Running head: FRUSTRATING GAMES, AGGRESSION
Video Games, Frustration, and Aggression
Lauren Handy
State University of New York at New Paltz
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Violent Video Games and Aggression
If one were to decide whether or not violent video games (VVG) cause aggression and
outward violence based on the media’s reporting, there would be little to debate. Aggression is
any behavior done with the intention to harm another person who is actively avoiding the harm
(Anderson & Bushman, 2002). When looking at CNN, Fox News, and MSNBC news coverage
of the tragedies of Columbine High School; Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University;
Newtown, Connecticut; Aurora, Colorado; the Washington, D. C. Navy Yard; and Tucson,
Arizona, 93% of reports blamed VVGs for the events (Benedetti, 2007; Bushman, 2013;
Candiotti, Botelho, & Watkins, 2013; CNN: Cable News Network, 2007; CNN: Cable News
Network, 2007; Fox News, 2013; Jaccarino, 2013; Kassin, 2011; MSNBC Online, 2013; NBC
News Online, 2006; Roth, 2013; Sutter, 2012; Timm, 2012). Only one article (Frank, 2013) from
MSNBC about the shooting in Tucson, Arizona did not blame VVG. Instead, the author states
President Barack Obama has called for research about VVG. However, news coverage of the
mass shooting that occurred outside of the United States in Utoya, Norway, neither CNN nor
MSNBC (Sutter, 2012; Kelland, 2012) drew any connection between VVGs and the shooting,
whereas Fox News (Jaccarino, 2013) did.
The amount of video games being sold is increasing every year (Entertainment Software
Association, 2012). Before continuing, it should be noted that violence does not just occur in
games that are rated appropriate for mature audiences. The rating system for video games
includes Everyone (E), Everyone 10+, Teen (thirteen and older), Mature (17 and older), and
Adults Only (18 and older). Thompson and Haninger (2001) found that among a random sample
of 55 games rated E, 64% included some form of intentional violence for an average of 30.7% of
the actual gameplay. These games also included rewards or advances in the game for injuring
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other characters, violent deaths, objectionable sexual content, and alcohol. A large portion of
these games did not include these themes in the description for consumers (Thompson &
Haninger, 2001). Another study (Carnagey & Anderson, 2004) found that 89% of video games
contained some violent content and 70% of M-rated games are marketed to children under the
age of 17.
To try to censor “violent games” would be to censor nearly every game the Entertainment
Software Association (ESRB) rates. Games that have some forms of violence are deemed
acceptable for younger players, despite concerns about a connection between exposure to
violence in video games and aggression in real life. Although much of the research focuses on
aggression as intentional harming, it is difficult to measure such a behavior in a laboratory
setting (Valadez & Ferguson, 2012). New explanations, such as catharsis hypothesis, described
below, must be explored as possible explanations of VVG and their effects on people of all ages.
The fact that an inverse relationship exists between video game sales and violent crime
among the youth (Entertainment Software Association, 2012; Valadez & Ferguson, 2012) shows
that VVG are not the only factor to be considered in this issue. It is imperative to continue
research on the issue with as few biases and confounds as possible. When reviewing the three
overarching themes of gaming literature – that VVGs cause or correlate with aggressive
behaviors, that no connection exists, and that violent games help a player’s well-being – it is
clear certain methodologies need to be changed.
Background Literature
Frustration
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The idea of frustration being linked to aggression can be traced back to 1939 (Dollard et
al.) with the formulation of the frustration-aggression hypothesis. This hypothesis purports the
idea that when there is frustration there is aggression and vice versa. The emotional aspects of
frustration were ignored in its definition and instead frustration was defined as, “an interference
with the occurrence of an instigated goal-response” (Dollard et al., 1939, p. 7). Thus, frustration
is simply something that stops a goal from being achieved. Focusing on the source of frustration
has been found to lead to an increase in aggression in comparison with focusing on an unrelated
source (Bresin & Gordon, 2013). Frustration is such an accepted catalyst of aggression it is used
to induce aggression (Osumi et al., 2012). Frustration and video game play are only just being
combined, but evidence of frustration in video games as a way to induce aggression has also yet
to be investigated.
