Adult Development in Japan and the United States
OxfordHandbooksOnline
AdultDevelopmentinJapanandtheUnitedStates:ComparingTheoriesand
FindingsAboutGrowth,Maturity,andWell-Being
CarolRyff,JenniferMorozinkBoylan,ChristopherL.Coe,MayumiKarasawa,NoritoKawakami,
ShinobuKitayama,ChiemiKan,GayleD.Love,CynthiaLevine,HazelR.Markus,YuriMiyamoto,Jun
Nakahara,andJiyoungPark
TheOxfordHandbookofHumanDevelopmentandCulture:AnInterdisciplinaryPerspective
(Forthcoming)
EditedbyLeneArnettJensen
OnlinePublicationDate: Oct
2014
Subject: Psychology,PersonalityandSocialPsychology
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199948550.013.41
AbstractandKeywords
ThischapterexaminesearlyconceptualformulationsofadultdevelopmentintheU.S.andcontraststhemwith
notablydifferentconceptionsofaginginJapan.Empiricalresearchinbothculturalcontextspointstoevidenceof
psychologicalchangeinpersonalitytraits,well-being,affectwithagingintheU.S.,whereasJapanesestudieshave
linkedthewell-beingofolderpersonstoliferolesandactivitiesaswellasexaminedtheconceptofikigai(what
makeslifeworthy).Genderdifferencesareanemergingpartofthestory,especiallyinJapan.Theauthorsdelineate
multipleavenuesforfutureresearchtobroadenthescopeofscientificinquiriesonadultdevelopmentandagingin
Japanaswellaspromotegreaterexchangebetweenculturalpsychologistsandadultdevelopmentalists.Morework
isalsocalledfortolinkadultdevelopmentalchangestohealthandtoexaminehistoricalchangesinexperiencesof
aging.
Keywords:adultdevelopment,successfulaging,rolelessrole,filialpiety,ikigai,personality,well-being,affect,health,history
DuringmyfirstvisittoNewYorkasayoungforeignstudent,Iwentwithmyfriendtoacozyrestauranton
theUpperEastSide.Itwasasmall,family-likeplacewithgoodfood.InthecorneroftherestaurantIsawan
oldladyseatedbyherself.Shewasnicelymadeupwithafinesuit,well-caredforgreyhair,andmatching
nailsandlipstick.But,Ifeltsorryforher.Isaidtomyfriend,“Doyouseethatgracefulladyeatingdinner
byherself?Ifeelverysorrythatshedoesnothavefamilywithwhomtosharehernicemeal.Itseemsso
lonely…”Beforewefinishedeating,myfriendrespondedtome,“Youareunfair.Ithinkshehasanicelife;
sheisrichandcangotonicerestaurantsanddresswell.Sheishealthyenoughtocomebyherself.Do
nottellmethatsheislonelyandsad.”Hervoicesoundedalmostupset.Iwasbeginningtolearnthatthe
wayapersonbecomeshappynotonlydependsonpersonalqualitiesbutalsoonhowoneisbroughtup
andwhatarethemessagesfromthesurroundingculture.Independenceorcontrolmaybethemost
prominentthingsintheAmericancontext,butnotforthoseinJapan.
–MayumiKarasawa
Theaimofthischapteristoreviewformulationsofadultdevelopmentintwodifferentculturalcontexts,withafocus
onhowpersonalgrowthinthesecondhalfoflifeistheoreticallyconceptualizedandempiricallyinvestigated.We
beginwithabriefreviewoftheoriesofadultdevelopmentgeneratedoverthepast50yearsinUSandEuropean
contexts.Theseformulationsdescribepsychologicalandsocialchangesthoughttonormallyoccuracrossthe
decadesofadultlife.Suchperspectivesarecontrastedwithhowadultlifeingeneralandaginginparticularhave
beenconstruedinphilosophicalandreligioustraditionsinJapan.Thisjuxtapositionhighlightsculturaldifferencesin
themeaningsattributedtooldageandthesocietalresponsibilitiestypicallyassignedtomidlife.Abackground
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
themeiswhetheradulthoodandoldageareconstruedpositivelyandhonorificallyornegativelyandas
problematicfortheindividualandforsociety.
Wethenprovideadistilledsummaryofempiricalevidence,firstfocusedonfindingsfromU.S.studiesandthen
contrastedwithemergingempiricalworkonadultdevelopmentandaginginJapan.TheWesternresearch
documentsadiversestory,showingevidenceofpsychologicalgrowthanddevelopmentincertainareas,while
documentingpsychologicaldeclineandlossesinothers.Becausethestudyofadulthoodandlaterlifeisrelatively
newinJapan,fewerstudiesaresummarized,althoughwedoreportnewresultsfromrepresentativesamplesof
JapaneseadultswhoarecomparedtorepresentativesamplesofU.S.adults.Thepsychologicalconstructs
examinedarederivedlargelyfromWesterndevelopmentaltheories.Nonetheless,thefindingsdocumentcultural
similaritiesaswellasdifferencesinagepatterns.Japaneseresultsfurtherunderscorevariationbygender.Overall,
theevidence,basedoncross-sectionaldata,suggestspsychologicalgainsandlosseswithaginginbothcultural
contexts.
Ourfinalsectionaddressesneededfuturedirectionsinthestudyofculture,adultdevelopment,andaging.
Particularlyimportantarelongitudinalstudies,whichareessentialtoresolvetheinherentconfoundingofcohort
andageeffectsincross-sectionalresearch.Anotherpromisingvenueforfutureinquiryistobringadevelopmental
perspectivetomanyofthequestionsandconstructsofinterestinculturalpsychology.Forexample,whatarethe
lifecoursetrajectoriesassociatedwithanindependentmodelofpersonhoodcomparedtoaninterdependentmodel
ofpersonhood?Dothesemodelsbecomemore,orless,salientinfluencesonbehaviorandself-evaluationas
individualsgrowolder?Wealsocallforgreaterresearchoninequalitiesinadultdevelopmentwithineachcultural
context—thatis,whetheropportunitiesforpersonalgrowthandrealizationofpotentialdisproportionatelyaccrueto
advantaged(byeducationandincome)segmentsofsociety.Weconcludewithacalltolinkstudiesofadult
developmenttoresearchonadulthealth.Ofinterestiswhetherpsychosocialprofilesofgrowthandwell-being
translatetohealthyregulationofdiversephysiologicalsystemswithagingand,thereby,toreductioninriskfor
disease,disability,anddysfunction.Akeyoverarchingquestioninsuchinquiryiswhethertherearecultural
differencesinthosepsychologicalaspectsofadultdevelopmentthataremostconducivetohealthyaging.
ConceptualFormulationsandCulturalContexts
AdultDevelopmentintheUnitedStates
EarlyWesternformulationsofadultdevelopmentcanbetracedtonumeroussources(seeRyff,1985),including
Erikson’s(1959)psychosocialstagemodel,Bühler’sbasiclifetendenciesthatcontributetofulfillmentinlife(Bühler,
1935;Bühler&Massarik,1968),andNeugarten’s(1968;1973)descriptionoftheexecutiveprocessesof
personalityinthemiddleyearsandtheprocessofinteriorityinoldage.Acrosstheseendeavors,theobjectivewas
toformulatethechallengesandpossibilitiesforgrowththatoccurinmiddleandlateradulthood.Forexample,
Erikson’smiddle-agedstageofgenerativityversusstagnationinvolvedmovingbeyondtheself-directedconcerns
ofestablishingone’sidentityinadolescenceortheinterpersonalneedsoffindingintimacyinearlyadulthoodtoa
middle-agedphaseinwhichoneisconcernedwithestablishingandguidingthenextgeneration.Inoldage,these
concernsarereplacedbytheneedtofindmeaninginone’slife,resolvepastconflicts,andgainasenseof
acceptanceaboutwhatoccurredinearlierdecades(i.e.,Erikson’sstageofintegrityvs.despair).Similarly,Jung’s
formulationoftheindividuationprocessincludedaturninginwardinthelateryearstoilluminatetheself(Jung,
1933;vonFranz,1964).
