C H A P TER IV T H E M E S A UP A T T I TUDES At m i d n i g h t was lowered and thus b r i nging rule over on August 1947 the Union- Jack the t r i - c o l o u r was ho i s t e d on the Red Fort, to a cl o s e the t u o - h u n d r e d years India. The be g inning India R e s o l u t i o n of Aug u st 8, this 14, of the end uas 1942. an act c a l c u l a t e d to d r i v e the nation resist the efforts the D a p a n e s e i n v a s i o n of Gandhiji v i o lence, ever, For, the mass of people thereby c o m p e l l i n g w h o thourht, that the 1946, like C a p t a i n the Raj to assert evoking Purvis to p a r t i t i o n of Tho Raj circumvent tho c o m m u n a l handim over power On duly 26, granting from Lord Mountbatten, 1947, to Quartet, viable On Bure a n n o unced 3, the plan t-ngln .that, sto o d in the ury of of the s u b -continent. British Parl i a m e n t India ind e p e n d e n ce. Pakistan How parsons nc longer 219). of p r a c t i c e ! s o l u t i o n to to the people the of itself Srgh m a s s a c r e . India uas India as the only and w i t h o u t the days there were se v e r a l British p r e s e n c e in the Viceroy, Party of the sails lesderless, e c o n o m i c s 1!'/ or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y . (IV, 1947, of the Congress indu l g e d in acts Oyer and the d a l l i a n u a l l a h by the end of the The Ej-itish put the wind out uith characteristic ruthlessness, General an act of sedi t i o n But the p opular r e a c t i o n uas c o n t r a r y to this expec t a t ion. any direction, .. of the G o v e r n m e n t to and all other k n o u n leaders of the n a t i o n a l m o v ement. Quit to anarchy uith Indie. in prison h o p i n g ,t h e r e b y , t o take the British The Raj c o n s i d e r e d to be an act of the g r a v e s t nature, i n t e n t i o n of s u b v e r t i n g long p a ssed tho A great exodus India and of M u slims from Bill of Hindus India to 10X t Pakistan began, occompanisd by the holocaust of communal killings that shocked the world. As has already been mentioned, Scott has woven the fabric of the Quaxtet within the limits of these borders. Tho men and women belong to both the races, the white and tho brown, and they are caught at a given point of time in the web of history. Quite naturally, there are many 'motifs' woven into this fabric. In this chapter it is proposed to examine the important themes, and attitudes that the author seeks to explain. The theme, in the main, is indeed Indo-British relations at individual, political and historical levels. Uhila enalysing this theme, at these levels, an attempt has also been made to find out the author's attitude to them. Broadly, there are two races depicted in the Quartet, namely, the English and the Indian. They are as distinct and separate from each other as their respective colours,and they remain within clearly demarcated zones. As little Uilliam Conway (in The Birds of Paradise) realised, there are always two Indias, the British India and the Indian India (p.21). Hari Kumar says that it would not be possible for him and his English friend Colin Lindsey to meet in India because they belonged to these separate ’Indias* and had no meeting place at all. Hari says: "And every week that went could only add to the width of tha gulf he’d realise there was between a man of his colour and a man of mine who had no official position, who was simply an Indian who worked for his living and lived in a native town. He would feel it widen to the point where he realised there was no bridging it at all. because the wish to bridge it had also gone.” (J,25B) b y \03 Their respective areas are divided by impregnable walls, unfordabla rivers and inhibiting lines. As Fierrick said, there was always a line between the English and the I n d i ans: "But i t ’s essential, isn't itV You have tn draw a line. Uall, it's arbitrary. Mine tiii.es out of ten perhaps you draw it in the wrong place. But you need it there, you need to be able to say: There is the lino. This side of it is right. That side is wrong." ( I I , 214) But there are individuals who transgress these limits and pay dearly, the limits also there ere individuals who cross but keep their own identities escape the punishment. in tact and There are also individuals who .believe ttiat white is white and dark is dark; they should not most and mingle, reminding themselves often that they are the rulers who have to keep the ruled sver subjugated. This_, of course .could be a way wf keeping tneir ego s atiated knowing fully well that in India they can afford to be what thay pretend to be. Gone of the varices ratifications of the thema of Indo- British relations are the less of paradise for individuals, the quest Ion of r OOtl93 s n a ~s of th • Angloand the preoc cup eti oc with work as a m •.inns- of ray: s el P-axpre: • ion. These ean be discer net1 in the port Indi an?, and bohrvion ral patter ns of th e vari O Uii charact ere ir re spactiv a of their racial a1 ignme n tr . This t ir;rro of Indo -Rri ti eh T'eJ ations , the novelist of3rc e i v e d , ecu Id bast be prer anted through the d aline'?tiu n o f vc r i o vw characters v io-a-vis their rel a t i c n ship with en cil u the as individua lc and as members of thei two races in t!r • 104- context of certain identifiable events and incidents of a given period in the history of the British Raj in indie. In a uay, The Ral Quartet is a metaphor, a metaphor of •the fading away of the Raj, But it is not fchesinging of 1 requiem for the Raj because Scott does not seem to be concerned with the demise of the Raj. He perceived uith the clear acunen of a historian that this demise was a historical necessity because tho empire had outlived its utility. He does not believe that the British Empire was like a huge uork of art or that it uas resplendent and beautiful. Uhat he has looked askance at in The Rai Quartet is the attitude of racial snobbery, insolence and conceit of the English men and woman who managed the Raj in India. However, he does not maintain that these trait3 are peculiar only to tho English in India. There are also Indians who are not free from these blemishes. To portray this theire at individufl levels, the novelist weaves tho story of two individuals who belong to the two races. Their relationship leads to a grave violation of an accepted code of human behaviour w-hich, in turn, paves the uay for a chain interference of actions and reactions of most of the characters involved. The novelist, therefore, uses the rapo as the springboard from where the story i3 spiralled out» Thus, the rape is the centrifugal aspect cf the theme of Indo-British relations because in it, as the novelist says, "there era the action, the people, and the piece. \Oi>' all of which are interrelated but in their totality incommunicable in isolation from the moral continuum of human affairs"(I,1). Early in thB work, the author has thus pinpointed his subject. The fact that Scott does not point out the victim of the rape but only mentions •a girl who is running in the deeper shadows of the Bibighar Garden walls’ suggests that sha ig running away from something sinister. This seems to impart to the act of the rape a symbolic significance. In other werds, Scott has depicted a microscopic experience of a macroscopic phenomenon, that is, the rape cf a country symbol is3d by the rape of a girl. But hou did this rope coi o about? It is the result of a moral continuum and it goes back to two hundred years. A country undergoes the experience of being ravished by people who neither loved nor tried to understand nar. There is an old, disreputable saying that when rape is inevitable, lie back end enjoy it. And it is Daphne, the victim, who cays; "(Jell. there has bean mere than ore rape. I can’t say, Auntie, that I lay beck and enjoyed mine. But Lili was trying to lie back and enjoy whet we have done to her country."