<DOCINFO AUTHOR ""TITLE "Filipino English and Taglish: Language switching from multiple perspectives"SUBJECT "VEAW, Volume g31"KEYWORDS ""SIZE HEIGHT "220"WIDTH "150"VOFFSET "4">
Filipino English and Taglish
Varieties of English Around the World
General Editor
Edgar W. Schneider
Department of English & American Studies
University of Regensburg
D-93040 REGENSBURG
Germany
[email protected]
Editorial Board
Laurie Bauer (Wellington); Manfred Görlach (Cologne);
Rajend Mesthrie (Cape Town); Peter Trudgill (Fribourg);
Walt Wolfram (Raleigh, NC)
General Series
Volume G31
Filipino English and Taglish: Language switching from multiple perspectives
by Roger M. Thompson
Filipino English and Taglish
Language switching from multiple perspectives
Roger M. Thompson
University of Florida
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
8
TM
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements
of American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence
of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Thompson, Roger M.
Filipino English and Taglish : language switching from multiple
perspectives / Roger M. Thompson.
p. cm. (Varieties of English Around the World, issn 0172–7362 ; v.
G31)
Includes bibliographical references (p.) and index.
1. English language--Philippines. 2. English language--Foreign
elements--Tagalog. 3. Tagalog language--Influence on English. 4. Bilingualism-Phlilippines. 5. Phlilippines--Languages. I. Title. II. Series.
PE3502.P5T47 2003
306.44’6’09599-dc22
isbn 90 272 4891 5 (Eur.) / 1 58811 407 4 (US) (Hb; alk. paper)
2003057797
© 2003 – John Benjamins B.V.
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or
any other means, without written permission from the publisher.
John Benjamins Publishing Co. · P.O. Box 36224 · 1020 me Amsterdam · The Netherlands
John Benjamins North America · P.O. Box 27519 · Philadelphia pa 19118-0519 · usa
Contents
Acknowledgments
Map 1. The Philippines
xi
xiii
Chapter 1
Introduction: Language switching from multiple perspectives
1.1
The situation 1
1.2
Rationale for this study 2
1.3
Overview of the chapters 5
1
Part A.
Taglish in the life cycle of English in the Philippines
Chapter 2
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
2.1
The United States takes control, 1898–1902 13
2.1.1
Humanitarian imperialism 13
2.1.2
The Philippine insurrection 15
2.1.3
Winning the hearts of Filipinos 17
2.2
Social engineering and the rise of English, 1902–1935
2.2.1
Schools for the masses 19
2.2.2 Materials and teachers 20
2.2.3 The Filipino reaction 22
2.2.4 A day at school 23
2.2.5 The effectiveness 24
2.2.6 English: The great equalizer 26
Chapter 3
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973
3.1
Finding a national language 27
3.2
The changing school environment 29
3.3
War destroys the schools 30
9
13
19
27
vi
Filipino English and Taglish
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
Rebuilding the school system 31
Controversy over Tagalog 32
The golden age for English 34
Changing attitudes 35
Chapter 4
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
4.1
Intellectualizing Tagalog for the schools 37
4.2
Taglish fills the gap 40
4.3
English fails in the schools 41
4.4
Cries for school reform 44
4.5
A personal look at the schools 47
4.6
Ongoing efforts to improve English instruction 50
4.7
Setting local standards for English 52
4.7.1
Pronunciation 52
4.7.2 Grammar 53
4.7.3 Vocabulary 53
4.8
Filipino English in the taxonomy of world English: ESL or EFL?
Chapter 5
The Spanish overlay
5.1
The life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines 59
5.2
Spanish infiltrates the vernaculars 60
5.3
Spanish withstands English 61
5.4
The end of Spanish 63
5.5
The current relationship of English, Tagalog, and Spanish 65
Map 2. The regions, 1990
Part B.
Social support for English after 100 years: Comparing usage in Metro
Manila and the provinces
B.1
English proficiency in the Philippines today 72
B.2
English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas 74
B.2.1 The participants 75
Chapter 6
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
37
54
59
67
69
77
Contents vii
6.1
6.1.1
6.1.2
6.1.3
6.1.4
6.1.5
6.2
6.2.1
6.2.2
6.2.3
6.3
Listening to English 77
Radio 77
Music 79
Television 80
News 83
Movies 86
Reading English 87
Newspapers 90
Magazines and journals 91
Books 91
The media and the future of English 92
Chapter 7
English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila
and the Visayas
7.1
English at work 97
7.2
English in public places 99
7.3
English at church 101
7.4
Interpersonal relations and the future of English 104
95
Chapter 8
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
107
8.1
Interacting with English media 109
8.1.1
Northern Luzon: Media profile 110
8.1.1.1 Radio 111
8.1.1.2 Television 111
8.1.1.3 Movies and videos 112
8.1.1.4 Print 112
8.1.2
Mindanao: Media profile 113
8.1.2.1 Radio 114
8.1.2.2 Television 114
8.1.2.3 Movies and videos 115
8.1.2.4 Print 115
8.2
Interacting with English in interpersonal relations 116
8.2.1
Northern Luzon 117
8.2.2 Mindanao 118
8.3
The status of English after 100 years: Some tentative conclusions 120
viii Filipino English and Taglish
Part C
Modeling English to the masses: A look at the media
Chapter 9
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary
9.1
A model for language mixing 128
9.2
A grammatical sketch of Tagalog and its focus system 131
9.3
Alternation 136
9.4
Insertion 140
9.4.1 English into Tagalog 141
9.4.2 Tagalog into English 144
9.5
Congruent lexicalization: Evidence of converging systems 146
9.6
Conclusions 152
Chapter 10
Commercials as language teachers
10.1
Developing communicative competence
10.1.1 Comprehension strategies 157
10.1.2 Grammar 165
10.1.3 Discourse 169
10.1.4 Pragmatics 174
10.2
Conclusions 176
123
127
155
156
Chapter 11
Marketing messages through language switching in television
commercials
11.1
Languages and products 178
11.2
Languages and social messages 182
11.2.1 English as promoter of good character 182
11.2.2 English as promoter of good fortune 184
11.2.3 English as bad boy 185
11.3
The growing Tagalog backlash 188
Chapter 12
Putting on a public face in TV interviews
12.1
The case studies 192
12.1.1 Case study 1: Striking it rich with roasted chicken 194
12.1.2 Case study 2: Businessmen in trouble in Mindanao 198
177
191
Contents
12.1.3
12.1.4
12.1.5
12.2
Case study 3: A stock market scandal 201
Case study 4: Good luck in the noodle business 203
Case study 5: Basketball English at courtside 205
Conclusions 208
Chapter 13
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms
211
13.1
Two case studies 211
13.1.1 Case study 1: Palibhasa Lalake 212
13.1.2 Case study 2: M&M: The Incredible Twins 221
13.2
The other shows: Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Missis and Mixed Nuts 227
13.3
Conclusions 229
Chapter 14
The language face off in the newspapers
14.1
English broadsheets 233
14.1.1 The news 234
14.1.2 Editorials 238
14.1.3 Sports 239
14.1.4 Entertainment and leisure 241
14.1.5 Advertisements 242
14.2
Tagalog tabloids 246
14.2.2 The news, sports, and opinion 247
14.2.3 Entertainment 249
14.2.4 Advertisements 250
14.3
English tabloids 252
14.4
Conclusions 254
Chapter 15
Afterword: The future of English
15.1
Putting down the language rebellion of 1998
15.2
Conclusion 265
References
Index
Index of commercials
231
257
260
267
279
285
ix
Acknowledgments
This study would not have been possible without the help of many people. Of
course major thanks must go to the Fulbright commission for inviting me to
spend the 1996–1997 academic year in the Philippines. Alex Calata and his
wonderful staŸ at the Philippine American Educational Foundation, the local
arm of the Fulbright Commission, made all the arrangements for my stay,
including the arrangements for teacher training workshops with more than
4,000 teachers throughout the country. It was through the workshops in the
provinces that I became aware that language switching is not just a Manila
phenomenon.
