C o n flict w ith in th e D evelo pm en t
o f B u d d h ism
M a ts u n a m i
Yoshihiro
In the Buddhism o f India, the first organized body o f monks and nuns
(the sar^ighaj vvtw form ed follow in g the first sermon delivered by the
foun der o f this religion, Gautama Buddha (ca. 463-383 B.C.), at a place
called Migadaya located in the suburbs o f Benares. Though its sub­
sequent developm ent appears to have been peaceful, from philological
evidence it is apparent that the Buddhist samgha did pass through stages
o f internal disorder and repeated splits. From this it can be surmised
that the history o f the Indian Buddhist samgha was one characterized
by frequ en t schism. In this paper, I wish to examine this matter and
see i f it is possible to discern a pattern in the ways the established schools
reacted to the new ones. This will be done in as broad a form as possible
so that this pattern can be seen in its relationship with the developm ent
o f Japanese Buddhism in general. A ttitudes adopted by established
schools towards newly form ed sects during the earliest stages o f Buddhist
developm ent in India will be discussed first.
E A R L Y IN D IA N BUDDHISM
In India, although Buddhism was practiced by laymen (both
male and female) as well as by monks and nuns, and although
the latter could not have existed without the economic
support of the former, there is no doubt that those who
guided and governed the Buddhist church both spiritually and
ideologically were the monks and nuns. Therefore, we will
concentrate on the Buddhist samgha and the developments
that took place within it.
Evidence o f internal conflict. Equality, peace, and internal
harmony are said to have been distinctive characteristics of the
Buddhist samgha (Hirakawa 1964，p p . 11-19). Nevertheless,
the available evidence makes it clear that even in the earliest
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
329
Matsunami Yoshihiro
stages of Buddhist development, disharmony existed within
the samgha. Thus, the following incident is narrated in the
Mahavagga section of the Pali language Vinaya texts: “The
monks (bhikkhu) of KosambI were divided into two opposing
groups over whether the actions of one of the monks violated
their rules of discipline. Though living together, neither group
would cooperate with the other, and even Buddha’s efforts to
dissuade them from their antagonism were in vain. Finally,
when the laymen of Kosambi stopped giving alms to the
samgha, the monks, recognizing the error of their ways, made
up with each other in the presence of Buddha” (Oldenberg
1964，v o l.1 ,pp. 337-340).
As the next part of this narration goes on to describe in
detail the ways of settling such cases of antagonism between
monks, one may take it that disputes of this nature were not
uncommon within the samgha, regardless of whether the
above-quoted incident actually took place. But this example,
while serving to illustrate the antagonistic relationships and
irrational hostility which existed between the monks of
Kosambi, does not seem to show any major division based on
doctrine or principle within the Buddhist samgha.
The Devadatta figure. In early Buddhist scriptures, however,
one clear example of such, a division may be found in accounts
of the attacks made by Devadatta against Buddha and his
teachings. In some texts this person is described as the younger
brother of one of the wives Buddha took prior to attaining en­
lightenment, while in others he is the younger or elder brother
of Ananda, a faithful disciple of Buddha. As An an da was a
cousin of Buddha, it may be believed that Devadatta was
either his brother-in-law, cousin, or at least a close relative.
It is also recorded that he was thirty years younger than
Buddha and，as one of his relatives, was ordained by Buddha
himself upon entering the monastic community.1
1 . On the kinship relation between Buddha and Devadatta, see Akanuma 1975,
pp. 151-156，and Nakamura 1974，
p. 402.
