Coping with Terrorism: Age and Gender Differences in Effortful and

Applied Developmental Science
2004, Vol. 8, No. 3, 143–157
Copyright © 2004 by
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Coping with Terrorism: Age and Gender Differences in Effortful
and Involuntary Responses to September 11th
Martha E. Wadsworth, Gretchen R. Gudmundsen, and Tali Raviv
University of Denver
Jarl A. Ahlkvist
University of Colorado
Daniel N. McIntosh, Galena H. Kline, Jacqueline Rea, and Rebecca A. Burwell
University of Denver
This study examined age and gender differences and similarities in stress responses to
September 11th. Adolescents, young adults, and adults reported using a variety of
strategies to cope with the terrorist attacks including acceptance, positive thinking,
and emotional expression. In addition, involuntary stress responses such as physiological arousal, rumination, and emotional numbing were common. A number of age
trends emerged, showing increases across the three groups in emotion-based coping
strategies and decreases in some forms of disengagement coping. In addition, rumination decreased with age, whereas intrusive thoughts were more prevalent in the
older groups. Females in both the adolescent and young adult samples reported using
emotion-based strategies more than males, and these strategies were related to better
functioning for females only. In addition, males reported higher levels of disengagement responses; and these responses were related to worse functioning, but only for
females. The utility of using the Responses to Stress Questionnaire (Connor-Smith,
Compas, Wadsworth, Thomsen, & Saltzman, 2000) to examine coping and involuntary stress responses in reference to terrorism and across a wide age range was examined. Implications for coping theory and empirical research are explored.
Although much of the world has faced the reality of
living with terrorism for many years, September 11th
marked a new era for those living in the United States.
An emerging agenda for applied developmental scientists in the United States post September 11th concerns
how best to help children and adults living in the
United States cope with terrorism. Recent funding initiatives at the National Institutes of Health (National
Institute of Mental Health and the National Institute of
Child Health and Human Development) reflect this
priority, with calls for basic and applied research on
this topic (National Institutes of Health, 2003). Some,
but not all, individuals across the United States suffered psychologically as a result of the attacks of September 11th (Schuster et al., 2001; Silver, Holman,
McIntosh, Poulin, & Gil-Rivas, 2002). There are multiple potential sources of these individual differences;
here we focus on coping and involuntary stress responses, as they may have applied clinical significance. For example, among adults, coping responses
soon after the attacks predicted mental health symptoms 6 months later; such information may be used in
developing education and intervention programs (Silver et al., 2002). Largely unexplored, however, are fundamental questions for developmental science concerning what types of strategies people use to cope
with terrorism, which types of coping are helpful for
children and adults to use, and how these may differ
across developmental level into adulthood (La Greca,
2001). This study addresses these questions by examining how three samples of varying ages and both genders coped with the terrorist attacks of September 11,
2001.
Coping With Terrorism
The terrorist attacks on September 11th contributed
to psychological distress in adults and children across
the United States. Even those living far from the attacks experienced elevated symptoms of anxiety,
posttraumatic stress, and depression in the ensuing
weeks and months, suggesting that fear and perceived
threat were not limited to those directly exposed to the
Requests for reprints should be sent to Martha Wadsworth,
Ph.D., University of Denver, Department of Psychology, 2155 S.
Race Street, Denver, CO 80208. E-mail: [email protected]
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WADSWORTH ET AL.
attacks (Schlenger et al., 2002; Schuster et al., 2001;
Silver et al., 2002). The substantial variability in levels
of symptoms has been attributed to various sources.
Coping strategies were proposed as being influential in
several studies, but only two published September 11th
studies assessed coping strategies.
In their nationwide sample of adults, Silver et al.
(2002) found that seeking social support and various
forms of disengagement such as denial, self-blame,
and distraction immediately following September 11th
predicted later psychological distress and posttraumatic symptoms, but active coping predicted less
distress and acceptance predicted lower levels of
posttraumatic symptoms. Adults in Schuster’s (2001)
sample reported that turning to religion and talking
with others were their primary means of coping with
September 11th. In addition, their respondents mentioned that making donations and participating in
group activities were also helpful.
No published studies have examined how children
or adolescents coped with the September 11th attacks.
Although numerous studies have examined children’s
symptomatology in response to war or terrorism (e.g.,
Goenjian et al., 2000; Pfefferbaum et al., 2000; Shaw,
2003), we are aware of only one that has assessed the
strategies used by children and adolescents to cope
with war or terrorism. Three weeks after the first Gulf
War ended, a large sample of Israeli middle and high
school students reported on strategies used to cope
with wearing gas masks and retreating to sealed rooms
during air raids (Weisenberg, Schwarzwald, Waysman,
Solomon, & Klingman, 1993). Problem-focused strategies such as information seeking were associated with
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms,
whereas emotion-focused and disengagement strategies such as avoidance were associated with better
post-war functioning.
Development and Responses to Stress
Because coping is partly situation specific
(Compas & Epping, 1993), making broad generalizations about similarities and differences in coping
across age and gender is virtually impossible without
studies that assess responses to a common stressor
using large and varied samples. The events of September 11th provided a rare opportunity to study responses of different groups to the same stressor, thus
allowing for analysis of the role of age and gender
similarities and differences. Understanding how age
and gender may affect an individual’s coping and involuntary responses to terrorism will aid in development of effective interventions.
This research was guided by the Responses to Stress
Model (Compas, Connor, Harding, Saltzman, &
Wadsworth, 1999), a five-factor model of stress re144
sponses measured using the empirically validated Responses to Stress Questionnaire (RSQ; Connor-Smith,
Compas, Wadsworth, Thomsen, & Saltzman, 2000).
The RSQ encompasses both effortful coping (voluntary responses to stress) and automatic cognitive, affective, behavioral, and physiological reactions (involuntary responses to stress). The first dimension,
primary control coping, consists of strategies that are
aimed directly at modifying the stressful problem or
one’s emotional response and includes problem solving, emotional expression, and emotional regulation.
The second dimension, secondary control coping, includes strategies that reflect attempts to adapt oneself
to a stressful circumstance and includes acceptance,
cognitive restructuring, distraction, and positive thinking. The third component, disengagement coping, consists of strategies that attempt to orient the individual
away from a stressful circumstance or from their emotional reactions and includes avoidance, denial, and
wishful thinking. There are also two dimensions that
assess involuntary responses to stress. The first, involuntary engagement, includes responses that orient the
individual toward the stressful circumstance or their
emotional reactions and includes emotional and physiological arousal, rumination, intrusive thoughts, and
impulsive action. The second dimension, involuntary
disengagement, includes responses that orient the individual away from the stressful circumstance or their
emotional reactions and includes cognitive interference, escape, emotional numbing, and inaction.
Age-Related Similarities and
Differences in Coping and Responses
to Stress
The Responses to Stress Model (Compas et al., 1999)
is a developmental and contextual theoretical framework of responses to stress in childhood and adolescence. The model posits that coping is a subset of responses that an individual experiences when faced with
stress, and that it is essential to simultaneously consider
both effortful and involuntary stress responses in any effort to understand how children and adolescents respond
to stress. This model emphasizes the importance of developmental changes in the nature of stress encountered
by children and adolescents, the internal and external resources available for coping, internal and external constraints that limit coping processes, and the complex interplay between effortful coping responses and
involuntary stress responses. According to the Responses to Stress Model, involuntary stress responses
reflect individual differences in temperamental reactivity as well as responses that are “overlearned and automatized as a result of associative conditioning processes”
(Compas et al., 1999, p. 247). Therefore, involuntary
stress responses are present early in development and
help shape an individual’s coping repertoire. Compas et
COPING WITH TERRORISM
al. theorized that the proportion of effortful and involuntary responses used by an individual will change with
development, with coping increasing during childhood
and adolescence.
