Aurel von Richthofen
Muscat Capital Area - Urbanism at the intersection of politics and space.
German University of Technology in Oman (GUtech)
Abstract
Politics and space collide in the Middle East like in no other region of the world. They have
immediate impact on the lives of millions of people. Potential conflicts arise wherever
political interests and spatial ambitions diverge. These conflicts manifest violently like in
Palestine/Israel, Bahrain or Syria and quietly in “stable” countries like Oman through a
growing socio-economic divide. Any conflict holds the potential for resolution. Architecture in practice and in theory - is at the intersection of space and politics. The recent
development of Muscat Capital Area manifests such a resolution on a massive scale. The
capital of the Sultanate at the eastern tip the Arabian peninsula developed within the last
40 years from a sleepy port town with 20.000 inhabitants to an urban conglomeration
stretching 60 km with a population of one million.
The vector towards the present urban expansion was set in the 1970s. At the time, Oman
adopted novel techniques of regulating the process in the form of Royal Decrees, specific
instruments of the Ministry of Land Affairs, land allocation by lottery and the a financial
institution issuing credits bound to building codes. These mechanisms remained
unchanged to the present day, making Muscat Capital Area the ideal object to study the
underlying urban genetics and the resulting phenotype.
The motors of this development can be described as a series of frameworks: The legal
framework in form of Royal Decrees, the institutional framework in the form of the Ministry
of Housing and the Ministry of Land Use, the financial framework in the guise of the Oman
Housing Bank and the political framework in the form of stimuli such as the plot allocation
by lottery. Semi-private and private economic sectors emerged from these frameworks
ranging from the middle-class Omani aspirations to build a house to large scale real estate
speculation. In 2009 as many as 136000 plots were set aside in Oman with a current plot
size of 600m2 which corresponds to 82 square kilometers of land prone to development in
a single year.
The rapid urbanization induced dramatic, irreversible environmental and cultural changes
in Oman. These lead to the creation of a new urban form, a departure from tradition and a
denial of the climatic conditions. Moreover, the mechanisms of urbanization spread, isolate
and captivate the population in a suburban reality, rejecting the notion of public and
political space. Urbanization – as an active process of social and spatial determination –
became the instrument of choice of the government for the renewal of the country and the
creation of a modern un-politicized Omani society. Yet, as the recent uprises in Sohar in
January 2011 have shown, the process of de-politization of space has failed. In Muscat
Capital Area, architecture is politics.
I. Preamble
The vector towards the present urban
expansion was set in the 1970s. At the
time, Oman adopted novel techniques of
regulating the process in the form of
Royal Decrees, specific instruments of
the Ministry of Land Affairs, land
allocation by lottery and the a financial
institution issuing credits bound to
building codes. These mechanisms
remained unchanged to the present day,
making Muscat Capital Area the ideal
object to study the underlying urban
genetics and the resulting phenotype.
The capital of the Sultanate at the eastern
tip the Arabian peninsula developed
within the last 40 years from a sleepy port
town with 20.000 inhabitants to an urban
conglomeration stretching 60 km with a
population of one million. Urbanization –
as an active process of social and spatial
determination – became the instrument of
choice for the renewal of the country and
the creation of a modern Omani society.
In Muscat Capital Area, architecture is
politics.
Using the concepts of political and public
space, spatialization and territorialization
we can describe the motors of this
development as a series of frameworks:
The legal framework in form of Royal
Decrees, the institutional framework in
the form of the Ministry of Housing and
the Ministry of Land Use, the financial
framework in the guise of the Oman
Housing Bank and the political framework
in the form of stimuli such as the plot
allocation by lottery. The amplitude of this
mechanism, is surprisingly large for a
country that maintained a deliberate low
international profile. In 2009 as many as
136000 plots were set aside in Oman with
a current plot size of 600m2 which
corresponds to 82 square kilometers of
land prone to development in a single
year. Semi-private and private economic
sectors emerge from these frameworks
ranging from the middle-class Omani
aspirations to build a house to large scale
real estate speculation. In comparison to
the recent, violent events of the Arab
spring, this country-wide transformation
process can be seen as a non-violent
counterpart, with equally revolutionary
impetus.
Figure1: The “palace on the plot”, a recent example of urbanization in Muscat Capital Area
II. Political and public space, spatialization and territorialization in the
context of Oman
Politics and space collide in the Middle
East like in no other region of the world.