330
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
From the Vinaya texts it can be understood that the five
rules of discipline advocated by Devadatta constituted the
principle cause of antagonism between him and Buddha. In the
Pali language Vinaya texts this affair is narrated as follows:
Devadatta first discussed ways of creating division within
the samgha with a group of four of his fellow monks headed
by Kokalika. He then started to press Buddha to adopt the five
rules of discipline (panca vatthuni) he had compiled knowing
that they would be unacceptable. Upon being rejected,
Devadatta went to Rajagrha publicizing this denial by Buddha
and explaining his case to the citizens. As he asserted that he
was acting in accordance with his five rules, many of the
people praised him for his high moral character. Others, how­
ever, condemned him for bringing disunity to the peaceful
samgha. When Ananda visited Devadatta in Rajagrha,
Devadatta told him of his intention to hold an independent
uposatha (a meeting of the samgha held every fifteen days).
Ananda reported this to Buddha.
On the day of the uposatha, Devadatta asked the assembled
monks to signify their agreement with the adoption of his five
rules of discipline by each taking a salaka (a counting stick
used in voting). Five hundred monks of the Vajji tribe from
Vesall took the salaka. and left for Gayaslsa to follow
Devadatta. Acting on the instruction of Buddha, two of the
elders, Sariputta and Moggallana, went toGayasisa to urge the
five hundred monks to return to his group. Unfortunately, one
of the monks who remained behind found out about their
destination and, believing that the two elders were going to
Gayaslsa in order to join Devadatta, went in tears to inform
Buddha of their departure. Buddha then had to inform him of
the truth. Devadatta welcomed Sariputta and Moggallana
warmly and had them take seats of honor. After completing
his sermon, Devadatta invited Sariputta to preach to the
assembled monks while he, complaining of a pain in his back,
lay down and very soon fell into a deep sleep. Sariputta then
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
331
Matsunami Yoshihiio
persuaded the five hundred monks to leave Devadatta, return
with him to Buddha, and undergo the formalities necessary for
rejoining the samgha. Devadatta, becoming aware of this even
though still in a deep sleep, vomited hot blood (Oldenberg
1964, v o l.2，p p .196-201;Taisho no. 1421，p. 164a; no. 1428,
p. 594b; no. 1435，p. 24a; no. 1450, p. 202c).
This is a brief outline of the story of Devadatta’s antagonism
to Buddha as it appears in the Pali texts. But what were these
five rules of discipline advocated by Devadatta? In the Pali
Vinaya texts they are recorded as follows:
1 . Let monks dwell in forests for as long as they live. Those
who approach villages and towns will be guilty of a breach
of discipline.
2. Let monks eat only food given to them in the form of alms
for as long as they live. Those who take pleasure in accept­
ing invitations (into people’s homes) will be guilty of a
breach of discipline.
3. Let monks dress only in discarded rags for as long as they
live. Those who prefer clothes in the manner of people
such as householders will be guilty of a breach of discipline.
4. Let the monks live and meditate at the foot of trees for as
long as they live. Those who approach any form of en­
closed shelter will be guilty of a breach of discipline.
5. Let monks abstain from eating fish for as long as they live.
Those who eat. fish will be guilty of a breach of discipline
(Oldenberg 1964，v o l.3 ，p . 171;v o l.2, p. 197). These five
rules of discipline differ considerably with each Vinaya
text (cf. Nakamura 1974，pp. 425-449; Hirakawa 1964，
pp. 476-477; Iwamoto 1978，pp. 161-178; Sato 1972，
pp. 779-797)，though why this variation should exist is
difficult to understand. It is of great significance, however,
that upon comparison with the four precepts (cattaro
nissaya), especially as laid down in the “Shi song lii”
(Taisho Tripitaka, no. 1435) and the “Si fen lii” (Taisho
Tripitaka no. 1428) followed by Buddhist monks, the
332
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
points at which they differ are in fact very few. This, how­
ever, has already been pointed out by a prominent scholar
(Hirakawa 1964, pp. 473-479).