Therefore, developmental variability in stress responses is as important to consider as variability resulting from the nature of the stressor (Compas & Epping,
1993). As individuals develop, coping shifts from simple behavioral methods performed with external support to complex strategies aimed at altering internal
states and that are performed independently. According to Compas et al. (1999), this should be reflected in
age-related increases in secondary control coping and
emotion-focused coping responses and decreases in
disengagement responses. Only one study has examined developmental changes in coping with terrorism.
Consistent with the Responses to Stress Model, older
adolescents were more likely to use more emotion-focused coping and less problem-focused coping in responding to the missile attacks during the first Gulf
War (Weisenberg et al., 1993).
Research examining age-related trends in coping in
response to other stressors has yielded few consistent
findings. However, the few findings are consistent with
the Responses to Stress Model and generally show that
younger children and adolescents use more concrete,
primary control coping strategies such as problem solving and emotional expression, which orient an individual toward the stressor or their emotions (Band & Weisz,
1988, 1990; Thurber & Weisz, 1997). Older adolescents
and adults tend to use internally focused, cognitively
based coping strategies (e.g., cognitive restructuring)
more frequently than do younger individuals (Compas,
1998; Hoffman, Levy-Shiff, Sohlberg, & Zarizki, 1991;
Losoya, Eisenberg, & Fabes, 1998; Wertlieb, Weigel, &
Feldstein, 1987). Such cognitively based strategies are
classified in this study as secondary control coping,
which is aimed at maximizing the fit between the individual and environmental conditions. Secondary control coping emerges around age 10 and continues developing into the early 20s (Hoffman et al., 1991; Hoffner,
1993; Kurdek, 1987; Weisenberg et al., 1993). Therefore, we examined coping and stress responses across
three age groups: young adolescents who should be at
the cusp of developing secondary control strategies,
while still being reliant on primary control and disengagement coping strategies; young adults who have
likely developed a wider repertoire of coping strategies,
but may still rely somewhat on “immature” coping strategies; and adults who should have developed the widest,
most versatile repertoire of coping strategies.
Gender-Related Similarities
and Differences in Coping
Gender may also influence coping. The limited research on this topic suggests that girls utilize emotional
and cognitive strategies more than boys, whereas boys
appear to rely more on avoidant and disengagement
coping strategies (Herman & McHale, 1993; Roecker,
Dubow, & Donaldson, 1996; Russionello et al., 2002;
Weisenberg et al., 1993; Whitesell, Robinson, &
Harter, 1993). Girls in Weisenberg et al.’s (1993) sample sought more reassurance in coping with Scud missile attacks, but did not differ from boys on any other
coping scales. Situational specificity of stress responses limits our ability to draw conclusions regarding gender differences in coping and stress responses.
Connor-Smith et al. (2000), for example, found somewhat different gender differences depending on
whether the adolescents were responding to economic
strain versus family conflict. Therefore, it is difficult to
predict whether we will find gender-based differences
in response to September 11th, but Weisenberg et al.’s
study suggests that we may.
Involuntary Stress Responses
An individual’s response to stress entails a host of
physiological, cognitive, and behavioral actions; some
planful, others not (Compas et al., 1999). According to
the Responses to Stress Model, only cognitions and behaviors that are effortful can be considered coping. Involuntary responses comprise either temperamentally
based stress reactivity or conditioned coping responses
that have become automatic and are hypothesized to either facilitate or interfere with efficacious coping. Very
little is known about age or gender differences in these
types of stress responses. Connor-Smith et al. (2000)
found that young women under peer stress reported
higher levels of physiological arousal and lower levels
of emotional numbing and escape than did young men.
Adolescent boys endorsed higher levels of rumination,
impulsive action, cognitive interference, escape, and
inaction than did adolescent girls. Here, we examine
whether these differences also appear in how individuals respond to an impersonal national stressor.
Responses to Stress
and Psychological Symptoms
Coping has long been postulated as a buffer of
stress, and there is much research to suggest that coping is related to psychological symptoms such as anxiety and depression (for a review, see Compas,
Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth,
2002). However, until recently it has been difficult to
ascertain which types of strategies are reliably associated with better or worse psychological functioning, as
the same strategy (e.g., avoidance) is associated with
worse functioning in a number of studies (e.g., Dumont
& Provost, 1999; Herman-Stahl & Petersen, 1996);
and better functioning in numerous other studies of the
same stressor (e.g., Eisenberg et al., 1993; Kliewer,
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WADSWORTH ET AL.
1991). The RSQ is unique in the respect that two of its
factors, primary control coping and secondary control
coping, are robustly associated with less
symptomatology both concurrently and over time and
in relation to a variety of different stressors
(Connor-Smith & Compas, 2002; Wadsworth &
Compas, 2002). Conversely, involuntary stress responses are generally associated with more symptoms,
regardless of the type of stressor (e.g., Thomsen et al.,
2002). In this study, we examine the association between responses to stress and symptoms of anxiety to
assess whether coping and involuntary responses are
related to symptoms in the expected manner.
Challenges of Studying Development
and Stress Responses
Two significant barriers to making developmental
comparisons of the full range of stress responses are
the absence of measures that include both coping and
involuntary reactions and measures that span different
age groups. Most measures of coping have been developed for specific projects, with little attempt to link to
other ages or other studies (Compas et al., 2002). The
RSQ is an exception, with parallel forms for adolescents and adults. We used the RSQ to gain insight into
how individuals of different ages cope with the same
event.
Purpose of This Study
This study was designed to examine the stress responses to September 11th of adolescents, young
adults, and adults who were geographically distant
from the attacks. We examined similarities and differences in coping and involuntary stress responses across
the three age groups. We hypothesized that concrete,
externally focused strategies such as problem solving
and disengagement coping would decrease with age
and that cognitive and emotion-based strategies would
increase with age. We also examined gender differences in the adolescent and young adult samples. We
expected to find that males would show greater use of
disengagement strategies, whereas females would
show more emotion-based strategies.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Young adolescents. Out of 300 students who
were sent consent forms, we collected data from 168
adolescents from sixth, seventh, and eighth grades
(55% girls; mean age = 12.21, SD = .98) yielding a
56% participation rate. Students who returned signed
parental consent forms completed questionnaires dur146
ing classes on October 23, 2001. They were given a
movie pass for participation. The sample was 79.4%
White, 9.4% other, 5.0% Southeast Asian, 2.5% Latino, 2.5% Native American, and 1.3% African American. Only 2.6% of children enrolled in this school receive free or reduced lunch, indicating that this is an
affluent sample.
Young adults. Through social science classes at
two Colorado universities, one private and one public,
670 young adults were recruited to participate in this
study. Of those who received questionnaires, 493 respondents (74% participation rate) returned completed
questionnaires to a confidential drop box and received
extra class credit. All forms were returned by October
24, 2001. The mean age was 19.65 (SD = 1.40), and
72% were women. The sample was 81% White, 4.4%
other, 3.3% Southeast Asian, 2% African American,
1.4% Pacific Islander, and 0.7% Native American.