Empiricalindicatorswerelargelymissingfromtheseformulations,whichexplainswhytheyhadlittlepresencein
earlyscientificinvestigationssuchastheKansasCityStudiesofAdultLife(Williams&Wirths,1965),initiatedbya
groupofscholarsattheUniversityofChicago.Interestingly,theseresearcherswantedtostudypersonaland
socialadjustmentinoldage(Burgess,1960),buttheyrecognizedthattheirendeavorreflectedaginginWestern
societies.Thisearlyawarenessofpossibleculturaldifferencesinhowadulthoodandagingunfoldwas,however,
lostinmostsubsequentstudies.Withregardtoempiricalindicatorsof“successfulaging,”theleadingmeasurein
theKansasCityStudieswaslifesatisfaction(Neugarten,Havighurst,&Tobin,1961),althoughtheconstructwas
notwellformulatedtheoreticallyandlackedpsychometricevaluation.Nonetheless,extensiveresearchgenerated
inthe1960sand1970susedassessmentsoflifesatisfaction(seeCutler,1979;Larson,1978).
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
Duringthesameperiod,anotablynegativeportrayalofagingemergedinU.S.socialgerontology,largelyfromthe
disciplineofsociology.Rosow’s(1974)formulationoflaterlifesocializationdescribedoldageasa“roleless
role”—atimeinwhichindividualsareunclearabouttheirfunctionsandplaceinsociety.KuypersandBengtson
(1973)wentfurther—theyformulatedthe“socialbreakdownsyndrome,”whichinvolvedperniciousprocesses
wherebylackofmeaningfulroles,diminishednormativeguidance,andlimitedreferencegroupsprecipitate
negativeself-attitudesamongtheelderlyand,ultimately,aninternalizedsenseofreducedcompetence.Two
decadeslater,Riley,Kahn,andFoner(1994)continuedthenegativeportrayalviathe“structurallag”problem,
whichdepictedAmericaninstitutionsasfailingtokeepupwiththeaddedyearsoflifethatmanyAmericanwere
experiencing.Likeitssociologicalpredecessors,thisperspectiveunderscoredthedearthofmeaningful
opportunitiesforlifeengagementofolderAmericansinrealmsofwork,family,andcommunity.
Takentogether,theseWesternformulationsrevealmarkeddiscrepanciesinhowadulthoodandlaterlifewas
construed.Ontheonehand,numerousmodelsdescribedopportunitiesforgrowthandcontinueddevelopmentthat
occurredacrossmidlifeandintooldage.Suchmodelswerelargelyneglectedinempiricalinquiriesduetothe
absenceofcredibleassessmentprocedures.Theearlyempiricalwork,initiatedinthe1950sand1960s,focused
ontheideaofsuccessfulagingmeasuredintermsoflifesatisfaction.Bycontrast,socialgerontologyexplicated
numerousproblemsencounteredbythosegrowingoldinWesternsocietieswherefewmeaningfulrole
opportunitieswereprovidedthatallowedolderadultstomakeuseoftheirtalentsandcapacities.Thesetensions
betweenagingasdevelopmentandgrowthversusagingasdeclineandlosscarriedintothesubsequentempirical
studiesreviewedinoursectiononempiricalfindings.Inthenextsection,wefirstexaminehowadulthoodand
aginghasbeencharacterizedinEasternculturalcontexts.
AdultDevelopmentandAginginJapan
AlthoughErikson’sstageofgenerativityisaprominentfeatureofmiddle-agedadultdevelopmentinWestern
contexts,theconcernforestablishingandguidingthenextgenerationinJapanarguablybeginsearlierinthelife
course.Theidealwayinwhichyoungchildrenarerearedencouragesobedience,filialpiety,anddependenceon
themother,asdescribedinthechapterbydeSt.AubinandBach(thisvolume).Theirchapterfurtherhighlights
thatU.S.andJapaneseformulationsofgenerativitymeaningfullydiffer.WhereasU.S.researchershavequantified
individualdifferencesinlevelsofgenerativity,thisventurewasseenasfoolishbytheJapanese,whoinsteadsaw
meaningamongthequalitativedifferencesingenerativityacrossadults.
ThemeaningofmaturityinJapan,especiallysocialmaturity,hasalsobeenextensivelyexamined(Menon,2001;
andchapterinthisvolume)withemphasisgivennotonlytooldage,butalsotothemiddleyearsofadulthood
(Lock,1998;Plath,1975).Allphasesofadultlifetendtobeconstruedascontinuingopportunitiesforpersonal
improvement;thatis,asa“timeofbecoming,notbeing”(Rohlen,1978,p.132).Agingacrossthesevarious
periodsisseenasanaturalprocessthatinvolvessubmittingoneselftonatureandnaturalchanges.All
phenomenaintheworldmustsubmittotime,asexemplifiedbythechangeofseasons,witheachappreciatedfor
itsdistinctivequalitiesandspecialbeauties.Similarly,everyphaseofliferepresentsdistinctexperiencesand
opportunities.Personalgrowthormaturitywithinthisperspectivedemandseffortandapplicationandarelease
fromtheselftowardpureaction,whichinvolvesblendingseamlesslywiththepatternsandrhythmsofnature.
ThereisnoequivalenttotheseideasintheU.S.culturalcontext.
Afurtherconceptofrelevanceisikigai,forwhichthereisnofullycomparableEnglishterm.TheJapanese
definitionreferstohavingsomethingtolivefor,toexperiencingthejoyofgoalsandalifeworthliving(Mathews,
1996;Nakanishi,1999).Asdiscussedinsubsequentsections,thispsychologicalconceptaboutone’spurposein
lifeinadulthoodandoldagehasbeenextensivelystudiedinJapanasaninfluenceonpromotingbetterhealth,
definedintermsofhowlongonelives(mortality)andthedegreetowhichoneisfreeoflaterlifechronicconditions
(morbidity).
Thegreatestemphasis,byfar,inJapaneseconstrualsofthesecondhalfoflifepertainstothestatusoftheelderly
insociety.Traditionally,theelderlyhavebeenrespectedinEastAsiancultures,partlyduetotheConfucian
teachingsoffilialpietyandancestorworship(Chow,1991;Palmore&Maeda,1985;Sung,1995).Accordingtothe
Confucianguidelines,oneneedstorespectone’sparentsandcareforthem,whichisreflectedinthesaying,“filial
pietyisthesourceofonehundredgooddeeds.”Theancestorworshipthatrequiresreverenceanddevotionto
deadancestorsfurtherreinforcestheimportanceofrespectingone’sparentsorgrandparentsbecausetheyare
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
closertodeadancestors.WenotethatRosenblatt’schapterinthisvolumeaddressesculturalbeliefsaboutthe
relationshipbetweenthedeceasedandtheliving.