These four precepts were taught to a novice upon his appli­
cation to enter the samgha by the Karmakaraka (“preceptor”）
in order to make him aware of the basic principles by which
he would be living. Although they differ with every Vinaya
text, the following is the form in which they appear in the
Pali edition:
1 . To rely on that food which is received in the form of
alms
2. To rely on clothing made from discarded rags
3. To rely on the shelter given by trees for sleeping and sit­
ting
4. To rely on medicine decocted from herbs (putimuttabhesajjd) (Oldenberg 1964，v o l . 1，pp. 95-96; Taisho
no. 1421, p. 120b; no. 1428, p. 815c; no. 1435, p . 156c;
no. 1425, p. 413c; no. 1453, p. 458a).
Of these four precepts, it is only the fourth that differs
from Devadatta’s rules of discipline. The main difference be­
tween the four precepts which show what was to be relied
upon and the five rules of discipline of Devadatta is that in
the former, even though they were strictly enforced, a certain
amount of flexibility was made possible by the adoption of
“extra allowances” (atireka-labha), whereas with the latter
there was no room for any form of deviation whatsoever. The
attitude of Buddha himself was that exceptions were to be
allowed in special and extreme cases. It was probably dis­
agreement over whether such variations were to be permitted
that was the main cause of antagonism between these two
leaders (Hirakawa 1964，p. 476). The doctrine of Devadatta
was, in this respect，far more ascetic than that of Buddha
(Nakamura 1974，pp. 430-43 5; Hirakawa 1964，p. 476).
As with the preceding example of the monks of Kosambi,
the many attempts made by Devadatta to harm Buddha and
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 Maich-June 1979
333
Matsunami Yoshihiro
split up the samgha during Buddha’s lifetime are narrated in
Buddhist scriptures as actual events. It is impossible, however,
to judge if all of these were, in reality, historical facts. Accord­
ing to the detailed research of Professor Hirakawa, even in the
oldest part of the Vinaya texts, that is, in the Patimokkha(the
name given to a Vinaya text code of precepts for the control
of monks, the literal meaning of this term being “individual
release”)，there are accounts of disunity within the samgha.
Therefore, this organization was not only in existence before
the Patimokkha was compiled, but subversive elements were
also being encountered within the samgha from time to time
(Hirakawa 1960, pp. 419-420; 1964，p. 58). Though most of
the accounts of Devadatta’s crimes against Buddha and the
samgha may be regarded as having been composed and in­
cluded in the Vinaya texts during the course of their compi­
lation,2 it is almost certain that they describe actual cases of
separatist and antagonistic movements against the authority
of the Buddhist samgha. Therefore, by making a careful study
of these accounts it is possible to establish a definite pattern
in the attitudes taken by the established authority towards any
new, opposing schools of thought. By using examples which
were attributed to Devadatta, I should now like to discuss
this pattern.
Even though they may not
be based on historical fact, the Buddhist records of the five
rules of discipline advocated by Devadatta were to form an
important part in the accounts of disunity within the samgha
as contained in the Vinaya texts. Nevertheless, in spite of their
serious nature, Devadatta himself is often portrayed in these
records as something of a clown. For example, although he
broke away from Buddha and left for Gayaslsa with the five
The pattern o f samgha reaction.
2. Fa zian (340?-420) witnessed a party following Devadatta’s teaching (Taisho
no. 2085, p. 861a). Xuan chang (602 or 600-664) also refers to the existence of
people who were followers of Devadatta (Taisho no. 2087，
p. 928a).
334
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
hundred monks who had accepted his five rules of discipline,
these monks were easily won back again by a simple trick that
Buddha, Sariputta, and Moggallana played on Devadatta while
he was sleeping. Thus he is given the attributes of a fool, attri­
butes that appear frequently in the Vinaya texts.
As the Chinese version of the Samghabheda section of the
Mulasarvastivada vinaya contains some of the most represen­
tative stories about Devadatta，I should now like to give some
examples from this text:
1 . Devadatta was given some knowledge of the supernatural
by Shi li jia xie (probably Das&bala kasyapa; cf. Edgerton
1953, p. 262), but because he became so proud of his new
ability he lost it immediately. Therefore, he was never
aware of his loss (Taisho no. 1450, p. 168b).