Thanks too go to the Bureau of Secondary Education at the Philippine
Department of Education, Culture, and Sports (DECS) under the direction of
Dr. Albert Mendoza and Dr. Ramy Taguba. They provided me with an o¹ce, a
daily newspaper, and access to several years of government studies. Of course,
special thanks go to Owen Milambiling, who went the extra mile to see that my
needs were fulªlled. He made sure that previous Fulbright scholars and I felt
welcome working at DECS.
Thanks go to Anne West of the Summer Institute of Linguistics and Gale
Metcalf and April Herbert of the Peace Corps for their help in collecting
language usage data from isolated sections of the country. Carmelo and
Camille Guerrero kindly taped the television shows. Guillermo Catral, Carol
Mendoza, Janina Perez, Joemer Ta-ala, and Camilla Yandoc, students at the
University of Florida, produced the transcriptions and translations. Thanks too
to Michael KorŸ-Rodrigues, Cultural Attaché to the American Embassy, and
Brother Andrew Gonzales, FSC, a guiding light for sociolinguistics in the
Philippines, for their encouragement.
Teachers attending workshops at Asia Paciªc College, Ateneo University,
De La Salle University, the IT&T Information Congress, Mapa High School,
and Philippine Normal University in Metro Manila; at the University of St. La
Salle in Bacolod; at the University of the Philippines-Visayas in Iloilo; at the
Philippine Association of Language Teachers meeting in Baguio; at the
Marinduque National High School in Boac; and at the Leyte Normal University in Tacloban graciously ªlled out language usage surveys.
xii Acknowledgments
Teachers and administrators in the above locations and at Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro; SEAMEO Innotech and the University of the Philippines-Diliman in Manila; St. Louis University in Baguio; and the Region I
College English Teachers Association in San Fernando, La Union, are to be
thanked for so graciously hosting me and allowing me to observe language
switching in action.
Additional ªnancial support came from special grants from Metro Bank of
the Philippines and a summer research grant from the English Department of
the University of Florida. Of course, nothing would have been possible without
the support and understanding of my sweet wife Caroly and my children
Christina, Wendy, and Deborah who shared my Philippine adventure with me.
My daughter Kim proofed the ªnal draft.
Preliminary versions of the following chapters were presented as papers at
professional meetings. Chapter 9 was presented as “Basketball Taglish: The
informalization of Filipino English” at the 12th World Congress of Applied
Linguistics (AILA ’99), August 1–6, 1999, in Tokyo, Japan. Chapters 10 and 11
were presented as “Commercials as English teachers: Language socialization
through Philippine television” at the 4th Paciªc Second Language Research
Forum (PacSLRF2001), October 4–7, 2001, at the University of Hawaii at
Manoa in Honolulu, Hawaii. Chapter 13 was presented as “The social dynamics of English/Filipino language switching on Philippine television” at When
Languages Collide: Sociocultural and Geopolitical Implications of Language
Con¶ict and Language Coexistence, an interdisciplinary conference, November 13–15, 1998, at Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.
Mabuhay
Gainesville, Florida
Vigan 䊏
Baguio䊏
Luzon
Manila䊏
Visayas
䊏Tacloban
Iloilo 䊏 䊏 Bacolod
䊏Cebu
Mindanao
Cotabato䊏
Zamboanga䊏
Malaysia
Map 1. The Philippines
䊏Davao
Chapter 1
Introduction
Language switching from multiple perspectives
1.1 The situation
You wake up on Monday morning in your apartment in Metro Manila. After a
shower and a shave and a quick bite of breakfast, you leave for work nearby at
the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS). As you leave the
apartment complex, the receptionist and the guard stop their conversation,
greet you with a “Good morning, sir,” then return to their conversation in
Tagalog. As you wait for the light to change so you can cross the street, you
glance at the newspapers displayed at the corner news stand. The serious
broadsheets announce “Congress resumes its session today,” “N. Korea hopeless, says top defector,” “7 inmates bolt Valenzuela jail.” The tabloids over to
the side note “Solido leader Joel Arnan natodas sa shootout” and “Judge
Diokno binira sa sex tapes.”
Since this is a Monday, everyone at work has gathered out front for the ¶ag
raising ceremony. The Department of Elementary Education is in charge today.
English love songs play in the background as last minute arrangements are made.
The mistress of ceremonies calls the assemblage of secretaries and government
o¹cials to order in English. The invocation is a modern dance routine set to a
musical rendition of the Lord’s Prayer in English. As the ¶ag rises, everyone sings
the national anthem in Tagalog. Following the pledge of allegiance in Tagalog
the mistress of ceremonies announces in English a short cultural program
featuring folk dancers from a high school in the provinces. The guest of honor,
an in¶uential senator, addresses the gathering in English with humorous asides
in Tagalog. At the close of the ¶ag ceremony, the Secretary of Education reports
in English his travels and accomplishments of the past week. The ceremony ends
with a round of applause and all return to their o¹ces.
