Applied Developmental Science 2004, Vol. 8, No. 3, 143–157 Copyright © 2004 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Coping with Terrorism: Age and Gender Differences in Effortful and Involuntary Responses to September 11th Martha E. Wadsworth, Gretchen R. Gudmundsen, and Tali Raviv University of Denver Jarl A. Ahlkvist University of Colorado Daniel N. McIntosh, Galena H. Kline, Jacqueline Rea, and Rebecca A. Burwell University of Denver This study examined age and gender differences and similarities in stress responses to September 11th. Adolescents, young adults, and adults reported using a variety of strategies to cope with the terrorist attacks including acceptance, positive thinking, and emotional expression. In addition, involuntary stress responses such as physiological arousal, rumination, and emotional numbing were common. A number of age trends emerged, showing increases across the three groups in emotion-based coping strategies and decreases in some forms of disengagement coping. In addition, rumination decreased with age, whereas intrusive thoughts were more prevalent in the older groups. Females in both the adolescent and young adult samples reported using emotion-based strategies more than males, and these strategies were related to better functioning for females only. In addition, males reported higher levels of disengagement responses; and these responses were related to worse functioning, but only for females. The utility of using the Responses to Stress Questionnaire (Connor-Smith, Compas, Wadsworth, Thomsen, & Saltzman, 2000) to examine coping and involuntary stress responses in reference to terrorism and across a wide age range was examined. Implications for coping theory and empirical research are explored. Although much of the world has faced the reality of living with terrorism for many years, September 11th marked a new era for those living in the United States. An emerging agenda for applied developmental scientists in the United States post September 11th concerns how best to help children and adults living in the United States cope with terrorism. Recent funding initiatives at the National Institutes of Health (National Institute of Mental Health and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development) reflect this priority, with calls for basic and applied research on this topic (National Institutes of Health, 2003). Some, but not all, individuals across the United States suffered psychologically as a result of the attacks of September 11th (Schuster et al., 2001; Silver, Holman, McIntosh, Poulin, & Gil-Rivas, 2002). There are multiple potential sources of these individual differences; here we focus on coping and involuntary stress responses, as they may have applied clinical significance. For example, among adults, coping responses soon after the attacks predicted mental health symptoms 6 months later; such information may be used in developing education and intervention programs (Silver et al., 2002). Largely unexplored, however, are fundamental questions for developmental science concerning what types of strategies people use to cope with terrorism, which types of coping are helpful for children and adults to use, and how these may differ across developmental level into adulthood (La Greca, 2001). This study addresses these questions by examining how three samples of varying ages and both genders coped with the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Coping With Terrorism The terrorist attacks on September 11th contributed to psychological distress in adults and children across the United States. Even those living far from the attacks experienced elevated symptoms of anxiety, posttraumatic stress, and depression in the ensuing weeks and months, suggesting that fear and perceived threat were not limited to those directly exposed to the Requests for reprints should be sent to Martha Wadsworth, Ph.D., University of Denver, Department of Psychology, 2155 S. Race Street, Denver, CO 80208. E-mail: [email protected] 143 WADSWORTH ET AL. attacks (Schlenger et al., 2002; Schuster et al., 2001; Silver et al., 2002). The substantial variability in levels of symptoms has been attributed to various sources. Coping strategies were proposed as being influential in several studies, but only two published September 11th studies assessed coping strategies. In their nationwide sample of adults, Silver et al. (2002) found that seeking social support and various forms of disengagement such as denial, self-blame, and distraction immediately following September 11th predicted later psychological distress and posttraumatic symptoms, but active coping predicted less distress and acceptance predicted lower levels of posttraumatic symptoms. Adults in Schuster’s (2001) sample reported that turning to religion and talking with others were their primary means of coping with September 11th. In addition, their respondents mentioned that making donations and participating in group activities were also helpful. No published studies have examined how children or adolescents coped with the September 11th attacks. Although numerous studies have examined children’s symptomatology in response to war or terrorism (e.g., Goenjian et al., 2000; Pfefferbaum et al., 2000; Shaw, 2003), we are aware of only one that has assessed the strategies used by children and adolescents to cope with war or terrorism. Three weeks after the first Gulf War ended, a large sample of Israeli middle and high school students reported on strategies used to cope with wearing gas masks and retreating to sealed rooms during air raids (Weisenberg, Schwarzwald, Waysman, Solomon, & Klingman, 1993). Problem-focused strategies such as information seeking were associated with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms, whereas emotion-focused and disengagement strategies such as avoidance were associated with better post-war functioning. Development and Responses to Stress Because coping is partly situation specific (Compas & Epping, 1993), making broad generalizations about similarities and differences in coping across age and gender is virtually impossible without studies that assess responses to a common stressor using large and varied samples. The events of September 11th provided a rare opportunity to study responses of different groups to the same stressor, thus allowing for analysis of the role of age and gender similarities and differences. Understanding how age and gender may affect an individual’s coping and involuntary responses to terrorism will aid in development of effective interventions. This research was guided by the Responses to Stress Model (Compas, Connor, Harding, Saltzman, & Wadsworth, 1999), a five-factor model of stress re144 sponses measured using the empirically validated Responses to Stress Questionnaire (RSQ; Connor-Smith, Compas, Wadsworth, Thomsen, & Saltzman, 2000). The RSQ encompasses both effortful coping (voluntary responses to stress) and automatic cognitive, affective, behavioral, and physiological reactions (involuntary responses to stress). The first dimension, primary control coping, consists of strategies that are aimed directly at modifying the stressful problem or one’s emotional response and includes problem solving, emotional expression, and emotional regulation. The second dimension, secondary control coping, includes strategies that reflect attempts to adapt oneself to a stressful circumstance and includes acceptance, cognitive restructuring, distraction, and positive thinking. The third component, disengagement coping, consists of strategies that attempt to orient the individual away from a stressful circumstance or from their emotional reactions and includes avoidance, denial, and wishful thinking. There are also two dimensions that assess involuntary responses to stress. The first, involuntary engagement, includes responses that orient the individual toward the stressful circumstance or their emotional reactions and includes emotional and physiological arousal, rumination, intrusive thoughts, and impulsive action. The second dimension, involuntary disengagement, includes responses that orient the individual away from the stressful circumstance or their emotional reactions and includes cognitive