They have immediate impact on the lives
of millions of people. Potential conflicts
arise wherever political interests and
spatial ambitions diverge. Spaces are
controlled and devised by authorities and
claimed and re-programmed at the same
time by the demonstrators. This year
such conflicts manifested violently in
countries
like
in
Libya,
Egypt,
Palestine/Israel, Bahrain or Syria, but we
could easily read former conflicts in the
Middle East in the same manner.
Breathtaking revolutions and desperate
struggles might have a variety of
underlying motives, ranging from the fight
against the violations of human rights, call
for democracy, equal access to
education, distribution of wealth, etc.
Strikingly, these recent conflicts reach
global attention, when they catalyze
around an emblematic public space. In
the following, I want to read two
emblematic spaces of the Arab Spring in
architectural terms: Tahir Square in Egypt
and Pearl Square in Bahrain.
We can read Tahir square as an architectural space. The square was large
enough to accommodate demonstrators
from all parties. It's horizontal expansion
and the radial organization created an
equal and unifying ground for the
divergent oppositional streams. The
mediated picture of Tahir square in Cairo
offered the perfect stage-set for an
informal opposition against the regime.
The re-interpretation of a street
intersection (a space of transition) to an
alternative center of the opposition (a
destination) created the projection foil for
democratic aspirations for a time after the
fall of the Mubarak regime. The constant
surveillance of the square by international
news stations controlled the military
power. To prove that the space was
indeed
architectural
shows
the
emergence of improvised infrastructures,
such as sanitary equipment, hospital
tents, media walls and even stalls of
street vendors. These element constitute
a typical transformation process from
temporal to permanent. The architectural
configuration of the space created an
equilibrium of forces enabling a space of
discussion, opinion and exchange, similar
to the antique Greek forum. Ultimately, it
was impossible for the Mubarak-regime to
reverse the re-programing of Tahir
square. Its proto-democratic space
emanated throughout Egypt, the Arab
world and beyond.
Figure 2: Tahir Square 2011
Pearl Square in Bahrain held a central
sculpture in the center – a gigantic pearl
balancing on arches or swords – sym-
bolizing the rise of the nation from a pearl
divers and sea-farers to a modern state.
During the spring uprise, Pearl Square
was
similarly
high-jacked
by
demonstrators. The strategy of the
opposition was modeled directly after the
success of Tahir Square. A central space
in the city was supposed to be reinterpreted as the nucleus of resistance.
International media attention was seen by
the opposition as a warrant for peaceful
negotiations with the government. Within
a very short amount of time, the square
was equipped with basic sanitary needs,
but also fortified against nocturnal raids
by police and the military. A traffic roundabout was re-organized and programmed
to enable resistance. The Pearl-sculpture
was re-interpreted as the symbol of that
resistance. As we know, the ruler of
Bahrain, called for allied GCC military
support and violently crushed the uprise.
Within less than 24h demonstrators were
removed from the square and the debris
cleaned from the site. The site was
returned to a pre-uprise normality. Yet,
the sculptural Pearl structure posed a
larger problem to the authorities. Due to
its symbolic re-programming by the oppositional movement, it could no longer
serve as monument of national unity. A
few days after the defeat of the
demonstrators, the monument was
literally executed: The sword-like legs of
the sculpture were cut, releasing the
lateral forces with the balanced structure
and the pearl imploded in a central cloud
of dust.
Figure 3: Demolition of Pearl Square
These two dramatic events have changed
the Arab world: They unearthed inherent
conflicts in feudal and pseudo-democratic
societies that manifest in the relationship
of politics and space. The increase of
control and power of absolute rulers
stand diametrically opposed to the finite
resource land. Similar processes of
spatio-political struggle manifest in
“stable” countries like Oman.