RespectfortheelderlyisencodedinvariouspracticesandinstitutionsinJapan.Forexample,althoughMother’s
DayandFather’sDayexistinboththeUnitedStatesandJapan,RespectforEldersDayexistsonlyinJapan,andit
iscelebratedasanationalholiday.Furthermore,theJapaneseNationalLawfortheWelfareandtheElders
establishedin1963statedthat“theeldersshallbelovedandrespectedasthosewhohaveformanyyears
contributedtowardthedevelopmentofsociety,andawholesomeandpeacefullifeshallbeguaranteedtothem”
(Palmore&Maeda,1985,p.87).IncontrastintheUnitedStates,theOlderAmericans’Actestablishedin1965does
notrefertoloveorrespectfortheelderly.ThiscontrastunderscoresMenon’sobservation(inthisvolume)thatin
Japan,unlikeintheUnitedStates,agingisacontinuousprocessofsocialmaturation,anddifferentphasesoflife
offerdifferentopportunitiesforpersonalgrowthandimprovement.
Otherculturaldifferencespertaintohowthelifecourseisconstrued.Whileillustratingtheamountoffreedomand
statusallowedtoindividualsatdifferentlifestages,RuthBenedict(1946)contrastedtheJapanese“arcoflife”with
theAmericancounterpart(seealsoMenon’schapterinthisvolume).InJapan,thegreatestamountoffreedomand
initiativeisallowedforyoungchildrenandolderpeople,whereaspeopleofmiddle-agefacemorerestrictionsand
littlefreedom.Thus,theamountoffreedomandstatusovertheJapaneselifecourseseemstoformsaU-curve.In
theUnitedStates,bycontrast,thearcoflifeformsaninverseU-curve.Youngchildrenreceiveagreatamountof
discipline,whichgraduallydecreasesastheygrowmoreindependent.Theamountoffreedomandstatuspeaksin
themiddle-ageandgraduallydeclinesasindividualsgrowolderandbecomedependent.Theseformulations
suggestthatthereareculturaldifferencesinthestatusoftheelderly.Forexample,holdersofhigherpolitical
offices(e.g.,primeministersorpresidents)tendtobemucholderinJapanthanintheUnitedStates(Menon,this
volume).
Atthesametime,thesizeoftheelderlypopulationisincreasinginJapanmorerapidlythaninanyothercountryin
theworld(StatisticsBureau,2011).Suchdrasticchangesinpopulationstructuremayimpactthelivesofthe
elderly.Infact,theproportionoftheelderlywholivewiththeirchildrenhasbeensharplydeclininginJapan,
althoughitisstillmuchhighercomparedtoWesterncountries(Ogawa&Retherford,1993).Menon(thisvolume)
pointsoutthat“contemporaryJapanisexperiencinganunusualandprofoundsocialchange.”Amongothers,
manyyoungwomennowchoosenottomarryandbearchildren.Thus,thetraditionalsocialstructurethat
anchoredtherelationshipbetweenyoungandoldhasalreadybeguntoerode.Whethersuchchangesin
demographywillleadtodeclineinrespectfortheelderlyisanopenquestion(seealsoRosenblatt’schapterinthis
volume).Eveninarelativelyrecentstudy,Sung(2004)foundthatyoungadultsinKorea,whichsharesthecultural
normforelderrespectandrapiddemographicchangeswithJapan,reportedhigherfrequenciesofdiverseformsof
elderrespectcomparedtoyoungadultsintheUnitedStates.However,theKoreansalsoattachedlessimportance
tosomecategoriesofrespectcomparedtotheirU.S.counterparts.
AfinalobservationregardingconceptionsofadulthoodandaginginJapanisthatpathstowardpersonalgrowth
havetraditionallybeengenderdifferentiated.Forwomen,opportunitiesforpureactionhaveinvolvedbeinggood
wivesandwisemothers,whereasformenthepropersphereofactivityisthepublicdomain,wherepureaction
involvessincereanddiligentwork.TherapideconomicgrowththatfollowedWorldWarIIhasreshapedthelivesof
manyinthemodernera,althoughdifferingconceptionsofmaturityformenandwomenremainpartoftheculture
(Plath,1980).Theseobservations,whereingenderconstitutesastrongerinfluenceonpsychologicalchangeswith
aginginJapancomparedtotheUnitedStates,carryoverintoongoingempiricalstudies,asdescribednext.
EmpiricalStudiesofAdulthoodandAging
FindingsfromtheUnitedStates
ConsiderableempiricalresearchhasexaminedevidencefororagainstErikson’s(1959)stagemodelof
psychosocialdevelopmentinadulthoodandlaterlife.Whitbourneandcolleaguesusedbothlongitudinaland
sequentialdesignstodocumentpsychologicalchangesconsistentwiththehypothesizedtransitionsfromego
identitytoegointimacyinearlyadulthood(Whitbourne&Waterman,1979;Whitbourne,Zuschlag,Elliot,&
Waterman,1992).Othersusedcross-sectionaldesignstoexamineErikson’smidlifestageofgenerativity(Keyes&
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
Ryff,1998;McAdams&deSt.Aubin,1998;Peterson&Klohnen,1995),providingsupportiveevidenceofits
ascendancyinthemiddleyearsofadulthood.WiththeMillsLongitudinalStudyofwomen,Helsonandcolleagues
documentedotheraspectsofpsychologicalchangefromearlyadulthoodtomidlifeandoldage,linkingmanyto
changingrolestatusesandlifetransitions.Forexample,Roberts,Helson,andKlohnen(2002)showedthatwomen
increasedfromages21to52innormorientation(beingconsiderateofothersandlessimpulsive)andcomplexity
(havingtoleranceforhumandiversityandfallibility).Theyalsofoundincreasesindominance,aswellaschanges
infemininityandmasculinity(linkedwithlifecircumstancesuchasdivorceandparticipationinthepaidlabor
force).HelsonandSoto(2005)documentedfurtherchangeinpositiveandnegativeemotionality,psychological
defenses,andaffectcomplexity,drawingguidancefromtheLabouvie-ViefandGonzález(2004)formulationof
emotionregulation.DatafromtheMillsstudywerecombinedwithtwootherlongitudinalstudies(OaklandGrowth
Study,BerkeleyGuidanceStudy)tofurthersubstantiateincreaseswithageinnormadherence,decreaseswith
ageinsocialvitality,andmidlifepeaksindominanceandindependenceovera40-yearperiod(Helson,Jones,&
Kwan,2002).Takentogether,thesestudiesdepictedmultipleformsofpsychologicalchangeconsistentwitha
developmentalperspectiveonadultlife(Helson,Soto,&Cate,2006;Ryff,2008).