interference, escape, emotional numbing, and inaction. Age-Related Similarities and Differences in Coping and Responses to Stress The Responses to Stress Model (Compas et al., 1999) is a developmental and contextual theoretical framework of responses to stress in childhood and adolescence. The model posits that coping is a subset of responses that an individual experiences when faced with stress, and that it is essential to simultaneously consider both effortful and involuntary stress responses in any effort to understand how children and adolescents respond to stress. This model emphasizes the importance of developmental changes in the nature of stress encountered by children and adolescents, the internal and external resources available for coping, internal and external constraints that limit coping processes, and the complex interplay between effortful coping responses and involuntary stress responses. According to the Responses to Stress Model, involuntary stress responses reflect individual differences in temperamental reactivity as well as responses that are “overlearned and automatized as a result of associative conditioning processes” (Compas et al., 1999, p. 247). Therefore, involuntary stress responses are present early in development and help shape an individual’s coping repertoire. Compas et COPING WITH TERRORISM al. theorized that the proportion of effortful and involuntary responses used by an individual will change with development, with coping increasing during childhood and adolescence. Therefore, developmental variability in stress responses is as important to consider as variability resulting from the nature of the stressor (Compas & Epping, 1993). As individuals develop, coping shifts from simple behavioral methods performed with external support to complex strategies aimed at altering internal states and that are performed independently. According to Compas et al. (1999), this should be reflected in age-related increases in secondary control coping and emotion-focused coping responses and decreases in disengagement responses. Only one study has examined developmental changes in coping with terrorism. Consistent with the Responses to Stress Model, older adolescents were more likely to use more emotion-focused coping and less problem-focused coping in responding to the missile attacks during the first Gulf War (Weisenberg et al., 1993). Research examining age-related trends in coping in response to other stressors has yielded few consistent findings. However, the few findings are consistent with the Responses to Stress Model and generally show that younger children and adolescents use more concrete, primary control coping strategies such as problem solving and emotional expression, which orient an individual toward the stressor or their emotions (Band & Weisz, 1988, 1990; Thurber & Weisz, 1997). Older adolescents and adults tend to use internally focused, cognitively based coping strategies (e.g., cognitive restructuring) more frequently than do younger individuals (Compas, 1998; Hoffman, Levy-Shiff, Sohlberg, & Zarizki, 1991; Losoya, Eisenberg, & Fabes, 1998; Wertlieb, Weigel, & Feldstein, 1987). Such cognitively based strategies are classified in this study as secondary control coping, which is aimed at maximizing the fit between the individual and environmental conditions. Secondary control coping emerges around age 10 and continues developing into the early 20s (Hoffman et al., 1991; Hoffner, 1993; Kurdek, 1987; Weisenberg et al., 1993). Therefore, we examined coping and stress responses across three age groups: young adolescents who should be at the cusp of developing secondary control strategies, while still being reliant on primary control and disengagement coping strategies; young adults who have likely developed a wider repertoire of coping strategies, but may still rely somewhat on “immature” coping strategies; and adults who should have developed the widest, most versatile repertoire of coping strategies. Gender-Related Similarities and Differences in Coping Gender may also influence coping. The limited research on this topic suggests that girls utilize emotional and cognitive strategies more than boys, whereas boys appear to rely more on avoidant and disengagement coping strategies (Herman & McHale, 1993; Roecker, Dubow, & Donaldson, 1996; Russionello et al., 2002; Weisenberg et al., 1993; Whitesell, Robinson, & Harter, 1993). Girls in Weisenberg et al.’s (1993) sample sought more reassurance in coping with Scud missile attacks, but did not differ from boys on any other coping scales. Situational specificity of stress responses limits our ability to draw conclusions regarding gender differences in coping and stress responses. Connor-Smith et al. (2000), for example, found somewhat different gender differences depending on whether the adolescents were responding to economic strain versus family conflict. Therefore, it is difficult to predict whether we will find gender-based differences in response to September 11th, but Weisenberg et al.’s study suggests that we may. Involuntary Stress Responses An individual’s response to stress entails a host of physiological, cognitive, and behavioral actions; some planful, others not (Compas et al., 1999). According to the Responses to Stress Model, only cognitions and behaviors that are effortful can be considered coping. Involuntary responses comprise either temperamentally based stress reactivity or conditioned coping responses that have become automatic and are hypothesized to either facilitate or interfere with efficacious coping. Very little is known about age or gender differences in these types of stress responses. Connor-Smith et al. (2000) found that young women under peer stress reported higher levels of physiological arousal and lower levels of emotional numbing and escape than did young men. Adolescent boys endorsed higher levels of rumination, impulsive action, cognitive interference, escape, and inaction than did adolescent girls. Here, we examine whether these differences also appear in how individuals respond to an impersonal national stressor. Responses to Stress and Psychological Symptoms Coping has long been postulated as a buffer of stress, and there is much research to suggest that coping is related to psychological symptoms such as anxiety and depression (for a review, see Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2002). However, until recently it has been difficult to ascertain which types of strategies are reliably associated with better or worse psychological functioning, as the same strategy (e.g., avoidance) is associated with worse functioning in a number of studies (e.g., Dumont & Provost, 1999; Herman-Stahl & Petersen, 1996); and better functioning in numerous other studies of the same stressor (e.g., Eisenberg et al., 1993; Kliewer, 145 WADSWORTH ET AL. 1991). The RSQ is unique in the respect that two of its factors, primary control coping and secondary control coping, are robustly associated with less symptomatology both concurrently and over time and in relation to a variety of different stressors (Connor-Smith & Compas, 2002; Wadsworth & Compas, 2002). Conversely, involuntary stress responses are generally associated with more symptoms, regardless of the type of stressor (e.g., Thomsen et al., 2002). In this study, we examine the association between responses to stress and symptoms of anxiety to assess whether coping and involuntary responses are related to symptoms in the expected manner. Challenges of Studying Development and Stress Responses Two significant barriers to making developmental comparisons of the full range of stress responses are the absence of measures that include both coping and involuntary reactions and measures that span different age groups. Most measures of coping have been developed for specific projects, with little attempt to link to other ages or other studies (Compas et al., 2002). The RSQ is an exception, with parallel forms for adolescents and adults. We used the RSQ to gain insight into how individuals of different ages cope with the same event. Purpose of This Study This study was designed to examine the stress responses to September 11th of adolescents, young adults, and adults who were geographically distant from the attacks. We examined