(I,434) Lady Lili Chat.terji knows that India is being ravished by the British. She understands the inevitability of this .’rape' but realises that she can dc precious little to stop this act of violation. To she t r i t o make the best of it. She is fully anolicisad and is on Christian name terms with the English who matter, like the Governor of Ranpur and his lady end the Deputy Commissionor of Hayapore and his wife. These enlighfcened people are, like Daphne, surra of the rape of India but are unable tc do anything about it. This is what Scott means uhen he says that the novel is the story of a rape. Uhen Daphne undergoes the ignominious experience, the entire British community is shocked and it cries for vengeance. But the same people do not even notice that they have been subjecting a country to perpetual rape for tuo hundred years. So, whereas Daphne cannot enjoy her rape, Lady Chatterji, representing India, is compelled to pretend to enjoy the inevitable. Ue are then tcld that the Quartet is about such an act, about tho people who are concerned with it, and also about the place of its occurrence. So the people, the place and the action are co-ralated. The act:is not detractabla as an isolated incident. It is, for India, an everlasting experience. But at the individual level, it creates situations which are, at times, intractable. The rape produces far-reaching repurcussions not only in the livas of individuals but also in the lives of the tuo nations. Scott says that it ’’ended with the spactabio of tuo nations in violent opposition, not for the first tine, nor as yet for the last” bncausa they have been living in such situations for such a long time that ”it uas no longer possible for them to know whether they hated or loved one another1’ (l,i). Thus Scott makes it clear that the story of the rape is analogous to the Indo-British relations. It now becomes necessary to analyse tho Indo-Qritish relations at political level. Colonization, it is argued, is necessarily to enlighten and civilize i o> the conquered. The British cane to India with this civilizing zeal; the aim uas, as so many Englishman like Kipling and Macaulay have asserted, ostensibly, the good of the Indians. But the Indians did not appre ciate it; rather they felt obliged to resist. Scott seems to think that this uas so because the conquerors often failed to realise the psychological element of this colonization. The colonizing : zeal of the British, though well-meant, uas rather abstract in its applica tion; they did not try to realise that no real and lasting relationship could exist on the basis of an abstraction. On this aspect of colonization, 0. Mannoni has observed: "Civilization is necossarily an abstraction, contact is made not betueen abstractions but between real, live human beings."' But the British, in their hurry to amass riches From India, overrode all such considerations. like Prospcro, They believed, that what they considered good for the conquered uas in the bast:interest of tho latter. Like Caliban, tho conquered necessarily resisted, because they were not quite satisfied with the bona fides of their conqueror’s intentions uhich were, in effect, self-aggrandizement. The; result ur.e mutual r sc.rim Jnetions and misunderstanding. The whole atiuoop.Vira of I.ido-Critic relations uas under this cloud nil ths while. Bcott uas able to perceive this aspect aid its dnvaotetin on both ths ruler effects and the ruled, and so he tried to bridge ths chasm by introducing the element of personal relations between mamhera of the two racer. v08 Uhen Oaphne Planners talks about the violation of India, she does so possibly in this context. Scott's interest in the Indo-British relations possibly arises from this violation of India. So the argument that if the rape is ‘used as a metaphor, the victim ought to have been an Indian girl and not an English girl, does not stand. It Is to be understood clearly that Daphne Planners is not used as a symbol of India. The rape of Daphne shows the evil that is hiddan in the hearts of all men including Indians. It is interesting to note that in her long journal Daphne herself has not made mrny indignant remarks against the rapists. She took it as 6 work of spoilers who uern aluays present In the Indo-British relations. The attack on Daphne in the Bibighar is not an act of crime committod against the Raj. It ought to be viewed as a primitive instinct to defile or destroy something that is different from one’s own. After all, nothing could be as strikingly different as the colour of Daphne compared with that of Mr.r assailants. But this violation, which was no doubt crave, paved the way for the yet grosser violation of India by the British. The rape is used by Scott as a metaphor to analyse the feelings and situations of the English in the context of the peculiar historical circumstances available during the period. Consequently, the rape has to be viewed not as an end in itso.lf, but as a means, that is, the rape of Daphne triggers off a series of actions and reactions which become a saga of the Indo-British relationship. Scott uses the rape in the first volume as a sort of a metaphor for the fear and paranoia that always lay beneath the surface of the 109 certainty of the white man. Ever since the uprising of 1057, as we have seen earlier, the attitude of the English, that is, of the type represented by the Reids and the Herricks, has been to rule India with a strong hand with the sole purpose of keeping the nld empire firmly in the saddle. But beneath this bravado there has been the constant fear that some dry the Indians would rise in rebellion. That was why just two stray incidents in n place like Hayapora made man like Herrick and Reid adgy; as a result they forced the situation to grou out of control in spits of the restraining hands of Robin SJhita, and then used excessive force to quell i.ha riots. Evan immediately after the assault on her, Daphne did nnt worry about herself; she worried about the effect this atrocity would have on Mari. It was an act of love between Ha.ri and Daphne but what followed was an act of shner barbarity. Daphne saw, only as a member of the white race could sac, how this was going to affect llari, nnd so took the situation into her own hands and told him to insist that they had not seen each ethos since the day of their visit to the temple, she made him promise to stick to this lie. She kr.ew Hrri would stick to it because it was Daphne, the member of the; ruling class, who took 'tho decision. She admitted thet "even in my p o m c there uor this assumption of superiority, of privilege, of believing I knew what was best for both of us, bocauto the colour of my skin automatically put me on the side of those who never told a lie." (I, 425) t«o This a u t o m a t i c a s s u m p t i o n of s u p e r i o r i t y put the lid on any ot h e r p o s s i b l e way of finding an alibi and co m p e l l e d Hari to m a i n t a i n a stiff upper lip, s i t u a t i o n that gave Merrick, to suppress, sau uas facets to the an o pportunity the ruled. inda-3riti.sh as u s have seen but w h a t M e r r i c k tha p r e d o m i n a n t o ne for m o s t of the rulers. Kumar r e c o u n t e d at the the ruler, even w i t h barbarity, r e l a t i o n ^ have many leading Hari the s t a t e m e n t of M e r r i c k in the prison time of'his interrogation! '•/"Merrick said thnt7rel a t i o n s h i p s between people utro b « . d on contempt, not looe, and that c o n t e m p t uas tha prime h u m a n amotion b ecause no human being uas evor goinfj to b e lieve all hu m a n beings w e r e born aqual. If th e r e uas' an emotion almost as strong es cantarnpt it ues envy. Ho said man s portions! 