Schonig 1 Jordan Schonig Dr. Gretchen Short Humanities Core 1C June 9, 2006
The Trinity Broadcasting Network: Satellites Spreading More Than the Gospel The synthesis of religion and media has created a powerful force ever since the advent of satellite technology. The progeny of these two forces, televangelism, has indeed become a force of its own, affecting every part of the world with a satellite feed. As the largest worldwide religious network, Trinity Broadcasting has taken it upon itself to preach the Christian gospel to the entire world. With one of its major headquarters in Southern California along with thousands of television systems in seventy­five countries around the world, TBN maintains its local ties while leading the race to globally spread the gospel. Because TBN broadcasts to more places around the world than any other Christian network, it assumes a responsibility for presenting a universal gospel that will be understandable and applicable to a global variety of cultures. However, TBN’s programming, televangelists, and president Paul Crouch are guilty of a carelessness that ultimately has disastrous consequences. While it is the network’s ultimate goal to spread the gospel with a universal message, TBN’s representation of Christianity is tainted with salesman rhetoric, nationalistic bias, and a political agenda, which coincide with capitalist propaganda, that ultimately contradict the foundations of the Christian doctrine and hinder the spread of Christianity to world cultures. With the relatively recent advent of the internet and satellite technology, there seems to be a similar goal among televangelists: to spread the gospel to the entire world. Based on the actual television programs, official websites, and quoted words of company president Paul Crouch, it is definitely TBN’s goal, and most valued enterprise, to spread the gospel throughout the world. On the official website of TBN, one’s eyes are immediately attracted to the boldface words “Largest
Schonig 2 Worldwide Network, 24 Hours a Day, Around the world” flashing over the background of a world map (Official Website). Similarly, the introduction to the popular TBN program “Praise the Lord” boasts: “From coast to coast and around the world, its time to praise the lord…from the heart of Europe, to the tip of Africa, from the centers of Asia, to Central and South America” (Crouch). In addition to these clear representations of TBN, Paul Crouch, the president of TBN, has stated that the purpose of his company is to “turn every available dollar into expanding the hardware and the ministry and the media to reach as many people and to fulfill the Great Commission” (Pinsky). The Great Commission, a term all too familiar with televangelists, refers to the tenet of Christianity that emphasizes global preaching and evangelism, stemming from the instructions that Jesus gave to his disciples to preach the gospel throughout the world. Thus, Crouch uses the Great Commission as the reasoning behind TBN’s goal to spread the gospel to every last person on the face of this planet. From certain biblical standpoints, the goal of TBN seems completely appropriate and quite laudable. For example, the importance of St. Paul’s epistles stems from his purposefully diverse audiences; he preached to both Christians and non­Christians, Jews and Gentiles. Furthermore, the book of Matthew depicts Jesus commanding the eleven disciples to “go and make disciples of all nations…and teaching them to obey everything [He has] commanded [them],” which is one of the major biblical passages responsible for the Great Commission. (Matthew 28:16­20). Because technology has greatly facilitated the global spread of Christianity, the collective goal of Christian television is to use technology to fulfill the Great Commission. Thus, from this biblical standpoint, this purpose is expected. However, the purpose attracts controversy when one considers the other possible uses of company revenue. Crouch is quoted as saying that although TBN supports various social welfare projects, such as homeless shelters, soup kitchens, and others, he maintains that these projects “account for only a fraction of TBN’s budget and play no significant part of his great institutional dream” (Pinsky). One could argue that the Christian doctrine of charity surpasses the
Schonig 3 Great Commission in moral importance and urgency. TBN’s use of the Great Commission evokes the image a global corporation, prizing expansion and monetary gain over Christian values of charity and agape. As a result, TBN’s expansionist policies are reminiscent of Western capitalism, thus tainting the universal Christian message with an ideological bias that is notably American. Still, however, the biblical justification of spreading the gospel disguises these capitalist ambitions as righteous and necessary. While the goals of TBN coincide with certain Christian doctrines, the strategies used to achieve these goals have undergone much scrutiny from critics. To achieve global dissemination of the gospel as well as to stay abreast of the competition is a monumental task that requires an equally monumental amount of funding. Thus, as Michael W. Hughey argues, it is difficult for televangelists to “raise the huge sums of money needed to sustain and expand their television ministries in ways that are consistent with the standard of straightforward honesty that would seem to be demanded by their own message” (Hughey). While it is certainly true that religious broadcasters require a vast amount of funding from generous contributors, dishonest strategies to acquire this money are inexcusable when considering the purpose of televangelists. Televangelists are not supposed to be smarmy pitchmen that seduce buyers with dishonest rhetoric, but unfortunately this is the image they have made for themselves. TBN, the world’s largest religious broadcaster, unfortunately does not escape this negative image. In the Los Angeles Times article “The Prosperity Gospel,” William Lobdell examines what Paul Crouch calls the “prosperity gospel,” which is the idea that if viewers contribute money to TBN, God will reward them with monetary and material success. Crouch is quoted as saying to audience members “If my heart really, honestly desires a nice Cadillac…would there be something terribly wrong with me saying, ‘Lord, it is the desire of my heart to have a nice car” (Lobdell). Christian doctrine asserts that the “the heart” should be reserved for the love of Jesus Christ, and certainly has no room for covetous