similarities and differences in coping and involuntary stress responses across the three age groups. We hypothesized that concrete, externally focused strategies such as problem solving and disengagement coping would decrease with age and that cognitive and emotion-based strategies would increase with age. We also examined gender differences in the adolescent and young adult samples. We expected to find that males would show greater use of disengagement strategies, whereas females would show more emotion-based strategies. Method Participants and Procedure Young adolescents. Out of 300 students who were sent consent forms, we collected data from 168 adolescents from sixth, seventh, and eighth grades (55% girls; mean age = 12.21, SD = .98) yielding a 56% participation rate. Students who returned signed parental consent forms completed questionnaires dur146 ing classes on October 23, 2001. They were given a movie pass for participation. The sample was 79.4% White, 9.4% other, 5.0% Southeast Asian, 2.5% Latino, 2.5% Native American, and 1.3% African American. Only 2.6% of children enrolled in this school receive free or reduced lunch, indicating that this is an affluent sample. Young adults. Through social science classes at two Colorado universities, one private and one public, 670 young adults were recruited to participate in this study. Of those who received questionnaires, 493 respondents (74% participation rate) returned completed questionnaires to a confidential drop box and received extra class credit. All forms were returned by October 24, 2001. The mean age was 19.65 (SD = 1.40), and 72% were women. The sample was 81% White, 4.4% other, 3.3% Southeast Asian, 2% African American, 1.4% Pacific Islander, and 0.7% Native American. Adults. Parents of the 300 selected adolescents were also invited to participate. Fifty-nine (86% women; mean age = 45.04, SD = 3.49) returned consent forms and completed packets to the researchers in a postage-paid envelope reflecting a 20% participation rate. All forms were returned by November 5, 2001. The sample was 93% White, 3.5% African American, 1.8% Southeast Asian, and 1.8% Native American. Other research has documented that 80% of parents of children at this school have completed college, showing this to be an educated, affluent sample (Shirk, 2003). Measures Responses to stress. Participants completed the RSQ (Connor-Smith et al., 2000). The RSQ is a 57-item measure that assesses how a person responds to a stressful domain. For this study, the domain was the September 11th terrorist attacks. The RSQ has demonstrated good reliability and validity with multiple samples and stressors (e.g., Connor-Smith et al., 2000; Wadsworth, Rieckmann, Benson, & Compas, 2004). Within the young adolescent sample, internal consistencies were as follows: α = .82 (primary control), α = .76 (secondary control), α = .76 (disengagement coping), α = .90 (involuntary engagement), and α = .80 (involuntary disengagement). Within the young adult sample, internal consistencies were as follows: α = .76 (primary control), α = .69 (secondary control), α = .70 (disengagement coping), α = .86 (involuntary engagement), and α = .77 (involuntary disengagement). Within the adult sample, internal consistencies were as follows: α = .75 (primary control), α = .78 (secondary control), α = .71 (disengagement coping), α = .77 (involuntary engagement), and α = .76 (involuntary disengagement). Construct and criterion validity and COPING WITH TERRORISM test–retest reliability have been demonstrated in other samples (Connor-Smith et al., 2000). Coping Activities Checklist. The 12-item Coping Activities Checklist (CAC) assessed coping activities specific to the events of September 11th such as putting up a flag; wearing a patriotic T-shirt; attending a public vigil; donating food, clothing, or money; and talking to family or friends. Participants indicated whether they participated in each of the activities, then rated the perceived helpfulness of each activity on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (I felt worse) to 4 (I felt a lot better). Adolescents and young adults completed this questionnaire. Anxiety symptoms. Adolescents completed the State–Trait Anxiety Inventory for Children (STAI–C; Spielberger, 1973) and young adults completed the STAI (Spielberger, 1977) to assess anxiety symptoms. Adolescents indicated the severity of 20 descriptors on a 3-point scale for both state and trait anxiety. For state anxiety, adolescents endorsed whether they felt a variety of symptoms of anxiety and other emotions at that very moment; for example, “I feel … very calm, calm, or not calm.” For trait anxiety, adolescents indicated how often they felt the emotions; for example, “I worry about making mistakes … hardly ever, sometimes, or often.” Scores were imputed based on scores from other measures of functioning for 22 adolescents with missing anxiety scores. Young adults indicated the degree to which they experienced a range of emotions on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very much so) for state anxiety and from 1 (almost never) to 4 (almost always) for trait anxiety. The state anxiety score from these measures was used in these analyses to reflect anxiety symptoms in response to September 11th. Internal consistency reliability for the state anxiety score was .90 for adolescents and .92 for young adults. Adults completed the Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI; Derogatis & Melisaratos, 1983). The BSI is a 53-item self-report measure designed to assess the frequency of psychological symptoms. The BSI has good concurrent validity and internal consistency. The anxiety subscale score was used in these analyses (α = .75). Results Preliminary Analyses Combining samples. Adolescents whose parents participated in the study did not differ from those whose parents did not participate on age, gender, and all coping and stress responses; therefore, they were combined for analyses. Similar analyses indicated that there were no differences on age or gender between the young adult sample from the private university and the sample from the public university. However, the two university samples did differ on some RSQ scales, so within-group young adult analyses were conducted controlling for university. Factorial invariance of the RSQ. We hypothesized that coping and responses to stress would vary across the different age groups. To ensure that such differences are substantive, rather than artifacts of inconsistent construct measurement, we tested factor invariance of the RSQ. Demonstration of metric factor invariance enables the theoretical comparison of coping and responses to stress across groups. Maximum likelihood estimation via LISREL Version 8.30 (Jöreskog & Sörbom, 1999) was used to conduct confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) using the covariance matrices of the mean scores for the middle school and college samples. Model fit was evaluated using chi-square, the comparative fit index (CFI), and the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA). First, to demonstrate that both groups conformed to the proposed factor structure, CFAs were performed on the young adolescent and young adult samples separately.1 For both samples, fit indices indicated adequate fit: adolescents, χ2(142, n = 151) = 264.15, p < .001, CFI = .90, RMSEA < .07; and young adults, χ2(142, n = 475) = 574.18, p < .001, CFI = .87, RMSEA < .09. To examine the factorial invariance of the RSQ across the two age groups, we used CFA to test the fit of the data obtained on the 19 scale scores for the young adolescent and young adult samples to the five-factor model. To examine metric invariance, factor loadings and uniqueness terms were fixed, whereas factor variances and covariances were allowed to vary across the two age groups (Horn & McArdle, 1992). To test configural invariance, only the uniqueness terms were fixed and factor variances, covariances, and loadings were free to vary across groups. The data showed similar fit between metric invariance, χ2(322, n = 626) = 912.97, p < .001, CFI = .87, RMSEA < .08; and configural invariance, χ2(303, n = 626) = 862.81, p < .001, CFI = .88, RMSEA < .08. Therefore, the more stringent metric invariance model was retained, which allowed for subsequent comparisons of mean differences between samples. Convergent and discriminant validity. Analyses were conducted to examine the convergent and discriminant validity of the CAC and RSQ. First, items from the CAC were summed to create two composite scores: concrete activities (4 items, such as fundraising 1There was insufficient power to run a confirmatory factor analysis on the parent sample (N = 59). 