Security Council
Research Report: Reform
BALMUN IX
Reforming the structure of the UN Security Council in order to enhance its
efficiency, legitimacy and representativity
By Emma Hadré
Reformation of the United Nations
Since its foundation in October 1945, the United Nations have undergone a process of development
and alteration. Experiencing numerous crises such as the Cold War, the Yugoslavian War and the ongoing civil war in Syria, the geopolitical situation and relationships between the member states have
experienced extensive change. This applies not only to the geography of states, but also political
conditions, standards and, especially, economic power. Nations that, at the time of the UN’s
foundation, were weakened by the Second World War or had the status of a Newly Industrialized
Country (NIC) recovered and gained strength, becoming some of today’s major economic powers
including Japan, Brazil and Germany.
Another aspect that makes reforms necessary is the new security situation. Characterized by the 9/11
attacks in 2001 and, the more recent suicide attacks in Paris, Brussels and the Arab world, the nature
of security threats has changed. Today, the UN is facing a globally threatful situation that is
undoubtedly unprecedented. Globalization causes ever more nations to be involved in the same, yet
complex conflict, and affected by the same issues, such as by ISIS in the Arab world, requiring
coordination and conversation.
Even though member states unanimously agree that change is needed, the nature of a reformation is
subject to huge controversy.
In September 2003, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan created the “High-Level-Panel on Threads,
Challenges and Change”. The 16 members worked out suggestions on a possible reformation that
were published in a report in December 2004. A few months later, Annan published another
document dealing with his notion of the UN’s future.
Aspects that need to be covered by a reformation plan include:
 Foundation of HRC (Took place in June 2006)
 Duties and Obligations of the Secretary General
 Stronger Focus on Development Aid
 Reformation of the Security Council
The reformation of the SC in specific has caused so much controversy, that it was separated from the
other aspects and is being discussed separately.
Past Reformations of the Security Council
After World War II, the Allies, specifically the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China,
and the USSR, were determined to prevent future genocides and conflicts from ever reaching the
scope of World War II. To secure this, the Allies resurrected President Wilson’s dream of a united
world body. At the time, the League of Nations was still in existence, albeit with very little power.
The Allies sought to give such a world body power and credibility. To achieve this, the League was
disbanded and replaced by the United Nations. In the UN, the Security Council is holding the
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majority of power. This Council included, at the time of its foundation, the five allies as permanent
members with the right to veto any resolution, and 6 temporary members selected on a rotating basis.
The Security Council was intentionally formed as a small body in order to make it more capable of
acting effectively in times of crisis. Ineffectiveness had been the defect in the League of Nations, as
the body was far too large to come to any consensus. With the establishment of the Security Council,
the Allies hoped to solve that problem.
Main aspects that are subject to debate are:
 Categories of membership
 Veto Right
 Regional Representation
 Size and Working Methods
 Relation to the General Assembly
Many nations call for a reformation of membership categories of the SC, criticizing that the
regional representation is unequal. Africa and Latin America for example have no permanent seats.
Also, the structure of the Council still builds on outdated power structures. Having once been the
victors of the Second World War, some of the P5 have been overtaken by other states in their
economic strength and influence. With the debate about possible new or reformed seats comes along
the debate about the size of the SC as well.
The Veto Right of the P5 members is being debated heavily. Disagreement of the veto powers has
often enough caused the SC to remain incapable of acting. They did not manage to pass major
resolutions on crises such as Cold War conflicts, the Vietnam War, the Soviet-Afghan War, the
dispute of Israel and Palestine and the Syrian Civil War. Most of them having caused innumerable
and unnecessary casualties, this passivity is the major point of criticism.
A possible solution is a limitation of the veto right, restricting it in situations of crimes against
humanity or genocide. Yet these situations would deserve detailed definition. Also, some member
states believe that it should be possible for the P5 to cast a negative vote without blocking (vetoing)
the entire resolution.
But the Veto right does not only apply to resolutions. Using the so-called “Pocket Veto” or a thread
of veto, the P5 can heavily influence resolutions and clauses before they are even subject to vote.