Schonig 4 desires that would distract the individual from the glory of God. In addition, another preacher from TBN, John Avanzini, preached to his audience that “Jesus wore designer clothes,” erroneously referring to the purple robes that Christ’s tormentors forcibly wrapped around him before the Crucifixion (Lobdell). Not only are these justifications of the prosperity gospel notably misleading (especially with the case of John Avanzini, whose words ambiguously stem from either ignorance, carelessness, or deceit), but the very Christian foundation of the prosperity gospel is unnervingly feeble. The biblical legitimacy of the “prosperity gospel” is a widely debatable subject that has both its critics and advocates. Advocates of the prosperity gospel (which is also referred to as “Word of Faith” and “Health and Wealth”) cite certain biblical verses that seem to promote their cause, such as “yet for your sakes he became poor, so that you through his poverty might become rich” (2 Corinthians 8:9). When examining this quote in its context, it seems that St. Paul’s purpose is to depict Christ’s sacrifice for human beings rather than promote material wealth. Similarly, advocates cite parts of the Old Testament where God promises Israel that they will enjoy peace and prosperity if they are faithful to him. On the other side of the argument, critics cite biblical verses such as “how hard it is for those who trust in riches to enter the kingdom of God!” and other condemnations of materialism (Mark 10:24). Both proponents and critics use biblical evidence to support their position; the ambiguity of many biblical verses makes this already controversial subject even more debatable. While both sides have their evidence, the matter at hand is that this questionable Christianity is being preached to the entire world as a global representative of this old time religion. Global viewers with TV sets are fed the idea that materialism coincides with Christianity, which although may contain biblical evidence, is certainly not the cornerstone of Christian doctrine. The glorification of materialism that is preached on TBN is more a dissemination of American capitalism than religious doctrine. American free­market capitalism is
Schonig 5 being preached under the mask of the “prosperity gospel,” and thus global viewers are deceived into equating this national ideology with the universal religion. Even worse, these viewers are listening to the misleading justifications of this largely unsubstantiated biblical interpretation known as the prosperity gospel. Since the goal of TBN is globalization of Christianity, the gospel should be universal, and not the doctrinally questionable and ideologically biased gospel that is on television sets throughout the world. Not only is the prosperity gospel doctrinally questionable, but its affiliation with the image of Southern California enhances the idealization of materialism and capitalism. Both Trinity Christian City International, one of the major headquarters of TBN, and the Crystal Cathedral (the “super­church” where the popular “Hour of Power” is filmed) are located in Orange County. With a handful of other popular names in televangelism based in the same region, Southern California has been dubbed the televangelism capital of the world. Because of the “vast media pool in Southern California,” televangelists have access to production equipment and expertise (Apodoca). However, production convenience is not the only purpose of this particular location; Southern California provides an image along with its function. The “unbridled display of opulence” that is characteristic of Southern California seems to coincide perfectly with the ostentatious Trinity Christian City International building, the multi­million dollar structure that is as luxuriously grandiose as it is functional for television production, conveniently framed by the affluent backdrop of Orange County (Apodaca). The possibility of success and the American dream is a common strategy among TBN televangelists, promising viewers that their monetary contributions will be returned to them through gifts of God. By flaunting the material wealth that Southern California can offer, TBN reminds viewers that God rewards those that are pious, faithful, and most of all, generous. However, these images of material wealth are also powerful symbols of capitalism. While the stated rhetoric is that God rewarded TBN for its evangelism, the truth is that TBN is a
