T"N. Jersey no" taken from Journal, which is confirmed by Yates to thls extent
that he records three votes in the negative.
s Martin voted in the negative, see Appendix A, CLVIII (tL 37).
s On the composition of the lower house.
10_ee App_l_ A, CXCL
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watchfully guarded agst. All too must admit the possibility,
in case the Genl. Govt. shd. maintain itself, that the State
Govts. might gradually dwindle into nothing.
The system
therefore shd. not be engrafted on what might possibly fail.
Mr. Mason urged the necessity of retaining the election
by the people. Whatever inconveniency
may attend the
democratic principle, it must actuate one part of the Govt.
It is the only security for the rights of the people.
Mr. Sherman, would like an election by the Legislatures,
best, but is content with plan as it stands.
Mr. Ruflidge could not admit the solidity of the distinction
between a mediate & immediate election by the people. It
was the same thing to act by oneself, and to act by another.
An election by the Legislature would be more refined than an
election immediately by the people: and would be more likely
to correspond with the sense of the whole community.
If
this Convention had been chosen by the people in districts it
is not to be supposed that such proper characters would have
been preferred.
The Delegates to Congs. he thought had also
been fitter men than would have been appointed by the people
at large.
Mr. Wilson considered the election of the isr. branch by the
people not only as the corner Stone, but as the foundation of
the fabric: and that the difference between a mediate and
immediate election was immense.
The difference was particularly worthy of notice in this respect: that the Legislatures are actuated not merely by the sentiment of the people,
but have an official sentiment opposed to that of the Genl:
Govt. and perhaps to that of the people themselves.
Mr. King enlarged on the same distinction.
He supposed
the Legislatures wd. constantly choose men subservient
to
their own views as contrasted to the general interest; and that
they might even devise modes of election that wd. be subversive of the end in view. He remarked several instances in
which the views of a State might be at variance with those of
the Gen'l. Govt. and mentioned particularly a competition
_etwecn the National & State debts, for the most certain &
prod_uetive funds.
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Genl. Pinkney was for making the State Govts. a part of
the General System.
If they were to be abolished, or lose
their agency, S. Carolina & other States would have but a
small share of the benefits of Govt.
On the question for Genl. Pinkney motion to substitute
election of xst branch in such mode as the Legislatures should
appoint, in stead of its being elected by the people
Masst. no. Cont. ay. N. Y. no. N. J. ay. Pa. no. Del. ay.
Md. divd. Va. no. N. C. no. S. C. ay Geo. no. [Ayes4;
noes -- 6; divided -- I.]
Genl. Pinkney then moved that the Ist. branch be elected
by the people in such mode as the Legislatures should direct;
but waved it on its being hinted that such a provision might
be more properly tried in the detail of the plan.
On the question for ye election of the Ist branch by the
people"
Massts. ay. Cont. ay. N. ¥. ay. N. J'. no. Pa. ay. Del. ay.
Md. divd. Va. ay. N. C. ay. S. C. ay Geo. ay. [Ayes9;
noesI; dividedI.]
Election of the ISt. branch "for the term of three years,"
considered ,I
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out, "three years" and
insert "two years"--he
was sensible that annual elections
were a source of great mischiefs in the States, yet it was the
want of such cheeks agst. the popular intemperance as were
now proposed, that rendered them so mischievous.
He would
have preferred annual to biennial, but for the extent of the
U. S. and the inconveniency which would result from them
to the representatives
of the extreme parts of the Empire.
The people were attached to frequency of elections.
All
the Constitutions of the States except that of S. Carolina, had
established annual elections.
Mr. Dickenson.
The idea of annual elections was borrowed
from the antient usage of England, a country much less extensive than ours. He supposed biennial would be inconvenient.
He preferred triennial: and in order to prevent the inconn Upon this question see above June lz, and for the debate following, with tch¢
41haldetermination of the question) see Appendix A_CLX_V_[,
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veniency of an entire change of the whole number at the same
moment, suggested a rotation, by an annual election of one
third.
Mr. Elseworth was opposed to three years, supposing that
even one year was preferable to two years. The people were
fond of frequent elections and might be safely indulged in
one branch of the Legislature. He moved for I year.