Often enough resolutions are being withdrawn due to such a threat. The veto is also applicable when
it comes to amendments to the UN Charter, (making the reformation of the SC even harder,) and the
selection of the UN’s Secretary General. Between 1945 and 2008, there have been 261 Vetoes.
The working methods and the relation to the GA are rather minor topics in the debate, causing less
controversy, but are nonetheless important to consider. Additionally, they attempt to make the SC
more transparent and efficient.
To amend the Charter, and thus reform the Security Council, it deserves many approvals. First of all,
the Security Council has to pass a resolution, which needs the approval of all P5 and at least 9 votes
in favor (simple majority). Furthermore, two thirds of the GA have to approve. Only if these
conditions are fulfilled (a minimum of 9 votes with no veto in the Security Council, plus two thirds
of all countries in the GA), the amendment to the Charter is put into effect.
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The past actions, suggestions and successful amendments will be presented in the following
timeline:
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1945: Foundation of Security Council with 5 permanent members with veto power; 6 nonpermanent members
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1963: First wave of decolonization, UN members increase from 51 to 114; the only resolution
reforming the SC is passed, adding 4 non-permanent member seats (Resolution 1991)
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1979: The topic of SC membership is added to the GA Agenda, but considered only in 1992
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1992: Secretary General Boutros-Ghali publishes the “Agenda for Peace” to raise awareness
about the issue; request for a report (“requests the Secretary-General to submit to the
General Assembly at its forty-eighth session, for its consideration, a report containing
comments made by Member States on the subject”)
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1993: Publication of the above-named report with member nation’s comments; creation of
the OEWG [refer to “Definition of Key Terms”, page 5] publishing reports and suggestions in
regular sessions
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1997: OEWG suggests to add 5 permanent (without veto) and 4 non-permanent seats
according to regional representation
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2000: Millennium Summit, final document excerpt:
“In the United Nations Millennium Declaration, Heads of State and Government resolved, in
respect of on-going deliberations on Security Council reform, to intensify their efforts to
achieve comprehensive reform of the Council in all its aspects” (see General Assembly
resolution 55/2)
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2003: Creation of the High-Level-Panel on Threads, Challenges and Change by Kofi Annan
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2004: Publication of two Models A&B by the Panel
Model A: six new permanent seats, with no veto being created, and three new two-year term
non-permanent seats, divided among the major regional areas
Model B: new category of eight four-year renewable-term seats and one new two-year nonpermanent (and non-renewable) seat, divided among the major regional areas
The Panel also states that the composition of the Security Council should not be regarded as
permanent or unchallengeable in the future. They suggest a review of the composition in
2020.
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2005: The G4 states become more demanding in their bid for a permanent seat; the World
Summit takes place; excerpt from the Outcome Document (WSOD):
152. We reaffirm that Member States have conferred on the Security Council primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, acting on their behalf,
as provided for by the Charter.
153. We support early reform of the Security Council - an essential element of our overall
effort to reform the United Nations - in order to make it more broadly representative,
efficient and transparent and thus to further enhance its effectiveness and the legitimacy and
implementation of its decisions. We commit ourselves to continuing our efforts to achieve a
decision to this end and request the General Assembly to review progress on the reform set
out above by the end of 2005.
154. We recommend that the Security Council continue to adapt its working methods so as to
increase the involvement of States not members of the Council in its work, as appropriate,
enhance its accountability to the membership and increase the transparency of its work.
Other attempts to gain a majority for a draft resolution fail.