OtherlinesofempiricalinquiryinU.S.studieshavebeenbuiltaroundtraitpsychology,whereinitialclaimsabout
thestabilityofadultpersonality(Costa&McCrae,1980;1988)wereframedaschallengestotheearlier
formulationsfromEriksonandNeugarten.UsingdatafromtheBaltimoreLongitudinalStudyofAging,Costaand
McCraeexaminedmean-levelchangesandcross-timecorrelationsandfoundlittleevidenceofpsychological
changeinmajorpersonalitytraits(neuroticism,extraversion,agreeableness,conscientiousness,opennessto
experience)duringadulthood.Alternatively,usingtheNormativeAgingStudy,MroczekandSpiro(2003)foundlittle
evidenceforaveragechangeinneuroticismandextraversion,butobservedprominentindividualdifferences
evidentinrateofchangeovera12-yearperiod.Oldermenbecameslightlylessextravertedovertime,whereas
youngermenbecameslightlymoreextraverted.Youngermenalsoshowedmoremarkeddeclineinneuroticism
comparedtooldermen.Lifeevents(marriage,remarriage,deathofspouse)werefoundtoaccountforthedifferent
ratesofdeclineinneuroticismwithage.Robertsetal.(2006)conductedmeta-analysesfrom92longitudinal
samplesandfoundsignificantmean-levelchangeinfourofsixtraitsfrommidlifetooldage(Robertsetal.,2006).
Forexample,increasesinsocialdominance(afacetofextraversion),conscientiousness,andemotionalstability
wereobserved,especiallyinyoungadulthood(ages20–40).Alternatively,inoldage,decreaseswereevidentin
socialvitality(anotherfacetofextraversion)andopenness.Thepatternswerecharacterizedas“normative
change”(i.e.,changeoccurringinthesamedirectionformostpeopleduringaspecificperiodinthelifecourse).
Relatedeffortsinvolvepursuingtheideaofpersonalitytraitdevelopment(Roberts&Wood,2006),wherein
commitmentstoadultrolesinwork,family,andcommunitycontextsarethoughttogiverisetotraitsneededto
accomplishsuchroles,suchasbeingconscientiousandemotionallystable.Caspiandcolleagues(2005)have
equatedmaturitywiththekindsoftraitchangesthatfacilitatecapacitiestobecomeproductiveandinvolved
contributorstosociety.SuchthinkingsignalsareturntoearlyworkonadultdevelopmentattheUniversityof
Chicago,specificallyHavighurst’s(1948)formulationofthe“developmentaltasks”ofadulthood(e.g.,selectinga
mate,startingafamily,committingtoanoccupation,takingoncivicresponsibilities)throughwhichindividuals
becomeworthy,responsiblemembersofsociety.
StillfurtherlinesofU.S.researchonadulthoodandaginghaveinvolvedthetopicofpsychologicalwell-being,
whichhasbeendifferentiatedintoeudaimonicandhedoniccomponents(Ryan&Deci,2001).Ryff’ssix-factor
modelofwell-beingillustratesaeudaimonicapproachthatwasbuiltonmanyofthedevelopmentaltheories
describedearlier(Erikson,Bühler,Neugarten,Jung),aswellasonhumanistic(Maslow,Rogers,Jahoda)and
existential(Frankl)perspectivesandthewritingsofAristotle(seeRyff,1985;1989;Ryff&Singer,2008).The
empiricaldimensionsderivedfromthemodelincludeautonomy,environmentalmastery,personalgrowth,positive
relationswithothers,purposeinlife,andself-acceptance.Multiplestudies,includingthosebasedonnationally
representativesamples,haveshownsharplydownwardprofilesfromyoungadulthoodthroughmidlifetooldage
forself-ratedpurposeinlifeandpersonalgrowth(Clarke,Marshall,Ryff,&Rosenthal,2000;Ryff,1989;1991;Ryff
&Keyes,1995).Otherdimensions,suchasautonomyandenvironmentalmasteryhaveshownincrementswith
age,whereaspositiverelationswithothersandself-acceptanceshowedlittleagevariation.Thosecross-sectional
findingshavebeenaugmentedwithlongitudinaldatafromtwolargesurveys(WisconsinLongitudinalStudy,Midlife
intheUnitedStates[MIDUS]),thelatterinvolvinganationalsampleofadults(Springer,Pudrovska,&Hauser,
2011).Datafrombothsamplesdocumentedsignificantgainswithageinenvironmentalmasteryfromearly
adulthoodtomidlifeandintooldage.Autonomyalsoshowedsignificantgainsacrosstheseageperiodsforthe
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
MIDUSnationalsample.Alternatively,personalgrowthdeclinedacrosstheseageperiodsinbothsamples,and
purposeinlifeshowedsignificantdeclinefrommidlifetooldageinbothsamples.Positiverelationswithothers
showedgainsfromearlyadulthoodtomidlife,whereasself-acceptanceshowedmostlystabilityforthenational
sample.
Hedonicwell-being,incontrast,involvescontentment,happiness,andenjoyment.Frequentlyusedempirical
indicatorshaveincludedassessmentsofpositiveandnegativeaffect,aswellaslifesatisfaction.Multiple
investigatorshaveemployedthesemeasurestoinvestigateagedifferences(e.g.,Diener,Sandvik,&Larsen,1985:
Diener&Suh,1997;Herzog&Rodgers,1981;Liang,1984;Malatesta&Kalnok,1984;Shmotkin,1990).Mostof
thesecross-sectionalstudieshaveshowneithernegligibleagedifferencesinwell-beingorageincrementsinlife
satisfactionandpositiveaffect,concomitantwithagedecrementsinnegativeaffect.Theoverallstorylineon
hedonicwell-beingandaginghasthusbeenquitepositive.MroczekandKolarz(1998),forexample,usedMIDUS
datatoshowcurvilinearageincrementsinpositiveaffectwithaging(ages25–74)andlineardecrementsin
negativeaffect(sameagerange).Usingthesamestudy,PrendaandLachman(2001)documentedapositive
linearrelationshipbetweenageandlifesatisfaction.Cohortdifferencesratherthanaging(maturational)processes
constitutearivalinterpretationfortheseeffects.Thus,the23-yearstudyofCharles,Reynolds,andGatz(2001)
offeredimportantlongitudinalevidencethatpositiveaffectisstablewithagingwhereasnegativeaffectdeclines.
Therecurrentevidencethatlifesatisfaction,happiness,andpositiveaffectdonotshowdownwardtrajectorieswith
aging(whichtheoriesofsocialgerontologymighthavepredicted)hasledtoeffortstoaccountforthisgenerally
upbeatmessageabouthedonicwell-beingandaging.Somehavesuggesteditmayreflectintentionalactionsolder
personsmighttake,suchasflexiblyadjustingtheirgoalpursuits(Brandtstädter,Wentura,&Rothermund,1999).
Othershaveemphasized“selectivity”processes,suchasthatolderpersonsbetterselecttheirsocialinteraction
partnerssoastooptimizetheiremotionalexperiences(Carstensen,1995),ortheyselectivelyfocusresourcesin
certaindomainssoastooptimizefunctioning(Freund&Baltes,2002).Laterlifeaffectregulationmayalsoinvolve
affectoptimization(constrainingaffecttopositivevalues)andaffectcomplexity(amplificationofaffectinsearchof
differentiationandobjectivity;seeLabouvie-Vief,2003;Labouvie-Vief&Gonzales,2004;Labouvie-Vief&Medler,
2002).