1 ty e x i s t e d r.t the point of e q u i l i b r i u m betueeri the ^ d e g r e e of his envy and the d e g r e e of his contempt. & (II, Zn0) In !ndo-3ritish relations e l e m e n t s of l o v e and hate. illustrate viduals through the a ctions of i n d i b e l o n g i n g to both the races. Scott makes use of and b e havi o u r a l characters, be l o n g i n g Indo-Oritish characters He, be l o n g i n g T h a n e char a*:torn characteristics viable Q u a r t e t , this to an o s t a o l i s h e d society e n ough for their unravel and free play. ce r t a i n basic Indo— Bricish r e l a t i o n - . Taking up, at the i n d i v i d u a l portrays certain c o n c e r n e d w i t h their actions and s i t uations of of v arious of the fence to reflect therefore, that are p r i marily situations patterns to both sides relations. as i n d i v i d u a l s I N - a e s s a r i l y , the a u thor has to this r e l a t i o n s h i p the .inter-actions creates there have bean the first, level, tha in the I n d c — —r i t i o h r e ’ nt j n<">~ first v o l u m e theme is r epresented, m a inly of The by the two then lit characters, Miss Eduina Crane and Daphne Manners. Mies Crane did not come to India to spread the light of aducation ot uith any othar philanthropic zeal. She joined the Protestant Mission to teach Indian children and became its Superintendent at Mayapore. She uas quite ot home uith Indians; she had the picture of Gandhiji hanging on her drawing-roa»well; she had littlo in common uith the English either emotionally cr socially. But she did not raject her own people or go egeinst them: "She know that the India she found full of compen sations uas only the white man's India. E’ut it was an India of a kind, and that at l3ast was a beginning. "(1,7) She h8d laughed at the Europeans who said that Gandhjji uas not to be trusted. But when it seamed to her that he had extended what looked like an open invitation to the Bananese to co ie and help him rid India of the British, she felt let down by him and so she promptly took down hie. picture. It may bo mentioned that the admirrtion of Miae Crana for Gandhiji uas not mare fiction. There were English miunionarias who thought, even during th j troubled days of August 1242, that he uas a good man.^ In her admi ration for Gandhiji, Pliss Crane is in gaud company. Tha Deputy Comtsissionor of f-leynen-G, Robin 'Jliite, observed: "I die trusted Gandhi because I couldn't :><-*-• hou a man who wielded such power and influence could remain uninhibited by it, and always make the riant decisions for the right reasons. And yet I always felt h ir. appeal to my conscience benind even my severest doubts shout hlo jntsntions*"(I, 318) But the Indians, however, did not accept Miss Crane uith the same warmth. In the author’s words, "she had never been wholly accepted by the Indians, and had tended to reject the generality of the English-. "(I, 3) It was possibly because she did not love Indians as individuals! she only loved the idea of Indie. That is w^y srie coulci not have any rapport uith Mr Chaudhuri, the teacher in. the Mission School at Dibrapur. Scott exposes the essential nature of the English attitude towards Indians when he shows her reluotanca to depend on the batter judgement of an Indian in a moment of' crisis, fit such a. time, Miss Crane thought m e t she was automatically in charge though she regretted this attitude; "And in my voice, she said to herself, there always • there - the note of authority, the • pecistl note of us talking to them, which perpahs passes unnoticed when what we talk about is the small change of everyday routine but at times of stress always sounds like taking charge."(I, 4?) Her sense of racial superiority asserted itself aven in moments of crisis and led her to her inevitable doom. This kind of love for. India does not play any positive role in the Indo-British relations because it Jacked the essential quality of mutual trust and understanding. So it only ended ih disaster; Generally there were two types of Englishmen who governed Indie - those who thought they oere respcnsibl for the well-being of the people whom they governed, v.and those who were indifferent but managed their responsibility as a matter of duty. Robin Uhite belongs to the former * Wh group, fls the Deputy Commissioner of the district, Uhi'e • had a vary important pole to play in the schema of things. Hs uas, like Hiss Crane, free from any racial feelings. The English, by and larga, kept themselves aloof from having personal contact of any kind with the Indians including their servants, fiut White was an exception to this general rule, lie kept the company of the Indians; even the servants he treated as Fellou-human beings giving them kindness and affection. Lawyer Srinivasan remarked later: "And Robin, you know, looked at servants when he spoke to them. You could see him receiving a brief but clear impression of them as men. He did not feel superior to them, only more responsible for them."(I, 185) ''either Robin White nor Miss Crane suffered from racial -T prejudice. Geott makes White admit that the English did precious little to bring either the Indians and tho English toe ther, or the different communities of India closer. He say3 th?t if the English built railways, linking different parts of the country, it was only to carry their wealth more quickly to the English pockets (I, 320). lira Mabel Layton who faintly reminds the reader of Mrs flooT'o in A Passage to India is another character who has some contribution to rank a towards M ns Indo-irition understanding. In 1020 the British Government had retired General Dyer at half pay for his shooting doun the unarmed Indians at Zallianuallah Oagh in Amritsar. The English in India had taken that as a g n a t affront because they belioved that what Dyer did was to loop the Onion Gael; « 114 flying over tha .lad Fort. - Aft >r all, the empire was thoir mainstay. So thay decided tc pees the hat around end present a nice sum of money to their horo. Mabel Layton, who had refused to contribute to this fund, however, contributed secretly one hundred pounds to the fund raised by the Indians in aid of the orphans and widows of the Oallir.nwallah 3agh massacre. Her argument was that since the sum presented to the General amounted to tuentysix thousand pounds for killing sixty Indians, two hundred and the price or' each Indian killed, by their reckoning, would be one hundred pounds. This is riot the sort of thinQ that tha English in India uculd tolerate. When they came to know about it aftar twenty two years, they fait badly lot down by Mabel. 