147 WADSWORTH ET AL. and donating food, clothing, or money) and social support (6 items, such as talking to friends or parents, attending a vigil, or talking to a therapist). We hypothesized that both CAC composites would be significantly correlated with the RSQ primary control coping factor because they represent behaviors that indicate engagement with the stressor itself or with one’s emotions regarding the stressor (convergent validity). Conversely, we hypothesized that the CAC composites would be negatively related to the RSQ disengagement coping factor (discriminant validity). Within the adolescent sample, both the concrete activities and social support composites from the CAC were significantly correlated with the RSQ primary control coping factor as expected (r = .22, p < .01 and r = .25, p < .01, respectively). Reports of engaging in concrete activities and social support were negatively correlated with RSQ disengagement coping (r = –.23, p < .01 and r = –.17, p < .05, respectively) and secondary control coping (r = –.17, p < .05 and r = –.27, p < .001, respectively). Similarly, within the young adult sample, positive relations between the CAC concrete activities and social support composites and the RSQ primary control coping factor were obtained (r = .10, p < .05 and r = .13, p < .01, respectively), whereas CAC concrete activities and social support were negatively related to disengagement coping (r = –.17, p < .001 and r = –.12, p < .01, respectively). The social support composite was also negatively correlated with secondary control coping within this sample (r = –.10, p < .05). Although these correlations are encouraging indications of convergent and discriminant validity, their modest size also indicates that the two measures are providing unique information. Correlations between coping, involuntary stress responses, and symptoms of anxiety. Table 1 contains the correlations between effortful and involuntary stress responses on the RSQ and symptoms of anxiety. The five factors of the RSQ were differentially correlated with anxiety symptoms in all three samples. In general, primary and secondary control coping were associated with less anxiety, whereas both types of involuntary stress responses were associated with more anxiety. Disengagement coping was unrelated to anxiety symptoms in most cases. Prominent and consistent gender differences were found in the adolescent and young adult samples, but there appeared to be no striking cross-sample differences in the association between stress responses and anxiety. Primary control coping was associated with less anxiety for females only in both the adolescent and young adult samples. Conversely, involuntary disengagement responses were associated with more anxiety, again for both adolescent and young adult females. 148 Table 1. Correlations Between the Responses to Stress Questionnaire Factors and Anxiety Symptoms by Developmental Group and Gender RSQ Factor Males Females Fisher’s z .09 –.36** .07 .39*** –.04 –.36*** –.39*** .13 .36*** .34*** 2.86* 0.22 0.35 0.18 2.41* –.08 –.32*** .01 .34*** .09 –.30*** –.47*** .12* .44*** .30*** 2.06* 1.70 1.04 1.04 2.11* — — — — — –.26 –.44** .07 .48*** .32* samplea Adolescent Primary control coping Secondary control coping Disengagement coping Involuntary engagement Involuntary disengagement Young adult sampleb Primary control coping Secondary control coping Disengagement coping Involuntary engagement Involuntary disengagement Adult samplec Primary control coping Secondary control coping Disengagement coping Involuntary engagement Involuntary disengagement Note: Anxiety symptoms were measured using the state anxiety score from the State–Trait Anxiety Inventory for adolescents and young adults. The anxiety scale from the Brief Symptom Inventory was used for adults. Fisher’s z was used to compare the correlation coefficients across gender within samples. aFor adolescent sample: males, n = 70; females, n = 92. bFor young adult sample: males, n = 122; females, n = 308. cFor adult sample: males, n = 9; females, n = 46. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. Coping With the Events of September 11th—Overall Results The CAC assessed September 11th-specific coping strategies utilized by adolescents and young adults in response to September 11th. Table 2 contains the percentages of adolescent and young adult males and females who participated in each activity, and the percentage of overall participants who found each activity helpful. All activities were reported by at least some of the respondents. Talking to a therapist was reported by less than 10% of both samples, and was rated as among the least helpful activities for both adolescents and young adults. Means, standard deviations, and the intercorrelations of the raw RSQ scale and factor scores are presented by age group in Table 3. Preliminary analyses indicated the presence of overall responding differences. Specifically, adolescents and young adults reported significantly more responses to stress overall than did adults, F(2, 653) = 3.87, p < .05. Therefore, as recommended by Connor-Smith et al. (2000), scale and factor scores on the RSQ were computed as proportions of the total score for all responses (i.e., sum of scores on primary control items/sum of all items) to control for these differences. Means and standard devi- COPING WITH TERRORISM Table 2. CAC Activity Endorsement and Percent Helpful by Sample and Gender Adolescents Total CAC Activity Fundraisinga Patriotic T-shirta Attend a vigila Talk to therapista Donating itemsa Flying a flaga Attend religious servicesa Attending assembly Wrote in journal Talking to friendsa Talking to parentsa Young Adults Boys Girls % Endorsed % Endorsed % Helpful % Endorsed 89 60 15 4 63 73 53 15 23 69 68 90 61 69 17 86 83 69 52 66 61 84 81b 38b 18b 0b 60b 62b 53b 10b 5b 57b 54b 96c 79c 13b 7c 66b 82c 53b 20b 37c 78c 78c Total Men Women % Endorsed % Helpful % Endorsed % Endorsed 47 23 31 8 10 44 27 19 18 90 81 86 76 79 68 81 87 89 66 80 75 80 37b 25b 25b 9b 15b 44b 20b 21b 13b 91b 76b 52c 22b 34b 8b 8c 45b 30c 19b 21c 92b 87c Note: Total refers to percentage of both male and female individuals for each group. Percentage helpful is included for the total samples only. Analyses were conducted using percentage endorsed only. For adolescents and young adults, percentages for males and females in the same row from the same age group that do not share superscripts (b, c) differ at p < .05 in the χ2(1) comparison. CAC = Coping Activities Checklist. aIndicates a significant age difference on total percentage endorsed (p <.05), χ2(1). ations of the ratio RSQ scale and factor scores are presented in Table 4. For all samples, the most frequently reported strategies were emotional expression and acceptance; the least frequently reported were involuntary responses such as inaction, involuntary fleeing, and cognitive interference. Adolescents and young adults reported using secondary control coping strategies most often. Adults reported relying most heavily on primary control coping. and talking to parents; and men reported more donation activities. Consistent with these differences, young adult women reported engaging in significantly more social support activities than young adult men, t(428) = –2.068, p < .05; although there were no significant gender differences on the concrete activities composite for young adults, t(428) = –.350, p > .10. Age and Gender Differences in Coping Age and Gender Differences in Coping Activities On the CAC, adolescents reported more coping activities overall (M = 5.38, SD = 2.43) than did young adults (M = 4.20, SD = 1.94), t(597) = 6.20, p < .001. Age differences were found on most activities, with adolescents reporting greater involvement in concrete activities such as fundraising or putting up a flag, t(596) = 