As you read the English language morning paper in your o¹ce, you overhear the secretaries answering the phone. “Hello, BSE” (Bureau of Secondary
Education). The conversation continues in Tagalog with stretches in English.
You leave to do some errands before you give a workshop at a university across
2
Filipino English and Taglish
town. At the copy center, all signs are in English. The orders are taken in a
combination of English and Tagalog. You enter an o¹ce building across the
street and take an elevator to the penthouse suite of your Internet service
provider to pay your bill. At a stop on the way up a handsome young man steps
in. The elevator operator obviously knows him. She serenades him with an
English love song until he gets oŸ on the 10th ¶oor.
After paying your bill in English, you decide to take the bus across town to
the university. You state your destination and pay your fare in a combination
of English and Tagalog. The guards at the university entryway check your pass
in English. The signs reminding students and visitors of the university dress
standards are written in English. The students rushing around you speak a
mixture of English and Tagalog. Your presentation is in English. At the ªrst
break you eat lunch with the president of the university in his private dining
room. Every one speaks English during the lunch except when ordering something special from the waiters.
On the way home after your afternoon session, you stop by Mega Mall to
check the times for the movies and to pick up a surprise cake for the family. The
security personnel guarding the entrance to the mall greet you in English before
frisking you for weapons. Six theaters are showing the latest ªlms from the
United States, six the latest from the Philippines. You stop at an automated teller
to withdraw some money with your bankcard. The instructions ask whether you
want “English” or “Taglish” — a mixture of English and Tagalog. You select
English, complete your transaction, and enter the bakery. All the signs are in
English, the customers are served in a mixture of English and Tagalog. The buko
pie `coconut cream’ looks perfect, so you buy one to take home.
At home, the guard and the receptionist greet you with “Good evening, sir.”
The family decides not to go to the movies. After dinner you settle in to watch
the ªnals for the Philippine Basketball Association on television and enjoy
another piece of pie. The announcers switch between English and Tagalog. The
commercials do the same. At ten you are ready for bed. You have just spent a day
with Taglish, the mixture of English and Tagalog used in the Philippines.
1.2 Rationale for this study
I became fascinated with Taglish as a Fulbright scholar during the 1996–1997
academic year. With a population of over 70,000,000 the Philippines prides
itself in being one of the largest English speaking countries in the world. As a
Introduction
legacy of nearly 50 years of American colonial rule, English is the language of
business and higher education. Yet business leaders and university administrators note a decline in English proªciency in the rising generation. They feel the
blame lies with the teachers in primary and secondary schools. Surely if the
teachers knew better teaching techniques, the problem would resolve itself.
That is why I had been invited to spend the year providing inservice training
throughout the country under the direction of the Department of Education,
Culture, and Sports.
I traveled around the Philippines giving workshops on context-embedded
teaching to more than 4,000 high school and university English and science
teachers. Everywhere I went, I found dedicated teachers and teacher trainers
who prided themselves in knowing the latest teaching techniques. I was simply
giving refresher courses. They did not need more teacher training, they needed
smaller classes (50 the norm), more books (one textbook per three students the
norm), and better facilities. I also found college students everywhere whose
English compared favorably with students in community colleges and universities in the United States.
As a sociolinguist interested in language contact, I looked for other reasons
for the perceived decline in English proªciency. What is the social support for
being ¶uent in English? Are there times and occasions when English is used
exclusively? Are these times and occasions available to all learners of English?
Are there informal ways to learn English or does English depend solely on the
classroom for its acquisition? What are the social or emotional values assigned
to English? As I observed Filipinos using English in churches, on television, at
schools, in businesses, in sports, on the streets, on buses, in taxis, on planes, on
ferries, at conventions, at government functions, in family gatherings, and in
their reading, I noticed that although English predominates in certain domains
and Tagalog in others, Filipinos continually shift between English and Tagalog
when communicating with each other. Perhaps the perceived decline in English is simply a reaction to the rise of Taglish, this blend of the two languages.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the dynamics of this language
switching from various perspectives in order to ªnd clues as to the future of
English in the Philippines.
This is not the ªrst study of the interrelationship of English and Tagalog in
the Philippines. The language situation in this former American colony has been
studied extensively over the years, primarily by Filipino linguists. (See Gonzalez
1991c for an overview.) In fact Sibayan, one of the most prominent of these
linguists, comments that the language situation in the Philippines is probably
3
4
Filipino English and Taglish
the most studied in the world. These studies have focused on such things as
language planning (Bauzon 1991, E. Constantino 1981, Gonzalez and Bautista
1981), English language maintenance (Gonzalez 1988c, 1996, 1998a, Prator
1950, Sibayan and Gonzalez 1996), language usage surveys (Gonzalez 1985b),
new varieties of English (Bautista 1996a, Garcia-Aranas 1990, Gonzalez 1991b,
1992, 1997a, Llamzon 1969), and the spread of Taglish (Alberca 1998, Barrios
1977, Marasigan 1983, 1986). There is even a sociolinguistic reader devoted to
the language situation in the Philippines (Bautista 1996c). However, other than
Bautista’s (1998a) look at Taglish in email, Marasigan’s (1983) look at Taglish in
newspaper clippings, and Pascasio’s (1978, 1984) look at Taglish in business
transactions, there has been little attention paid to the linguistics of Taglish and
the social dynamics that underlie this language switching.
As I read these studies from the viewpoint of an English-speaking outsider,
I see bits and pieces of a puzzle, but I do not see the rich and complex dynamics
of language switching that strike the monolingual English-speaking expatriate
residing in the country. Three questions immediately come to mind when
English speakers arrive in Manila. Why are Filipinos so attached to English? If
they like English so much, why do they sometimes speak English, sometimes
Tagalog, and sometimes mix the two? Why does the mass media switch between English and Tagalog? These are the research questions which underlie
the rest of this book.
As Fairclough (1995) suggests, to understand how Filipino language switching works in discourse, we need to look beyond an analysis of the language itself.
We must not only look at when Taglish is used but we must look at the social
eŸect of Taglish in the promotion of certain ideologies. Thus we will follow the
lead of Fairclough as we seek answers to our three questions. In Part A we will
look at the question of why Filipinos are so attached to English by reviewing one
hundred years of Philippine language planning promoting ªrst English as a
replacement for Spanish then Tagalog as a replacement or supplement for
English. In Part B we will look for the answer to the second question by
examining the social support for English outside the classroom. First, we will
compare when English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas who took part
in my workshops reported that they use English and Taglish in their everyday
lives. We will then look to see if this social support extends into the remote
provinces. To ªnd the answer to the third question of why the media uses Taglish,
we look in Part C at the language of television and newspapers from various
sociolinguistic and sociocultural perspectives to identify the ideologies that
underlie this language switching.