Insummary,U.S.researchonpsychologicalchangesinadulthoodandlaterlifehascoveredwideterritoryoverthe
past40years.SomestudieshaveassembledempiricalfindingstosupportErikson’spsychosocialstagesaswellas
ideasfromotherdevelopmentalformulations(Neugarten,Bühler,Jung).Alongtheway,traitresearcherschallenged
suchclaims,arguingthattherewaslittleevidenceofpersonalitychangeinadulthood.Recentmeta-analyses
have,inturn,challengedtheclaimsoftraitstabilitywithextensiveevidenceofage-relatedshiftsinkeytraitsor
theirfacets.Indeed,anewemphasisis“personalitytraitdevelopment,”whichisbelievedtobeanchoredinthe
rolesandresponsibilitiesofadultlife.Anotherarenaofempiricalinquiryhasfocusedonpsychologicalwell-being,
whichhasbeenpartitionedintotwoapproaches.Eudaimoniaemphasizessuchpsychologicalconstructsas
purposeinlifeandpersonalgrowth,whichhaveshownsharplydownwardtrajectorieswithageinmultiplestudies;
otherdimensions,suchasautonomyandenvironmentalmastery,haveshowngainswithage.Hedonicwell-being
emphasizeshappiness,lifesatisfaction,andpositiveaffect,whichhaveconsistentlyshowneitherstabilityorgains
withaging.Numeroustheoreticalperspectiveshavebeenadvancedtoaccountforthisupbeatstory,whereas
socialstructuralfactors,suchasthestructurallagphenomenon,havebeeninvokedtoaccountforthedownward
trajectoriesincertainaspectsofeudaimonicwell-being.
DespitethesemanyavenuesofempiricalinquiryintheUnitedStates,thequestionofculturaldifferencesinthese
findingshasrarely,ifever,beenasked.Thatis,whetherstatedexplicitlyorimpliedbythenatureofthe
conclusionsdrawn,thisresearchhasbeenlargelyoblivioustowhetheranyoftheguidingtheoriesorrelated
empiricalresultsmightberelevantonlyinaWestern,advanced,technologicalsociety,suchastheUnitedStates.
ThisiswhythecontrastwithJapanesefindings,whicharelessextensiveinscope,iscentrallyimportanttothe
objectivesofthischapter.
FindingsfromJapan
ScientificresearchonadulthoodandagingisrelativelyrecentinJapan.Apartfromresearchlinkingikigaitohealth
outcomesinlaterlife,fewempiricalstudieshaveprobedideasrelatedtoJapaneseconceptionsofpersonalgrowth
(e.g.,towardpureactionandonenesswithnature)ortheculturalemphasisonfilialpietyandrespectforelders.
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Comparativeworkhas,however,beenconductedonagedifferencesinpsychologicalwell-beinginJapanversus
theUnitedStates.Wesummarizefindingsfromtheseinvestigationsalongwithrecentworkexaminingcultural
differencesinthelinkbetweenagingandwisdom.
AgrowingnumberofstudiesinJapanhaveexaminedtheconceptofikigaianditslinkstobetterhealth.The
structureofikigaihasbeenexaminedrelativetoothersimilarconcepts,suchaspsychologicalwell-being,
subjectivewell-being,andqualityoflife(Kumano,2006),withfindingsindicatingthatthecomponentsofikigai(lifeaffirmation,goals/dreams,meaningoflife,meaningofexistence,senseoffulfillment,commitment)werelargely
distinctfromotherrelatedconstructsofwell-beingandlifequality.Soneetal.(2008)investigatedtheassociation
of“lifeworthliving”(ikigai)andall-causeaswellascause-specificmortalityinaprospectivecohortstudy
involvingmorethan40,000respondents.Overa7-yearperiod,thosewhodidnothaveasenseoflifeworthliving
hadahigherriskofdeathaswellashigherriskofcardiovasculardisease.Anotherprospectivecohortstudy
(Koizumietal.,2008)overthecourseof13yearsshowedthatmenwithastrongsenseofpurposeinlife(ikigai)
hadreducedriskofdeathfromcardiovasculardisease.Mostrecently,Tannoetal.(2009)followedmorethan
70,000adultsaged40–79from1988to1990inwhichikigaiwasassessedwithalifestylequestionnaire.After
adjustingfornumeroussociodemographicfactorsandhealthbehaviors,bothmenandwomenshowedreduced
riskofmortalityfromallcausesamongthosewithhigherlevelsofikigai.Thus,considerableevidencesupportsthe
viewthatlongevityamongJapaneseadultsislinkedwiththeperceptionthatone’slifeisworthlivingandis
purposeful.
TheliferolesandactivitiesofolderpersonsinJapanhavebeenlinkedtotheirwell-being.Forexample,Nakahara
(2011)showedthatbeingagrandparent,particularlyhowitrelatestoone’sidentity,waslinkedwiththefrequency
ofcontactwithone’sgrandchildren,whichinturnwaslinkedwithgrandparentsatisfactionandsubjectivewellbeing.Suchfindingsunderscorethecentralsignificanceofinterpersonalembeddednessasacrucialfeatureof
well-beingintheJapanesecontext(seeMenon,thisvolume;Kitayamaetal.,2010;Parketal.,2013).Studiesfrom
Chinaalsounderscoretheactiveengagementofolderadultsinthegrandparentrole,particularlyincomparisonto
theUnitedStates(Edward,Ren,&Brown,thisvolume).VolunteeringamongolderpersonsinJapanhasalsobeen
studied.Nakahara(2013)foundthatunpaidvolunteeringhasagreatereffectonlifesatisfactionoftheelderlyliving
alonewhohavelessfamily-rolesorsocialsupportfromfamilythanonelderlypersonslivingwithfamilymembers.
Suchfindingssuggestthatrelationshipswithpeopleoutsidethehomethroughunpaidworkmightactasa
protectiveeffectagainstdecreasedlifesatisfaction.ThisinvestigationwasbasedonaU.S.study(Greenfield&
Marks,2004)usingMIDUSdata,whichdemonstratedthatbeingaformalvolunteercanprotectolderadultswith
higherlevelsofrolelossfromdecreasedlevelsofpurposeinlife.
DrawingonWesterndistinctionsbetweeneudaimonicandhedonicwell-being,ourcollaborativeteamcompareda
Japanesesampleofmidlifeandolderadults(MidlifeinJapan,MIDJA)toanationalsample(MIDUS)ofcomparably
agedadultsintheUnitedStates(Karasawaetal.,2011).Guidedbytheconceptualframeworksdescribedearlier,
wewereinterestedinwhetheraginginJapanmightbemorepositive,givenBuddhist,Confucian,andTaoist
philosophicaltraditions(Hwang,1999),combinedwiththeaforementionednegativeportrayalsofaginginthe
UnitedStates(e.g.,rolelessrole,socialbreakdownsyndrome).Partialsupportforthepredictionwasfound.Older
comparedtomidlifeadultsinJapanshowedhigherlevelsofpersonalgrowth,whereastheoppositeagepattern
wasevidentintheUnitedStates—olderadultsshowedlowerlevelsofpersonalgrowthcomparedtomidlifeadults.
Inbothculturalcontexts,however,purposeinlifescoreswereloweramongoldercomparedtomidlifeadults,
suggestingthisaspectofwell-beingmayconstituteanareaofvulnerabilityforagingadultsinadvanced,
technologicalsocietieslikeJapanandtheUnitedStatesInterpersonalwell-being,ashypothesized,wasrated
significantlyhigherrelativetooverallwell-beingamongJapanesecomparedtoUSrespondents,butonlyinyoung
adulthood.Thus,theprominenceofsocialrelationalwell-beingwasevidentintherelativelymoreinterdependent
cultureofJapan,butfindingssuggestedpossibledeclineinthisemphasiswithage.Finally,womeninbothcultures
showedhigherinterpersonalwell-beingthanmen,butwomenalsoreportedhighernegativeaffectcomparedto
meninbothJapanandtheUnitedStates.ItispossiblethatJapanesewomenmayminimizetheexpressionof
negativeemotionswhilecaringforchildreninanefforttopromotemother–childamae,theidealinJapan,as
describedinthechapterbydeSt.AubinandBach(thisvolume).Perhapstheexperienceandexpressionof
negativeaffectamongJapanesewomenmaythuschangeaschildrenageandliferolesshift.