Frustration has been found in the violent video game literature as a recurring moderator
(Breuer, Scharkow, & Quandt, 2013; Ferguson & Rueda, 2010; Irwin & Gross, 1995; Valadez &
Ferguson, 2012). Berkowitz (1989) concluded that any negative affect can lead to aggressive
inclinations, though frustration is specifically and widely supported. One would assume that
future studies on the topic would all include frustration as a control or moderating variable, but
that has yet to be seen.
Video Game Literature
Violent Video Games Are Beneficial
As mentioned above, frustration is a topic that appears as a third variable in the other
categories as a powerful predictor of aggressive behavior. In one study (Ferguson & Rueda,
2010) participants were all given a frustration task and broken down into conditions of no game,
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a nonviolent game, a violent game where the participant is the “good guy,” and a violent game
where the participant is the “bad guy.” The different games in the study and history of violent
gaming were not found to increase aggression. In fact, violent games were actually found to
reduce hostility and depression in participants. These results imply that violent games allow for
mood management after the participants have been frustrated by the previous task.
No Connection Exists
Research in this category typically has come up with third variables that, through testing,
bring about higher significance in increases of aggression than VVG (Valadez & Ferguson,
2012). Ferguson (2011) found that depressive symptoms were a significantly stronger predictor
of aggressive and violent behaviors than VVGs and violent television shows. Other moderators
include predispositions to aggression, high levels of family violence, and being a male as
significantly better predictors of aggression than VVG (Ferguson et al., 2008). Even more
important third variables that must be considered include competitiveness, difficulty, and pace of
action (Valadez & Ferguson, 2012). Competition brings about higher levels of aggression than
VVG, even if the game contains a large amount of violence (Adachi & Willoughby, 2011).
While testing competitiveness, Breuer, Scharkow, & Quandt (2013) found that frustration
mediated losing a competitive game and aggression.
For adolescents specifically, bullying is an important issue that needs immediate attention.
It has been purported (Ferguson, Olson, Kutner, & Warner, 2010) that bullies play large amounts
of VVG. Predisposition to aggression and stress level were strongly correlated with aggression,
whereas VVG exposure and parental involvement were not (Ferguson, Olson, Kutner, & Warner,
2010).
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Finally, Gunter and Daly (2012) bring up the issue that perhaps so many correlations are
found because the analyses are inappropriate. In order to find more meaningful results, score
matching must be utilized to reduce biases due to confounding factors. In this study, the youths
were matched based on whether or not they played VVGs in their daily lives. After controlling
for this one factor, the relationship between VVG and aggression was insignificant (Gunter &
Daly, 2012). To respond to this, all VVG research must account for propensity score matching,
though this is hard to find.
Violent Video Games Cause Aggression
In one study (Irwin & Gross, 1995), children were put into an aggressive or
nonaggressive condition and were then allowed time for free-play. The children who played
aggressive games displayed more object aggression, or aggression towards inanimate objects,
compared to the children who played nonaggressive games. Frustrating games, as per self-report,
ended in children engaged in more interpersonal aggression (Irwin & Gross, 1995). Thus, it is
important to focus on perceived difficulty and frustration caused by the game as well as violent
content. Adolescents, who have been found to have aggressive tendencies anyway during this
age, have been found to be more aggressive after playing VVG. One such study included violent
and nonviolent games, as well as third variables such as frequency of overall play (Willoughby et
al., 2012). It was found that the longer the exposure to violent games, the steeper the incline for
aggressive tendencies. Similarly, the more violent the game, the higher levels of aggression were
found. No differences were found for nonviolent games (Willoughby et al., 2012).