III. Territorialization processes in
Oman
Before we look at the specifics of this
transformation, we need to define key
terms
of
political
and
spatial
understanding with respect to the specific
Arab context: Spatiality, Political, Public
Space, Territorialization. These concepts
will help us investigate the spatial
manifestations
and
architectural
repercussions in Oman. Most theories on
space, power and politics were developed
in the West and cannot be applied directly
to modern, yet feudal Arab states, such
as Oman. I will use a definition of political
space by Carlo Galli.1 It describes the
apparatus' of power and their “spatial
representations” underlying any concepts
of power. Taking Galli's definition as a
starting point, one can amend a series of
concepts, in particular, expand them by
tribal and nomadic elements. Space, in
Omani culture, like in many parts of the
Arab world, is traditionally controlled and
administered on a tribal level. The tribe
will defend their territory against outside
claims and organize it for the common
good of all tribe members. While the
space belongs to all members of the tribe,
the ruler of the tribe controls it. This
understanding of space ripples across
scales from tribal communities, to
willayats, to the national level, where the
Sultan is the absolute ruler. In the
traditional feudal society, space is owned
by all subjects, yet controlled by the
Sultan. Moreover the administration of
power over space in Oman finds urban
and architectural repercussions in a
series of regulating frameworks that we
will discuss later.
To underline the
similarity of the concepts of political
spaces in the Orient and Occident, I
would like to mention Carl Schmitt's
theory of the “Nomos of the Earth”. The
Greek Nomos means both “order” and
“distribution”.2 The distribution and
delimitation of space and its (political)
association creates spatiality. According
to French philosopher Etienne Balibar
spatiality is implicit in every territorial
construction: “It defines citizenship as
collective identity: A system of rights,
duties, normative principles and capabilities.”3 The feudal contract of subject
and ruler in Oman describes this spatiality
in a particular, unidirectional way. The
aforementioned definition of space is
political. In our project it becomes
operational only when we investigate the
public dimension of space as well. To use
another definition by the Balibar, this
feudal concept of space is political, yet
not public:
“The 'political space' has a necessary
relation to the 'public space', but is not
synonymous with it. A political space
becomes a public space (or sphere) when
(and inasmuch as) it is not only 'mapped'
by sovereign powers, or imposed by
economic forces, but 'instituted' by civic
practices, debates, forms of representations and social conflicts, hence
ideological antagonisms over culture, religion and secularism, etc.”4
This definition is defense of democratic
public space and a sharp critique of any
form of political interference may it be
authoritarian or economic. In this general
sense, it can hardly be applied to a
country like Oman, which fails to address
basic human rights needs. Yet, the
country offers a model of enlightened
rulership that is open for a cultural
debate. On the tribal level Arab culture
knows forms of discussion and exchange
that are indeed similar to political
processes in direct democracies. The
discussion amongst the tribal leader
inside a semi-public room in a private
house – the majlis - inform delegates of
the Sultan about current opinions. This
informal and non-institutional aspect of
politics can, indeed, be read as a modest
form of 'civic practice' that Balibar calls
for. To speak with Balibar again, a public
space is by definition a political space,
but not every political space is (already) a
public space or the majlis is a public
space in the making. This is an optimistic
outlook, as any political space is a latent
public space that can be transformed.
The necessary process of negotiation is
facilitated by architecture and in return
finds its formal expression in it. Latent
public space in Muscat was triggered by
the architecture of the city. A vestige of
“old” public space can be found in the
district of Mutrah. The main port of old
Muscat features a dense urban fabric. 3-4
story houses attached to one another
leave little space but a network of small
shaded roads. The street-scape and the
buildings offer an urban typology referred
to as traditional Arab city. This city is, of
course, the expression of a continuous
dialogue throughout Omani history and
within the Omani society. While not
necessarily democratic in the Western
sense, it does reflect changes in use and
function as result of negotiations and has
witnessed several re-interpretations. The
commercial space of the streets filled with
vendors and curious visitors doubles up
as platform for exchange and dialogue.
The mosques are gathering points for the
believers regardless of their social status.
Madrassas form places of intellectual
exchange. Coffee shops in the corniche
allow for a leisurely contemplation over
the bustling urban life. In this “old” form
political and public space are inseparable.
Many Omanis regard it in a nostalgic way,
as a window into mythical Oman before
the process of territorialization.
Figure 4: Mutrah Corniche and Souk
As commerce is an important (but not
exclusive) feature of this first form of
latent public space, a second form arises
out of larger, planned commercial spaces,
e.g. shopping complexes and malls.
Despite the fact that the commercial
interests might be “imposed by economic
forces” (Balibar), these spaces offer a
modest amount of self-determination in
return for shopping specially to young
people and women who use these
spaces as gathering venues.