Adults. Parents of the 300 selected adolescents
were also invited to participate. Fifty-nine (86%
women; mean age = 45.04, SD = 3.49) returned consent forms and completed packets to the researchers in
a postage-paid envelope reflecting a 20% participation
rate. All forms were returned by November 5, 2001.
The sample was 93% White, 3.5% African American,
1.8% Southeast Asian, and 1.8% Native American.
Other research has documented that 80% of parents of
children at this school have completed college, showing this to be an educated, affluent sample (Shirk,
2003).
Measures
Responses to stress. Participants completed the
RSQ (Connor-Smith et al., 2000). The RSQ is a
57-item measure that assesses how a person responds
to a stressful domain. For this study, the domain was
the September 11th terrorist attacks. The RSQ has
demonstrated good reliability and validity with multiple samples and stressors (e.g., Connor-Smith et al.,
2000; Wadsworth, Rieckmann, Benson, & Compas,
2004). Within the young adolescent sample, internal
consistencies were as follows: α = .82 (primary control), α = .76 (secondary control), α = .76 (disengagement coping), α = .90 (involuntary engagement), and α
= .80 (involuntary disengagement). Within the young
adult sample, internal consistencies were as follows: α
= .76 (primary control), α = .69 (secondary control), α
= .70 (disengagement coping), α = .86 (involuntary engagement), and α = .77 (involuntary disengagement).
Within the adult sample, internal consistencies were as
follows: α = .75 (primary control), α = .78 (secondary
control), α = .71 (disengagement coping), α = .77 (involuntary engagement), and α = .76 (involuntary disengagement). Construct and criterion validity and
COPING WITH TERRORISM
test–retest reliability have been demonstrated in other
samples (Connor-Smith et al., 2000).
Coping Activities Checklist. The 12-item Coping
Activities Checklist (CAC) assessed coping activities
specific to the events of September 11th such as putting up a flag; wearing a patriotic T-shirt; attending a
public vigil; donating food, clothing, or money; and
talking to family or friends. Participants indicated
whether they participated in each of the activities,
then rated the perceived helpfulness of each activity
on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (I felt worse) to 4 (I
felt a lot better). Adolescents and young adults completed this questionnaire.
Anxiety symptoms. Adolescents completed the
State–Trait Anxiety Inventory for Children (STAI–C;
Spielberger, 1973) and young adults completed the
STAI (Spielberger, 1977) to assess anxiety symptoms.
Adolescents indicated the severity of 20 descriptors on
a 3-point scale for both state and trait anxiety. For state
anxiety, adolescents endorsed whether they felt a variety of symptoms of anxiety and other emotions at that
very moment; for example, “I feel … very calm, calm,
or not calm.” For trait anxiety, adolescents indicated
how often they felt the emotions; for example, “I worry
about making mistakes … hardly ever, sometimes, or
often.” Scores were imputed based on scores from
other measures of functioning for 22 adolescents with
missing anxiety scores.
Young adults indicated the degree to which they
experienced a range of emotions on a 4-point scale
ranging from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very much so) for
state anxiety and from 1 (almost never) to 4 (almost
always) for trait anxiety. The state anxiety score from
these measures was used in these analyses to reflect
anxiety symptoms in response to September 11th. Internal consistency reliability for the state anxiety
score was .90 for adolescents and .92 for young
adults.
Adults completed the Brief Symptom Inventory
(BSI; Derogatis & Melisaratos, 1983). The BSI is a
53-item self-report measure designed to assess the frequency of psychological symptoms. The BSI has good
concurrent validity and internal consistency. The anxiety subscale score was used in these analyses (α = .75).
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Combining samples. Adolescents whose parents participated in the study did not differ from those
whose parents did not participate on age, gender, and
all coping and stress responses; therefore, they were
combined for analyses. Similar analyses indicated that
there were no differences on age or gender between the
young adult sample from the private university and the
sample from the public university. However, the two
university samples did differ on some RSQ scales, so
within-group young adult analyses were conducted
controlling for university.
Factorial invariance of the RSQ. We hypothesized that coping and responses to stress would vary
across the different age groups. To ensure that such
differences are substantive, rather than artifacts of inconsistent construct measurement, we tested factor
invariance of the RSQ. Demonstration of metric factor invariance enables the theoretical comparison of
coping and responses to stress across groups. Maximum likelihood estimation via LISREL Version 8.30
(Jöreskog & Sörbom, 1999) was used to conduct confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) using the covariance
matrices of the mean scores for the middle school and
college samples. Model fit was evaluated using
chi-square, the comparative fit index (CFI), and the
root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA).
First, to demonstrate that both groups conformed to
the proposed factor structure, CFAs were performed
on the young adolescent and young adult samples
separately.1 For both samples, fit indices indicated
adequate fit: adolescents, χ2(142, n = 151) = 264.15,
p < .001, CFI = .90, RMSEA < .07; and young adults,
χ2(142, n = 475) = 574.18, p < .001, CFI = .87,
RMSEA < .09.
To examine the factorial invariance of the RSQ
across the two age groups, we used CFA to test the fit
of the data obtained on the 19 scale scores for the
young adolescent and young adult samples to the
five-factor model. To examine metric invariance, factor
loadings and uniqueness terms were fixed, whereas
factor variances and covariances were allowed to vary
across the two age groups (Horn & McArdle, 1992). To
test configural invariance, only the uniqueness terms
were fixed and factor variances, covariances, and loadings were free to vary across groups. The data showed
similar fit between metric invariance, χ2(322, n = 626)
= 912.97, p < .001, CFI = .87, RMSEA < .08; and
configural invariance, χ2(303, n = 626) = 862.81, p <
.001, CFI = .88, RMSEA < .08. Therefore, the more
stringent metric invariance model was retained, which
allowed for subsequent comparisons of mean differences between samples.
Convergent and discriminant validity. Analyses
were conducted to examine the convergent and
discriminant validity of the CAC and RSQ. First, items
from the CAC were summed to create two composite
scores: concrete activities (4 items, such as fundraising
1There was insufficient power to run a confirmatory factor
analysis on the parent sample (N = 59).
147
WADSWORTH ET AL.
and donating food, clothing, or money) and social support (6 items, such as talking to friends or parents, attending a vigil, or talking to a therapist). We hypothesized that both CAC composites would be significantly
correlated with the RSQ primary control coping factor
because they represent behaviors that indicate engagement with the stressor itself or with one’s emotions regarding the stressor (convergent validity). Conversely,
we hypothesized that the CAC composites would be
negatively related to the RSQ disengagement coping
factor (discriminant validity).
Within the adolescent sample, both the concrete
activities and social support composites from the
CAC were significantly correlated with the RSQ primary control coping factor as expected (r = .22, p <
.01 and r = .25, p < .01, respectively). Reports of engaging in concrete activities and social support were
negatively correlated with RSQ disengagement coping (r = –.23, p < .01 and r = –.17, p < .05, respectively) and secondary control coping (r = –.17, p <
.05 and r = –.27, p < .001, respectively). Similarly,
within the young adult sample, positive relations between the CAC concrete activities and social support
composites and the RSQ primary control coping factor were obtained (r = .10, p < .05 and r = .13, p <
.01, respectively), whereas CAC concrete activities
and social support were negatively related to disengagement coping (r = –.17, p < .001 and r = –.12, p <
.01, respectively). The social support composite was
also negatively correlated with secondary control
coping within this sample (r = –.10, p < .05). Although these correlations are encouraging indications
of convergent and discriminant validity, their modest
size also indicates that the two measures are providing unique information.