31r nkter Ali Kasim, a marobar of tha Governor*s Executive .'kiuncil to whom firs Layton had hended over tha draft for the rnuuni, thought that her action war. 3 straw in the wind, the manifestation of English sympathy for the Indian:;, on small ;•tap towards butter understanding hot we m j tho two -aces. Aftar the death nf i-iabel, we a u told by Mildred Layton, her step-daughter-in-law, that the for iinr had been making contributions to help Indians ennnymnunly. Thero were InrUod philanthropic parsons like fioLnl who acted as some kind of s bridge Lot-. ;;:n the Indians and the English. Mabel’s grand-dacg h i o r , Zr. rcl , her attitude towards Fndi». di 1 w L,;y f w.p ^ 1 nheri t c*k ui.u not L.ali • keeping n distance between . j r ‘- e l f nii..! tnu Ir.ui 1 n: . j.O d So, at Mirat, when she went out riding with Ahmed Kasim who kept s certain distance throughout the ride, at one point aha manipulated her horse in such a manner that, momentarily, she closed the gap, and metaphoricaJly bridged their tuo worlds. But like Hari Kumar, Ahmed, too, did not proceed in a manner that would have been natural for an English boy; like Hari Kumar, he, too, hesitated, end then backed out. Because Ahmed realised what could be expected if he chose to use thet bridge thrown across the racial chasm by Sarah. But, signifi cantly, it is Sarah and Ahmed who round off the Quartet. After th8 murder of Ahmed in the communal killings, Sarah tells herself: "Ahmed and I weren’t in love. But we loved one another. Ue recognised in each other the compulsion to break away from what I car call a received life." (IV, 592) All along, both Daphne and Sareh rebelled against this received life. They wanted to take a new path rejecting a trodden one. But Sarah realised quite early that Merrick was the 'arcane side' of British imperialism, the outsider, the repository of racism’s obscenities and the corruptions with which some individuals who served imperialism were infected. Like Daphne, Sarah, too, made herself useful to the Indians as soon as she became free from her bondage at home. She came to Mirat where she spent her time teaching Shiraz, the only daughter of the Nawab, useful things for herself and the community she also worked in the local hospital for women. She became friendly with Ahmed and many thought that they, I L 6 too, uould meat the fate of Daphne and Hari Kumar. fate decided otherwise, But and the communal disturbances claimed the life of Ahmed. When the author leaves her at the end of the book, we get an idea of a young girl trying to do her bast to pour water into the mouths of the dying Indians as if to atone for her inability to stall the death of Ahmed. Sarah's contribution towards bridging the gap that existed between the British and the Indians is indeed noteworthy; aha dares the accepted norms and breaks the artificial barriers provinn that racial prejudices need not darken the sky of personal end human relations. The friendship that existed between Lady Chatter ji and Lady Planners transcended all racial bias. Their h u s b a n d s >too,were very friendly, even to the extent of Sir Nello Chatterji caricaturing Sir Henry Manners although the Governor's aide-de-camp felt scandalised that an Indian should be alloued such freedom. There is nothing to point out that there was any irritant caused by racial prejudice. Uhen Lady Manners realised that her days were numbered, her friend, Lady Chatterji, of her niece, she asked to take care of the child Daphne Manners. Lady Manners felt that he should bring up Parvati as a child of the East and the Uest, to respect her niece's desire that her child - "My own typically hamfisted offering to the East.'" (I, 352) - should grow up as an Indian: "I intend to bring her up as an Indian.which is one of the reasons I have called her Parvati." ( I , 442) Parvati was no doubt conceived in tragic circumstances, but she uas conceived with love. There is a symbolic victory in the child. During her pregnancy, convinced that the child uas Hari's and not of any of the rapists', Daphne felt that she uas carrying India in her uomb. The child Parvati uho grew up aa an Indian uas of Britain as uell. Lady Manners understood this feeling of her niece and took it upon herself to bring up the child even at the cost of losing the friendship and sympathy of her fellow-countrymen. In fact, she cut herself off completely from English society for the sake of Parvati. uay, In her own Lady Planners and Lady Chatterji made substantial contribution towards mutual appreciation and u n d e r standing between the two communities. Scott has used several characters to emphasise the various aspects of the Indo-British relations. Sister Ludmila remarked that there were some members of the English community uho could come out of the crevices and holes in which the English, metaphorically, elected to remain in so far as their relations with Indians were concerned. She said that there were those wh o had the courage to defy racial prejudice and insolence. One such person was Daphne Manners. She reminds us of Adela Quested of ft Passage to India. She found nothing unnatural in her aunt's friendship with Lady Chatterji. Chatterji, During her journey with Lady she got the taste of the average English men and women in India. She realised how her compatriots treated Indians even if they were knighted by their own king. The English acted as if they owned the country. They could not tolerate an Indian travailing in the first class compartment along with them. The English lady who had to travel in tha -erne compartment with Daphne and Lady Chatterji screamed: "I don't care. The whole thing is a disgrace. I don't know what the country's coming to. After all, first class is first class." (I,9i) Lady Chatterji called her a harpy and sunh harpies continued to come to India. Mrs Peabody was such a woman who, even on 8 August 1947, found it difficult to travel along with an Indian. Scott describes: "Perron joined Sarah and Nigel. 'I have a feeling that at least two members of the departing Raj aren't going to leave without standing by their old rights. Or anyway making a fuss about Ahmed and Ayah travelling in the first-class compartment.' (IV, 574) Scott has maintained thst the tradition has continued. He has a good dig at the work-a-day English who give themselves airs in India where they come to work even after Indie's independence. His remarks on the wife of a technical manager of the British Indian Electricals at Mayapore, firs Crigson, are indeed interesting. It was 1964 and yet there was this sense of racial segregation. The lady was hardly polite even to the English guest of Lady Chatterji who was her husband's friend. The entire scene depicting the old memsahib in the company of Indians is re-enacted. Earlier it was Daphne who was snubbed by the Enrlish at Mayapore for staying at the MacGregor House; in 1964 it was Lady Chatterji's English guest. Just as the newcomers 1 V? like Adels Quested and Mrs Moore or Daphne in those days were not averse to being friendly uith the Indians, the young lady uith Mrs Grigson, possibly fresh from England, uas interested in talking to the Indians, but, as Scott reports, •'Mrs Grigson, uith a perfect sense of timing, turns the ’Sunday Times' magazine towards her and points some extra-ordinary detail of Coventry Cathedral so that they are then both lost in the illustrated complexities of modern Anglo-Saxon art; and the uncharitable thought occurs that, for the English, art has anyuay always had its timely, occupational value."(I, 160) This may not be altogether true of all English residents in India, but, by and large, Scott means to say that they tend to be so. These women are the logical successors to characters from earlier novels such as Mrs Turton, the wife of the collector of Chandrapore (A Passaoe to India) and Mrs Quorn, wife of the Superintendent of Police (in Dictators Limited) or an author like S.H. Uoolf who says: "Uhat has kept us top dogs in this country so long has been our prestige. Once we lose that we might as well pack up and clear out. And can the native possibly respect us when he sees our women folk making themselves cheap and gadding about uith stray 'Nauabzadas' and such like gentry? The Oriental simply does not understand the meaning of chivalry to women. Apart from breeding purposes he has only got one use for women and I needn't tell you what that is."