Figure 5: Omani Shopping Mall, called 'city centre'
A third form of latent public spaces are
residual spaces like the interstitial spaces
in between highways intersections, larger
streets and neighborhoods and on the
edge of the city. As residual spaces, they
have no primary function whatsoever and
get re-appropriated by different social
groups for sport, picnics and spontaneous
gatherings.
Their
informality
is
underscored by that fact that they lack
proper access in general.
Figure 6: re-appropriated residual urban spaces
The Omani artist Radhika Kimjy situates
her art in the context of the latent public
spaces. Radhika is an Omani born 3rd
generation Indian with British passport.
She
easily
navigates
cultures,
interestingly, her art relates to topics such
as feminine identity in the social context
of Oman. In 2010 she installed
parachutes in the Barka castle (close to
Muscat). The work related to old Omani
monuments – the fort – yet concealed
and augmented the space at the same
time. In a reversal of the necessity to
cover and hide one's opinion in public,
she explicitly engaged the spectator and
the monument in a dialogue. Radhika's
work literally territorialized the space of
the fort and rendered it public to those
willing to read her art work.
IV. Waves and Frameworks of Territorialization
1st wave of territorialization: The implementation of the legal framework.
The process of territorialization - a
territory being a confined spatial entity,
subject to the control of authority - was
initiated immediately after the Sultan
Qabous ascended to the throne. Due to
the scale of the operation and the
urgency of the situation, Oman adopted a
Five-Year Development Plan in 1976. Key
to this plan were measures to secure
economic well-fare in all regions of Oman
with a strong emphasis on investments in
infrastructure. According to Fred Scholz,
the nation-wide concept was intended to
distribute prosperity to all of Oman,
prevent exodus from rural areas and the
creation of slums in Muscat Capital Area
(MCA) and to preserve the traditional
resources of the country.5 To prevent
such negative development and to
counter-act illegal land claims, the
government set out active measures to
develop land for housing purposes.6 The
aim of this land use plan was to
strengthen the construction industry,
thereby securing jobs for large parts of
the population, to expand cities in yet
under-used
areas,
but
also
to
decentralize the existing cities, home of
potential un-rest against the ruler. The
first Five-Year Development Plan was
backed by a multi-polar urban strategy
concept for Oman, wherein MCA would
have central a role as mediator between
the interior provinces and abroad.7 The
process of territorialization played out in a
complex three dimensional terrain, since
MCA is located between the Bathina
coastal plans in the North and the Hajar
mountains in the West. Due to these
morphological specificities it becomes
clear that MCA developed in more than
just 2 planar dimensions. It is the result of
a planning modular process applied to a
3-dimensional territory- an architectural
as much as an administrative process.
This territory is roughly 60kms long and
up to 20kms deep. In the old days the
settlements that now comprise MCA
remained small and relatively isolated
due to the fact that water was scarce and
heat was intolerable. This changed with
the advent of electric power stations (air
conditioning) and desalination plants
(fresh water). In fact, the pace of power
stations and desalination plants and the
range these plants serve, determined
directly the area available for settlement
and construction. Because of the
complexity of the terrain, the diversity of
interests (and population) and the
impossibility to assess the speed and the
extent of urbanization, the planners of
MCA had to invent novel techniques of
planning the vague terrain. The first
conceptualization of MCA dates back to
the “Coastal Policy Study” and the
“Capital Area – Seeb Local Plan” both
1977 drafted by the consultancy of
Llewelyn-Davies Weeks Forestier –
Walker and Bor. Their estimates of a
population growth to 226.000 by 1980,
443.000 by 1990 and 686.000 by the year
2000 have proven accurate.8 The extents
of MCA along the coast of Gulf of Oman
was framed deliberately by the 2 palaces
of the Sultan (Muscat as the governments
seat and Seeb as the residence), an act
of absolute territorialization. Next to
decisions regarding the location of the
airport, industrial and commercial zones,
the plan does not explicitly state any
segregation of ethnicities nor social
differentiation within the residential zones.
The instrument for realization of the
Capital Area Plan of 1977 was Royal
Decree No. 26 / 1975 describing the
functions of the Ministry of Land Affairs.9
This degree determines residential,
commercial and industrial uses and the
subdivision, preparation, development,
co-ordination and allocation of land. The
question of allocation was governed by
yet another Royal Decree, as most of the
land prone to development was outside
traditional city boundaries and therefor
property of HM. This legal framework is
still in place today. The resulting homogenization can be read as a first territorialization of space.