Correlations between coping, involuntary stress
responses, and symptoms of anxiety. Table 1 contains the correlations between effortful and involuntary
stress responses on the RSQ and symptoms of anxiety.
The five factors of the RSQ were differentially correlated with anxiety symptoms in all three samples. In
general, primary and secondary control coping were
associated with less anxiety, whereas both types of involuntary stress responses were associated with more
anxiety. Disengagement coping was unrelated to anxiety symptoms in most cases. Prominent and consistent
gender differences were found in the adolescent and
young adult samples, but there appeared to be no striking cross-sample differences in the association between stress responses and anxiety. Primary control
coping was associated with less anxiety for females
only in both the adolescent and young adult samples.
Conversely, involuntary disengagement responses
were associated with more anxiety, again for both adolescent and young adult females.
148
Table 1. Correlations Between the Responses to Stress
Questionnaire Factors and Anxiety Symptoms by
Developmental Group and Gender
RSQ Factor
Males
Females
Fisher’s z
.09
–.36**
.07
.39***
–.04
–.36***
–.39***
.13
.36***
.34***
2.86*
0.22
0.35
0.18
2.41*
–.08
–.32***
.01
.34***
.09
–.30***
–.47***
.12*
.44***
.30***
2.06*
1.70
1.04
1.04
2.11*
—
—
—
—
—
–.26
–.44**
.07
.48***
.32*
samplea
Adolescent
Primary control coping
Secondary control coping
Disengagement coping
Involuntary engagement
Involuntary disengagement
Young adult sampleb
Primary control coping
Secondary control coping
Disengagement coping
Involuntary engagement
Involuntary disengagement
Adult samplec
Primary control coping
Secondary control coping
Disengagement coping
Involuntary engagement
Involuntary disengagement
Note: Anxiety symptoms were measured using the state anxiety
score from the State–Trait Anxiety Inventory for adolescents and
young adults. The anxiety scale from the Brief Symptom Inventory
was used for adults. Fisher’s z was used to compare the correlation
coefficients across gender within samples.
aFor adolescent sample: males, n = 70; females, n = 92. bFor young
adult sample: males, n = 122; females, n = 308. cFor adult sample:
males, n = 9; females, n = 46.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Coping With the Events of September
11th—Overall Results
The CAC assessed September 11th-specific coping
strategies utilized by adolescents and young adults in
response to September 11th. Table 2 contains the percentages of adolescent and young adult males and females who participated in each activity, and the percentage of overall participants who found each activity
helpful. All activities were reported by at least some of
the respondents. Talking to a therapist was reported by
less than 10% of both samples, and was rated as among
the least helpful activities for both adolescents and
young adults.
Means, standard deviations, and the intercorrelations of the raw RSQ scale and factor scores are
presented by age group in Table 3. Preliminary analyses indicated the presence of overall responding differences. Specifically, adolescents and young adults reported significantly more responses to stress overall
than did adults, F(2, 653) = 3.87, p < .05. Therefore, as
recommended by Connor-Smith et al. (2000), scale
and factor scores on the RSQ were computed as proportions of the total score for all responses (i.e., sum of
scores on primary control items/sum of all items) to
control for these differences. Means and standard devi-
COPING WITH TERRORISM
Table 2. CAC Activity Endorsement and Percent Helpful by Sample and Gender
Adolescents
Total
CAC Activity
Fundraisinga
Patriotic T-shirta
Attend a vigila
Talk to therapista
Donating itemsa
Flying a flaga
Attend religious servicesa
Attending assembly
Wrote in journal
Talking to friendsa
Talking to parentsa
Young Adults
Boys
Girls
%
Endorsed
%
Endorsed
%
Helpful
%
Endorsed
89
60
15
4
63
73
53
15
23
69
68
90
61
69
17
86
83
69
52
66
61
84
81b
38b
18b
0b
60b
62b
53b
10b
5b
57b
54b
96c
79c
13b
7c
66b
82c
53b
20b
37c
78c
78c
Total
Men
Women
%
Endorsed
%
Helpful
%
Endorsed
%
Endorsed
47
23
31
8
10
44
27
19
18
90
81
86
76
79
68
81
87
89
66
80
75
80
37b
25b
25b
9b
15b
44b
20b
21b
13b
91b
76b
52c
22b
34b
8b
8c
45b
30c
19b
21c
92b
87c
Note: Total refers to percentage of both male and female individuals for each group. Percentage helpful is included for the total samples only.
Analyses were conducted using percentage endorsed only. For adolescents and young adults, percentages for males and females in the same row
from the same age group that do not share superscripts (b, c) differ at p < .05 in the χ2(1) comparison. CAC = Coping Activities Checklist.
aIndicates a significant age difference on total percentage endorsed (p <.05), χ2(1).
ations of the ratio RSQ scale and factor scores are presented in Table 4. For all samples, the most frequently
reported strategies were emotional expression and acceptance; the least frequently reported were involuntary responses such as inaction, involuntary fleeing,
and cognitive interference. Adolescents and young
adults reported using secondary control coping strategies most often. Adults reported relying most heavily
on primary control coping.
and talking to parents; and men reported more donation activities. Consistent with these differences,
young adult women reported engaging in significantly
more social support activities than young adult men,
t(428) = –2.068, p < .05; although there were no significant gender differences on the concrete activities composite for young adults, t(428) = –.350, p > .10.
Age and Gender Differences in Coping
Age and Gender Differences
in Coping Activities
On the CAC, adolescents reported more coping activities overall (M = 5.38, SD = 2.43) than did young
adults (M = 4.20, SD = 1.94), t(597) = 6.20, p < .001.
Age differences were found on most activities, with adolescents reporting greater involvement in concrete activities such as fundraising or putting up a flag, t(596) =
16.051, p < .001. Adolescents also reported that fundraising was the most helpful in making them feel better.
On the other hand, young adults most frequently reported social support-seeking strategies such as talking
to friends and parents, t(596) = –4.176, p < .001; with
attending a religious service being rated as the most
helpful strategy.
Several gender differences were found on endorsement of activities on the CAC. For adolescents, all differences favored girls, with girls reporting more participation in concrete activities, t(164) = –4.748, p < .001,
such as fundraising and wearing a patriotic T-shirt; and
more social support activities such as discussion with
friends and parents, t(164) = –2.961, p < .05. Within
the young adult sample, women reported more participation in fundraising, church attendance, journaling,
Profile analysis was used to examine the relation
between age and gender on coping and involuntary
stress responses. A 2 × 3 between-subject multivariate
analysis of variance was conducted separately on the
10 coping scales and the nine involuntary stress scales.
For both analyses, independent variables were gender
and developmental group. Box’s test of equality of
covariance matrices indicated that the observed
covariance matrices were not equal across groups, so
Pillai’s trace criterion was used. Given the low number
of men in the adult sample (n = 9), adult men were excluded from the analysis.
For coping, the profile analysis results for the combined dependent variables were significantly affected
by both gender, F(10, 597) = 10.75, p < .01, η2 = .15;
and developmental group, F(20, 1,196) = 4.47, p < .01,
η2 = .07; but not by their interaction, F(10, 597) = 1.66,
p > .05. The results reflected a modest association between gender scores and the combined coping scales,
partial η2 = .15. The association was less substantial
between developmental group and the coping scales,
partial η2 = .07.