^ Daphne broke away from this tradition. The depth of animosity that separated the two races was known to her. She had courage. She used it to challenge the Anglo-Indian dictuma. Sister Ludmila has said that between the two communities, symbolized by the Mac Gregor House and the Bibighar - built by a Scott and a Maharajah respectively - there was "a currant. The flow of an invisible river. Do bridge was ever thrown across it ... To get from one to the other you could not cross by a bridge but had to take your courage in your hand and enter the flood and let yourself be taken with it, lead where it may. This is a courage Firs Fanners h a d . ” (I, 136) And with courage only she died. She was told by several persons to drop her esociation with Hari Kumar. But this she did not do. She defied the Anglo-Indian world and told the policeman f'lerrick who warned her against her association with Hari Kumer policeman'. ’to stop acting like a She went to H a r i ’s house for dinner and made friends with his sunt. She went the whole hog in her friendship with Hari. Her relationship with him did not end with holding his hand and moving around like that wherever they went regardless of what people commented. That was why Merrick told her to be cautious because people had been talking. This in itself is something. She treated Hari as an individual and a lover. She nave him an identity. She found nothing unnatural about it. She tried, as it were, to let the English world know that Hari Kumar existed not in the siy and sexy glances of the memsehibs but in flesh and blood. Even during his return journey to India Hari Kumar had become invisible to his fellow-passengers once the ship was in the tropics. And in Hayr.pore he became totally .invi sible to all the English. "As you saw, Hn once told Sister Ludmila: I ’ve become invisible to white people." But Sister Ludmila believed that was not exactly correct: 1X1 "Perhaps he had not noticed the uay the white women eyed him. Perhaps only he had noticed the way they pushed past him, or turned their backs,or called to the assistant he wss already speaking to."(l, 146) To Daphne such behaviour did not occur at all. She knew there was a bridge between her India and Hari Kumar's India but realised that it uae no good waiting for the bridge to be built, that it was a question of entering the flood, and meeting there, and lettino the current take them both. Ue have, again, Sister Ludmila's observations here: "It is as if she said to herself; yell, life is not juet a business of standing on dry land and occasionally getting your feet wet. It is merely an illusion that some of us stand on one bank and some on the opposite. So long as we stand like that, ue are not living at all, but dreaming. So jump, jump in, and let the shock wake us up. Even if ue drown, at least for a moment or two befors we die ue shall be awake and alive."(I, 137) Daphne did precisely that. But she left behind the bridge, her child, whom at first her aunt brought up giving her the name Parvati, "consort to Shiva, the dancer leaping within a circle of cosmic fire, with one foot raised and the other planted on the body of ignorance end evil to keep it in its place" (I, 137), and when Lady Manners is gone, she is brought up by Lady Chatterji. One has to wade through the water of racial prejudice. It is here that in spite of all his good intentions and daring, Sven a man like Robin White failed. He could not come lown to the human level because he was satisfied with superficial relations with Indians, But Daphne's risk was indeed very great. It is not that aluays Daphne and 'IZX Hari Kumar walked hand in hand. It was not a relationship of love-hate; it was a natural relationship. Yet there was a touch of hesitation, of tentativeness, in their love. It would be normal for an English boy to touch his beloved after a lovers' tiff but Hari would do nothing of the sort. Daphne reminisced about this later in her journal; "He would only have had to touch me, for the stupidity to have ended then, but he didn't. He was afraid to. He was too conscious of the weight that would have made touching a gesture of defiance of the rule Ronald had described a few evenings before as 'basic', and he didn't have that kind of courage, and so I was deprived of my own. The defiance h8d to come from him first, to make it human, to make it right." (1,398-99) However, she had the answer to Hari's refusal to touch her. To many, her friendship with Hari Kumar was terrifying "because even they couldn't face with equanimity the breaking of the most fundamental law of all - that although a white man could make love to a black girl, the black man and white girl association was still tabpo. ", '(I, 355) The British historian, Max Beloff, pinpoints this taboo: "And even when social constraints were a little loosened, the reluctance to contemplate the sexual involvement of British women and Indian men remained a rooted one."4 In this connection, what Merrick told Sarah is also worth noting: "There is this connotation paleness has of something mors finely, more delicately adjusted. Uell - superior. Capable of leading. Equipped mentally and physically to dominate. A dark-skinned man touching a white-skinned woman will always be conscious of the fact that he is diminishing her. She would be conscious of it too." (II, 217) 12.3 Daphne felt exasperated at such behaviour of her compa triots* So »he said: "I thoght the whole bloody affair of us in India had reachfi a flash point."(I, 400) India was volated by ths British, was still being violated. And this vilation uas likely to continue* Of course she appreciatedbhat "perhaps at one time there was a morel as well as physical force at work. But the moral thing had gone so. Has gone sour" (I, 400). Daphne is here connecting lr rape with the British conquest of India. At first, peibly, there uas a sense of mutual under standing ancjppreciation between the English and the Indians. Buthen avarice and craze for power began to override allther considerations. The paradise of mutual appreciationiowly began to fade. So Dsphne realised that her peradise-.oo, had been defiled by a man like Merrick on the one hi, and a man like Pandit Baba on the other. So she said: "Perhaptiere was love. Oh, somewhere in the past, and noupd in the future, love as there uas betueen and Hari. But the spoilers are aluays there. *'(434) It uas so bece the English in India and the Indians were separaterom each other both emotionally and physically. Trngiish in India were not living with reality, they*a living, as Sarah Layton said, in a mansion uithoioors and windows with no way in and no way out. DiS realised that her heart uas filled with a certaif/, a certain sense of spaciousness, when she thoug>p her love for Hari Kumar. She U4 suddenly felt that the world had grown much bigger and had made her smaller.