Introduction
The data for this study come from a variety of sources. In Part A I synthesize one hundred years of scholarly research into the social foundations of
English in the Philippines. This is supplemented by my own observations from
my travels throughout the country giving workshops. The data for Part B come
from a questionnaire that I used as part of a language awareness activity in my
teacher training workshops. The Peace Corps and the Summer Institute of
Linguistics provided supplemental information about language usage in less
accessible parts of the Philippines. I collected the data for Part C towards the
end of my stay. I bought all of the Manila newspapers, both broadsheets and
tabloids, that I found sold on the streets on April 21, 1997, as I was on my way
to give a presentation at a university. Some friends taped Monday evening
television May 26, 1997, on ABS-CBN 2, the most popular television network.
To complement the data from the Monday broadcast, they recorded on Tuesday a Tagalog movie and a comedy show from GMA 7, the second most
popular network, and on Wednesday a basketball game from IBC 13, the third
most popular network, primarily a sports channel.
1.3 Overview of the chapters
The chapters in Part A answer the question of why Filipinos are so attached to
English by looking the social and political forces that have escorted English
through its life cycle in the Philippines from the time that Admiral George
Dewey entered Manila Bay in 1898 to the presidential election of Joseph
Estrada in 1998. The ªrst chapter looks at the arrival of the English language
and its use as a tool for social engineering during the American period of 1898
to 1935. During this time the language was indiginized and claimed by the
Filipinos as one of their own. The next chapter looks at the golden age of
English from 1936 and 1973 after the Philippines ªrst became a commonwealth
and then an independent country. During this period Tagalog began its rise as
a rival to English. The following chapter looks at the rise of Taglish, a mixture
of English and Tagalog, and its acceptance as the language of the educated
classes with the institution of bilingual education in the period from 1974 to
1998. As English undergoes restriction in public domains, the elite complain of
the decline in English proªciency in the upcoming generation. The closing
chapter looks at the Spanish overlay in Taglish that is usually overlooked or
even dismissed by scholars but is readily apparent to English speaking visitors
who know Spanish.
5
6
Filipino English and Taglish
Part B looks at the social support for English in Metro Manila and the
provinces after 100 years in the Philippines. For English to maintain itself as a
second rather than a foreign language, there must be informal ways to learn
and practice the language outside the classroom. A look at language usage in
various social settings or domains helps to answer the question of why Filipinos
can be heard switching between English and Tagalog. Chapter 6 looks at when
the English teachers who participated in my workshops reported that they
interact with English and Tagalog in the media in Metro Manila, a Tagalog
speaking area, and in urban settings in the Visayas, a non-Tagalog speaking
area that traditionally has resisted the spread of Tagalog. Chapter 7 examines
when these same English teachers reported that they use English and Tagalog
in interpersonal relations at work, in public places, and at church. As a counterbalance to this usage data from urban settings, Chapter 8 looks at the
penetration of English and Tagalog into remote areas of the Philippines based
on information from Peace Corps volunteers and linguists working for the
Summer Institute of Linguistics in northern Luzon and in Mindanao. In
particular, Part B underscores the important role that the media plays in
promoting English and Tagalog in the Philippines.
Since the media plays such an important role in modeling language usage
to the masses and provides informal means to develop language proªciency,
Part C looks at language switching on television and in newspapers from
various linguistic and sociocultural perspectives. It shows that competing ideologies, not just linguistics, underlie language switching. Chapter 9 looks at the
linguistics of language switching by examining the play-by-play commentary
of two sports commentators at a basketball game. What evidence is there that
Taglish represents a new style of English that results from a convergence of
English and Tagalog? Chapter 10 looks at the role that commercials play as
informal language teachers, promoting the acquisition of English outside the
classroom. Are the commercials structured in such a way as to make them
accessible to English speakers of various proªciency levels and to help these
language learners build their language proªciency? What type of English is
being promoted? Chapter 11 continues the look at television commercials by
examining the social messages signaled by Taglish as it is used to promote
various products. How do advertisers target the Filipino consumers by the way
they use language? Chapter 12 looks at the role Taglish plays when several
successful Filipinos present themselves to the public in televised interviews in a
business magazine show and in courtside interviews after a basketball game. In
Chapter 13 we look at two Tagalog sitcoms, a comedy sketch show, and a
Introduction
televised Tagalog movie to see the role that language switching plays in the
language of social resistance. How do the social messages that advertisers
promote by using English in commercials con¶ict with the messages that
English portrays in shows aimed at the masses? Chapter 14 looks at Philippine
newspapers. How does the Taglish used in English and Tagalog newspapers
diŸer? What are the social messages in this language switching? Is Taglish
simply a part of the informalization of written English that is taking place
worldwide? What does the use of Taglish in the press imply for the future of
English in the Philippines?
Chapter 15 is an afterword that takes at brief look at political events after I
returned home as they relate to the life cycle of English in the Philippines.
What does the spectacular rise and the precipitous fall of President Joseph
Estrada reveal of the cultural battle inherent in the development of Taglish?
Will Taglish become the new Filipino language of national unity as some have
suggested? Or will English disappear from the Philippines as French did in
fourteenth-century England, leaving only a gigantic vocabulary footprint?
7
Part A
Taglish in the life cycle of English
in the Philippines
When England defeated the Spanish Armada in 1588 during the reign of
Queen Elizabeth I, no one could have predicted that some 310 years later,
English from America would take root in one of the last colonial outposts of
the once great Spanish empire and quickly replace Spanish as the local lingua
franca. At the time the English language was a minor player on both the
European and the world stage. Crystal (1997:25) in his monograph on the
historical and cultural contexts for English becoming a global language notes
that in Elizabethan England there were 5 million English speakers. The language was emerging from a centuries-long battle with Danish, French, and
Latin for dominance in the island nation. In many parts of what would become
the United Kingdom, English was still a foreign language. In world aŸairs
French, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and even Swedish played more important
roles and had wider distribution. Some 400 years later, English has become the
world’s lingua franca with one third of the world population routinely interacting with each other through the English language (Crystal 1997:60).