16.051, p < .001. Adolescents also reported that fundraising was the most helpful in making them feel better. On the other hand, young adults most frequently reported social support-seeking strategies such as talking to friends and parents, t(596) = –4.176, p < .001; with attending a religious service being rated as the most helpful strategy. Several gender differences were found on endorsement of activities on the CAC. For adolescents, all differences favored girls, with girls reporting more participation in concrete activities, t(164) = –4.748, p < .001, such as fundraising and wearing a patriotic T-shirt; and more social support activities such as discussion with friends and parents, t(164) = –2.961, p < .05. Within the young adult sample, women reported more participation in fundraising, church attendance, journaling, Profile analysis was used to examine the relation between age and gender on coping and involuntary stress responses. A 2 × 3 between-subject multivariate analysis of variance was conducted separately on the 10 coping scales and the nine involuntary stress scales. For both analyses, independent variables were gender and developmental group. Box’s test of equality of covariance matrices indicated that the observed covariance matrices were not equal across groups, so Pillai’s trace criterion was used. Given the low number of men in the adult sample (n = 9), adult men were excluded from the analysis. For coping, the profile analysis results for the combined dependent variables were significantly affected by both gender, F(10, 597) = 10.75, p < .01, η2 = .15; and developmental group, F(20, 1,196) = 4.47, p < .01, η2 = .07; but not by their interaction, F(10, 597) = 1.66, p > .05. The results reflected a modest association between gender scores and the combined coping scales, partial η2 = .15. The association was less substantial between developmental group and the coping scales, partial η2 = .07. To investigate the impact of each significant main effect on the individual dependent variables, univariate analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were performed. To 149 150 1 RSQ Scales 1.93 .73 — 2.17 .80 — M SD 1. Problem solving 2. Emotional regulation 3. Emotional expression 4. Cognitive restructuring 5. Positive thinking 6. Acceptance 7. Distraction 8. Denial 9. Avoidance 10. Wishful thinking 11. Rumination 12. Intrusive thoughts 13. Emotional arousal 14. Physiological arousal 15. Impulsive action 16. Emotional numbing 17. Cognitive interference 18. Escape 19. Inaction M SD 1. Problem solving 2. Emotional regulation 3. Emotional expression 4. Cognitive restructuring 5. Positive thinking 6. Acceptance 7. Distraction 8. Denial 9. Avoidance 1 RSQ Scales 2.32 .70 .40** — 2 2.10 .72 .52** — 2 2.75 .73 .39** .60** — 3 2.53 .79 .53** .61** — 3 2.09 .57 .13* .24** .16** — 4 1.94 .60 .18* .25** .22** — 4 6 3.00 .68 .04 .17* .12 .39** .36** — 6 2.26 2.89 .64 .63 .31** –.08 .48** .06 .39** –.03 .40** .15** — .15** — 5 2.32 .72 .25** .39** .31** .48** — 5 8 1.70 .66 .07 .08 .04 .18* .20* .00 .09 — 8 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 9 10 11 Young Adult Sample 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 1.78 1.73 1.86 2.19 2.11 1.74 1.41 1.74 1.51 1.41 1.48 .63 .66 .66 .80 .76 .66 .61 .60 .60 .53 .60 .18* .17* .41** .35** .28** .26** .25** –.14 .22** .24** .13 .35** .23** .39** .45** .43** .37** .29** .00 .32** .32** .30** .15 .19* .34** .33** .44** .37** .18* –.13 .28** .27** .25** .18* .20* .11 .14 .22** .17* .12 .07 .18* .09 .15 .27** .20* .20* .21** .28** .21** .11 .10 .20** .19* .24** .05 –.08 –.18* –.14 –.10 –.10 –.13 .06 –.16* –.14 –.03 .31** .26** .30** .27** .27** .28** .23** .00 .23** .15 .22** .49** .45** .31** .23** .26** .33** .33** .36** .32** .51** .45** — .52** .39** .35** .30** .39** .39** .32** .46** .58** .39** — .43** .39** .36** .37** .43** .24** .40** .55** .42** — .65** .61** .60** .52** .13 .61** .54** .52** — .74** .66** .41** .05 .59** .53** .51** — .60** .47** .08 .64** .50** .51** — .36** .10 .56** .51** .52** — .14 .51** .49** .58** — .31** .31** .25** — .60** .60** — .57** — 9 Adolescent Sample 2.23 1.71 1.71 1.58 1.72 2.00 2.09 1.84 1.42 1.66 1.42 1.41 1.47 .71 .61 .59 .56 .62 .64 .64 .70 .49 .51 .54 .45 .56 .25** –.04 –.04 .13** .26** .29** .32** .35** .23** –.03 .22** .20** .15** .44** .12* .15** .15** .36** .40** .46** .45** .20** .05 .23** .23** .23** .34** –.03 –.11* –.01 .29** .38** .36** .39** .06 –.04 .14** .08 .12* .32** .15** .15** .17** .13** .02 .11* .02 .22** .09 .10* .04 .09 .56** .19** .21** .27** .35** .29** .40** .30** .16** .06 .23** .25** .18** .18** .03 .16** .00 –.16** –.12* –.06 –.19** –.02 –.01 –.18** –.06 –.10* — .26** .30** .31** .28** .25** .31** .23** .26** .09 .26** .26** .23** — .39** .43** .27** .16** .22** .12* .23** .33** .31** .42** .27** — .40** .22** .06 .13** .08 .17** .27** .21** .40** .19** 7 2.35 .73 .32** .48** .33** .50** .55** .20* — 7 Table 3. Raw RSQ Means and Scale Intercorrelations for Adolescents, Young Adults, and Adults 151 1.97 .69 — 1 2.36 .63 .42** — 2 Note: RSQ = Responses to Stress Questionnaire. *p = .05. **p = .01. M SD 1. Problem solving 2. Emotional regulation 3. Emotional expression 4. Cognitive restructuring 5. Positive thinking 6. Acceptance 7. Distraction 8. Denial 9. Avoidance 10. Wishful thinking 11. Rumination 12. Intrusive thoughts 13. Emot. Arousal 14. Physiological Arousal 15. Impulsive action 16. Emotional numbing 17. Cognitive interference 18. Escape 19. Inaction RSQ Scales 10. Wishful thinking 11. Rumination 12. Intrusive thoughts 13. Emotional arousal 14. Physiological arousal 15. Impulsive action 16. Emotional numbing 17. Cognitive interface 18. Escape 19. Inaction 3.08 .68 .49** .68** — 3 2.10 .55 .41** .62** .45** — 4 2.25 .61 .27* .33* .43** .35** — 5 2.87 .76 .24 .30* .28* .35** .54** — 6 8 9 10 2.12 1.48 1.43 1.27 .66 .57 .46 .38 .39** –.14 –.08 .05 .50** –.03 .14 –.14 .48** .03 .09 .16 .42** .00 .29* .15 .60** .36** .36** .28* .50** .35** .34** .08 — .42** .54** .30* — .63** .45** — .48** — 7 11 .35** — 1.42 .45 .33* .16 .38** .10 .38** .01 .33* .26 .12 .38** — Adult Sample — 13 .31** .52** .59** — 14 .25** .48** .65** .62** — 15 .31** .43** .22** .26** .25** — 16 .29** .25** .04 .13** .06 .25** — 17 .37** .56** .35** .42** .43** .48** .33** — 18 .51** .41** .34** .36** .38** .31** .25** .41** — 19 .29** .48** .32** .38** .36** .37** .34** .61** .33** — 2.07 1.96 1.83 1.23 1.31 1.28 1.14 1.36 .63 .51 .57 .34 .44 .43 .26 .54 .21 .14 .03 –.12 .09 .06 .27* .08 .08 .22 .12 –.07 –.04 –.02 –.06 .16 .21 .32* .19 .07 .09 .13 .25 .21 .06 .07 –.06 –.03 .09 .02 –.03 –.00 .29* .33* .08 .14 .29* .20 .36** .24 .08 –.10 –.01 .02 .22 .04 .17 .12 .26 .31* .18 .19 .34** .15 .26 .37** .23 .15 .12 .23 .33* .31* .42** .27* .12 .15 .21 .34** .67** .36** .21 .43** .18 .31* .14 .24 .42** .32* .07 .35** .35** .61** .31* .47** .51** .51** .29* .22 — .40** .40** .17 .32* .37** .27* .45** — .58** .41** .24 .58** .22 .46** — .36** .16 .51** .22 .47** — .36** .45** .14 .34** — .46** .31* .47** — .13 .61** — .01 — 12 .26** .50** — WADSWORTH ET AL. Table 4. RSQ Ratio Factor and Scale Means and Standard Deviations for Adolescents, Young Adults, and Adults Adolescents Total RSQ Factors and Scales Primary control Problem solving Emotional regulation Emotional expression Secondary control Cognitive restructuring Positive thinking Acceptance Distraction Voluntary disengagement Denial Avoidance Wishful thinking Involuntary engagement Rumination Intrusive thoughts Emotional arousal Physiological arousal Impulsive action Involuntary disengagement Emotional numbing Cognitive interference Escape Inaction Note: Young Adults Boys Girls Men Women Total M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD .184 .059 .057 .068 .263 .053 .063 .083 .063 .140 .046 .048 .046 .249 .050 .058 .056 .046 .038 .166 .048 .040 .038 .040 .039 .019 .015 .019 .047 .015 .017 .023 .016 .029 .015 .013 .014 .042 .012 .016 .015 .012 .012 .030 .017 .011 .010 .011 .169 .054 .052 .062 .271 .055 .062 .091 .061 .147 .050 .050 .047 .244 .049 .057 .055 .045 .039 .170 .053 .039 .037 .042 .038 .018 .015 .019 .050 .015 .018 .024 .017 .031 .016 .014 .014 .041 .012 .015 .016 .013 .012 .027 .019 .010 .008 .012 .197 .063 .060 .074 .257 .051 .064 .077 .065 .134 .043 .045 .046 .253 .051 .059 .058 .048 .037 .162 .044 .042 .038 .038 .036 .019 .014 .017 .045 .015 .016 .020 .015 .027 .014 .011 .013 .042 .013 .016 .013 .012 .012 .031 .014 .012 .010 .011 .192 .053 .063 .076 .262 .058 .062 .081 .061 .137 .047 .047 .043 .247 .047 .055 .057 .050 .040 .163 .046 .039 .039 .040 .036 .018 .015 .019 .038 .015 .014 .022 .016 .029 .014 .014 .012 .036 .012 .014 .013 .015 .017 .028 .014 .011 .010 .012 .180 .054 .058 .068 .268 .060 .060 .090 .059 .139 .047 .048 .044 .247 .046 .053 .057 .048 .043 .168 .048 .039 .039 .041 .037 .017 .014 .019 .039 .015 .016 .025 .017 .027 .015 .014 .013 .036 .012 .013 .016 .014 .012 .029 .016 .011 .010 .011 .196 .052 .065 .079 .259 .057 .063 .078 .062 .137 .047 .047 .042 .247 .047 .055 .057 .051 .038 .161 .045 .038 .038 .039 .034 .018 .014 .017 .037 .015 .013 .019 .015 .029 .014 .015 .012 .036 .012 .014 .012 .015 .018 .027 .013 .011 .010 .012 .216 .057 .068 .089 .271 .061 .065 .084 .061 .122 .043 .042 .037 .247 .041 .060 .057 .053 .036 .147 .038 .037 .034 .039 .037 .018 .016 .016 .037 .015 .014 .021 .013 .026 .014 .012 .010 .036 .010 .015 .012 .014 .010 .023 .010 .010 .007 .011 Total refers to mean of both male and female individuals for each group. RSQ = Responses to Stress Questionnaire. lower the family-wise error rate, we utilized a more stringent alpha level (.01). Results indicated that gender was significantly related to emotional expression, F(1, 611) = 41.10, p < .01, η2 = .06; emotional regulation, F(1, 611) = 31.03, p < .01, η2 = .05; and acceptance, F(1, 611) = 39.43, p < .01, η2 = .06. Females employed more emotional expression and emotional regulation, and males reported more acceptance. Developmental group was significantly related to problem solving, F(2, 611) = 5.53, p < .01, η2 = .02; emotional expression, F(2, 611) = 12.47, p < .01, η2 = .04; emotional regulation, F(2, 611) = 7.98, p < .01, η2 = .03; cognitive restructuring, F(2, 611) = 7.39, p < .01, η2 = .02; and wishful thinking, F(2, 611) = 9.23, p < .01, η2 = .03. Young adolescents employed more problem solving than young adults, F(2, 627) = 6.92, p < .01. Both emotional expression and emotional regulation increased with age, with significant differences across the three age groups: F(2, 638) = 25.30, p < .001; F(2, 634) = 18.02, p < .001, for emotional expression and emotional regulation, respectively. Young adolescents endorsed less cognitive restructuring than both young adults and adults, F(2, 639) = 8.26, p < .001. Finally, wishful thinking decreased with age with young adolescents reporting it most often, followed by young adults and then adults, F(2, 646) = 12.53, p < .001. In addition, there was an interaction between gender and developmental group for problem solving, 152 Total Adults F(1, 611) = 9.82, p < .001, η2 = .03. Whereas males reported generally consistent levels of problem solving across developmental group, young adolescent girls reported higher levels of problem solving than their male counterparts and any other age group; but young adult women’s problem solving was not significantly different from their male counterparts. Hence, gender moderated problem solving for young adolescents but not young adults. Follow-up analyses were conducted within the adolescent data, based on the hypothesis that more sophisticated coping skills (e.g., secondary control coping) emerge and increase in sophistication during this period (Hoffman et al., 1991). However, there were no significant age-related differences between sixth-, seventh-, and eighth-grade students on coping responses within this restricted age range. Age and Gender Differences in Involuntary Stress Responses For involuntary stress responses, the combined dependent variables were significantly affected by both gender, F(9, 617) = 3.86, p < .01, η2 = .05; and developmental group, F(18, 1236) = 5.30, p < .01, η2 = .07; but not by their interaction, F(9, 617) = 1.16, p > .05. The results reflected small associations between both gender and developmental group scores and the com- COPING WITH TERRORISM bined involuntary stress response scales, with partial η2s = .05 and .07, respectively. To examine the influence of each significant main effect on the individual dependent variables, univariate ANOVAs were performed. The tests of between-subject effects demonstrated that gender was significantly related to impulsive action, F(1, 630) = 7.15, p < .01, η2 = .01; and emotional numbing, F(1, 630) = 16.28, p < .01, η2 = .03. Males reported more impulsive action and emotional numbing than females. Developmental group was significantly related to rumination, F(2, 630) = 11.96, p < .01, η2 = .04; intrusive thoughts, F(2, 630) = 6.85, p < .01, η2 = .02; emotional numbing, F(2, 630) = 6.02, p < .01, η2 = .02; and escape, F(2, 630) = 8.90, p < .01, η2 = .03. For the rumination scale, all groups differed, F(2, 637) = 10.54, p < .001; with young adolescents reporting these strategies the most, followed by young adults and then adults. Young adults endorsed fewer intrusive thoughts than both young adolescents and adults. Both young adolescents and young adults reported more emotional numbing and escape than adults. Follow-up analyses were conducted within the adolescent sample, based on the prediction that involuntary responses may decrease with age as coping responses are increasingly enacted to counter these automatic responses (Compas et al., 1999). Within-group analyses indicated that sixth graders reported experiencing significantly more physiological arousal than did eighth graders, F(2, 162) = 3.05, p < .05. No other significant differences on involuntary stress responses emerged within the adolescent sample. Discussion September 11th provided a unique opportunity to examine responses to a unique, collective stressor on individuals across multiple age groups. The uniqueness created a situation in which individuals of all ages learned about the attacks through the mass media, with little precedence for processing and responding. These difficult circumstances allowed for measuring responses to a stressor that was externally standard across age, permitting the examination of age- and gender-related differences in coping and involuntary stress responses. Factor Invariance of RSQ Making developmental comparisons necessitates measurement of constructs that may manifest differently across different groups. The demonstration of metric invariance of the RSQ across adolescents and young adults provides statistical evidence that the measured coping and stress responses assess the same traits in both groups. This supports using the RSQ to exam- ine responses to terrorism across ages and suggests that these constructs are qualitatively and quantitatively comparable. In addition, these results suggest that applied developmental scientists now have a measure of stress responses to terrorism that covers a wide age range. Age-Related Similarities and Differences in Coping and Involuntary Stress Responses The three samples were highly similar on many dimensions, including socioeconomic status indicators (college attending, affluent), geographic region, and only indirect exposure to the September 11th attacks via the mass media. They reported on a common stressor using a common measure. The ability to make comparisons across age groups, taking those potential confounds into account, is a significant strength of the study. Several notable age-related differences in coping emerged, which are consistent with the Responses to Stress Model as well as extant research on cognitive and emotional development. First, adolescents utilized more concrete strategies aimed at problem solving than did young adults; moreover, these strategies were perceived by adolescents to be the most helpful. This is consistent with Weisz and colleagues (Band & Weisz, 1988, 1990; Thurber & Weisz, 1997) who showed that younger children are generally more reliant on simple problem-solving techniques than other strategies. This finding is also consistent with the National Child Traumatic Stress Network’s (2003) recommendation to give children the opportunity to help others through constructive actions, events, or programs. Second, age appears to be related to the ability to express and regulate emotions, with the use of these strategies increasing across