AmorerecentMIDJAstudybasedonalargeprobabilitysampleofJapaneseadultsfromTokyowascomparedto
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
thelongitudinalfollow-upoftheMIDUSsample(Karasawa,2012).Akeyquestionwaswhetherthepositivitytrend
evidentinlaterlifewell-beingintheUnitedStates(i.e.,ageincrementsinpositiveaffect,agedecrementsin
negativeaffect)wouldbeevidentinrepresentativesamplefromTokyo.Wereasonedthatthepositivityeffectmay
bemorepronouncedinindependentculturesthatencourageolderpersonstoproactivelyselectpositivesocial
experiences.These,inturn,maycontributetoadaptivementalhealthoutcomes.Theresults,whichincludedboth
eudaimonicandhedonicmeasuresofwell-being,showedthatAmericans,infact,reportedmorepositivewell-being
withaging.Forexample,withregardtolifesatisfactionandpositiverelationshipwithothers,ageincrementswere
evidentintheUnitedStates,andtheywerecontrastedwithagedecrementsinJapan.However,positiveagetrends
werefoundinaffectbalance(positiveminusnegativeaffect)aswellasinautonomyandenvironmentalmasteryin
bothJapanandtheUnitedStates.Thefindingsalsorevealedanumberofgender-by-ageinteractions,which
generallytendedshowmorecompromisedprofilesofwell-beingamongolderJapanesemen.Thesepatternsmay
relatetoworkbyIshida(2012)whopointedoutthatolderJapanesemenhavefewerrelationshipsoutsideoftheir
maritalpartner.ThelackofawidersocialnetworkmaymeanthatolderJapanesemeneasilylosekeysocial
supportoncetheirrelationshipwithaspouseisgone.
Inaseparatelineofinquiry,thelinkbetweenagingandwisdomhasbeeninvestigatedwithafocuson
U.S./Japaneseculturaldifferences(Grossmanetal.,2012).Althoughwisdomhasbeenofinterestthroughout
historyandacrossculturesandthushasmanydefinitions,thereissomeconsensusthatitinvolvescertainkindsof
pragmaticreasoningneededtonavigateimportantchallengesinlife(Baltes&Smith,2008).Culturesdiffernotably,
however,inhowlifeconflictsaretobeapproached.Japaneseculturestressesinterpersonalharmonyandthe
importanceofcarefullyattendingtorelationshipssoastoavoidconflictsandmaintainstabilityinclose
relationships.Incontrast,Americancultureplacesmoreemphasisonfulfillmentofpersonalpreferencesand
individuationinsocialrelationships,whichmayallowinterpersonalconflicttoflare(Markus&Lin,1999).Grossman
andcolleaguesexaminedhowcultureinfluencesreasoningaboutsocialconflictsoverthelifespan.Theprediction
wasthatsocializationtowardaninterdependentsocialorientationinJapanmayresultinwiserreasoningskills(e.g.,
recognitionofmultipleperspectives,limitsofpersonalknowledge,importanceofcompromise)earlierinthelife
courseasawayofpreemptingsocialconflict.Incontrast,Americansmaycontinuetolearnaboutconflict
resolutionoverthelifecoursethusleadingtogreatergainsinwisdomwithaging.Aspredicted,wiseresponses
wereshowntoincreasewithageamongAmericans,butnotinJapan.Inaddition,aspredicted,youngerand
middle-agedJapaneseadultsshowedgreateruseofwise-reasoningstrategiesthantheirsame-agedcounterparts
intheUnitedStates.
Insummary,ongoingempiricalresearchinJapanhasplacedmoreofanemphasisonagingpersethanafocuson
adultdevelopment.Theconceptofikigaihasgarneredconsiderableinterestasapotentialinfluenceonhealthand
lengthoflife.Linkedtotheemphasisonworthwhileliving,Japanesestudieshaveexaminedactuallife
engagementsofagingadults,suchasbeingagrandparentorvolunteering,whichhavedemonstratedpositive
linksbetweentheseactivitiesandsubjectivewell-being.Directcomparisonsofagingandwell-beinghavebeen
conductedviatheMIDJAandMIDUSinvestigations.Thesehaveshownthatoldercomparedtomidlifeadultsshow
advantagesinsomeaspectsofwell-beinginJapan(e.g.,personalgrowth)andotheraspectsofwell-beinginthe
U.S.(e.g.,lifesatisfaction,positiverelationswithothers).Inbothcultures,positiveagetrendswereevidentin
autonomy,environmentalmastery,andaffectbalance(positivevs.negativeaffect).Genderdifferencesare
increasinglyevidentinthepatternoffindings,underscoringvulnerabilitiesamongoldermeninJapan.Cultural
differencesinhowadultsreasoninresolvingsocialconflictsisanotherlineofinquiry,whereinwiseresponses
wereshowntoincreasewithageintheUnitedStatesbutnotJapan,althoughamongyoungeradults,wise
responsesweremorestronglyevidentinJapanthanintheUnitedStates.Takenasawhole,thejustdescribed
empiricalsummariesfromthesetwoculturalcontextsmakesclearthestrikingpaucityofresearchthatinvolves
directcomparisonsofagingandadultdevelopmentinbothsettings.
FutureDirections
Buildingonthetheoreticalandempiricalstudiesdescribedinprecedingsections,weseemanypromisinglinesof
inquiryforfutureresearch.Thesepossibilitiesareorganizedintofivethemes:(1)lacunae,orareasofmissing
researchthatfollowfromthisreview;(2)theneedforgreaterinterplaybetweenculturalpsychologyandlife
coursedevelopment;(3)within-culturaldifferences,particularlyastheyrelatetoissuesofsocialinequalityin
opportunitiesforadultdevelopment;(4)theneedtolinkpsychologicalchangesacrosstheadultlifecourseto
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
healthoutcomes,includingbiologicalriskfactors;and(5)thefundamentalimportanceoflongitudinalstudiesthat
trackintraindividualprocessesacrosstimewhilealsoattendingtopossiblehistoricalchanges.
Withregardtolacunae,ourreviewmakesclearthatthefieldofadultdevelopmentandaginghasalongerhistory
andthereby,greaterrecordofscientificproductivityintheUnitedStatesthaninJapan.Thus,akeymessageisthe
needtobuildaparallelfieldinJapan,whichmayunfoldwithitsowntheories,perhapslinkedtotraditionsoffilial
pietydeeplyembeddedwithinthecultureandcurrentdemographictrends.WedrewattentiontotheJapanese
conceptofikigai,whichappearstobesimilartopurposeinlifeasstudiedintheUnitedStates,althoughwenote
thetwoconstructsevolvedfromdifferenttheoreticalandphilosophicaltraditions.Futureinquiriesneedtoascertain
whatisculturallycommonversusdistinctinthesecloseconcepts,aswellasprobewhysomeolderpersons,but
notothers,possessthesepositivelifeoutlooks.Usinganemicapproach,asdescribedinthechapterbydeSt.