2. When Buddha became ill, JIvaka, a physician, offered him
su (probably yogurt) to take. Devadatta, mimicking
Buddha, took some too. Immediately after eating it,
Devadatta developed a terrible stomachache which Buddha，
out of pity, cured. But Devadatta told everyone that he
had recovered through his own efforts (Taisho no. 1450,
p. 174b).
3. In order to receive a donation from Ajatasattu, the king of
Magadha, Devadatta decided to make his body golden like
Buddha’s. To achieve this he hired a goldsmith, but almost
died from agony during the operation (Taisho no. 1450，
p. 191b).
4. Devadatta told everyone that he wanted to have the
symbols of the sacred wheels on the soles of his feet. An
artist was summoned who then tried to make the marks
with a hot iron (Taisho no. 1450，p. 191c).
5. Devadatta had wagons built from which stones were to be
shot at Buddha in an attempt to kill him. The five hundred
men that he had lying in wait to do this slipped away from
their positions, however, and went to listen to Buddha's
teaching. Upon their return they lied to Devadatta, telling
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 Maich-June 1979
335
Matsunami Yoshihiro
him that they had killed Buddha, and then fled (Taisho
no. 1450，p . 192b; cf. Oldenberg 1964, v o l.2, pp. 193­
194).
6. Devadatta tried to violate Yasodhara, but Gopika found
him and threw him in a pond. He was left screaming to
himself (Taisho no. 1450，p. 149b; cf. Bagchi 1970, pp.
190-191).
7. Devadatta approached Buddha with his finger nails
smeared with poison in an attempt to kill him. But break­
ing his nails, Devadatta poisoned himself instead. He died
in agony and went straight to the Avici hell (Taisho no.
1450，p . 150a; cf. Bagchi 1970，p p .191-192).
The common theme in all these stories, including that of his
five rules of discipline, is that Devadatta invariably attempts
to approach Buddha (or one of his relatives) with the intention
of harming him, but his attacks always fail and result in no­
thing but suffering and bitter experience for himself. In con­
trast to the character of Buddha, Devadatta, in these stories, is
always exposed to the ridicule of the public and made to look
a fool. In this way Buddhist ideology always portrays
Devadatta as someone of inferior value. When the position
represented by Buddha himself is taken as the main authority
in the samgha, it is Devadatta who stands for the opposing
school of thought and is portrayed as weak and evil.
Devadatta, though completely conversant with Buddha’s
position, urges him to adopt his five rules of discipline know­
ing full well that they were unacceptable. In this manner he
puts himself in direct confrontation with the policies of
Buddha who is taken as representing the main authority of the
samgha. But Buddha, not wishing to defeat him completely
until he is sure that it is impossible for him to attack again,
puts up with Devadatta’s repeated persecution. Once Devadatta
falls, the samgha becomes peaceful again and contradictions
disappear. So it is possible to say that the samgha reveals its
own disharmony through the medium of Devadatta and,
336
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 Maich-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
having done this，returns once more to a state of tranquility.
The character of Devadatta as described in the Vinaya texts is
now quite clear. In a word, he is to be regarded as a jester and
scapegoat for the Buddhist samgha.
According to the Vinaya texts, after Anna-Kondanna was
ordained and became the first monk under Buddha at
Migadaya, many people from all walks of life were initiated
into Buddhism, for example, Yasa, the son of a wealthy man;
many brahmins headed by Urvelakassapa; disciples of the
skeptic thinker Sanjaya Belattiputta, who were introduced by
Sariputta and Moggallana; and others. It has been pointed out
that even in the earliest stages of Buddhism, in such a gather­
ing of so many various types of people, there must have been
present within the samgha unsuitable or undesirable elements
that would have attempted to disrupt the harmony of the
group as a whole (Nakamura 1974，pp. 360-375).