Of course not everyone speaks English as a native language. Moag (1982a),
extending the terminology in common use, proposed the following taxonomy
for describing English-using societies. A wide variety of countries, such as
Australia, Belize, Canada, Jamaica, the United Kingdom, and the United States,
speak English as a native language (ENL). ENL countries are established when
large numbers of English speakers migrate from other English speaking countries, displacing other languages, both local and immigrant. Other countries,
such as Fiji, Ghana, India, Singapore, and Zimbabwe use English as a second
language (ESL). In ESL countries the language is imported during a colonial
period and promoted through education, but there is not a massive migration
of native English speakers. Although the local languages continue to be used, the
residents use English with each other in various public spheres, such as government, business, education, and the media. In other countries, such as Egypt,
Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Paraguay, and Tonga, English has the status of a foreign
10
Filipino English and Taglish
language (EFL). The language is studied in school and may have some academic
uses, but it is used mostly for international communication. Moag suggests a
fourth category of nations, including Argentina, Honduras, Nicaragua, and
Mexico, where English is spoken in communities of immigrants as a minority
language. He termed this English as a basal language (EBL).
English in these various contexts has received much scholarly attention in
recent years. For example, the edited collections in Bailey and Görlach (1982),
Cheshire (1991), and the two volumes of Schneider (1997) look at English as a
world language in various ENL and ESL contexts. The Fishman, Conrad, and
Rubal-Lopez (1996) collection of essays depicts how the status of English has
changed in former British and American colonies since the Second World
War. Kachru’s (1982) collection looks at English world wide mostly in the ESL
context. A collection by Viereck and Bald (1986) describes the eŸect of English
on various languages mostly in the EFL context. Fishman, Cooper, and Conrad
(1977) focus mostly on English in the EFL context of Israel. Kachru (1990)
looks at English as a magical power, much as an Aladdin’s lamp, that transforms the nations that it touches. Many case studies focus on one particular
aspect of English in a world context, such as Gupta’s (1994) study of children’s
English in Singapore. Of course, the present study of Filipino English is part of
the Varieties of English Around the World series published by John Benjamins.
There are also two international journals dedicated to the study of world
English, English World-Wide: A Journal of Varieties of English, established by
Manfred Görlach and now edited by Edgar Schneider, and World Englishes,
edited by Braj Kachru, leading scholars in the ªeld.
How does English in the Philippines ªt into this taxonomy of world
Englishes? Why are Filipinos so emotionally attached to English even though
few learn it at home as their native language? What does the development of
Taglish, the mixture of English and Tagalog, signify? Moag (1982b) suggests
that we can ªnd the answers by looking at his model for the life cycle of English
in the world context. This life cycle has four possible stages, transportation,
expansion, nativization or institutionalization, and restriction. In other words
how was the English language brought to the Philippines? How did its
in¶uence spread among the people? When did the people claim it as their own
for various purposes? Finally, is the language maintaining itself, or is it retreating from public use as another language gains prominence?
Moag’s theoretical construct is based on the British colonial experience.
How does this model apply to the Philippines, which was an idealistic American experiment with language planning and nation building? The four chap-
Taglish in the life cycle of English in the Philippines
ters in Part A look for the answers to these questions by reviewing the many
articles that have been written about the social and political history of English
during its ªrst one hundred years in the Philippines as it replaced Spanish and
now looks at being replaced by the language switching known as Taglish.
11
Chapter 2
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
2.1
The United States takes control, 1898–1902
2.1.1 Humanitarian imperialism
The year 1898 was a pivotal time in American history. Up until then the United
States had been an isolationist country that assiduously avoided international
con¶icts as the major European powers sought to divide Europe, Africa, and
Asia amongst themselves. America focused on ªlling empty spaces with refugees from other countries. The recently erected Statue of Liberty symbolized
America’s self-proclaimed role as a haven for the economically and socially
oppressed. Upwards of a million immigrants a year took to heart the words of
poet Emma Lazarus which are written at base of the statue:
Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!
Although US soldiers had intervened from time to time in the aŸairs of nearby
Mexico, for the most part, Americans stayed clear of political troubles abroad.
However, they did follow with interest the independence struggles of fellow
countries in the Americas. For some ªfty years attention had been drawn to the
oppressive rule of Spaniards in Cuba, a scarce ninety miles from Florida. From
1848–1851 some Cubans sought to have the island annexed to the United States,
but the leaders of the movement were captured and executed by the Spanish.
American oŸers to purchase the island were repeatedly rejected. Revolutions
continued to break out as the populace struggled against the Spanish. American
newspapers widely publicized accounts of the brutal ways the Spanish treated
the Cubans. In spite of growing public demand that the United States intervene,
presidents Grover Cleveland and William McKinley ªrmly opposed US involvement. McKinley unsuccessfully tried to settle the con¶ict through mediation. In
December 1897 the US battleship Maine was sent to Havana harbor to protect
14
Filipino English and Taglish
US citizens and property. On the night of February 15, 1898, a tremendous
explosion sunk the ship with the loss of 266 lives. The Spanish were blamed. On
April 24 the US Congress declared war with the expressed intention to procure
only Cuban independence and not an empire. However, within three months
the United States became a reluctant world power with colonies stretching from
the Caribbean to the western Paciªc.
The events moved so rapidly that everyone was caught oŸ guard. Scarcely
one week after the start of the Spanish-American War, telegrams from Manila
announced that Admiral George Dewey had destroyed the Spanish ¶eet in
Manila Bay on May 1. The papers had for months been ªlled with news about
Cuba. But where were the Philippines? Most Americans had never heard of
them. One soldier who started his military carrier in the Philippines reported
later in his autobiography that most Americans who responded to the call to
battle wondered if they would be ªghting the Philistines of the Old Testament
or the Philippians of the New (Lininger 1964: 76). In late May, US volunteers
sailed from San Francisco to solidify control over the Philippines. In June, US
troops sailed from Tampa for Cuba. By mid July the United States controlled
Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. The Spanish government requested a
settlement. Mixed in with this rapid creation of an American empire was the
annexation of Hawaii on July 6.
President McKinley faced a dilemma during negotiations with the Spanish.
Congress had declared that the war would be fought to secure Cuban independence, not to create an empire. What should be done with the Philippines
located some 8,000 miles from Washington, DC? The Democrats insisted that
they should either be returned to the Spaniards or granted independence.
Some Republicans agreed, but many saw an economic opportunity. Manila
would provide a good base for trade with China. Returning the islands to Spain
seemed out of the question since the Philippines, like Cuba, had also been
demanding independence.