AubinandBach(thisvolume),maybeespeciallyfruitfulinthisventurebecauseitcallsforperspectivetakingand
conceptgenerationfromtheJapanesethemselves.Sodoingmayidentifyculturallydistinctiveconcepts,in
contrasttotheeticmethodology,whichmayilluminateculturallycommonphenomena.
Ourfindingssuggesttheimportanceofattendingtogenderdifferencesinfuturestudiesofadultdevelopmentand
aging,notingthatgender-roleprescriptionshavetraditionallybeenofgreaterprominenceinJapanthaninthe
UnitedStates.OtherpromisingavenuesofinquirybuildonU.S.studiesinvestigatingtheinfluenceofpsychological
traitsinhowlifecourseprocessesofmaturityunfold.Forexample,significantlifeevents(e.g.,divorce,remarriage,
becomingaparent)maybelinkedwithpersonalitycharacteristics(e.g.,conscientiousness,extraversion,
neuroticism)bothinpredictingthelikelihoodofsuchevents,aswellasinconstitutingformsofpersonalchange
thatfollowintheaftermathofsuchtransitions.Finally,weunderscorethatouremphasisontheoriesandempirical
evidenceonculturalinfluencesonadultdevelopmentandaginginJapanandtheUnitedStatesrepresentonlytwo
contexts.Whathasbeengeneratedherethusneedstobeaugmentedwithfutureworkexaminingthe
generalizabilityoftheoriesandfindingstootherWesternorAsianculturesandsocieties.
Ontheinterplaybetweenculturalpsychologyandlifecoursedevelopment,wenotethesubstantialbodyof
researchamassedtodemonstrateculturaldifferencesinvariousdomainsofpsychologicalprocesses(Heine,
2010;Kitayama,Duffy,&Uchida,2007;Miyamoto&Eggen,2013).Thisworkhas,however,beenconducted
primarilywithyoungadults.Theupshotisthatlittleisknownabouthowculturallycharacteristicwaysofthinking
andfeelingarepatternedacrossthelifecourse.Whathasbeenestablishedisthattheselftendstobeviewedas
anautonomousbeingthatismoreindependentfromothersintheUnitedStates,whereastheselftendstobe
viewedasaninterdependentbeingthatisfundamentallyembeddedinrelationshipsinJapan(Markus&Kitayama,
1991;2010).Whethertheseculturaldifferencesinself-viewsaremaintainedovertheadultlifecourseorwhether
theychangeandshowdivergentpathsintomiddleadulthoodandlaterlifeisunknown.Neugarten(1968;1973)
longagodescribedaprocessofturninginwardinthelateryears,whichsheassertedinvolvedtheindividual
experiencingasenseoffreedomfromthenormsgoverningeverydaylife.IsthisaquintessentiallyWesternidea,or
mightolderadultsacrossculturalcontextsseetheirthoughts,feelings,andbehaviorsaslessconstrainedby
surroundingnormsastheyage?Paradoxically,suchchangecouldmeanthatolderU.S.adultsmightgive
themselveslicensetobelessindependentastheyage,whereasolderadultsinJapanmightexperienceashift
towardalessinterdependentself,perhapsespeciallyforolderwomen.Whateverpatternsofchange(orstability)
areevident,thesespeculationspointtoempiricallytractablequestionsforfutureresearch.
Priorculturalstudieshavealsoshownthatemotionalstylesdifferacrossculturalcontexts.Forexample,positive
andnegativeemotionsaremorestronglyinverselyrelatedtoeachotherintheUnitedStatesthaninJapan(e.g.,
Miyamoto&Ryff,2011),suggestingthatpositiveandnegativeemotionsaremoredifferentiatedinJapan.Thelatter
hasbeendescribedasadialecticalemotionstyleinJapanbut,again,whethertheseculturallydifferentemotional
stylespersistorchangeacrossthelifespanisnotwellunderstood,althoughWesternstudieshavesuggestedthat
emotionalcomplexityincreaseswithage(Carstensen,Mayr,Pasupathi,&Nesselroade,2000;Labouvie-Vief&
Medler,2002;Magai,Consedine,Krivoshekova,Kudadjie-Gyamfi,&McPherson,2006).Itisthusimportantto
investigateifemotionalcomplexityalsoincreaseswithageinJapan,or,alternatively,ifJapaneseolderadults
simplymaintaintheirdialecticalemotionalstyles.Ifthelatteristhecase,itcouldhaveaneteffectofreducing
culturaldifferencesinemotionalexperienceasindividualsgrowoldinbothJapanandtheUnitedStates(i.e.,
emotionalcomplexitychangesintheUnitedStatesbegintoconvergewithdialecticalemotionalstylesinJapan).
Movingtovariationwithincultures,wenotethatalthoughextensiveworkhasprobedvarietiesofcultural
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
differences,relativelylittleattentionhasbeengiventovariationamongindividualswithinparticularcultural
contexts.Interestingly,somewithin-culturaldifferencesmaybesimilaracrosscultures.Inthisregard,weseevalue
inpursuingresearchattheintersectionofadultdevelopmentandagingwithstudiesofsocialinequalities.Akey
question,posedyearsago(Dowd,1990),waswhetheropportunitiesforgrowthanddevelopmentinadultlifeare
equallydistributedacrosssocietyorinsteadaccruedisproportionatelytoadvantagedsegmentsofsociety.
Structuralbarriers,suchaseconomicdivisionsoflaborandopportunitiesforsocialaction,oftencompromise
chancesfordevelopmentamongdisadvantagedconstituents.Thatis,opportunitiesforself-realizationaregranted
tothosewhoarebettereducatedandeconomicallyprivileged.
ResearchintheUnitedStateshasdocumentedaneducationalgradientineudaimonicwell-being(Ryff&Singer,
2002)suchthatthosewithcollegedegreesreporthigherlevelsonmultipledimensionsofwell-beingcomparedto
thosewithonlyahighschooleducationorsomecollege.Arelevantquestioniswhethersuchpatternsareevident
ininterdependentsocietieslikeJapanaswell,ormightinterdependentnormsmitigateagainstsuchinequalityin
experiencedwell-being?Furtherinquiriesareneededtoilluminatehowpatternsofgrowthanddevelopmentacross
thelifecoursemayvarydependingonsocioeconomichierarchieswithinEasternandWesternculturalcontexts.
Thefourthfuturethemementionedearlierinvolvesmappingconnectionsbetweenprofilesofage-relatedsocialand
psychologicalchangewithhealthbroadlydefined.Acrossculture,theagingprocessisinherentlycharacterized
byincreasedprofilesofdiseaseanddisabilityduetonormativebiologicaldeclinesthataccompanygrowingold.
However,thereisconsiderablevariabilityinthetiming,severity,andcauseofhealthdeclinesaspeopleage.Akey
questioniswhetherpositivepsychosocialagingandcontinuedadultdevelopmentmightattenuateage-associated
declinesinhealth.Similarly,andbuildingontheprecedingtheme,itisknownthatsocialinequalitiesdefinedby
one’spositioninthesocioeconomichierarchyarealsosignificantinfluencesonlaterlifehealth(Alwin&Wray,
2005).Thus,therearebothprotective(i.e.,goodpsychologicalresources)andvulnerabilityfactors(i.e.,
socioeconomicinequality)bearingonindividuals’healthastheyage.Importantly,andnotsufficientlyunderstood,
isthattheseinfluencesmayalsobecontouredbyculturalcontext.Thatis,whichpsychosocialfactorsare
salubriousordeleteriousforhealthmaydifferdependingontheculturalsetting.