Schonig 6 very successful business that convinced millions of people to contribute millions of dollars; such wealth could only be accrued within a capitalist society. So while TBN’s goal is to present a universal Christianity, its explicit connection with Southern California paints a memorable picture of capitalism that resonates in the minds of viewers. The images of lush Orange Country homes, lavish Hollywood, the red carpet, and American celebrities gracing the stages of “Praise the Lord” are all reminiscent of American capitalism, not Christianity. Thus, the so­called universal Christian gospel is encoded with a capitalist message, a message that both shatters the universality of Christianity and depicts a misleading image of the universal religion. Not only is the glorification of materialism fostered by TBN’s American nationalism and capitalism, but a political bias arises from these agendas as well, further tainting the supposedly universal Christian message. In the newspaper article “Satellites Spread the Scriptures,” Mark Pinsky remarks that “Crouch maintains that he is not political,” though he advocated televangelist Pat Robertson for president and even uses his programs to “attack Marxist and leftist regimes,” and other shows have “supported U.S. aid to the Nicaraguan Contras” (Pinsky). While Crouch claims to understand the danger of a political bias in religious preaching, he is guilty of letting his political views taint the purity of Christian gospel. Just as TBN implicitly emphasizes free­market capitalism through the prosperity gospel and the image of Southern California, Crouch “uses” his programs to “attack Marxist and leftist regimes.” Crouch’s political bias is simply another outlet for propagandizing American capitalism, and consequently, the gospel that is broadcasted loses its impartiality. Although such a blatant display of bias seems startling, critics argue that political bias in televangelist programming is nothing new. According to Kevin Howley, “Christian broadcasting reflects the concerns of the new Right,” especially the “sense of foreboding regarding the perceived threat to Christian values posed by secular humanism” (Howley). Throughout the years, argues Howley, televangelists have leveraged the attack on secular humanism into enormous political
Schonig 7 influence, from fundraising and political organizing skills in the 1970s and 80s to the prevalence of Christian conservatives in the 2000 presidential primary campaign. Simply because politics have historically transcended the barriers of religious broadcasting, it does not excuse TBN’s own political bias. As the largest worldwide religious network, TBN assumes a greater responsibility to spread a universal message, but falls tragically short. An ideology cannot be universal if it carries a political message on its coattails. While global viewers expect a true representation of the gospel, they receive political propaganda that not only belies the Christian doctrine but may offend their political beliefs and contaminate their perceptions of Christianity. As it has been established that TBN’s programming lacks the universal quality that would deem it appropriate for global viewing, the question of how many global viewers tune in must be examined. While TBN’s boast as the largest global religious network certainly has validity, the sheer volume of global broadcasting says nothing about audience size. Statistically, transnational broadcasters in general do not attract large global audiences. Despite this fact, Jeffrey K. Hadden, author of “Precursors to the Globalization of American Televangelism,” argues that “it is probable that the character of culture and politics in many countries will, in some measure, be shaped by the increased volume and sophistication of religious broadcasting (Hadden 163). Hadden’s article, which was written in 1990, predicts that a substantial impact will be made on foreign countries by American televangelism. Such an impact is expected, as TBN’s programming includes persuasive messages of materialism, conservative politics, and capitalism. In fact, according to a study of the impact of religious programming in the electronic media on the active Christian population in Central America, “almost three­quarters of the Central American Christians had watched or listened to Jimmy Swaggart 1 —more than any other media evangelist” (Smith 302). Even more revealing is that Swaggart’s teachings are perceived by 70 percent of the sample as being more 1 Although not affiliated with TBN, Jimmy Swaggart is one of the pioneers of American televangelism and serves as a representation of American televangelist popularity in Central America.
Schonig 8 useful than those received in the local church” (Smith 302). Local Central American televangelists had significantly less numbers among viewers, which reveals that global viewers (at least the Central Americans in the study) do watch the American televangelists, and even prefer them over their own local televangelists and churches. As American televangelism has become a substitute for church in other countries, it is extremely important as to what is being preached on these American stations. When global viewers watch TBN, they expect the same Christian message they would receive in their local church services. However, when TBN includes promotions for materialism or unnecessary political commentary, global viewers absorb this information in lieu of a traditional church sermon, and thus the spread of the true gospel is actually hindered. Not only are global viewers substituting this contaminated Christian message for local church services, but the same study of Central American television audiences suggests that they are watching for entertainment rather than worship. The study shows that the “disparity…between the usefulness of the programs and the trustworthiness of the media evangelists suggests that this programming is not fundamentally religious instruction or worship, but entertainment” (Smith 303). The televangelists are skilled business rhetoricians; the selling of salvation through viewer donations has transformed the televangelist format from religious sermon to entertaining infomercial, again evoking the image of capitalism. Because of this, televangelists are known for their colorful rhetoric and energetic style; the uplifting messages and entertainment value alone would account for global popularity of American televangelism. While these global Christians simply watch for entertainment, global non­Christians are generally not affected by televangelism, as “no more than 5 percent of all conversion experiences can be traced back to mass evangelism” (Bretthauer 206). Despite this fact, an introductory sermon in a recent episode of “Praise the Lord” depicts the host preaching that “[God] is converting the world one person at a time…men and women are coming to Christ by the thousands, by the tens of thousands, by the hundreds of