Although President McKinley agreed that Cuba should be set free, in the
case of the Philippines, independence appeared to be premature. The Filipinos
seemed unprepared for self-government. The reports he received indicated
that the populace was uneducated, divided by several diŸerent local languages,
and susceptible to the tyranny of the Spanish-speaking elite. The president and
his advisors also felt a new government in the Philippines would not be
powerful enough to defend itself from other colonial powers. The Germans,
for example, were trying to take control of Samoa and were looking for other
colonies. Admiral Dewey had chased German warships from Manila Bay not
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
long after he defeated the Spanish. Japan had recently taken over nearby
Taiwan and was looking to expand its empire southward. The Spanish might
even retake the islands if the American forces left. The British encouraged the
Americans to remain in control of the Philippines to keep it out of rival hands.
McKinley reluctantly decided to insist that Spain cede the Philippines
along with Cuba, Puerto Rico, Midway, and Guam in exchange for
$20,000,000. The Treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, had a mixed
reception in the United States and seemed destined for rejection by the US
Senate. In January, magazines in Great Britain and the United States printed a
new poem by the popular British author Rudyard Kipling which encouraged
the United States to take on “the white man’s burden.” It was this appeal to
idealism, so in tune with the social Darwinism of the time, that assured
congressional approval.
The Philippines would become a great American experiment in social
engineering. The United States would show other colonial powers how to
transform the world by infusing the American spirit into Filipinos of all social
classes as they were being prepared for democracy. In the minds of Americans,
true JeŸersonian democracy rested on the backs of a hard working, educated
citizenry not in the hands of an elite few. After all, if this American spirit could
be infused into the millions of economic and social refugees being welcomed to
America, why should it not be possible to do the same abroad among our “little
brown brothers”? The United States sensed a humanitarian mission that transcended nationalism and imperialism.
2.1.2 The Philippine insurrection
The Filipinos felt betrayed when word came that they would become a colony
of the United States whereas Cuba would be granted independence. When
Admiral Dewey entered Manila Bay nearly a year earlier, it was during a lull in
a war for independence. Unlike the Cubans, the Filipinos were rebelling not so
much against Spanish repression as against Spanish neglect. The Philippines
had for years been in the backwaters of the Spanish Empire. Up until Mexico
declared independence from Spain in 1821, it had been ruled through Mexico
and had been kept in economic and social isolation. Phelan (1959: 14) notes
that the Philippines had always been an economic burden for Spain and had
been kept only for “spiritual value” as an outpost for Christianizing nearby
China and Japan. Commerce had been limited to one galleon a year making the
four to six month voyage with goods and passengers from Manila to Acapulco.
15
16
Filipino English and Taglish
There were no metallic riches that seemed attractive to Spaniards so Spanish
immigration had been small.
After three hundred years of Spanish rule, the census indicated that less
than three percent of the population spoke Spanish. The few soldiers, merchants, and civil bureaucrats who came to the Philippines tended to remain in
the walled city of Manila or in other garrison towns. In those areas a Spanishbased creole called Chabacano (Lipski 1988, Quilis 1992a, b, Whinnom 1956)
had developed but most of the countryside heard little Spanish. The Spanish
had divided the country among the various religious orders and had given
them charge over everyone living outside Manila. Early on, the Catholic friars
noted that knowledge of the Spanish language “almost always caused restlessness among the people” and made them more di¹cult to control (Frei 1959.17).
In response, the friars learned the local languages and did little to promote the
use of Spanish other than to introduce Spanish words into the local languages
for new concepts.
Things began to change with the advent of steam navigation, transoceanic
telegraph messages, and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. The Philippines
were no longer an isolated outpost. Increased trade created a new wealthy class
of Chinese mestizos who controlled commerce throughout the islands. They
eagerly learned Spanish and spread it throughout the Philippines along with
their business interests (Gates 1973: 11, Stanley 1974: 34). The Spanish government in Madrid also encouraged the spread of Spanish. In 1863 Madrid
ordered that primary schools using the Spanish language be expanded
throughout the islands. Spain also opened its universities to the children of
these wealthy business families. As a result, many Chinese mestizos studied in
Spain, returning as ilustrados or enlightened ones ªlled with the liberal ideas
popular in Europe (R. Constantino 1978: 50). They began the Propaganda
Movement, which demanded political, religious, and educational reform.
For three hundred years the religious orders had controlled life outside
Manila by using the local languages. To counteract the liberal assault that
accompanied the spread of Spanish by these Chinese mestizo business families
and by the government eŸorts to promote schooling in Spanish, the friars for
the most part refused to teach the language in their provincial schools. They
felt that if the local population did not learn Spanish, they could keep the
ilustrado propagandists with their calls for reform under control (Frei 1959).
Even though the government continued to insist that schools switch to Spanish, there was little money to hire Spanish-speaking teachers to replace the
friars. As a result, Spanish remained the language of the rich with the poor
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
speaking local languages. Only in Manila and other garrison towns did the
poor speak the Spanish-based creole Chabacano.
However, the Chinese mestizos were spreading Spanish and dreaded liberal ideas through the countryside as they established residences and conducted business throughout the islands. They refused to be dominated by the
religious orders. By the time the Americans arrived, the Chinese mestizos far
outnumbered the friars and other Spaniards. In the mid-nineteenth century,
there were 240,000 Chinese mestizos but only 20,000 Spanish mestizos and
5,000 pure Spaniards (Steinberg 1967: 9). Thus as Sibayan (1994) reminds us,
although less than three percent of the population spoke Spanish when the
Americans arrived, this three percent was a powerful force since the Spanish
language controlled the domains of government administration, the judiciary,
legislation, higher education, business, and “a special sub-domain of protest”
demanding independence.
The propaganda campaign conducted by the ilustrados ªnally erupted into
armed rebellion in August of 1896. Though it was successful at ªrst, with the
arrival of reinforcements from Spain, the Spanish soon resumed control. The
most famous propagandist among the ilustrados, novelist and medical doctor
Jose Rizal, was executed in December. The military leader Emilio Aguinaldo
was sent into exile in Hong Kong and Singapore the following August. After
Admiral Dewey sunk the Spanish ¶eet in Manila Bay in early May 1898, he sent
a ship to bring Aguinaldo to the Philippines to help the Americans defeat the
Spanish forces in the rest of the islands. With Aguinaldo’s return, the rebels
quickly established control over most of the Philippines with the Americans
remaining in Manila. When word came that the United States Congress had
approved the Treaty of Paris, the rebels turned their arms against the Americans in a Philippine insurrection that lasted three years.