Mr. Strong seconded & supported the motion.
Mr. Wilson being for making the xst. branch an effectual
representation of the people at large_preferred an annual election of it. This frequency was most familiar & pleasing to the
people. It would be not more inconvenient to them, than triennial elections, as the people in all the States have annual
meetings with which the election of the National representatives might be made to coin
cide. lie did not conceive that
it would be necessary for the Natl. Legisl: to sit constantly;
perhaps not half- perhaps not one fourth of the year.
Mr. M(adison) was persuaded that annual elections would
be extremely inconvenient and apprehensive that biennial
would be too much so: he did not mean inconvenient to the
electors; but to the representatives. They would have to
travel seven or eight hundred miles from the distant parts
of the Union; and would probably not be allowed even a
reimbursement of their expences. Besides, none of those who
wished to be re-elected would remain at the seat of Governmt.
confiding that their absence would not affect them. The
members of Congs. had done this with few instances of disappointment.
But as the choice was here to be made by the
people themselves who would be much less complaisant to
individuals, and much more susceptible of impressions from
the presence of a Rival candidate than the Legislatures had
been, it must be supposed that the members from the most
distant States would travel backwards & forwards at least as
often as the elections should be repeated. Much was to be
said also on the time requisite for new members who would
always form a large proportion, to acquire that knowledge of
the affairs of the States in general without which their trust
could not be usefully discharged.
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Mr. Sherman preferred annual elections, but would be
content with biennial.
He thought the representatives
ought
to return home and mix with the people. By remaining at
the seat of Govt. they would acquire the habits of the place
which might differ from those of their Constituents.
Col. Mason observed that the States being differently
situated such a rule ought to be formed as would put them as
nearly as possible on a level.
If elections were annual the
middle States would have a great advantage over the extreme
ones. He wished them to be biennial; and the rather as in
that case they would coincide with the periodical elections
of S. Carolina as well as of the other States.
Coll. Hamilton urged the necessity of 3 years, there ought
to be neither too much nor too little dependence, on the popular sentiments.
The checks in the other branches of Governt.
would be but feeble, and would need every auxiliary principle
that could be interwoven.
The British House of Commons
were elected septennially,
yet the democratic
spirit of ye
Constitution had not ceased.
Frequency of elections tended
to make the people listless to them; and to facilitate the success of little cabals. This evil was complained of in all the
States.
In Virga. it had been lately found necessary to force
the attendance & voting of the people by severe regulations.
On the question for striking out "three years"
Massts. ay. Cont. ay. N. Y. no. N J. divd. Pa. ay. Del. no.
Md. no. Va. ay. N. C. ay. S. C. ay. Geo. ay.
[Ayes--7;
noes -- 3; divided -- I.]
The motion for "two years." was then inserted nero. con.
Adjd. 12
YATES
THURSDAY,
JUNE
ZISt_
x787.
Met pursuant to adjournment.
Present I I states.
Dr JohnsonIt appears to me that the Jersey plan has
for its principal object, the preservation
of the state govern'_See further Appeadix A, XLVII.
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ments.
So far it is a departure from the plan of Virginia,
which although it concentres in a distinct national government, it is not totally independent of that of the states.
A
gentleman from New-York, with boldness and decision, proposed a system totally different from both; and though he has
been praised by every body, he has been supported by none.
How can the state governments be secured on the Virginia
plan?
I could have wished, that the supporters of the Jersey
system could have satisfied themselves with the principles of
the Virginia plan and that the individuality of the states could
be supported.
It is agreed on all hands that a portion of government is to be left to the states.
How can this be done?
It can be done by joining the states in their legislative capacity
with the right of appointing the second branch of the national
legislature, to represent the states individually.
Mr. Wilson.
If security is necessary to preserve the one,
it is equally so to preserve the other.
How can the national
government
be secured against the states? Some regulation
is necessary.
Suppose the national government had a component number in the state legislature? But where the one
government
clashed with the other, the state government
ought to yield, as the preservation of the general interest must
be preferred to a particular.
But let us try to designate the
powers of each, and then no danger can be apprehended nor
can the general government
be possessed of any ambitious
views to encroach on the state rights.
Mr. Madison.