To investigate the impact of each significant main
effect on the individual dependent variables, univariate
analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were performed. To
149
150
1
RSQ Scales
1.93
.73
—
2.17
.80
—
M
SD
1. Problem solving
2. Emotional regulation
3. Emotional expression
4. Cognitive restructuring
5. Positive thinking
6. Acceptance
7. Distraction
8. Denial
9. Avoidance
10. Wishful thinking
11. Rumination
12. Intrusive thoughts
13. Emotional arousal
14. Physiological arousal
15. Impulsive action
16. Emotional numbing
17. Cognitive interference
18. Escape
19. Inaction
M
SD
1. Problem solving
2. Emotional regulation
3. Emotional expression
4. Cognitive restructuring
5. Positive thinking
6. Acceptance
7. Distraction
8. Denial
9. Avoidance
1
RSQ Scales
2.32
.70
.40**
—
2
2.10
.72
.52**
—
2
2.75
.73
.39**
.60**
—
3
2.53
.79
.53**
.61**
—
3
2.09
.57
.13*
.24**
.16**
—
4
1.94
.60
.18*
.25**
.22**
—
4
6
3.00
.68
.04
.17*
.12
.39**
.36**
—
6
2.26
2.89
.64
.63
.31** –.08
.48**
.06
.39** –.03
.40**
.15**
—
.15**
—
5
2.32
.72
.25**
.39**
.31**
.48**
—
5
8
1.70
.66
.07
.08
.04
.18*
.20*
.00
.09
—
8
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
9
10
11
Young Adult Sample
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
1.78
1.73
1.86
2.19
2.11
1.74
1.41
1.74
1.51
1.41
1.48
.63
.66
.66
.80
.76
.66
.61
.60
.60
.53
.60
.18*
.17*
.41**
.35**
.28**
.26**
.25** –.14
.22**
.24**
.13
.35**
.23**
.39**
.45**
.43**
.37**
.29**
.00
.32**
.32**
.30**
.15
.19*
.34**
.33**
.44**
.37**
.18* –.13
.28**
.27**
.25**
.18*
.20*
.11
.14
.22**
.17*
.12
.07
.18*
.09
.15
.27**
.20*
.20*
.21**
.28**
.21**
.11
.10
.20**
.19*
.24**
.05
–.08
–.18*
–.14
–.10
–.10
–.13
.06
–.16*
–.14
–.03
.31**
.26**
.30**
.27**
.27**
.28**
.23**
.00
.23**
.15
.22**
.49**
.45**
.31**
.23**
.26**
.33**
.33**
.36**
.32**
.51**
.45**
—
.52**
.39**
.35**
.30**
.39**
.39**
.32**
.46**
.58**
.39**
—
.43**
.39**
.36**
.37**
.43**
.24**
.40**
.55**
.42**
—
.65**
.61**
.60**
.52**
.13
.61**
.54**
.52**
—
.74**
.66**
.41**
.05
.59**
.53**
.51**
—
.60**
.47**
.08
.64**
.50**
.51**
—
.36**
.10
.56**
.51**
.52**
—
.14
.51**
.49**
.58**
—
.31**
.31**
.25**
—
.60**
.60**
—
.57**
—
9
Adolescent Sample
2.23
1.71
1.71
1.58
1.72
2.00
2.09
1.84
1.42
1.66
1.42
1.41
1.47
.71
.61
.59
.56
.62
.64
.64
.70
.49
.51
.54
.45
.56
.25** –.04
–.04
.13**
.26**
.29**
.32**
.35**
.23** –.03
.22**
.20**
.15**
.44**
.12*
.15**
.15**
.36**
.40**
.46**
.45**
.20**
.05
.23**
.23**
.23**
.34** –.03
–.11*
–.01
.29**
.38**
.36**
.39**
.06
–.04
.14**
.08
.12*
.32**
.15**
.15**
.17**
.13**
.02
.11*
.02
.22**
.09
.10*
.04
.09
.56**
.19**
.21**
.27**
.35**
.29**
.40**
.30**
.16**
.06
.23**
.25**
.18**
.18**
.03
.16**
.00
–.16** –.12*
–.06
–.19** –.02
–.01
–.18** –.06
–.10*
—
.26**
.30**
.31**
.28**
.25**
.31**
.23**
.26**
.09
.26**
.26**
.23**
—
.39**
.43**
.27**
.16**
.22**
.12*
.23**
.33**
.31**
.42**
.27**
—
.40**
.22**
.06
.13**
.08
.17**
.27**
.21**
.40**
.19**
7
2.35
.73
.32**
.48**
.33**
.50**
.55**
.20*
—
7
Table 3. Raw RSQ Means and Scale Intercorrelations for Adolescents, Young Adults, and Adults
151
1.97
.69
—
1
2.36
.63
.42**
—
2
Note: RSQ = Responses to Stress Questionnaire.
*p = .05. **p = .01.
M
SD
1. Problem solving
2. Emotional regulation
3. Emotional expression
4. Cognitive restructuring
5. Positive thinking
6. Acceptance
7. Distraction
8. Denial
9. Avoidance
10. Wishful thinking
11. Rumination
12. Intrusive thoughts
13. Emot. Arousal
14. Physiological Arousal
15. Impulsive action
16. Emotional numbing
17. Cognitive interference
18. Escape
19. Inaction
RSQ Scales
10. Wishful thinking
11. Rumination
12. Intrusive thoughts
13. Emotional arousal
14. Physiological arousal
15. Impulsive action
16. Emotional numbing
17. Cognitive interface
18. Escape
19. Inaction
3.08
.68
.49**
.68**
—
3
2.10
.55
.41**
.62**
.45**
—
4
2.25
.61
.27*
.33*
.43**
.35**
—
5
2.87
.76
.24
.30*
.28*
.35**
.54**
—
6
8
9
10
2.12
1.48
1.43
1.27
.66
.57
.46
.38
.39** –.14
–.08
.05
.50** –.03
.14
–.14
.48**
.03
.09
.16
.42**
.00
.29*
.15
.60**
.36**
.36**
.28*
.50**
.35**
.34**
.08
—
.42**
.54**
.30*
—
.63**
.45**
—
.48**
—
7
11
.35**
—
1.42
.45
.33*
.16
.38**
.10
.38**
.01
.33*
.26
.12
.38**
—
Adult Sample
—
13
.31**
.52**
.59**
—
14
.25**
.48**
.65**
.62**
—
15
.31**
.43**
.22**
.26**
.25**
—
16
.29**
.25**
.04
.13**
.06
.25**
—
17
.37**
.56**
.35**
.42**
.43**
.48**
.33**
—
18
.51**
.41**
.34**
.36**
.38**
.31**
.25**
.41**
—
19
.29**
.48**
.32**
.38**
.36**
.37**
.34**
.61**
.33**
—
2.07
1.96
1.83
1.23
1.31
1.28
1.14
1.36
.63
.51
.57
.34
.44
.43
.26
.54
.21
.14
.03
–.12
.09
.06
.27*
.08
.08
.22
.12
–.07
–.04
–.02
–.06
.16
.21
.32*
.19
.07
.09
.13
.25
.21
.06
.07
–.06
–.03
.09
.02
–.03
–.00
.29*
.33*
.08
.14
.29*
.20
.36**
.24
.08
–.10
–.01
.02
.22
.04
.17
.12
.26
.31*
.18
.19
.34**
.15
.26
.37**
.23
.15
.12
.23
.33*
.31*
.42**
.27*
.12
.15
.21
.34**
.67**
.36**
.21
.43**
.18
.31*
.14
.24
.42**
.32*
.07
.35**
.35**
.61**
.31*
.47**
.51**
.51**
.29*
.22
—
.40**
.40**
.17
.32*
.37**
.27*
.45**
—
.58**
.41**
.24
.58**
.22
.46**
—
.36**
.16
.51**
.22
.47**
—
.36**
.45**
.14
.34**
—
.46**
.31*
.47**
—
.13
.61**
—
.01
—
12
.26**
.50**
—
WADSWORTH ET AL.