the three groups (Campos, Campos, & Barrett, 1989). Again, the ability to identify, interpret, and regulate emotions should increase with age as knowledge, experience, and the capacity for abstract thinking increase (e.g., Compas et al., 1999). Third, young adults and adults reported the use of cognitive restructuring more frequently than did adolescents, which likely reflects the maturation of metacognitive capacities that begins in young adolescence and continues into adulthood (Hoffman et al., 1991). This is highly consistent with the predictions of the Responses to Stress Model. Compas et al. (1999) posited that involuntary stress responses should remain relatively stable over time, but conceded that developmental change in the nature and character of these responses is likely; the proportion of stress responses that are involuntary in nature may decrease with age. Although there was no overall decrease in involuntary responses to the attacks, interesting differences emerged on several of the individual 153 WADSWORTH ET AL. scales. Generally, involuntary responses such as rumination, intrusive thoughts, involuntary escape, and emotional numbing decreased with age, consistent with the idea that older individuals have developed more effective strategies for coping with and regulating these responses. Although this study documented a number of age-related differences in coping and involuntary responses to stress that are consistent with developmental explanations, the correlational nature of our data does not allow us to rule out alternative explanations for these differences. Factors other than cognitive or emotional development may have contributed to the group differences we found. For example, that young adolescents reported more coping activities on the CAC may reflect the fact that the school they attended organized specific activities in response to the events of September 11th, rather than developmental differences in coping per se. In addition, because individuals learned of this event primarily through the media, differences in media exposure between the three samples could also account for differences in their responses to this stressor. Third, these samples are not representative of the U.S. population, which may limit the generalizability of these results. Despite these limitations, this study helps us begin to understand the ways in which individuals of different ages responded to this tragic event and lays the groundwork for future longitudinal studies that can help clarify the role development plays in shaping responses to stress. Associations Between Stress Responses and Symptoms The pattern of correlations between RSQ factors and anxiety symptoms was strikingly similar across samples, taking gender into account. As in prior research (e.g., Connor-Smith et al., 2000) anxiety was strongly associated with secondary control coping and involuntary engagement across gender and sample. In particular, as with previous studies, secondary control coping was negatively associated with anxiety, suggesting that this may be an efficacious set of strategies to implement when faced with a stressor like terrorism. These strategies were also the most commonly reported. Conversely, involuntary engagement responses were associated with more anxiety, and thus appear to indicate that this response may be an index of stress reactivity as proposed (Compas et al., 1999). Consistent and pronounced gender differences in correlations across the adolescent and young adult samples were found, with females having large links between stress responses and anxiety, and males having none. In the case of primary control coping, these strategies were associated with fewer symptoms for females but not males in both samples. Conversely, involuntary disengagement strategies were associated with more anxiety 154 for females only. These findings help disentangle prior gender effects in coping studies. Because the RSQ separates out cognitive from emotional strategies and includes potentially beneficial emotional strategies, we are able to examine differences in the efficacy of cognitive versus emotional strategies for males and females. From these data, it appears that primary control strategies are not as likely to be used by males, and perhaps it is because these strategies are not as effective for them as they are for females. Conversely, disengagement responses appear to be problematic for females only. These patterns of association may help explain why males tend to report more disengagement and less emotion-based responses: They are not helped by the emotion-based responses, and disengagement is not particularly detrimental for them. Gender Differences in Coping and Involuntary Stress Responses Consistent gender differences in stress responses emerged in the adolescent and young adult samples. As with prior research, females reported using significantly more emotion-based coping responses than males (e.g., Renk & Creasey, 2003). Similarly, on the CAC, females of both age groups reported engaging in more activities that brought them into contact with others (e.g., talking to people, going to church) and focused on their emotions (e.g., journaling, talking to a therapist). These results suggest that males and females display different styles for responding to stress as early as young adolescence. This finding is consistent with both the theory that females are biologically predisposed to seek social contact during times of stress (Taylor et al., 2000), and that gender roles and socialization have early influence on significant social and psychological responses. Men and women reason about the world differently, with women showing a higher degree of comfort with and investment in relationships and emotions (e.g., MacGeorge, 2003). Gender is also linked to communication styles, again showing that men tend to respond to difficult situations in a way that reduces interpersonal intimacy (such as disengagement), whereas women respond in ways that increase intimacy (such as emotional expression; Basow & Rubenfeld, 2003). Renk and Creasey linked these femininity- and masculinity-based proclivities to higher levels of emotion-focused coping in adolescent girls and higher levels of problem solving in boys. Our data suggest that gender differences in stress responses may emerge as early as age 10, may be quite stable, and may transcend the type of stressor. In addition, our data suggest that some of these gender differences in endorsement may be adaptive, as emotion-based responses appeared to be particularly helpful for females, and disengagement strategies did not appear to be detrimental for males. COPING WITH TERRORISM Limitations and Future Directions Interpretations of our findings should be tempered with a few limitations. First, the data are self-report, retrospective accounts of responding to the events of September 11th; therefore, this study is subject to the usual caveats and cautions that come with using cross-sectional, self-report data. In addition, caution should be exercised in attempting to generalize these results beyond those individuals who chose to participate in this study. However, as this is one of the first studies to examine coping in response to terrorism across a wide age span, it makes an important contribution and points to areas warranting more extensive exploration. Second, the adolescent and adult samples were collected in tandem and may reflect nonindependence, although the preliminary analyses showed that no differences existed between those students with a participating parent and those without. Similarly, although we equated all three samples on a variety of variables, it is impossible to rule out all possible confounds. To the degree that these two samples differ from the young adult sample, it is premature to conclude definitively that this is due to age differences rather than other demographic differences shared by the adolescents and their parents. Third, the individuals in our adult sample were all parents. Parents may cope and respond differently to a stressor than adults without children. Such difficult circumstances may be exacerbated when one is responsible for the care of children. Similarly, the young adult sample consisted entirely of university