I could have wished that the gentleman
from Connecticut had more accurately marked his objections
to the Virginia plan.
I apprehended
the greatest danger is
from the encroachment of the states on the national government m This apprehension
is justly founded on the experience of ancient confederacies, and our own is a proof of it. 1'
The fight of negativing in certain instances the state
laws, affords one security to the national government.
But
is the danger well founded? Have any state governments
ever encroached on the corporate fights of cities? And if
Cf. Gcnet's interpretation of this speech in Appendix A, CCCX.
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it was the case that the national government usurped the state
government, if such usurpation was for the good of the whole,
no mischief could arise.To draw the line between the two,
is a difficult task. I believe it cannot be done, and therefore
I am inclined for a general government.
If we cannot form a general government, and the states
become totally independent
of each other, it would afford
a melancholy prospect.
The 2d resolve was then put and carried--7
states for
--3 againstone divided.
New-York in the minority.
The 3d resolve was then taken into consideration by the
convention.
Mr. Pinkney.
I move that the members of the first branch
be appointed in such manner as the several state legislatures shall
direct, instead of the mode reported.
If this motion is not
agreed to, the other will operate with great difficulty, if not
injusticeIf you make district elections and join, as I presume you must, many counties in one district, the largest
county will carry the election as its united influence will give
a decided majority in its favor.
Mr. Madison.
I oppose the motion--there
are difficulties, but they may be obviated in the details connected
with the subject.
Mr. Hamilton.
It is essential to the democratic rights
of the community, that this branch be directly elected by the
people.
Let us look forward to probable events -- There may
be a time when state legislatures may cease, and such an
event ought not to embarrass the national government.
Mr. Mason.
I am for preserving inviolably the democratic
branch of the government--True,
we have found inconveniencies from pure democracies;
but if we mean to preserve
peace and real freedom, they must necessarily become a component part of a national government.
Change this necessary
principle, and if the government
proceeds to taxation, the
states will oppose your powers.
Mr. Sherman thought that an amendment
to the proposed amendment is necessary.
Gov. Rutledge.
It is said that an election by represen-
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tatives is not an election by the people. This proposition is
not correct.
What is done by my order is done by myself.
I am convinced that the mode of election by legislatures will
be more refined, and better men will be sent.
Mr. Wilson.
The legislature of the states by the proposed
motion will have an uncontrolable sway over the general government. Election is the exercise of original sovereignty in the people -- but if by representatives,
it is only relative sovereignty.
Mr. King.
The magistrates of the states will ever pursue
schemes of their own, and this, on the proposed motion, will
pervade the national government--and
we know the state
governments will be ever hostile to the general government.
Mr. Pinkney.
All the reasoning of the gentlemen opposed
to my motion has not convinced me of its impropriety.
There
is an esprit de corps which has made heretofore every unfederal
member of congress, after his election, become strictly federal,
and this I presume will ever be the case in whatever manner
they may be elected.
Question put on Mr. Pinkney's motion and carried by 6
states against 4--one
divided.
Question then put on the resolve -- 9 states for -- x against
one divided.
Gov. Randolph.
I move that in the resolve for the duration of the first branch of the general legislature, the word
three be expunged, and the words two years be inserted.
Mr. Dickinson.
I am against the amendment.
I propose
that the word three shall remain, but that they shall be removable annually in classes.
Mr. Sherman.
I am for one year.
Our people are accustomed to annual elections.
Should the members have a
longer duration of service, and remain at the seat of government, they may forget their constitutents,
and perhaps imbibe
the interest of the state in which they reside, or there may be
danger of catching the esprit de corps.
Mr. Mason.
I am for two years. One year is too short.
In extensive states four months may elapse before the
returns can be known, Hence the danger of their remaining
too long unrepresented.
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Mr. Hamilton.
There is a medium in every thing.
I confess three years is not too long m A representative ought to
have full freedom of deliberation,
and ought to exert an
opinion of his own. I am convinced that the public mind will
adopt a solid planThe government of New-York, although
higher toned than that of any other state, still we find great
listlessness and indifference in the electors; nor do they in
general bring forward the first characters to the legislature.