(I, 378-79). Actually, it was not Mayapore or the world that had grown bigger but her vision of India and the Indians that had undergone a subtle change. The Daphne-Hari Kumar factor is an important link in the Indo-'British relations in so far as the novel under review is concerned. Scott has drawn the full picture of their relationship together with its inherent vicissitudes and moral triumphs. He means to say that it is quite possible to have inter-racial relationships based on an individual's ability to circumvent the various hazards. Unless some individuals take the sort of plunge that Daphne end Hari Kumar took, there could be no possible advance in IndoBritish relationship. The love that existed between Daphne and Hari Kumar stands as a monument to Indo-British relations at the individual level. As against those who sincerely believed in a closer and better understanding between the Indians and the English, and did whatever they could towards that end, there were those like Brigadier Reid and Ronald Merrick, officers of the Raj, who refused to believe in Indo-British relations based on mutual love and respect. They believed that ruthless subjugation of the ruled was a pre-requisite to keep the empire going. They sincerely believed that segration was good for both the parties, especially for the English. Of these prota gonists of the Raj, Ronald Merrick merits elaborate consideration. Like Kipling, Merrick believed that the -iZb' East uas East end the West was Uast and that there was no communion between these two. To him colour mattered a great deal. He told Daphne who resisted his suggestion not to meet Hari Kumar: ,,T h a t ,s the oldest trick in the game, to say colour d o e s n ’t matter. It does matter. I t ’s basic. It matters like hell." (I, 391) Ronald Merrick and others like him start off from here. Uhile talking about Daphne, Merrick told Sarah: "She w a s n ’t able to draw the distinction. She didn't see why a line had to be drawn - has to be drawn. But it's essential, i s n ’t it? you have to draw a line. Uell, i t ’s arbitrary. Wine times out of ten perhaps you draw it in the wrong place. But you need it there, you need to be able to say: There's the line. This side of it is right. That side is wrong." (II, 214-15) But the fact is, in the case of Merrick and people of his type, colour was a protective armour beneath which they felt secure. They could keep themselves away from the local people and call themselves sahibs. He did all that was possible and within his power to keep the Indians at the lowest possible rung of the social ladder. He would not believe that there could be mutual love and respect between an Indian man and a white girl: "I didn't like the idea of a g i r ’ of Miss M a n n e r s 5 kind - well, any kind of decent English girl I suppose - gettinc mixed up with Master Kumar." (II, 191) He echoes faintly several characters in earlier *-,nnloIndian novels. In many of them, with English girls is resented, the intimacy of Indians because, "privileges IZfc of this kind fills the Indians with pride and make them bumptious"^ He ues auspicious of Ahmed Kasim, too. He told firs Layton to keep him at arm's length, because though Ahmed was well-educated and spoke first rate English, it would be unnatural if he did not resent the English a bit (II, 146). Merrick would not tolerate the idea that there could be well-educated Indians or that they should be able to speak 'first rate English' because that would be allowing them to come up to his own level. Ha conceded that there were Englishmen who had esteem and regard for Indians. But he did not feel that those feelings of admiration and sympathy emanated from a sense of equality or mutual respect. He had a peculiar theory to explain his stand on Indo-British relations: "Underneath the admiration and sympathy there was the contempt a people feel for a people who have learned things from them. The liberal intellec tual Englishman was just as contemptuous of the Westernised educated Indian as the arrogant upperclass reactionary Englishman was of the fellow who blacks his boots and earns his praise."(II, 299) What Merrick meant to say was that the feeling of racial superiority was in-built in so|far as the English middle class in India was concerned because that way alone they could keep India in their grip. Indeed, as Sarah said, he was 'the dark side, the arcane side* of Indo-British relations. He stood for the negation of all that people like Sir Henry Manners or Robin White or Daphne Manners espoused. Between himself and Reid, they were able to force the Indians start a rebellion and thus demolish Indo-British relations. Merrick is indeed the foremost of the tuo protagonists of the British Empire portrayed by Scott in The Raj Quartet. Brigadier Reid shared with Merrick the belief that the Indiana were for ewer creating trouble for the English and so they deserved severe treatment. As Robin White commented* in so far as Reid uea concerned* the Indiana were mere blots on the landscape. His ettitude towards his duties vis-a-vis the people shows that he could not see eye to eye with Robin White, to whom 'policies were people1(I* 316), When the situation looked somewhat bad in Mayapore, Reid became impatient \.o crack down on the people* but White held him back with soma difficulty. At one point he told Reid: "Your fellows are armed. My fellows have a feu delaying weapons like explosives but otherwise their bare hands and their passions." (I, 301) What shocked Reid and what interests the reader is that White, the administrator, could consider the people of hia district as 'his fellows' when there was every possibility of imminent riots. This shows the kind of relationship that originally existed between the ruler and the ruled; the ruler felt responsible for the people of his district even when the people ware on the path of riot. As Daphne observed, there was love but there have been spoilers, too, in the form of zealots like Reid and jealous men like Merrick. Even Reid, who never liked Robin White, observed: "I came away with e deep and abiding impression of the Deputy Commissioner's total involvement with the welfare of the people as a whole, irrespective of race or crsed or colour." (I, 302) 1.2 « Paul jcott deals with this aspect of the Indo-British relations in some detail. Possibly, in the earlier stages of the British oc cu pa ti on of InH io, there uas much more of social intercourse betueen the Indians and the English. And it is also likely that tho u n d e r standing and amity that existed were u e ’l uorth emulating, but, as times changed, the relationship soured and the attitude stiffened on both sides. There uas a gradual receding of mutual respect and appreciation, doubt, caused, no by the avaricious and the power-hungry men who came to India. The relationship of 'man-bap' was not conceived in any bad taste or with any selfish motive; it was conceived and executed in genuine sympathy and understanding. gone sour'. But the moral thing 'had gone sour, has Merrick called this attitude mother-father relationship. 'man-bap*, Paul Scott elaborates this attitude thus: "I am your father and your mother. Yes, the picture had been an illustration of this aspect of tho imperial attachment." (Ill, 269) But Merrick sneered at it. An Indian prisoner of war turned INA soldier was produced before Teddie Bi n g h a m who, earlier, man's. belonged to the same regiment as the The man broke down. There is a scene of 'man-bap*: "It was a ridiculous scene in its way. It seemed to me to have nothing to do with the reality of what was actually happening. He knelt down and put his head on Teddie's boots and that didn't embarrass Teddie either. I think it moved him." (II, 3 B 7 ) Merrick called it an amateurish act; he termed it rather a romantic attitude. In fact, he made fun of Teddie, and, later, obliquely, of Col Layton uho had the same attach ment for his men and regiment. On hia arrival at Bombay from the prison camp in Germany with his men, Col Layton shoued no impatience to proceed to Pankot to meet his family; he stayed back to get his sick soldiers treated and then uent to Pankot along uith them. He could have gone much earlier^ but for him the welfare of his men uas more important. This sense of responsibility was uhat brought the conqueror and the conquered closer, building up, in the process, an atmosphere of amity and understanding Merrick sneered at Teddie Bingham and the 'man-bap* relationship uith his men because he uas not trained to these finer feelings in life. He uas an outsider to these feelings and so he uas not aware of the intimate intricacies of these traditions. He uas a first generation soldier, an opportunist, for whom the aspect of the work that he uas doing assumed importance above everything else. To him everything became necessery only as a step towards his own success. He uas incapa citated by this inadequacy in him to appreciate the sentiments of the traditional Rsj officers, Sarah, uho had already seen through him, commented thus upon him: "It's interesting about Ronald Merrick. He'd like to be able to sneer at 'man-bap' but he can't quite menage it because actually he'd prefer to believe in it, like Teddie did.