It is highly probable that human-relationship problems
existed within the samgha and would often have been the
source of unrest and agitation. It would have been up to the
main authority, which was Buddha himself while he lived, to
decide whether to create unity among the monks either by
advocating peace or by punishing those who would not con­
form. These methods, however, would not be effective for the
solution of a complicated contradiction such as was posed by
Devadatta’s five rules of discipline with their doctrinal and
theoretical backing. Such a situation indicates a turning point
in the history of the Buddhist samgha: the disintegration of
one value system and the coming into existence of another.
If Devadatta was indeed a historical figure contemporary
with Buddha and if it is really true that he tried to spiit the
samgha, it is conceivable that the main body of the samgha,
led by Buddha, found it necessary to utilize him as a scape­
goat, ridding the samgha of its contradictions by imputing
the insoluble problems of the community to him. But most
of the Vinaya text accounts of the evil done by Devadatta use
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
337
Matsunami Yoshihiio
the name “Devadatta” not as a reference to an actual person
but as a symbol for whatever threatens the existence or har­
mony of the samgha.
JAPAN ESE BUDDHISM
Kamakura period conditions and the new sects. The same
pattern may be seen in the history of Japanese Buddhism. The
clearest examples come from the Kamakura period (1 185­
1333) when a number of new sects sprang up.
The period from the end of Heian up until the beginning of
the Kamakura period was one of great social unrest. Firstly,
there was the gradual weakening of the authority of the
Imperial court and nobility of the Heian period (794-1 185)，
accompanied by a steady buildup in the political and
economic strength of the warrior class. The system of govern­
ment was ready for change. Wars, beginning with the Hogen
rebellion of 11 56 and the Heiji rebellion of 1159，occurred in
rapid succession, bringing confusion and chaos to the people.
Secondly, the frequent occurrence of natural disasters, such as
plagues, great fires, and earthquakes, made life in the capital
and its environs insecure. The lives led by monks of the estab­
lished sects were so demoralized that they committed crimes
not only against Buddhist disciples but also against ordinary
laymen.
Under these conditions, two pessimistic forms of ideology
became prevalent. One was that of the transiency of existence
{mujokan shiso ) , the other that based on the theory of the
decline and extinction of Buddhism in this world (mappo
shiso).
It was in the midst of these social and intellectual con­
ditions that a Buddhism of the common people came into
being，a Buddhism characterized by its realistic outlook and
its freedom from the aristocratic Buddhism that had previous­
ly held sway. New sects of this type include, as is well known,
the Jodo sect founded by Honen (1133-1 212), the Jodo Shin
338
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
sect founded by Shinran (1173-1262)，the Jishu sect founded
by Ippen (1239-1289)，the Nichiren sect founded by Nichiren
(1222-1282)，the Rinzai Zen sect founded by Eisai (11411215)，and the Soto Zen sect founded by Dogen (1200-1253).
The most controversial point of Honen's teachings
was that it was by the invocation of the name of Amitabha
Buddha, rather than meditation upon Buddha himself, that a
believer was to seek rebirth in Jodo, the Pure Land. His
teachings appealed to the people of those days, and he soon
gained many devotees in the Imperial court and among the
warrior classes. It is said that even monks who had belonged
to established sects were converted to his group. Honen fre­
quently suffered, however, terrible persecution at the hands
of some of the established sects. Enryakuji temple of Mt. Hiei
sent to the Imperial court a letter saying in part：
“The practice of the invocation of Amitabha Buddha’s
name won a large number of followers among the people of
the T，
ang dynasty in China [618-907]. After this practice had
become widespread, China was subjected to a succession of
foreign invasions, wars，and persecution of Buddhism under
Wu Zong (840-846). This was a result of the people’s belief in
Pure Land Buddhism. Following the spread of the repeated
invocation of Amitabha Buddha as the sole form of practice
in our country, many troubles have occurred here too. Voices
invoking Amitabha Buddha are invoking national ruin” (Nichi­
ren 1259).