Table 4. RSQ Ratio Factor and Scale Means and Standard Deviations for Adolescents, Young Adults, and Adults
Adolescents
Total
RSQ Factors and Scales
Primary control
Problem solving
Emotional regulation
Emotional expression
Secondary control
Cognitive restructuring
Positive thinking
Acceptance
Distraction
Voluntary disengagement
Denial
Avoidance
Wishful thinking
Involuntary engagement
Rumination
Intrusive thoughts
Emotional arousal
Physiological arousal
Impulsive action
Involuntary disengagement
Emotional numbing
Cognitive interference
Escape
Inaction
Note:
Young Adults
Boys
Girls
Men
Women
Total
M
SD
M
SD
M
SD
M
SD
M
SD
M
SD
M
SD
.184
.059
.057
.068
.263
.053
.063
.083
.063
.140
.046
.048
.046
.249
.050
.058
.056
.046
.038
.166
.048
.040
.038
.040
.039
.019
.015
.019
.047
.015
.017
.023
.016
.029
.015
.013
.014
.042
.012
.016
.015
.012
.012
.030
.017
.011
.010
.011
.169
.054
.052
.062
.271
.055
.062
.091
.061
.147
.050
.050
.047
.244
.049
.057
.055
.045
.039
.170
.053
.039
.037
.042
.038
.018
.015
.019
.050
.015
.018
.024
.017
.031
.016
.014
.014
.041
.012
.015
.016
.013
.012
.027
.019
.010
.008
.012
.197
.063
.060
.074
.257
.051
.064
.077
.065
.134
.043
.045
.046
.253
.051
.059
.058
.048
.037
.162
.044
.042
.038
.038
.036
.019
.014
.017
.045
.015
.016
.020
.015
.027
.014
.011
.013
.042
.013
.016
.013
.012
.012
.031
.014
.012
.010
.011
.192
.053
.063
.076
.262
.058
.062
.081
.061
.137
.047
.047
.043
.247
.047
.055
.057
.050
.040
.163
.046
.039
.039
.040
.036
.018
.015
.019
.038
.015
.014
.022
.016
.029
.014
.014
.012
.036
.012
.014
.013
.015
.017
.028
.014
.011
.010
.012
.180
.054
.058
.068
.268
.060
.060
.090
.059
.139
.047
.048
.044
.247
.046
.053
.057
.048
.043
.168
.048
.039
.039
.041
.037
.017
.014
.019
.039
.015
.016
.025
.017
.027
.015
.014
.013
.036
.012
.013
.016
.014
.012
.029
.016
.011
.010
.011
.196
.052
.065
.079
.259
.057
.063
.078
.062
.137
.047
.047
.042
.247
.047
.055
.057
.051
.038
.161
.045
.038
.038
.039
.034
.018
.014
.017
.037
.015
.013
.019
.015
.029
.014
.015
.012
.036
.012
.014
.012
.015
.018
.027
.013
.011
.010
.012
.216
.057
.068
.089
.271
.061
.065
.084
.061
.122
.043
.042
.037
.247
.041
.060
.057
.053
.036
.147
.038
.037
.034
.039
.037
.018
.016
.016
.037
.015
.014
.021
.013
.026
.014
.012
.010
.036
.010
.015
.012
.014
.010
.023
.010
.010
.007
.011
Total refers to mean of both male and female individuals for each group. RSQ = Responses to Stress Questionnaire.
lower the family-wise error rate, we utilized a more
stringent alpha level (.01). Results indicated that gender was significantly related to emotional expression,
F(1, 611) = 41.10, p < .01, η2 = .06; emotional regulation, F(1, 611) = 31.03, p < .01, η2 = .05; and acceptance, F(1, 611) = 39.43, p < .01, η2 = .06. Females employed more emotional expression and emotional
regulation, and males reported more acceptance. Developmental group was significantly related to problem solving, F(2, 611) = 5.53, p < .01, η2 = .02; emotional expression, F(2, 611) = 12.47, p < .01, η2 = .04;
emotional regulation, F(2, 611) = 7.98, p < .01, η2 =
.03; cognitive restructuring, F(2, 611) = 7.39, p < .01,
η2 = .02; and wishful thinking, F(2, 611) = 9.23, p <
.01, η2 = .03. Young adolescents employed more problem solving than young adults, F(2, 627) = 6.92, p <
.01. Both emotional expression and emotional regulation increased with age, with significant differences
across the three age groups: F(2, 638) = 25.30, p <
.001; F(2, 634) = 18.02, p < .001, for emotional expression and emotional regulation, respectively. Young adolescents endorsed less cognitive restructuring than
both young adults and adults, F(2, 639) = 8.26, p <
.001. Finally, wishful thinking decreased with age with
young adolescents reporting it most often, followed by
young adults and then adults, F(2, 646) = 12.53, p <
.001. In addition, there was an interaction between
gender and developmental group for problem solving,
152
Total
Adults
F(1, 611) = 9.82, p < .001, η2 = .03. Whereas males reported generally consistent levels of problem solving
across developmental group, young adolescent girls reported higher levels of problem solving than their male
counterparts and any other age group; but young adult
women’s problem solving was not significantly different from their male counterparts. Hence, gender moderated problem solving for young adolescents but not
young adults. Follow-up analyses were conducted
within the adolescent data, based on the hypothesis that
more sophisticated coping skills (e.g., secondary control coping) emerge and increase in sophistication during this period (Hoffman et al., 1991). However, there
were no significant age-related differences between
sixth-, seventh-, and eighth-grade students on coping
responses within this restricted age range.
Age and Gender Differences
in Involuntary Stress Responses
For involuntary stress responses, the combined dependent variables were significantly affected by both
gender, F(9, 617) = 3.86, p < .01, η2 = .05; and developmental group, F(18, 1236) = 5.30, p < .01, η2 = .07;
but not by their interaction, F(9, 617) = 1.16, p > .05.
The results reflected small associations between both
gender and developmental group scores and the com-
COPING WITH TERRORISM
bined involuntary stress response scales, with partial
η2s = .05 and .07, respectively.
To examine the influence of each significant main
effect on the individual dependent variables, univariate
ANOVAs were performed. The tests of between-subject effects demonstrated that gender was significantly
related to impulsive action, F(1, 630) = 7.15, p < .01,
η2 = .01; and emotional numbing, F(1, 630) = 16.28, p
< .01, η2 = .03. Males reported more impulsive action
and emotional numbing than females. Developmental
group was significantly related to rumination, F(2,
630) = 11.96, p < .01, η2 = .04; intrusive thoughts, F(2,
630) = 6.85, p < .01, η2 = .02; emotional numbing, F(2,
630) = 6.02, p < .01, η2 = .02; and escape, F(2, 630) =
8.90, p < .01, η2 = .03. For the rumination scale, all
groups differed, F(2, 637) = 10.54, p < .001; with
young adolescents reporting these strategies the most,
followed by young adults and then adults. Young
adults endorsed fewer intrusive thoughts than both
young adolescents and adults. Both young adolescents
and young adults reported more emotional numbing
and escape than adults. Follow-up analyses were conducted within the adolescent sample, based on the prediction that involuntary responses may decrease with
age as coping responses are increasingly enacted to
counter these automatic responses (Compas et al.,
1999). Within-group analyses indicated that sixth
graders reported experiencing significantly more physiological arousal than did eighth graders, F(2, 162) =
3.05, p < .05. No other significant differences on involuntary stress responses emerged within the adolescent
sample.