2.1.3 Winning the hearts of Filipinos
There are two accountings of how the American soldiers reacted to the Philippine insurrection. One is of war atrocities, the other of benevolence and good
will. The Filipinos conducted a guerrilla war unlike any the Americans had
experienced either in the Civil War or in ªghting Indians. Hit and run tactics
from an enemy sometimes hidden in the jungle and sometimes hidden in the
local populous terriªed the soldiers. As was the case in nearby Vietnam more
than half a century later, many commanders and soldiers used extreme measures as they fought the hidden enemy in a hot humid country ªlled with alien
17
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Filipino English and Taglish
faces and an alien culture so unlike their own. For a long time closely censored
reports kept from the American public news of massacred villages and of the
infamous water cure where buckets of water were forced down enemy throats.
Also, as in Vietnam, when news of these atrocities ªnally broke in the United
States, the public demanded that the war be ended and that certain commanders be punished (Gatewood 1975, S. Miller 1982, Van Ells 1995, Welch 1979).
On the other hand, most soldiers sought to win the hearts of Filipinos
through a program of benevolent assimilation. From the beginning, President
McKinley reminded the military that their earnest and paramount aim should
be “to win the conªdence, respect, and aŸection of the inhabitants of the
Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of free people, and by proving to
them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation,
substituting the mild sway of justice for arbitrary rule” (Van Ells 1995: 615).
In accordance with these instructions, as soldiers moved into an area, they
established schools, built roads, and improved sanitation. Less than one month
after Dewey destroyed the Spanish ¶eet, soldiers opened the ªrst school
(Forbes 1928, 1:410). In September after occupying Manila, the army opened
39 schools with Chaplain Father McKinnon in charge with soldiers as teachers
(Gates 1973: 60). By 1900 there were 100,000 students in these army schools.
Osmena, the ªrst leader of the Philippine legislature, wrote, “the Filipinos will
never forget the inspiring spectacle of American soldiers leaving their guns
and, as emissaries of peace and goodwill, with book in hand, repairing to the
public schools to teach Filipino children the principles of free citizenship”
(quoted in Karnow 1990: 234).
It was easy to ªnd teachers in the ranks. Although some soldiers were
scalawags and adventurers, many were idealists responding to the call to
promote social justice and to uplift the world (Gates 1973: 64–66). The
Schurman Commission, which arrived in 1899 to gather information about
the new possession, noted the success of these schools and recommended
their expansion into a system of free public education which would unify the
people, teach them the duties of citizenship, and create the desired Philippine
nation (Frei 1959: 32).
In spite of these gestures of good will, the battles continued, embarrassing
McKinley in his reelection campaign of 1900. His program of benevolence did
not seem to be working. The Democrats used it as proof that William Jennings
Bryan should be elected President. With Bryan as president, the United States
would withdraw from its overseas empire and the Philippines would be
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
granted independence. To counter the bad election-year press, President
McKinley sent William Howard Taft and a new Philippine Commission to
Manila to establish a civilian government. Beginning in August, Taft moved
rapidly to win the loyalty of the ilustrados and the masses by promoting a policy
of “the Philippines for the Filipino.” Ilustrados who pledged allegiance to the
United States were appointed as provincial governors, members of his commission, and delegate-observers to the U. S. Congress and were given access to
municipal o¹ce.
News of the political problems back in the United States emboldened the
rebels. They hoped that renewed hostilities in September and October would
swing the election to the Democrats. However, heavy press censorship prevented the news of increased ªghting from reaching the American electorate.
Instead, the American voters were hearing that the war was coming to an end and
that a new government was being established (Stanley 1974, Steinberg 1967).
Theodore Roosevelt, the heroic leader of the Rough Riders in the Battle of
Juan Hill in Cuba, was McKinley’s new running mate. His ªery defense of
American overseas expansion and his glowing reports of Taft’s work in setting
up a civilian administration helped win the election. Following the reelection
of McKinley, the Philippine Insurrection lost steam. In 1901 Taft established a
Philippine constabulary and set in motion plans to create an elected assembly.
Protestant missionaries arrived to serve as a conscience to the military and to
other Americans who were coming to develop the country (Clymer 1986).
Ever more ilustrados collaborated with Taft in exchange for political o¹ces. In
March 1901, the rebel leader Aguinaldo was captured. After he swore allegiance to the United States, most other Filipino military leaders followed his
lead. A year later in July 1902, Theodore Roosevelt, now President of the
United States following the assassination of McKinley the previous September,
declared that the Philippine insurrection was over.
2.2
Social engineering and the rise of English, 1902–1935
2.2.1 Schools for the masses
When the Philippine Commission headed by Governor William Howard Taft
took over from General Arthur McArthur and the military in July of 1901, the
insurrection was not yet over. Yet the Commission expanded its plan to create
a showplace for democracy as it prepared Filipinos for eventual independence.
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Filipino English and Taglish
Good will and conciliation would be the by-words. The three-pronged plan
focused on improving transportation, sanitation, and education. However, in
the words of Governor Taft, the cornerstone was “widespread common education as protection for the masses” (Devins 1905: 204). The desired result would
be a new intelligentsia of lower class origins (R. Constantino 1978: 125).
Originally, the plan was to use Spanish or the local languages as the
language of instruction. However, the country was divided into anywhere from
75 to 250 languages (McFarland 1994), though most spoke one of eight regional lingua francas either as a ªrst or second language. Not only was the
number of languages overwhelming, the Americans found that few children
spoke Spanish and the local languages did not have a literacy tradition. The
earlier Schurman Commission had found that there were no permanent
school buildings, no school furniture, and no textbooks. The few schools that
existed held classes in rented buildings or in private homes (Devins 1905: 190).
Gonzalez (1998a.496) notes that the Spanish had established some 2000 primary schools, but these were literacy schools, which charged a fee and taught
only the catechism, penmanship and basic mathematics. For the most part
there were no regular schools leading to higher degrees since the Spanish
considered the masses uneducable. Even the University of Santo Tomas, the
only university, had limited itself to law, religion, and grammar until 1870
(Stanley 1974: 33).