In this way, the priests of Enryakuji temple requested the
Imperial court to prohibit this doctrine and banish the people
who practiced it.
The priests of Kofukuji temple in Nara criticized the doc­
trine of invocation of Amitabha Buddha, putting forward nine
major points in order to have Honen and his disciples punished.
The basis of their criticism was that his doctrine contained
many faults and lacked uniformity. In their letter to the
Honen.
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
339
Matsunami Yoshihiro
Imperial court they not only criticized this faith, but also put
forward the view that the practice of invocation was an act
related to evil spirits.
Because of these complaints Honen was exiled to Tosa on
the island of Shikoku in 1207, This oppression continued not
only throughout Honen5s lifetime, but also occurred more
than ten times following his death. According to Professor
Tamura, the main reasons for this oppression were the violation
of Buddhist precepts by followers of this way, and the popu­
larity (and allegedly evil consequences) of invoking Amitabha
Buddha at six fixed hours of the day and night (Tamura 1976，
pp. 57-92).3
Nichiren. Throughout his life Nichiren was to suffer repeated
persecution. When he presented his 1260 treatise Rissho
ankoku ron to Saimyoji Nyudo, severely criticizing those who
devoted themselves to invoking the name of Amitabha Buddha,
followers of the Amitabha sect, both priests and laymen,
attacked Nichiren in his hermitage at Matsubagayatsu in
Kamakura. Nichiren narrowly escaped, although injured, when
they burnt this hermitage later in 1260. Exiled to Izu in 1261，
he returned to his home absolved from punishment, but was to
be wounded in an attack by followers of the invocation of
Amitabha Buddha led by Tojo Kagenobu in 1264. In 1271 he
was exiled to Sado Island following a complaint by Gyobin, an
advocate of the invocation of Amitabha Buddha. In 1274 he
was absolved from his punishment after spending more than
two years on the island. Nichiren*s life was a series of succes­
sive hardships. During his lifetime Japan was not only afflicted
by natural disasters such as earthquakes, crop failures, and
plagues, but was also threatened by the two Mongolian in­
vasions of 1274 and 1281. The main targets of his criticism,
however, were the Zen and Pure Land traditions.
3. An account of Shinran will be omitted from this paper, for, as he was a disciple
o f Honen, his story is almost the same.
340
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
What impelled him seems to have been his self-confidence.
He said:
“I, Nichiren, am the first and foremost to practice the ideals
of the Lotus sutra in Japan” (Nichiren 1264).
“Let me serve as a post supporting Japan; let me act as the
core of Japan; let me be a great ship bearing the Japanese to
safety” (Nichiren 1272).
His spirit of self-sacrifice may be illustrated by the follow­
ing quotation: “The sufferings of all living beings are those of
myself — Nichiren” (Nichiren 1280).
The ideal he followed throughout his life was to bear all
sufferings in order to work for the salvation of all living beings.
It is this doctrine of self-sacrifice for the benefit of all living
beings that distinguishes his teachings from the fundamental
ideals advocated by Honen and his followers. His sect, how­
ever, like Honen's, suffered persecution at the hands of some
of the established Buddhist sects of that period (Tsuji 1970，
pp. 372-373).
Persecution of the Rinzai Zen sect, founded by Eisai,
was first advocated by priests of Enryakuji temple. According
to the Gengdshakusho, a person by the name of Ryoben from
Hakosaki in Hakata，being envious of Eisai’s fame, laid a com­
plaint before the Imperial court in 1194 and so incited the
priests of Enryakuji temple. Eisai was duly summoned for
interrogation the following year. He claimed that there was a
close affinity between Zen and the ideals of Saicho (767-822),
founder of the Tendai sect, further maintaining that if the
doctrines of his sect were judged objectionable, the Zen
tradition too would have to be judged objectionable (Kokanshiren 1321). About this time, a typhoon swept over the
provinces around Kyoto, and a song (which may or may not
have originated with the established sects) had it that the
winds were caused by the billowing sleeves of Eisai’s disciples.