Discussion
September 11th provided a unique opportunity to
examine responses to a unique, collective stressor on
individuals across multiple age groups. The uniqueness created a situation in which individuals of all ages
learned about the attacks through the mass media, with
little precedence for processing and responding. These
difficult circumstances allowed for measuring responses to a stressor that was externally standard
across age, permitting the examination of age- and
gender-related differences in coping and involuntary
stress responses.
Factor Invariance of RSQ
Making developmental comparisons necessitates
measurement of constructs that may manifest differently across different groups. The demonstration of
metric invariance of the RSQ across adolescents and
young adults provides statistical evidence that the measured coping and stress responses assess the same traits
in both groups. This supports using the RSQ to exam-
ine responses to terrorism across ages and suggests that
these constructs are qualitatively and quantitatively
comparable. In addition, these results suggest that applied developmental scientists now have a measure of
stress responses to terrorism that covers a wide age
range.
Age-Related Similarities
and Differences in Coping and
Involuntary Stress Responses
The three samples were highly similar on many dimensions, including socioeconomic status indicators
(college attending, affluent), geographic region, and
only indirect exposure to the September 11th attacks
via the mass media. They reported on a common
stressor using a common measure. The ability to make
comparisons across age groups, taking those potential
confounds into account, is a significant strength of the
study.
Several notable age-related differences in coping
emerged, which are consistent with the Responses to
Stress Model as well as extant research on cognitive
and emotional development. First, adolescents utilized
more concrete strategies aimed at problem solving than
did young adults; moreover, these strategies were perceived by adolescents to be the most helpful. This is
consistent with Weisz and colleagues (Band & Weisz,
1988, 1990; Thurber & Weisz, 1997) who showed that
younger children are generally more reliant on simple
problem-solving techniques than other strategies. This
finding is also consistent with the National Child Traumatic Stress Network’s (2003) recommendation to
give children the opportunity to help others through
constructive actions, events, or programs. Second, age
appears to be related to the ability to express and regulate emotions, with the use of these strategies increasing across the three groups (Campos, Campos, &
Barrett, 1989). Again, the ability to identify, interpret,
and regulate emotions should increase with age as
knowledge, experience, and the capacity for abstract
thinking increase (e.g., Compas et al., 1999). Third,
young adults and adults reported the use of cognitive
restructuring more frequently than did adolescents,
which likely reflects the maturation of metacognitive
capacities that begins in young adolescence and continues into adulthood (Hoffman et al., 1991). This is
highly consistent with the predictions of the Responses
to Stress Model.
Compas et al. (1999) posited that involuntary stress
responses should remain relatively stable over time,
but conceded that developmental change in the nature
and character of these responses is likely; the proportion of stress responses that are involuntary in nature
may decrease with age. Although there was no overall
decrease in involuntary responses to the attacks, interesting differences emerged on several of the individual
153
WADSWORTH ET AL.
scales. Generally, involuntary responses such as rumination, intrusive thoughts, involuntary escape, and
emotional numbing decreased with age, consistent
with the idea that older individuals have developed
more effective strategies for coping with and regulating these responses.
Although this study documented a number of
age-related differences in coping and involuntary responses to stress that are consistent with developmental explanations, the correlational nature of our data
does not allow us to rule out alternative explanations
for these differences. Factors other than cognitive or
emotional development may have contributed to the
group differences we found. For example, that young
adolescents reported more coping activities on the
CAC may reflect the fact that the school they attended
organized specific activities in response to the events
of September 11th, rather than developmental differences in coping per se. In addition, because individuals
learned of this event primarily through the media, differences in media exposure between the three samples
could also account for differences in their responses to
this stressor. Third, these samples are not representative of the U.S. population, which may limit the
generalizability of these results. Despite these limitations, this study helps us begin to understand the ways
in which individuals of different ages responded to this
tragic event and lays the groundwork for future longitudinal studies that can help clarify the role development plays in shaping responses to stress.
Associations Between Stress
Responses and Symptoms
The pattern of correlations between RSQ factors
and anxiety symptoms was strikingly similar across
samples, taking gender into account. As in prior research (e.g., Connor-Smith et al., 2000) anxiety was
strongly associated with secondary control coping and
involuntary engagement across gender and sample. In
particular, as with previous studies, secondary control
coping was negatively associated with anxiety, suggesting that this may be an efficacious set of strategies
to implement when faced with a stressor like terrorism.
These strategies were also the most commonly reported. Conversely, involuntary engagement responses
were associated with more anxiety, and thus appear to
indicate that this response may be an index of stress reactivity as proposed (Compas et al., 1999). Consistent
and pronounced gender differences in correlations
across the adolescent and young adult samples were
found, with females having large links between stress
responses and anxiety, and males having none. In the
case of primary control coping, these strategies were
associated with fewer symptoms for females but not
males in both samples. Conversely, involuntary disengagement strategies were associated with more anxiety
154
for females only. These findings help disentangle prior
gender effects in coping studies. Because the RSQ separates out cognitive from emotional strategies and includes potentially beneficial emotional strategies, we
are able to examine differences in the efficacy of cognitive versus emotional strategies for males and females.
From these data, it appears that primary control strategies are not as likely to be used by males, and perhaps it
is because these strategies are not as effective for them
as they are for females. Conversely, disengagement responses appear to be problematic for females only.
These patterns of association may help explain why
males tend to report more disengagement and less
emotion-based responses: They are not helped by the
emotion-based responses, and disengagement is not
particularly detrimental for them.
Gender Differences in Coping
and Involuntary Stress Responses
Consistent gender differences in stress responses
emerged in the adolescent and young adult samples. As
with prior research, females reported using significantly more emotion-based coping responses than
males (e.g., Renk & Creasey, 2003). Similarly, on the
CAC, females of both age groups reported engaging in
more activities that brought them into contact with others (e.g., talking to people, going to church) and focused on their emotions (e.g., journaling, talking to a
therapist). These results suggest that males and females display different styles for responding to stress
as early as young adolescence. This finding is consistent with both the theory that females are biologically
predisposed to seek social contact during times of
stress (Taylor et al., 2000), and that gender roles and
socialization have early influence on significant social
and psychological responses. Men and women reason
about the world differently, with women showing a
higher degree of comfort with and investment in relationships and emotions (e.g., MacGeorge, 2003). Gender is also linked to communication styles, again showing that men tend to respond to difficult situations in a
way that reduces interpersonal intimacy (such as disengagement), whereas women respond in ways that increase intimacy (such as emotional expression; Basow
& Rubenfeld, 2003). Renk and Creasey linked these
femininity- and masculinity-based proclivities to
higher levels of emotion-focused coping in adolescent
girls and higher levels of problem solving in boys. Our
data suggest that gender differences in stress responses
may emerge as early as age 10, may be quite stable, and
may transcend the type of stressor. In addition, our data
suggest that some of these gender differences in endorsement may be adaptive, as emotion-based responses appeared to be particularly helpful for females, and disengagement strategies did not appear to
be detrimental for males.