Figure 7: Zoning of MCA in 1977, in Scholz 1990
2nd wave of territorialization: The
implementation
of
the
institutional
framework. The MCA zoning plan &
Royal decree 81/84
The zoning of MCA, can be read as a
continuation of the 1st wave of
territorialization on a different level.
Following the ancient principle of “divide
et impera” (latin: divide and rule) it
regulated the distribution of functions
within the city. Pre-conceived in the 1977
design for MCA, the zoning plan was the
first tangible product of the ministry of
Ministry of Land Affairs. The zoning predetermined
space
and
prevented
dialogue
or
“Verkehr”
(German:
exchange, traffic) in any sense. The
modernist
separation
of
functions
marginalizing the traditional mix of uses
that characterizes the traditional Omani
city.10 The central power controls and
structures a previously heterogenous and
indefinite space rendering it homogenous.
The separation of functions implicit in the
zoning plan leads to a spatial separation
and by result to a sprawl of separate
living, working and leisure districts. As a
further refinement of the institutional
framework
and
its
expansive,
overarching, regulating strategy, a special
decree served to allocate particular lots to
the population. The Royal decree 81/84
from 1981 regulates governmental land
allocation. According to the Decree, every
Omani Citizen of age 23 or above has the
right to a plot of land.11 In a 2008
amendment the Decree was extended to
male and female applicants alike, if he or
she is the sole breadwinner of the
family.12 The land is surveyed and
prepared by governmental agencies,
subdivided into equal plot sizes, serviced
by roads and infrastructure and generally
speaking ready for construction. The lots
are then put in a lottery. Applicants
register for the draw and finally pick their
plot from the lucky pot. In the logic of
homogeneity, these given plots are all
equal in size and shape. Throughout the
years the size of the plots increased
dramatically, leading to an alarming
development of MCA :
1970:
150m2
1970-80:
320m2 (18x18m)
1990:
600m2 (20x30m)
Currently, the plot has a layout of 20x30m
(600m2), while the shorter side (20m) is
usually facing the service road. The plots
are governed by setback rules, of 5m
from the road and 3 m from the side and
back. At the same time the plots are
usually allowed to have a building with a
footprint of 30% of the plot size and up to
2 stories. This allows for up to 308m2
inhabitable surface, meaning a generous
amount of space for even an extended
family. The uniform plot sizes, equal
regulations lead to a uniform architectural
typology: The “palace on the plot” that
maximize allowed floor area ratio ,
differing only externally by means of
variation of the style-guide imposed by
the Oman Housing Bank. Besides the
Figure 8: AutoCad screenshot on file by the
Ministry of Land Use, 2010
energetic and environmental drawbacks,
the villa type houses lead to social
isolation, car-dependency and urban
sprawl.
Figure 9: Typical villa on a 600m2 plot in MCA,
2011
3rd wave of territorialization: The
implementation
of
the
economic
framework.
The lottery system is the backbone of an
extensive social well fare system ranging
from free education, free medical care to
no income taxes. The government backs
loans for construction through its Oman
Housing Bank. The Oman Housing Bank
was founded in September 1974 as
“Oman National Housing Development
Association”. Its shareholders were the
Omani government to 51%, the Kuwaiti
government to 39% and the British Bank
of Middle East to 10%. The association
was renamed into “Oman Housing Bank“
in 1977. The British Bank of Middle East
returned its shares to the Omani
government in 1979. Until 1977 the
“Ministry of the Diwan” and other
commercial banks loaned credits for
construction and development purposes,
since then the Oman Housing Bank and
with it the Omani government has a
monopoly on it.14 Every Omani is entitled
to a once in a life time credit towards the
construction of a house. If the house is
sold any further entitlement is forfeit. This
credit is awarded to every Omani above
the age of 21. The credit of the Oman
Housing Bank is directly linked to a plot
allocated by the Ministry of Land Affairs.
The credit and the interest rate is linked in
reverse proportion to the income level of
the applicant.15 Upon inception in 1977,
the Oman Housing Bank distinguished
between 3 classes of dwellings out of
which 2 were eligible for the loans. The
first on was a small 12x12m plot built up
to full extent with courtyard house and
financed to 100%. The second was a
20x20 m plot built up to 60% with a two
bedroom house financed up to 15.000
OR (1979). All other dwellings belonged
to the third category and had to be
financed with non subsidized loans
through the Oman Housing Bank.