“(Ill, 269) l !’ 0 Uhat Teddi8 did uas something for his regiment. He kept himself and everything slse belou the regiment. H'1 believed in the tradition of the regiment which treated its Indian soldiers as its children, looked after them, and took care of them. The men always felt happy and secure in the service of these officers; the example of Moti Ram Sahib and Dan Mohammed of Captain Brown's Section in Johnnie Sahib proves the point. In Indo-British relations, unfortunately, it uas the suspicious and the arrogant who counted because the men who called the tune were almost always either myopic or careless. They came to India not with any love in their heart for this country but with the hope of easy success and comfort which they could not expect at home. Uhile explaining why he was too eager to crack down on the rioters in Mayapore, Raid identified the prime motive: "There was of course the question of her /India's/ wealth and resources" (I, 284). Leonard Purvis, a product of the London School of Economics, confirmed this view: "Reactionary, uncoocerative bloody well expendable buggers from the upper and middle-classes who can't and won't pull their weight at home but prefer to throw it about in countries like this which they've always made sure would remoin fit places for them to live in. They've succeeded only too well. "(IV, 31) In the matter of Indo-British relations, Scott does not take sides. His is an attitude befitting on historian. He is quite convinced that the English cannot, but admit the responsibility for the killing of two lakhs and thirty thousand Indians - Hindus and Muslims - at the time of handing over power. stop the disaster. They did precious little to There is symbolism in the train journey and the ma ssacre at Premanager. When Ahmed was asked to go out, the English could have interfered. offered to be killed themselves But no one thought of that. smile: They could have first to save an Indian. Ahmed left them saying with a "It seems to be me they want" (IV, 582). Jhat Ahmed said just before his exit to his doom echoes what another character said almost at the beginning of the Q u a r t e t . Then it was an English woman, Miss Crane, who was forced to stop her car by the rioters. it's me they want," she said. "Not you. Go that's it. If this is where it ends for me, But it did not end there for her. Indian, Mr Chaudhuri. "After all, let it end" (I, 55). The end was for an He gave up his life to protect an English lady. He did not leave her to her fate. uhen the Indian, Ahmad, was dragged out by his execu tioners, he got no protection from the British. words of Paul icott himself, But In the "a feeling of terrible relief swept over Perron" (IV, 582), and possibly others. There is a comment by Sarah seme time later. "I'm sure (Sarah has written) that he did say 'It seems to be me they want*. It's what Guy heard, what I heard, what ue heard at the time, and it mode sense. And the fact that he smiled encouraged me to think that if he went out to the people who called out to him everything would be all right." (IV, 591) 152 . This is Scott's indictment of the Raj. There uere people like Perron and Sarah who meant well. There were the Peabodys who codld not care less. The small group of the departing English represented the departing Raj. It could not care less because in the English mirror there was no Indian reflection any more. Scott seems to hold that the English could not wash their hands off, Pilate fashion, the wide-spread killings that took place at the time of partition. In fact, he seems to be pointing his accusing finger at them for having failed to check the tragedy in time. It seems the English wanted to get rid of India in a hurry. Possibly, India was no more an asset to Britain. Purvis, the economist, though rather a seedy one, has observed: "It's taken ms no mors than three months to write it off as a wasted asset, a place irrevocably ruined by the interaction of a conservative and traditionbound population'and an indolent, bone-headed and utterly uneducated administration; an elitist bureaucracy so out of touch with the social and economic thinking of even just the past hundred years that you honestly wonder where they've come from." (II/, 31) The English, to take another view expressed by the missionary, Miss Barbie Batchelor, had to leave India because "ws are only visitors. That has been our mistake. That is why God has not followed’us here" (III, 376). Pandit Baba of Mayapore, on the other hand, has someting interesting to comment with regard to Indo-British relations at personal level; "But we are Indians and they are English. True 13 3 intimacy is not possible. It is not even desirable. ... Ue can never be friends uith the English, or they uith us, but ue need not be enemies." (II, 108-9) But the fact is that there are people who have the courage to bridge this river of misunderstanding because they possessed friendship and understanding. Sarah Layton, Plabel Layton, Lady Planners, Lady Chatterji and, above all, Daphne and Hari Kumar did try to cross into this area of light, and prove to the East and the West the possibility of friendship and love in spite of their colours of skin and their occupations and situations. But, as Daphne said, the detractors, the spoilers, uere always there. Yet, in retrospect, which spans so much misunderstanding, conflict and disaster, a kind of promise radiates; ue can see that dignity and integrity survived assaults calculated to reduce and degrade. Bridges, even if they uere to be destroyed, uere thrown across the chasm of race by the friendship of Sarah Layton 8nd Ahmed Kasim, by the love between Daphne Planners and Hari Kumar. Paul Scott was able to create this sense nf balanced understanding end appreciation through the delineation of his characters and the narration of several incidents. He has tried to prove that in spite of so many pitfalls, certain things lasting end peaceful could yet be salvaged. Uhat Scott has been able to achieve in the matter of mutual understanding of these two peoples becomes more clear and deserving of our appreciation in the context of the constant confrontation between philosophical systems, ethical 1 34 - doctrines, and styles of Ilfs uhich were sufficiently different to impair mutual understanding between the members of the two races. Another constraint in Indo-BrttCsh relations was the uncertainty of the future of the British in India after the country would have won independence. As Mrs Poulton of The Bender said, 'East had its attractions'. She told George Spruce: "Our Eastern Empire, I mean. It was, you know what made the English middle class. It taught us the hitherto upper class secrets of the Government and civil administration. Now we must largely be content with commerce and science. It is almost mediaeval, is it not? Merchants and apothecaries."b Quite naturally, the English in India had vssted interest uhich they liked to perpetuate. Even as Lord Mountbatten was making arrangements to hand over power to Indians, Cynthia Mapleton of The Alien Sky liked to convince herself that "all this business in Delhi is