Adults have also been involved in a fair number of studies. One involved playing violent
or nonviolent games, viewing violent or nonviolent photos, and playing loud noises through
headphones (Engelhardt, Bartholow, Kerr, & Bushman, 2011). The participants who did not
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have much experience with violence, played the VVG, and were shown the violent photos saw
less of an event-related brain potential (ERP) peak during the violent games, which means that
there was less of a reaction from the brain when seeing these images. The authors interpreted this
as showing that desensitization occurs very quickly after exposure. Increased aggression was
also measured with these participants for non-violent gamers (Engelhardt et al., 2011).
A methodological concern in any of the above categories is a large portion of these
studies involves relatively short-term measures of VVG playing. Seeing as most video game
players do not play for 10 minutes and stop, it is important to study long-term playing. Although
not very long, Bushman and Gibson (2011) had participants play a violent or nonviolent game
for 20 minutes. Half of the participants from each of these groups reflected on the game for 24
hours afterwards. They were instructed to think about playing the game and come up with ways
their gameplay could be improved when played again. After the day was over, they took part in a
competitive task where the winner punished the loser via loud noises through headphones. Those
who played violent games were more aggressive but only if they ruminated about the game
(Bushman & Gibson, 2011). An important factor for future long-term research is the
participant’s attention on the violence for a long period of time. In a different study, a weak
longitudinal connection was found, where after playing for three weeks researchers found a small
increase in pro-violence attitudes but not a significant increase in aggression or decrease in
empathy (Teng, Chong, Siew, & Skoric, 2011). A different study (Bluemke, Friedrich, &
Zumbach, 2010) only allotted five minutes of playtime but still found increases in implicit selfconcept, an antecedent of impulsive aggression. These findings imply a deep, personal effect
from extremely small amounts of playtime. If this were to be repeated for hours, even days, the
effect would be compelling, since it would be a much better mirror to how players actually
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experience video games because one game could take 20 hours to complete. A participant needs
time to master controls, feel autonomous, and become familiar with the game to reduce
frustration and difficulty (Valadez & Ferguson, 2012).
Theoretical Rationales
Catharsis Hypothesis
Catharsis hypothesis predicts that playing VVG will lead to decreases in aggression,
through the process of “venting off” aggressive energy or desires (Dill & Dill, 1998). This
hypothesis suggests that aggression is a biological drive that needs to be released and long-term
research has supported this (Ferguson & Rueda, 2010). In a qualitative study, young boys stated
feeling calmer, less aggressive, and less angry after playing a VVG (Olson, Kutner, & Warner,
2008). It is suggested that the most compelling way to study catharsis is to frustrate participants
and then play different games to study which calm participants (Ferguson & Rueda, 2010).
Mood Management Theory
Mood management theory states that when individuals feel depressed, they seek out
media that will best change their affect (Zillman, 1988). This media may be dark or violent, a
trend that is more common among adolescents who seek excitation. These chosen games,
regardless of theme, are meant to help the individuals come to terms with their emotions. VVGs,
specifically, may be more helpful for disappointment, loss of power and control, and
helplessness by allowing the individuals to achieve concrete goals and attain control over the
gaming world (Ferguson & Rueda, 2010).
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Conclusions
Based on the empirical evidence, frustration is a compelling moderator for any
connections between VVG and aggression. Participants were compared based on whether they
played a frustrating violent game (e.g., player must hit “bad guys” to not only win but continue
through the stages) or a frustrating nonviolent game (e.g., player not rewarded for injuring any
character). To address methodological issues, participants were assigned to play their games for
45 minutes and were given the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire at the beginning of the
study to measure trait aggression. The State Hostility Scale and Word Completion Test were
used to measure state aggression before and after participants play their respective games, along
with filler questions and frustration questions via the frustration measure.
Hypotheses and Purposes
Hypothesis 1: Participants who play a frustrating video game will experience an increase in state
aggression, regardless of condition.
Hypothesis 2: Participants who play a violent and frustrating video game will not experience a
greater increase in state aggression than those who play a frustrating but non-violent game.