Building codes and building regulations
by the Oman Housing Bank contain clear
guide lines on the appearance and the
typology of the houses. Color schemes,
Facade elements and shape of the roof
are dictated by the bank and
subsequently controlled by the Ministry of
Housing.16 Next to the optical guide lines,
traditional elements were encouraged
inside the houses such as: inner court
yards, roof top verandas, shaded exterior
sitting areas, Majlis.
V. Agents of resistance
Legal,
institutional
and
economic
frameworks as politics of determination.
The legal, institutional and economic
frameworks describe the larger politics of
urbanization in MCA. The seamless
system of the first Five-Year Development
Plan, the creation of the Ministry of Land
Affairs, the land allocation by lottery
prescribed within the Royal Decree 81/84
and the financial framework of the Oman
Housing
Bank
redirected
the
demographic pressure of Oman into what
is now knowns as MCA. In their scale,
duration and authority, they constitute an
a act of social and spatial determination.
As we have seen so far, the amplitude of
the project were much larger than Muscat
as a city alone. According to Balibar, “to
territorialize means to assign 'identities' to
a collective subject, to categorize and
individualize human beings. Some
subjects are violently or peacefully
removed,
coercively
or
voluntarily
destroyed. (The 'outsider', the nomad)”17.
The frequency of its implementation
ferocious: This determination is violent. A
theoretical escape route from this
situation is highlighted in Deleuze and
Guattari's book “A Thousand Plateaux”.
Deleuze and Guattari expand the concept
of territorialization as they postulate that
every process of territorialization implies
a multitude of reverse processes of “deterritorialization” that take place before,
after
or
simultaneously.18
These
processes necessitate latent or active
agents to perform them. As architecture –
as a provocative and questioning practice
- is at the intersection of space and
politics and architects can invent the
agents of de-territorialization. In the
following and to conclude, I want to
portray 3 possible agents:
The voluntary nomad
The amateur engineer
The curator of latent space
The voluntary nomad is not to be
confused with the traditional nomad in
Bedouin society. This modern nomad
refuses the gifts of sedentary life-style in
principle. He is financially independent
and goes where life's circumstances bring
him. He rents rather than owns. He is
indifferent to social status or class and
does not care about representation of the
latter. His 'outsider' position gives him
flexibility to move across the strata and
topographies of society. He does not
belong to political parties or movements.
Despite his apolitical behavior, he is a
constant threat to the sedentary society.
His non-conformity breaks with traditional
patterns. His illusive appearance within
social life, makes it hard to grasp and
control him in administrative or poltical
ways. The voluntary nomad constantly
challenges the legal framework.
The amateur engineer is an expert for
everything. He does not have more than
a vocational training and does not need
more. He is constantly looking to improve
circumstances in technical aspects. He
will make recommendations in a news
paper article, he will participate in a
parents reunion, he will start to separate
and recycle trash without being asked to
do so. His pre-emptive actions are
diametrically opposed to the state
functionaires' steady pace in writing
Royal Decrees. While not deliberately, the
amateur
engineer
challenges
the
institutional framework even more
profoundly.
Finally the curator of latent space is
impersonated by anybody that utilizes
public spaces in an unintended way. This
can range from the appropriation of a
lawn next to the highway for an
improvised soccer game, to an un-called
for chat on the street sides with passers
by, to the redefinition of a beach
promenade to a meeting place. The
curator of latent spaces creates an
informal economy. The invention of noncommercial activities on residual urban
spaces is subverting the securing
mechanisms of consumerism. The
curator of latent space challenges the
economic framework.
All these possible agents (and many
more, in the Deleuzean sense) unfold an
activity to re-programme latent urban
space into public space. These agents
can set up a social complexity beyond the
pre-described patterns of state controlled
territorialization. They will produce
antagonistic encounter in urban space,
ideally engaging in a critical content
exchange. In contrast to professionals
they operate informally and are not stuck
to codes of conduct. In a term that I
borrow from Markus Miessen, they are
'curating content’ and ‘staging conflict’
creating socio- spatial frameworks that
can be tested against reality. Their
agency takes control of the processes of
social and spatial determination. This
self-determination starts to have first
signs of architectural repercussions.