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2007: The OWEG becomes passive, many call for direct negotiations
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2008: Member states agree to enter Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN); now two
groups discuss the reformation with different voting systems leading to opposition of the IGN
(the OWEG works with consensus, the IGN with simple majority)
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2009: IGN are not successful, reach stalemate
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2010-2011: Work on paper to provide a basis for IGN; no consensus; several reviews
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2010-2014: Several proposals and draft resolutions fail; the S5 [refer to “Definition of Key
Terms”, page 5] dissolve after their resolution failed
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2015: A new chair is being appointed, focusing on text-based progress; a framework
document is being worked out with contribution of many, but not all member states, it will
later be adapted as a basis for IGN negotiations; ACT develops the Code of Conduct, making
member states pledging not to vote against a resolution that ends or prevents war crimes,
genocide or crimes against humanity, but it is not being adopted (3 of P5 do not agree); the
continuity of IGN is being approved
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Active Groupings and Positions
G4
The Group of Four includes Brazil, Germany, India and Japan. They are the nations most likely to be
given a new permanent seat, especially Germany and Japan, as they became second- and thirdlargest financial contributors to the UN in 1992. The G4 suggests the creation of 6 new permanent
seats, yet with limited veto power, one seat for each of them and two for African nations. They favor
a general enlargement of both, permanent and non-permanent seats and want to continue the
discussion about the veto right. Even though they have lately opened up to compromises, their
support comes predominantly from Africa.
African Group/C10
The African Group’s member states are mostly also part of the African Union, and the two
organizations work together closely. Yet, there are major internal divisions about topics such as the
Veto Right. The AG demands two new permanent seats with Veto Power for themselves, as well as
five non-permanent seats. The fact that they do not present specific candidates for the seats causes a
lot of opposition. They do not seem willing or able to compromise a lot.
In 2005, the African Group tried to converge with the G4, the group that opposed that plan to split
from the AG and formed the C10 (Committee of ten). They consist of Algeria, Congo
Brazzaville/Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Libya, Namibia, Senegal, Sierra
Leone, Uganda, and Zambia.
Currently, no African country has a permanent seat on the SC.
L69
The L69 group has about 40 members, mostly developing countries. They are the states that
supported draft resolution L69, that the group is named after, and favor an expansion of both,
permanent and non-permanent seats, including a Veto Right for new permanent members.
Uniting for Consensus
The UfC grouping around Italy encompasses about 12 core members, Italy being the unofficial
leader. They oppose the creation of any new permanent seats, endorsing a new category of long-term
seats. UfC openly opposes the G4 and African Group’s proposals and is known for using procedural
obstacles to hinder the negotiations.
The Permanent Five
The P5 are the five nations that hold permanent seats and Veto Power in the SC. Often their different
policies are the reason of resolutions failing and the SC being unable to take action.
They have not come to agree on how to improve the Council.
The UK supports the G4 policy, except for the extension of the Veto Right.
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France supports the G4 as well as the AG, including the plans to give new permanent members Veto
Power.
The three others, Russia, China and the USA favor a rather moderate expansion of the SC, keeping
the Veto Power for the current permanent members, hence for themselves.
Neither of them is very likely to compromise much, not wanting to give away their power.
Organisation of the Islamic Conference/OIC
In June 2005, their foreign minister called for a permanent Muslim seat on the SC. However, his
demand is not very likely to be considered.
Definition of Key Terms
OEWG
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“Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in
the Membership of the Security Council and Other Matters related to the Security Council”
Working group appointed by the UN to examine the current situation, give overview about
different policies and positions and formulate suggestion and advice
Open to all member states, not time-bound
Unsuccessfully trying to formulate a plan acceptable to all member nations since about 15
years
The S5
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“The Small Five”
Costa Rica, Jordan, Liechtenstein, Singapore, Switzerland
Minor interest group in the reformation debate
UN Charter
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1945, foundational treaty of the UNO
Can, and has been amended several times
Article 108/109 comprehend the veto right
Article 24: “Security Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security”
Chapter VII allows to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the
peace, or act of aggression" and to take military and non-military action to "restore
international peace and security"
Binding for all UN member states
Not subject to any judicial control
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Research Report: Reform
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Security Council Membership
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5 permanent members (see P5)
10 non-permanent members (since 1963)
Half of the non-permanent members are re-elected annually (2-year-terms)
Regional representation of the 10 non-permanent seats:
3 from Africa
2 from Asia
2 from Latin America
1 from East Europe
2 from West Europe, Canada, Australia or New Zealand
There is no direct re-election of a state after serving a 2-year-term
Presidency rotates among all members monthly, in alphabetical order
The Secretary General of the UN has a permanent seat without suffrage
Bibliography
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http://www.un.org/en/charter-united-nations/index.html
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