Schonig 9 thousands” (Crouch). TBN greatly exaggerates the amount of people actually converted by its programming, thus convincing viewers to contribute to an effective cause and showing non­ Christians that people like them have converted through viewing. Taking into account this misleading rhetoric, TBN can be viewed as a business within a capitalist society. The exaggeration over the amount of faithful “customers” attracts more buyers into the market. However, these words are as misinforming as the questionable gospel being preached on TBN. For the most part, both Christian and non­Christian global viewers are not being religiously affected by TBN’s broadcasting. Instead, they are deceptively being fed misleading information under the mask of entertainment. As viewers from all around the world absorb the falsehoods of TBN broadcasting, the global impact of American televangelism is largely a negative one. In Jeffrey K. Hadden’s article, (which again was written in 1990), Hadden examines the lack of cultural sensitivity in global televangelism and predicts that “future programming…is likely more fully to meet the specific cultural needs of the audiences that they are seeking to reach” (Hadden 164). With an examination of televangelism in 2006, namely TBN, there has been a mild attempt at appealing to individual cultures, but ultimately the gospel remains tainted. For example, TBN Africa includes region­ specific programs such as “She,” a program that addresses issues affecting the lives of Kenyan women. However, such vain attempts for cultural appeal are few, as there are many American­aired TBN Shows (such as “Praise the Lord”) that dominate the international airwaves in translation. According to the same article, this domination is precisely the problem, as the New World Information Order principle maintains that the “free flow doctrine of communication is really a one­way stream of cultural indoctrination…and is the foundation for economic and cultural dominance of the West” (Hadden 165). Because TBN’s religious globalization is only a one­way process, and especially because TBN preaches a politically­charged gospel with a pervading air of
Schonig 10 Western capitalism, TBN’s broadcasting exacerbates the already prevalent neocolonialism of the West. If the gospel provided on TBN was universal as intended, TBN would be a much revered force in the world of Christianity. However, such is not the case. TBN’s gospel is tainted with national, political, and ideological biases that wrongfully indoctrinate unknowing cultures who expect a universal Christianity. TBN both fails and goes beyond its stated purpose to spread Christianity to end human ignorance of the gospel. In one respect, TBN fails at it is unable to portray a universal gospel over the airwaves. More severely, however, TBN abuses its position of communicative dominance and indoctrinates the world with biased teachings. As Dennis Smith boldly puts it, “televangelism’s religious orthodoxy, cultural intolerance, and unequivocal embrace of free­market capitalism has proven both divisive and destructive in some regions” (Smith). This “embrace of free­market capitalism” is something that is evident through TBN’s emphasis on materialism, images of wealth, salesman rhetoric, and conservative political bias. Coincidently, TBN’s expansionist tactics are also reminiscent of a business within capitalist society. Both the intended and unintended promotions of capitalism send a misleading message about Christianity to the entire world that ultimately hinders the spread of Christianity. In one sense, global viewers may disagree with the political and ideological bias, thus avoiding the possibility of a universal Christianity. More serious, however, is that the equation of Christianity and capitalism reduces this universal religion into a profitable business immersed in a competitive marketplace. As satellites spread this image 24 hours a day, to every major continent on the earth, Christianity loses its meaning among the world’s inhabitants.
Schonig 11 Works Cited Apodaca, Patrice. “Southern California Ascends as Capital of Televangelism.” San Francisco Chronicle. 27 Jan 1998. A15. Bretthauer, Berit. “Televangelism: Local and Global Dimensions.” Dwight N. Hopkins, Ed. Religions/Globalizations:Theories and Cases. London: Duke University Press, 2001. Crouch, Paul. “Special from Trinity Music City USA.” Praise the Lord. Trinity Broadcasting Network. Costa Mesa. 16 Aug 2002. Hadden, Jeffrey K. “Precursors to the Globalization of American Televangelism.” Social Compass. 37 (1990): 161­167. Holy Bible, New International Version. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan: 2002. Howley, Kevin. “Prey TV: Televangelism and Interpellation.” Journal of Film and Video 53 (2001): 23­37. Hughey, Michael W. “Internal Contradictions of Televangelism: Ethical quandaries of That Old Time Religion in a Brave New World.” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 4 (1990): 31­47. Lobdell, William. “The Prosperity Gospel.” Los Angeles Times. 20 Sept. 2004: Official Website of Trinity Broadcasting Network. Trinity Broadcasting Network. 2006. May 19, 2006. <http://www.tbn.org/>. Pinsky, Mark I. “Satellites Spread the Scriptures.” Los Angeles Times. 26 Jan. 1989. Smith, Dennis A. ''The Gospel According to the United States: Evangelical Broadcasting in Central America.'' Quentin J. Schultze, Ed. American Evangelicals and the Mass Media. Grand Rapids, MI: Academic Books, 1990.