Informal
uses,
spark
temporary
structures. A modification of the
architectural premises triggers and
accommodates new forms of public
space. As we can see in Muscat Capital
Area, architecture is politics.
1 Galli, Carlo: “Spaci politici. L'etá moderna e
l'etá globale”, Il Mulino, Bologna 2001
2 Schmitt, Carl: “Nomos of the Earth”, in Carl
Schmid, Schriften, Berlin 1970.
3 Balibar, Etienne: Spatiality, in: Europe as a
Borderland, lecture delivered University of
Nijmegen, November 10, 2004
4 Balibar, Etienne: Political Space vs Public
Space, in: Europe as a Borderland, lecture
delivered University of Nijmegen, November
10, 2004
5 Scholz, Fred: Muscat Sultanat Oman –
Geographische Skizze einer einmaligen
Arabischen Stadt, Band I, Berlin 1990 p.10
6 Chapter II, Targets of the first Five-Year
Development Plan, 1976, pp.13: “[...] to effect
a wider geographical distribution of investment
in order that the benefits may be shared by
different regions of the country, and to narrow
the gap in the standards of living in different
regions with special emphasis on the least
developed regions;
- to maintain and develop the existing areas of
population and to protect them against the
dangers of mass immigration to these already
densely populated areas and to protect the
environment.”
7 Scholz: “Modell des räumlichen
Entwicklungskonzeptes Omans 1970”,p.10
8 Scholz, “Capital Area Structure Plan” p.125
9 Royal Decree No. 26 / 1975:
1 Physical planning of land in the Sultanate of
residential, commercial and industrial use, also
subdivision of land parcels into quadrants and
plots having specific areas and numbers.
2 Preparation of development: plans and
location plans showing roads and public
services e.g. shops, mosques, schools,
hospitals... etc.
3 Co-ordination with other ministries and
government departments before final approval
and implementation of planning projects.
4 Allocation of land for residential, commercial
and industrial uses as stipulated in the Land
Law.
5 Ensuring the fair allocation of land and the
speeding up of the process as necessary.
6 Demarcation of government land for planning
purposes and the issue of final drawings for
further action.
7 Demarcation of land sanctioned for the
allocation in the Willayat for development
according to plan.
8 Demarcation of agricultural land
9 Maintenance of a record of Mulkyias for
various land uses and a file for each plot
showing transactions such as sale, mortgage,
etc.
10
11
12
14
15
16
17
18
10 Settlement of land disputes through
investigation, interviews, the checking of
documents and site visits to ensure that the
information in the title deed is the same as on
actual site.
11 investigation into complaints on technical
matters such as planning and buildings
affection neighbors.
12 Provision of service training for local staff.
Ministry of Land Allocation: Capital Area:
Structural plan, road layout and area use. 1977
Royal decree 81/84
2008 Amendment to the Royal decree 81/84
Oman Housing Bank website, accessed April,
th
10 2011
Royal Decree 7/79 states:
“[...] and to help all Omanis with low and
medium income who have taken loans from
the Oman Housing Bank by implementing the
provision of Royal Decree 51/77, especially
Article (6) … The following has been decided:
… affective the day this decision causes into
force, the Government shall pay a percentage
of interest charges on loans granted to all
Omanis with low and medium incomes …
[schedule stating reduces interest rates
according to income]”
Regarding the building regulations a Ministerial
Decision No. 40/81 issued by the ministry of
Land Affairs and Municipality, Muscat states:
“1. To incorporate the rounded edges and
fleeting towers originating in traditional adobe
construction.
2. To decorate the flat roofs with balustrades
reminiscent of old forts.
3. To structure the facade in such way that
windows and openings are covered with
wooden blinds, arches or grids, event though
these windows are no longer need for
ventilation.
4. Set back glass windows to the inside of the
dwelling to keep the appearance of a
traditional house.
5. Use a changing pastel colored wash on the
outside that emanates traditional adobe or
stone dwellings.”
Balibar, Etienne: identity and nomad, in:
Europe as a Borderland, lecture delivered
University of Nijmegen, November 10, 2004
Deleuze and Guattari: “A Thousand Plateaux”,
Paris, Gallimard, 1984