students. Young adults who attend college may possess characteristics that influence their responses to stress in ways that differ from those who do not. Finally, the events of September 11th represent a unique stressor. With the exception of individuals living in Washington, DC, New York, or Pennsylvania, most Americans were exposed to this event indirectly through the mass media. In addition, the events of September 11th differ in meaningful ways from other large-scale events that have been studied, such as natural disasters. Therefore, although our findings shed light on the ways in which individuals of different ages responded to the events of September 11th, because responses to stress are related to the characteristics of the stressor, it remains unclear how these findings would generalize to other types of stressors. Future research will benefit from continued attention to large-scale community events that tax the resources of large numbers of individuals of different ages. Such research will allow for further refinement of our understanding of how individuals think about and respond to such events, and for the development of age-appropriate intervention research. In addition, the age differences in stress responses that we found could signal age-related differences in understanding or processing of events like September 11th. Children’s so- phistication of understanding and reasoning about the causes and implications of war and disaster appear to vary according to developmental level (Monaco & Gaier, 1987, 1992). Cantor, Wilson, and Hoffner (1986), for example, found that fright reactions to a simulated nuclear holocaust on TV increased with age from age 3 to 18, with children under age 10 showing little reaction at all. Future studies should assess the association between children’s reasoning about terrorism and its implications, and their stress responses. Implications For theory. Compas et al. (1999) offered one of the first developmentally sensitive theories of coping and stress responses, the Responses to Stress Model. This study provides data to support several aspects of the theory and highlights areas of the theory that may require refinement. First, these data generally support the predictions of the theory for effortful coping responses. Therefore, complex, emotion-based, primary control strategies appear to increase with age, and possibly replace disengagement responses. However, the theory also predicts that, over time, coping may take over a larger total share of the stress responses, replacing a share previously held by involuntary responses. This did not occur in our samples. It is possible that as individuals age, the proportion of responses to stress that are involuntary (approximately 40%) and effortful (approximately 60%) in nature will remain stable and that developmental change will occur within these two realms. Second, these data suggest that the Responses to Stress Model theory needs further development to include gender-based differences in responding to stress. Two levels of theoretical development are needed here. Primarily, predictions about gender differences in rates of endorsement of various types of stress responses are needed. In addition, refinement concerning the relations between various types of coping and psychological adjustment should be considered. In particular, it is now possible to make predictions regarding the utility of primary control strategies for females and the lack of a detrimental effect of disengagement for males. For empirical research. Research testing the predictions of the Responses to Stress Model (Compas et al., 1999) should be undertaken with the express purpose of evaluating gender differences and similarities in the utility of coping responses. Questions that arise include whether the same gender differences in associations between primary control and involuntary disengagement responses and psychological symptoms exist for other types of symptoms in relation to this stressor, and in relation to other types of stressors. In addition, these data show that gender differences in responses to stress already exist by early adolescence. Tracking when gender differences emerge will provide 155 WADSWORTH ET AL. additional information about how coping and involuntary stress responses develop. It will also be intriguing to examine the sources of gender differences in rates of responding as well as associations between stress responses and symptoms. We offered some hypotheses about possible sources of gender effects earlier in this article, which would be worthwhile to test in subsequent research. In addition, the Responses to Stress Model is challenged to expand the conceptualization of involuntary responses further, with special attention given to how these are distinct from, but complementary to, symptoms of distress and psychopathology. The majority of RSQ items were written to be distinct from symptoms of psychopathology (Connor-Smith et al., 2000); however, it is clear that symptoms of arousal and intrusive thoughts overlap with current definitions of PTSD (e.g., Pynoos, Rodriguez, Steinberg, Stuber, & Frederick, 1998). Experimental and time-sensitive studies are needed to chart the emergence of involuntary stress responses in the wake of a stressor, and to examine the timing of involuntary versus effortful responses and to tease out whether, when, and how involuntary responses to stress are distinct from psychological symptoms. Nonexperimental longitudinal studies are also needed in which it will be possible to target the developmental periods during which various responses to stress first emerge for the majority of children. The data regarding secondary control strategies in this and prior studies (e.g., Hoffner, 1993) converge on early adolescence as being the crucial developmental period for the appearance of this type of complex cognitive coping. The remainder of RSQ factors and scales, however, require more precise documentation of the timing of their emergence. A final question to be explored includes disentangling how basic developmental and gender trends in responding to stress may change as a function of the stressor. The coping and stress responses examined in this article were in regard to a very specific and unusual stressor for those living in the United States. Despite this, the similarities we found with prior work on very diverse stressors (economic strain, peer hassles, recurrent abdominal pain) are quite encouraging and suggest that there may be some universally helpful strategies, such as secondary control coping, which transcend age, gender, and type of stressor. For interventions for coping with terrorism. These results highlight that interventions aimed at helping individuals adjust after an event such as September 11th need to be sensitive to both developmental level and gender. Therefore, encouraging involvement in structured “helping” activities such as fundraising appears to be most appropriate for children and young adolescents whose ability and desire to discuss traumatic events may be limited. In addition, these data suggest 156 that social support and emotion-based strategies may be especially useful to foster in females, but may have less utility for males. Helping parents understand that they and their children may have different needs in the wake of a terrorist attack may also be quite beneficial. In addition, helping children brainstorm about things they might do to make themselves feel like they are being helpful (i.e., that they are part of the solution) may help children feel like they have some control over the event. Feelings of control over coping with terrorism may maximize an individual’s ability to use efficacious coping, as it does for coping with other types of events (Compas, Banez, Malcarne, & Worsham, 1991). Perhaps our greatest challenge as applied developmental scientists is (as always) connecting research with practice—and September 11th has linked the United States with the rest of the world in our need for effective services for victims of terrorism. References Band, E. B., & Weisz, J. R. (1988). How to feel better when it feels bad: Children’s perspectives on coping with everyday stress. 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