The song apparently caused an uproar among the citizens of
Eisai.
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
341
Matsunami Yoshihiio
Kyoto. It is reported that when this news reached the Imperial
court (1205), Eisai and his disciples narrowly escaped im­
mediate banishment from the capital (Kokanshiren 1321).
Eisai listed the criticisms that had been leveled against him by
Enryakuji temple and rebutted them in his treatise Kozen
gokoku ron (Taga 1974, pp. 99-109).
Many of these
founders of the sects that appeared in the Kamakura period
had, at some stage, studied at Enryakuji temple and later, for
some reason, left it. Honen, Shinran, Eisai, Nichiren, and
Dogen were among those who had done so. Thus, though they
struck off on their own, they must all have been considerably
influenced by the teachings handed down at this temple.
It is highly interesting, therefore, that with the exception
of a handful of critical established sects, nearly all the objec­
tions directed at them came from Enryakuji temple. Its
criticisms, that is to say, bear all the marks of deliberate
attacks aimed at former colleagues who, having gone their
own ways, were now regarded as heretics.
In support of this view, one may mention, first, the internal
secularization of Enryakuji temple, the corruption and
academic decline that took place there. During this period,
Mt. Hiei was dominated by armed bands of warrior-monks,
and things were already out of control. The leadership of the
temple was so caught up in the bitter and complex struggle
between followers of Ennin (794-864) and Enchin (814-891)
that little time remained for academic pursuits.
In diverting people’s attention from the internal struggles
at Mt. Hiei as well as from the previously mentioned rebellions,
insurrections, and general social unrest, and in throwing the
blame for these problems somewhere else, Honen, Nichiren,
Eisai, and the others seem to have played a scapegoat role of
major importance.
The fact, moreover, that Honen and his followers were per­
The Enryakuji temple pattern o f reaction.
342
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
secuted by state authorities at the instigation of Enryakuji and
Kofukuji temples suggests to Professor Tamura that the older
sects, the ones that taught enlightenment through self-endeavor
and were closely tied to state power, were terrified by this
growing movement for enlightenment through invocation that
found its supporters among the lower class people who had
long been oppressed by the state. He sees the Amitabhainvocation movement as playing a critical role in the internal
collapse of the old system of state government (Tamura 1976，
pp. 85-87).
In addition, a reading of Enryakuji and Kofukuji documents
shows that the priests of both temples held that the Amitabhainvocation Buddhism of Honen and his followers not only
jeopardized the existence of the established sects but also gave
rise to the disturbances in society at large. Such assertions，
however, may be taken as evidence of the internal inconsisten­
cy and corruption into which the established Buddhism of that
day, keeping pace with the collapse of state government, had
fallen. They make it abundantly clear that the efforts of the
established sects to put the new movement in such a bad light
that Honen and his followers would be exiled were intended
to eliminate contradictions and restore the former state .of
affairs. The same pattern seems to obtain in the case of Eisai.
Nichiren differs from the rest in that he, of his own accord,
played himself up as a sacrificial victim.
B IB L IO G R A P H Y
A k a n u m a C h iz e n 赤沼智善
1975
印度仏教固有名詞
辞 典 [ D ic tio n a ry o f p ro pe r nam es in In d ia n
Buddhism ]. Kyoto: H6zokan.
Indo bukkyd koyu meishi jiten
B ag chi, S.
1970
Mulasarvddavinayavastu,
v o l . 2.
D arb han g a:
M ith ila In s titu te .
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
343
Matsunami Yoshihiro
E d g e rto n , F r a n k lin
Buddhist
1953
H aven:
H ira k a w a A k ira 平Jl|
hybrid
Sanskrit
dictionary.
N ew
Y a le U nive rsity Press.
彰
R itsuzo no kenkyu 律蔵の研 究 [A
1960
V in a y a p it a k a ] . T o k y o :
s tu d y
o f th e
S a n k ib o B usshorin.