just window dressing and we're not leaving India at all". But for India, Merrick would not be a sahib. The man on the street in London would not have been what he was without India. Looking at the new arrivals of soldiers in Bombay, Sergeant Perron commented: "Uhat could such a face know of India? Yet India was there, in the skull, and the bones of the body. Its possession had helped nourish the flesh, warm the blood of every man in the room, sleeping and waking." <IV/, 103) India had relevance to the average Englishman as it had for the English residents in India. India had been a part of England. Perron, the historian, observed: 135 ' "For at least a hundred years, India has fcrrrod a part of England's idea about herself and for the same period India has been forced into a position of being a reflection of that idea." (IV/, 105) The trouble with people like Merrick uas that they did not accept this position. They uere drunk uith their own power and were aware of only their privileges. in the English mirror But (in England) there was no more the reflection of India and, therefore, as Perron observed further, "Gettinr rid of India will cause us at home no qualm of conscience because it will be like g e t ting rid of what is no longer reflected in otr mirror of ourselves." (111, 105) Unfortunately, the English were still living in tho dark holes and crevices. Sarah, the 'outsider' in many r e s p e c t s , could truthfully observe that the trouble with the English was that they had closed themselves in India which could neither warm them nor could be warmed by them. But once this exigency of independence became a reality, the English found themselves no longer sheltered by the carapace of their history (II, 398). One of the ramifications of the theme of Indo-British relations is a sense of rootless n e s s . The di lemma of Hari Kumar is not simply that he has no identity as an Englishman. He has no root anywhere. He was of India but was transplanted, in England, soil. and he grew up inheriting the properties of the English Unfortunately, before ha could strike roots in 136 that soil ha was pulled out rather roughly by the hands of Time. Back in India, he felt like an alien in a world with no roots of his. This theme of rootlessness is often treated in Scott's works. The problem of the Eurasians is, in essence, the problem of rootlessness, though in their case the circumstances are somewhat different. The case of Hari Kumar is peculiar and pathetic. He was taken to England so that he could become an Englishman with all the advantages of a native English. So, when he woks up one morning in a room at 12 Chillianwallah Reclamations, his aunt Shalini's place, the smell of cooking in ghee turned his tummy over. He realised that he was without roots. It was, he appreciated, a tragic situation. Such a predicament is not peculiar to Hari Kumar alone. This sense of rootlessness haunted most of the English in India. "Well, home is here” could very uell be said by Col Layton on his arrival from Germany at Pankot. But it was only a temporary home; they could never have a sense of belonging to India even though it had been their home for generations except for short vacations between long intervals and for the duration of their education 'at home' in the home of an aunt or an uncle. Uhen Indian indepen dence became imminent, the English in India felt rather shaky. They felt like strangers here suddenly; a sense of alienation became their constant companion. This feeling of rootlessness forms the background of Scott's last novel, Staving On where he has made the old couple, Col (Tuskar) Smalley and Mrs Lucy Smalley the living 15 \ examples of this kind of English. Considering that they uould be misfits in England, they decided to stay on in Indie but a permanent sense of insecurity haunted them. In spite of the fact that Lucy's financial position uas quite satisfactory compared tocher Indian counterparts, and that there were friends uho were kind and considerate to her, she felt totally lost when her husband died. In fact, uhat uould happen to her after her husband's death is a question that Scott has left unanswered. Uhat hap pened to Hari Kumar when he uas released from prisonl "And young Kumar? Uhere is ha now? Srinivasan shrugs. Dead perhaps" (I, 191). Everyone likes to cling to his paradise even though he knows that it is only an illusion. For Hari Kumar, his paradise was his 'home', that is England; for the Laytons, a prolonged life at Pankot; for Miss Barbie Batchelor, her life uith. Mabel at the Rose Cottage. If anything, the English realised that their India uas impermanent. Scott has drawn the picture of this illusory world of the Anglo-Indian. As Patrick Swinden says, "Paul Scott's paradise has never been other than illusory"-^. Starting uith Johnnie Sahib , he is preoccupied with this theme. It has been of abiding interest in all his novels; The Raj Quartet ’emanded fuller attention. The worlds of Merrick, Kiss Crane and Barbie had been illusory. They felt the loss of their paradise, but when the time cama to leave India, Merrick forced himself to adjust 138 to the changed circumstances; Miss Crane and Miss Batchelor were mercifully no more to face a most disagreeable situa tion. Persons like Guy Perron and Sarah Layton did not feel any loss of their paradise when the time came to leave India because they did not entertain the illusion of living in India for ever. However,'the persons who lost their paradise totally, and therefore, their lives, were Daphne and Hari Kumar uho, recognising the smallness of this world, tried to transgress its limits and live in the illusion that the world grew larger when they transgressed the boundaries of race and colour and crossed into each other's boundary. This quality of seeing one's horizon widened, the paradise taking on earthly shape, is as illusory as a mirage, as the incidents later proved. Daphne slipped out of that illusion to live with the roughness of life. Hari languished in jail for the sole crime of loving a white girl. For Merrick, of course, the world he built for himself had always been India and when independence was imminent, he found he had come to terms with reality. He then met his young men of 'random destiny' and through them bowed out of the novel. But it is noted that even on the night he was hacked to pieces, he tried to live in his world of fantastic makebelieve. He had his Pathan make-up on when he was found quartered and killed. Till the very end, he liked to live in a world of illusions. Uhen the novel starts of August 9, 1942, the process of the end of the Raj begins. The Quit India Resolution was not the culmination of a political movement of a few idle Congressmen, but was the beginning of the shattering of*, personal paradise of the English in India, and that is why they took to coercive methods vehemently. In a way, The Ra 1 Quartet can be said to be a complete history of this process of the falling apart of the .paradise of the English in India. Notes and reference? 1. Mannoni, 0., Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonization. 1956, p.23. 2. R.R. Dames uno was an officer in the Indian Army narrates his experience of meeting uitn such a missionary lady in Oehradoon during 1242 in his article, ’In the Steps of Paul Scott', ‘Listener*, 8 ilarch 1979. 3. Uoolf, 5.H., Ordeal On The Frontier. 1928, p.51. 4. Beloff, flax, 'The End of the Raj: Paul Scott's Novels as History', Encounter*, May 1976, 5. Penny, F.E., One of the Best. 1923, p.62. 6. Scott, Paul, Ths Eandar. Panther edition, 1975, p.31. 7. Suinden, Patrick, Paul Scott: Images of India. 190P, p. 2.
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