COPING WITH TERRORISM
Limitations and Future Directions
Interpretations of our findings should be tempered
with a few limitations. First, the data are self-report,
retrospective accounts of responding to the events of
September 11th; therefore, this study is subject to the
usual caveats and cautions that come with using
cross-sectional, self-report data. In addition, caution
should be exercised in attempting to generalize these
results beyond those individuals who chose to participate in this study. However, as this is one of the first
studies to examine coping in response to terrorism
across a wide age span, it makes an important contribution and points to areas warranting more extensive exploration. Second, the adolescent and adult samples
were collected in tandem and may reflect nonindependence, although the preliminary analyses showed
that no differences existed between those students with
a participating parent and those without. Similarly, although we equated all three samples on a variety of
variables, it is impossible to rule out all possible confounds. To the degree that these two samples differ
from the young adult sample, it is premature to conclude definitively that this is due to age differences
rather than other demographic differences shared by
the adolescents and their parents. Third, the individuals
in our adult sample were all parents. Parents may cope
and respond differently to a stressor than adults without children. Such difficult circumstances may be exacerbated when one is responsible for the care of children. Similarly, the young adult sample consisted
entirely of university students. Young adults who attend college may possess characteristics that influence
their responses to stress in ways that differ from those
who do not. Finally, the events of September 11th represent a unique stressor. With the exception of individuals living in Washington, DC, New York, or Pennsylvania, most Americans were exposed to this event
indirectly through the mass media. In addition, the
events of September 11th differ in meaningful ways
from other large-scale events that have been studied,
such as natural disasters. Therefore, although our findings shed light on the ways in which individuals of different ages responded to the events of September 11th,
because responses to stress are related to the characteristics of the stressor, it remains unclear how these findings would generalize to other types of stressors.
Future research will benefit from continued attention to large-scale community events that tax the resources of large numbers of individuals of different
ages. Such research will allow for further refinement of
our understanding of how individuals think about and
respond to such events, and for the development of
age-appropriate intervention research. In addition, the
age differences in stress responses that we found could
signal age-related differences in understanding or processing of events like September 11th. Children’s so-
phistication of understanding and reasoning about the
causes and implications of war and disaster appear to
vary according to developmental level (Monaco &
Gaier, 1987, 1992). Cantor, Wilson, and Hoffner
(1986), for example, found that fright reactions to a
simulated nuclear holocaust on TV increased with age
from age 3 to 18, with children under age 10 showing
little reaction at all. Future studies should assess the association between children’s reasoning about terrorism
and its implications, and their stress responses.
Implications
For theory. Compas et al. (1999) offered one of
the first developmentally sensitive theories of coping
and stress responses, the Responses to Stress Model.
This study provides data to support several aspects of the
theory and highlights areas of the theory that may require refinement. First, these data generally support the
predictions of the theory for effortful coping responses.
Therefore, complex, emotion-based, primary control
strategies appear to increase with age, and possibly replace disengagement responses. However, the theory
also predicts that, over time, coping may take over a
larger total share of the stress responses, replacing a
share previously held by involuntary responses. This did
not occur in our samples. It is possible that as individuals
age, the proportion of responses to stress that are involuntary (approximately 40%) and effortful (approximately 60%) in nature will remain stable and that developmental change will occur within these two realms.
Second, these data suggest that the Responses to
Stress Model theory needs further development to include gender-based differences in responding to stress.
Two levels of theoretical development are needed here.
Primarily, predictions about gender differences in rates
of endorsement of various types of stress responses are
needed. In addition, refinement concerning the relations between various types of coping and psychological adjustment should be considered. In particular, it is
now possible to make predictions regarding the utility
of primary control strategies for females and the lack
of a detrimental effect of disengagement for males.
For empirical research. Research testing the
predictions of the Responses to Stress Model (Compas
et al., 1999) should be undertaken with the express purpose of evaluating gender differences and similarities
in the utility of coping responses. Questions that arise
include whether the same gender differences in associations between primary control and involuntary disengagement responses and psychological symptoms exist for other types of symptoms in relation to this
stressor, and in relation to other types of stressors. In
addition, these data show that gender differences in responses to stress already exist by early adolescence.
Tracking when gender differences emerge will provide
155
WADSWORTH ET AL.
additional information about how coping and involuntary stress responses develop. It will also be intriguing
to examine the sources of gender differences in rates of
responding as well as associations between stress responses and symptoms. We offered some hypotheses
about possible sources of gender effects earlier in this
article, which would be worthwhile to test in subsequent research.
In addition, the Responses to Stress Model is challenged to expand the conceptualization of involuntary
responses further, with special attention given to how
these are distinct from, but complementary to, symptoms of distress and psychopathology. The majority of
RSQ items were written to be distinct from symptoms of
psychopathology (Connor-Smith et al., 2000); however,
it is clear that symptoms of arousal and intrusive
thoughts overlap with current definitions of PTSD (e.g.,
Pynoos, Rodriguez, Steinberg, Stuber, & Frederick,
1998). Experimental and time-sensitive studies are
needed to chart the emergence of involuntary stress responses in the wake of a stressor, and to examine the timing of involuntary versus effortful responses and to tease
out whether, when, and how involuntary responses to
stress are distinct from psychological symptoms.
Nonexperimental longitudinal studies are also
needed in which it will be possible to target the developmental periods during which various responses to
stress first emerge for the majority of children. The
data regarding secondary control strategies in this and
prior studies (e.g., Hoffner, 1993) converge on early
adolescence as being the crucial developmental period
for the appearance of this type of complex cognitive
coping. The remainder of RSQ factors and scales, however, require more precise documentation of the timing
of their emergence.
A final question to be explored includes disentangling how basic developmental and gender trends in responding to stress may change as a function of the
stressor. The coping and stress responses examined in
this article were in regard to a very specific and unusual
stressor for those living in the United States. Despite
this, the similarities we found with prior work on very
diverse stressors (economic strain, peer hassles, recurrent abdominal pain) are quite encouraging and suggest that there may be some universally helpful strategies, such as secondary control coping, which
transcend age, gender, and type of stressor.
For interventions for coping with terrorism.
These results highlight that interventions aimed at helping individuals adjust after an event such as September
11th need to be sensitive to both developmental level
and gender. Therefore, encouraging involvement in
structured “helping” activities such as fundraising appears to be most appropriate for children and young adolescents whose ability and desire to discuss traumatic
events may be limited. In addition, these data suggest
156
that social support and emotion-based strategies may be
especially useful to foster in females, but may have less
utility for males. Helping parents understand that they
and their children may have different needs in the wake
of a terrorist attack may also be quite beneficial.
In addition, helping children brainstorm about
things they might do to make themselves feel like they
are being helpful (i.e., that they are part of the solution)
may help children feel like they have some control over
the event. Feelings of control over coping with terrorism may maximize an individual’s ability to use efficacious coping, as it does for coping with other types of
events (Compas, Banez, Malcarne, & Worsham,
1991). Perhaps our greatest challenge as applied developmental scientists is (as always) connecting research
with practice—and September 11th has linked the
United States with the rest of the world in our need for
effective services for victims of terrorism.
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Received September 15, 2003
Revision received February 2, 2004
Accepted February 13, 2004
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