The public mind is perhaps not now ready to receive the best
plan of government, but certain circumstances
are now progressing which will give a different complexion to it.
Two year.v duration agreed to.
Adjourned till to-morrow morning.
KING
20 [2z]
Johnson--The
Gentleman
from NYk is praised by every
gentleman, but supported by no gentleman -- He goes directly
to )re abolition of the State Governts. and the erection of a
Genl. Govt.All other Gentlemen agree that the national
or Genl. Govt. shd. be more powerful& the State Govts.
less so. Provision is made in the Virgina Project to secure
the Genl. Govt: but no provision is made for the security of
the State GovernmentThe plan from N Jersey provides
for the security of the State & Genl. Govt. -If the advocates
for the Genl. Govt. agreeably to the Virgin. Plan can show
that the State Govts. will be secure from the Genl. Govt. we
may all agree
Wilson _ We have provided that the States or yr. Legislatures shall appt. a Brh. of the national Govt. let the Natl.
Govt. have a reciprocal power to elect or appoint one Br. of
each State GovtI dont see how the State Govts will be
endangered _ what power win the states possess, which the
Genl. Govt. will wish to possess? their powers if added wd.
not be of any considerable consequence _ the attempt, how-
I_ECOI_DS
Thursday
OF
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KING
367
June 2z
ever to acquire these powers wd. alarm the Citizens, who gave
them to the States individually, and never intended them for
the Genl. Govt. w The people wd. not suffer it
Madison -- The history of antient Confedys. proves that there
never has existed a danger of the destruction
of the State
Govts. by encroachments
of the Genl. Govts the converse of
the proposition is trueI have therefore been assiduous to
guard the Genl. from the power of the State Governments
the State Govts. regulate the conduct of their Citizens, they
punish offendersthey cause Justice to be administered and
do those arts wh endear the Govt. to its Citizens.
The Citizens will not therefore suffer the Genl. Govt. to injure the
State Govts
The Convention
of two Brs
agreed yt
the Legislature
shd. consist
The Delegates of So. Car. moved yt. the Election of the Members of the House shd. be agreeable to such mode as the several
Legislatures shd. judge proper
Wilson & Madison
Agt. the Election by the Legislatures and in favor of one
by the Peoplethe Election by the States will introduce a
State Influence, their interest will oppose yt of the Genl.
Govt: the Legislators will be not only Electors of the members
of the House, -- but they will manage the affairs of the States
The mode of Election may be essential to the Election, this
may be different in the several Statesif the Legislatures
appt. they will instruct, and thereby embarrass the Delegate
not so if the Election is by the people _ there will be no
difficulty in yr. Election.
the Returns may be made to the
Legislatures of the several StatesThey may judge of contested ElectionsOn the Quest. 4 ay I divd. 6 no
Question whether the Members
Office three or two years
of the House
shd. hold yr.
Dickerson -- annual Elections are favorite ideas in America
_68
RECORDS
Thursday
OF THE
FEDERAL
_ONVENTION
HAMILTON
June _x
it suits Eng. they are a small CountryAnnual or biennial
or triennial are too short for America -- I wd. agree on classing
the houselet the Election be for 3 yrs and _ go out & come
in annually
Elsworth & Strong--The
fixed habit througout our country
except So. Carolina is in favor of annual Elections
Wilson-=-" Agrees in annual ElectionsMason -- I dont see but that an annual Election will give an
advantage to some States over the othersin Virginia &
Georgia from the sparse and remote situation of the Inhabitants, we cd. not ascertain the persons elected under three
yearsThe States wh are most compact will be first on the
Floor and those of the extensive States will be absent m Remark let the election be previous three or 6 months to the time
of meetingHamilton -- I prefer three years to a longer or shorter duration
--three
soon becomes two & two one- The Dependence is
sufficient, & the independence is as little as it ought to be -- 14
HAM
Mr. Pinckney
ILTON
15
is of opinion that the first branch ought to be
appointed
in such manner as the legislatures
shall direct
Impracticable
for general legislature to decide
contested elections-
14[Endorsed] 20 June I x or 2 Branches? [ Election of Reps by whom_
This note is on the same sheet as the notes ascribed to June x9, but it probably refers to General Pinckney's remarks of _
date.