Forexample,positiveaffectandlifesatisfactionpredictlowermorbidityandmortality(e.g.,Pressman&Cohen,
2005),whereasnegativeaffectpredictshighermorbidityandmortality(e.g.,Kiecolt-Glaser,McGuire,Robles,&
Glaser,2002),particularlyintheUnitedStates.Thesepsychologicalqualitiesmay,however,reflectlargely
independentvaluesofWesternculture.InEasterculturalcontexts,suchqualitiesmayplayasmallerrole,whereas
interdependentqualities,likehavingflexibleself-adjustmentorexperiencingdialecticalemotions,mayinsteadbe
especiallyimportantforhealth.Infact,ourrecentresearchfoundthatnegativeemotionsarelinkedwithelevated
biologicalriskintheUnitedStatesbutnotinJapan(Miyamotoetal.,2013).Otherfactors,suchassocialsupport,
maytranscendculturalboundariesandbeequallybeneficialtohealthinbothculturalcontexts.However,evenin
thisrealm,ourworkhasshownstrongerlinksbetweenperceivedsocialsupportandhealthinJapancomparedto
theUnitedStates,albeitunderparticularconditions—namely,thatthesupportisneeded(respondentsreporthigh
stress),andtheycaneasilyacceptit(respondentsarelowonneuroticism;seeParketal.,2013).Wehavealso
shownthatconstructsofindependenceandinterdependencepredicthealthandwell-beingdifferentiallyinJapan
andtheUnitedStates(Kitayamaetal.,2010).Whatismissingfromthesestudiesisalifecourseperspective—that
is,whendothesepatternsbecomeevidentasindividualsageandmature,andfurther,howpersistentarethey
acrosstheadultlifecourse?
Withregardtoinequalitiesandhealth,wehaveexaminedpsychologicalfactors(neuroticism,optimism,selfefficacy,mastery)asmediatorsofthelinksbetweensocioeconomicstatusandhealth,withthefindingsshowing
bothcommonandculture-orgender-specificpathways(Kanetal.,2014).Forinstance,senseofcontroland
neuroticismrespectivelymediatedtheassociationbetweeneducationandself-ratedhealthinboththeUnited
StatesandJapan,whereasself-esteemfunctionedasamediatoronlyintheUnitedStates.Furthermore,optimism
wasamediatorofthelinkbetweensocialclassandhealthamongfemalesinbothcountries,butsimilar
relationshipswerenotfoundineitherAmericanorJapanesemales.
Anotherstudy(Morozinketal.,2010),basedonUSdata,hasshowedthataspectsofpsychologicalwell-being
moderatetheinfluenceofloweducationalattainmentonabiologicalriskfactorknownasinterleukin-6(IL-6).This
inflammatorymarkerisimplicatedinnumerousdiseaseoutcomes(cardiovasculardisease,cancer,Alzheimer
disease)andisknowntobehigheramongindividualswithlowereducationalstanding,butthatinverseassociation
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
ismoderatedbylevelsofpsychologicalwell-being.Thus,less-educatedadultswithhighlevelsofenvironmental
mastery,purposeinlife,positiverelationswithothers,positiveaffect,andself-acceptancewereprotectedfrom
showingelevatedIL-6.WhetherthispatternmightholdinJapanorwhetherother,moreculturallyattunedfactors
(e.g.,sympathyforothers,dialecticalemotions)mightbetherelevantmoderatorsisaworthwhilefuturequestion.
Clarifyingwheninthelifecoursethesepatternsemergeandhowpersistenttheyareacrosstimeisalsoimportant.
Tobetrulyinformative,futureresearchmustbebasedonlongitudinaldata(capturingbothindividualandhistorical
change)inJapanandtheUnitedStates.Thecentrallimitationofcross-sectionalagefindingsisthatobtainedage
differencesmaynotbeduetomaturationalprocesses,butinsteadmayreflectcohortdifferences,whichimply
changinglifecontexts(i.e.,livingthrougha“differentsliceoftime”).Changeinsurroundinghistoricalcontextsalso
shapeslivesinpersistentandlastingways.Forexample,contemporaryolderpersonsinbothJapanandtheUnited
Statesexperiencedworldwarsandsignificanteconomicdownturnsaspartoftheiradultjourneys.Theymayalso
havehadfeweropportunitiesforadvancededucationalattainmentcomparedtoyounger-agedadults.These
factors,whichdefinethebroaderhistoricalcontextofpeople’slives,arealsoessentialforunderstanding
psychologicalchangesthatmaybeevidentacrossthedecadesofadultlife.
Relatedtochanginghistoricalcontexts,weclosewithobservationsaboutthedramaticgrowthinthesizeofaging
populationsinbothcountries,butespeciallyinJapan.Thismajordemographicchangeraisesmanyimportant
challenges,notonlyintermsofthehealthandwell-beingoftheelderly,butforsocietyasawhole.Ofinterestin
futureresearchwillbewhetherpatternsofintergenerationalrelationschangeasolderpersonsassumegreater
prominence.Willtheagedtakeonnewroles,suchasvolunteering,thatmaypotentiallybenefitotheragegroups?
Alternatively,willpreviousU.S.viewsoftheoldasoccupyinga“rolelessrole”becomeincreasinglysalientinJapan
asitfacesgrowingdemandsofanagedpopulationthatisnotcontributingextensivelytothemarketeconomy?
Whateffecttheserealitieswillhaveontheculturaltraditionoffilialpietyisitselfanimportantfuturequestion.
WhetherEastorWest,whatiscertainisthatadvancedtechnologicalsocieties,suchasJapanandtheUnited
States,facenotablechallengeswithregardtoutilizingthetalentsandcapacitiesoftheirgrowingagedpopulations
whilealsocaringfortheillanddependentmembersamongthem.
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CarolRyff
CarolRyff,DepartmentofPsychologyandInstituteonAging,UniversityofWisconsin—Madison
JenniferMorozinkBoylan
JenniferMorozinkBoylan,CenterforWomen'sHealthResearch,UniversityofWisconsin—Madison
ChristopherL.Coe
ChristopherL.Coe,DepartmentofPsychology,UniversityofWisconsin,Madison,WI
MayumiKarasawa
MayumiKarasawa,DepartmentofComparativePsychology,TokyoWomen’sChristianUniversity,Japan
NoritoKawakami
NoritoKawakami,GraduateSchoolofMedicine,UniversityofTokyo,Japan
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Adult Development in Japan and the United States
ShinobuKitayama
ShinobuKitayama,TheCultureandCognitionProgram,UniversityofMichigan
ChiemiKan
ChiemiKan,DepartmentofMentalHealth,UniversityofTokyo
GayleD.Love
GayleD.Love,InstituteonAging,UniversityofWisconsin—Madison
CynthiaLevine
CynthiaLevine,DepartmentofPsychology,StanfordUniversity
HazelR.Markus
HazelR.Markus,DepartmentofPsychology,StanfordUniversity
YuriMiyamoto
YuriMiyamoto,DepartmentofPsychology,UniversityofWisconsin-Madison
JunNakahara
JunNakahara,DepartmentofPsychology,TokyoWomen'sChristianUniversity
JiyoungPark
JiyoungPark,DepartmentofPsychology,UniversityofMichigan
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