Research Design and Methodology
Participants
Participants were recruited via fliers, emails, and the snowball effect, with materials
inviting casual and serious gamers to participate. The fliers were placed around a college campus
in New York. The email was sent to students of this college. Through the snowball effect more
participants were reached. 35 individuals participated in the study, allowing for at least 17
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participants per condition. The researcher tried to recruit an equal number of casual gamers and
hardcore gamers for meaningful comparisons.
Measures
Demographic factors. Data about age, gender, and education status was collected.
Video Game Habits. Questions about video gaming habits was collected including hours
played per month and preferred game types. This is to help see the criteria a casual or serious
gamer uses when self-identifying, and to allow post-hoc analyses of other gaming and
entertainment habits.
Trait aggression. To test trait aggression, the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire (AQ)
was administered before playing the game. It measures trait aggressiveness through physical and
verbal aggression, anger, and hostility. It has a Chronbach’s alpha of 0.90.
State aggression (direct). The State Hostility Questionnaire (Anderson et al., 1995). This
35-item measure uses a Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The four
subscales of the measure are feeling unsociable, feeling mean, lack of positive feelings (via
reverse-scoring), and aggravation. This measure has a Chronbach’s alpha of .94 (Stephens &
Allsop, 2012).
State aggression (indirect). Using the Word Completion Task (Anderson et al., 2003),
state aggression will be measured by having participants complete fragments of words. Items that
are aggressive will score positively (e.g. “expl_ _ e” can be either “explode” or “explore”)
(Stephens & Allsop, 2012). Of 98, only 50 fragments have a known aggressive solution.
Frustration. Frustration will be measured using the frustration measure, which contained
questions about the difficulty of gameplay. These were incorporated into the measures after the
participant played the game.
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Stimuli
Frustrating violent game. The stimulus chosen as the frustrating violent game is
Battletoads, which has been rated as E for everyone by the ESRB. It is a “beat-em-up”
(Buchanan, 2009) game in which the player defeats enemies, engages in obstacle course races,
and tries to stay alive. It is described as among the hardest games of all time (Buchanan, 2009;
News & Feature Team, 2007; Ponce, 2009; Smith, 2012; Top ten most difficult, 2008). It
includes few lives and continues after death, no passwords after levels, prerequisites of rote
memorization and fast reaction times, and the ability to harm a friend in multiplayer mode. It is a
violent game in that a player cannot continue the game without defeating/killing all enemies.
Frustrating nonviolent game. Cat Mario, also known as Syobon Action, is a flash game
made for computers. It has not been rated by the ESRB. The player controls a white cat while
playing through levels that look like those from Super Mario Brothers. The creators, assuming
the player has previous knowledge of the Mario games, purposefully created obstructions to
those assumptions, resulting in the player dying repeatedly (Patton, 2010). Players must come up
with other ways to complete the levels, while unaware of hidden or completely invisible
obstacles. PC World named it one of the worst games ever due to its difficulty, saying that if you
follow logic from playing any game, you will die (Rasmussen, 2011; de Meijir, 2008). There are
coins and bad guys, but there are no points and, thus, no reason to do anything but attempt to live.
Procedure
Informed consent was obtained from the participant before beginning the study. All
sessions were held in a computer laboratory on the university’s campus. Individual codes were
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given to each participant. After obtaining consent, demographic measures and gaming habits
were collected, followed by the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire, half of the State Hostility
Scale, and half of the Word Completion Task. Participants were randomly selected to be in the
violent or nonviolent condition. Regardless of condition, participants played their respective
games for 45 minutes. The second half of the State Hostility Scale and Word Completion Task
were given, as well as the Frustration Measure. The participants received a debriefing form,
where they were given the counseling center’s and the primary investigator’s contact information
in case any negative affect was induced. The college’s research ethics board approved the
procedure and all materials.
Data Analysis Plan
Participants’ aggression scores will be compared across the conditions of frustrating
violent or nonviolent game using a split-plot design. In addition to testing for support of the
hypothesis, post-hoc analyses will be performed on other information collected from the
demographics and gaming habits survey to investigate other relevant relationships such as
frequency of gaming and preferred game type’s correlation with aggression scores.
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