Genshi bukkyd n o んe/iん少原始仏教の研究[S tudies
1964
in p rim itiv e B u d d h is m ] ■ T o k y o :
Iw a m o to Y u t a k a 岩本
S h u n ju s h a .
裕
B ukkyd setsu wa no genryu to tenkai 仏教説話の源
1978
流と展開 [The o rig in an d d e v e lo p m e n t o f B u d d h is t
narrative lite r a tu r e ]. T o k y o : K a im e i S h o in .
K o k a n s h i r e n 虎関師練
Gengdshakusho 元孪釈書
1321
N a k a m u ra H a jim e 中村
元
Genshi bukkyd no seiritsu 原始仏教の成立 [The
1974
fo r m a tio n
of
p r im itiv e
B u d d h is m ] .
Tokyo:
S hun jO sha.
N ic h ire n 日蓮
Nenbutsusha tsuihd s e n j o j i 念仏者追放宣状事
Nanjd Hyde Shichird dono gosho 南条兵衛七郎殿
1259
1264
\m
1272
1280
O ld e n b e rg , H e rm a n n
Kaim okusho 開目抄
Kangyo hachiman sho 諫暁八幡抄
The vinaya Pitakam:
One o f the principal
Buddhist holy scriptures in the Pali language,
1964
3 vols. L o n d o n : L u z a c an d C o .
SatO M i t s u y u 佐藤密雄
Genshi bukkyd kyddan n o んe/jん少ti 原始仏教教団の
研 究 [A s tu d y o f the p r im itiv e B u d d h is t order
1972
in th e V in a y a p it a k a ] .
Tokyo:
S a n k ib o Bus­
sho rin .
S ek i M in o r u
1974
関
稔
S h o k i b u k k y o k y o d a n n i o k e ru ita n sh a n o
m o n d a i: D fiv ad a tta densetsu n o s a ik e n to 初期仏
教教団における異端者の問題一デ一ヴァダッタの再検討
[The p ro b le m o f heretics in th e early B u d d h is t
m o n a s tic
c o m m u n it y ] .
In
N ih o n
B ukkyd
日本仏教学会， e d ., Bukkyd kyddan no
s h o m o n d a i 仏教教団の諸問題 【P ro ble m s o f the
G akkai
344
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
Conflict within the Development of Buddhism
B u d d h is t c o m m u n it y 】. K y o to : H e ira k u ji S h o te n .
Taga S 6 j u n 多贺宗準
1974
Eisai 栄西 . T o k y o : Y o s h ik a w a K 6 b u n k a n .
T a ish 6 T rip ita k a N o
】4 5 0
Mi sha se bu he zi wu fen l i i 弥沙塞部和猫五分律
Mo he seng qi l i i 摩詞傕衹律
Si fen l i i 四分律
Shi song lii 十誦律
Gen ben shuo y i gie you bu pi nai y e po seng shi
1453
Gen ben shuo y i gie you bu bo y i jie mo
2 0 85
Gao seng fa zian zhan ifti傕 法 ®伝
Da tang zi yu j i 大唐西城記
1421*
1425
1428
1435
根本説一切有部毘奈耶破傕亨
根本説一切有部百一羝磨
2087
T a m u ra E n c h 6 田村円®
1976
Nihon bukkyd shisdshi kenkyu: Jo d o k y d hen
日本仏教思想史研究一净土篇[Studies in th e h isto ry
of
B u d d h is t
th o u g h t
t h o u g h t ) . K y o to :
in
Jap a n :
Pure
Land
H e ira k u ji S h o te n .
T s u ji Z e n n o s u k e 辻苒之助
1970
Nihon
bukkydshi
日 本 仏 教 史 [A
Japanese B u d d h is m ] , v o l . 3.
h isto ry
T okyo:
of
Iw a n a m i
S h o te n .
Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 6/1-2 March-June 1979
345