The new Philippine Commission decided that they would start from scratch
establishing free public elementary schools in every barrio and a high school in
every province, even in the most isolated areas. English would be the language
of instruction since local languages would not open doors to the world of
knowledge. The English language would be the tool to enrich, ennoble, and
empower Filipinos from every walk of life. A Bureau of Education was established in Manila to manage the system. In accord with the educational policy in
the United States, which addressed the task of uniting millions of immigrants
and teaching them American ideals, the Bureau of Education set out to establish
elementary schools as “universities for the masses,” intermediate schools for the
middle classes, and secondary schools and universities for the future leaders.
2.2.2 Materials and teachers
The Philippine Commission solved the problem of no teachers and no books
by importing them from the United States. In 1901, nearly 1,000 teachers were
recruited in what might be considered a precursor of the Peace Corps. The ªrst
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
shipload of 500 arrived August 21, 1901, on the US Army Transport Thomas,
hence the name Thomasites, which the Filipinos lovingly applied to all American teachers. By 1902 there were 1,074, including discharged soldiers and wives
or relatives of soldiers or businessmen (Goulet 1971: 8). By 1903 21 percent of
teachers were Americans (Monroe 1925: 17). The qualiªcations for these
teachers were quite high, generally higher than for those teaching in the United
States at the time. All had college degrees and most had two years teaching
experience (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 273). John Devins, an American clergyman who spent two months in 1904 investigating conditions in the Philippines, reported on his return that the American schoolteachers were “splendid
people” (Devins 1905: 80). Typically they taught children ªve hours a day,
trained teachers one hour, taught adults in evening classes, and supervised
barrio schools (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 278). Forbes (1928, 1:429) in his
report on his governorship noted, “The American teacher brought with him
the American Spirit. He was the Apostle of progress. He gave the children a
healthy outlook toward life. He explained to them the principles of hygiene and
sanitation. He brought with him the spirit of service. He inculcated into them a
realization of the dignity of labor. And the children carried this spirit back into
the homes where it made its impress upon the parents.”
Although the Thomasites arrived before the war was o¹cially over, they
were loved and protected by the people. Alberca (1996) in her review of the
activities of the Thomasites notes that their memoirs reveal the expected
problems with culture shock but that most adjusted well. However, in the ªrst
three years, twenty died of various diseases, one blew his brains out, and six
were killed by bandits (Karnow 1990: 204). Devins enthused in 1905 that more
Filipinos spoke English after three years with American teachers than spoke
Spanish after 300 years with Spaniards (Devins 1905: 188).
Through the years the curriculum changed to follow the educational
theories popular in the United States, vacillating between academic and industrial education. It seemed appropriate to use American textbooks since these
were the same being used in the US to inculcate into the millions of European
immigrants the American Spirit that educators felt was the foundation of
democracy. No matter the educational approach, the focus was on promoting
morals and the work ethic in order to get rid of what they considered the
Spanish distaste for labor.
Initially, the textbooks had cultural mismatches such as “A is for apple, C is
for cow,” and blond children named Mary and John playing in the snow.
Children committed to memory short recitations of patriotic character,
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22
Filipino English and Taglish
memorized rules of conduct, and recited monthly mottoes. They read stories
of the “Little Red Hen” to learn the rewards of hard work and the “City Mouse
and the Country Mouse” to learn the drawbacks of easy wealth (May
1980: 102). School bands were organized to play Souza marches and patriotic
anthems. In civics clubs and debating societies students practiced parliamentary procedure and learned about voting and other civil duties. Baseball and
other sports were emphasized for both sexes to “counteract immorality”
(Clymer 1986: 84–85). Eventually the school books appeared in special Philippine editions with “A is for avocado, C is for carabao,” and Juan and Maria
playing in a rice ªeld. Some later textbooks were written by Filipino authors
(Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 271–272).
To prepare teachers and leaders locally, the Americans established in 1901
the Philippine Normal School, the ªrst, largest, and most famous teacher
education institution in the Philippines, and in 1908 the University of the
Philippines. Thomasites also conducted summer camps, correspondence
classes, night schools, and teacher institutes. Beginning in 1903, hundreds of
bright Filipinos aged 16 to 21 were send to the United States to continue their
education at the university level. These pensionados were expected to staŸ the
universities and head government o¹ces on their return (Sibayan 1985). At ªrst
Thomasites held many of the administrative positions in the educational system, but after 1914 they were replaced by pensionados.
2.2.3 The Filipino reaction
Filipinos from all social classes accepted these educational opportunities with
enthusiasm. Outside of Manila 72 percent of secondary school enrollment was
comprised of children of farmers, ªshermen, artisans, laborers and other wage
earners, re¶ecting the charge to protect the masses by creating an educated
citizenry. Although school attendance was never compulsory, enrollment in
high school far surpassed that found in Europe (Forbes 1928, 1:436). The new
Philippine Assembly would reduce spending for road building or other infrastructure projects before cutting appropriations for education (May 1980).
Even the former rebel leader Aguinaldo, a member of the Spanish speaking
elite, insisted that his daughter be trained in these English language public
schools. She later continued her education in the United States.
Gonzalez (1987) notes that the Filipinos were embarrassingly eager to
learn English. Starting with a population that spoke no English in 1898, by the
time of the 1918 census 28 percent of the literate population listed themselves
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
as being able to read English. Philippine literature in English was appearing in
the form of poetry and literary magazines (Fernando-Reyes 1986). By the
1920s novels and short stories were appearing, beginning a writing tradition
that continues today.
Resistance to the English language public schools came only from the elite
and the priests. With few exceptions the elite continued to send their children
to private schools which taught in Spanish. In rural areas where English
language public schools were usually the only ones available, the priests actively discouraged children from enrolling since the Americans forbade the
teaching of religion as they promoted the separation of church and state. This
block to the spread of the American Spirit among the elite and the rural poor
was resolved when Taft negotiated with the Vatican to replace the Spanish
clerics with English speaking priests primarily from North America. Since all
but 150 of the 746 regular parishes were administered by Spanish monks of the
Dominican, Augustinian, or Franciscan orders, this made a big diŸerence in
rural areas (Devins 1905: 239). By 1923, even the exclusive private schools in
Manila had switched to English.
2.2.4 A day at school
The Filipino linguist Sibayan (1991a) describes what it was like to learn English
in an absolutely non-English environment in the 1920s. At age seven he
entered a one-room thatch-roofed schoolhouse on stilts in a remote mountain
town. Only three people in the town of some 100 families spoke English — the
male Filipino schoolteacher, the sanitary inspector, and the postmaster. The
provincial capital was ten days away on foot over mountain trails. Although he
would not hear English from Americans until he reached secondary school, he
was immersed in English when he was in school. The punishment for speaking
the local language was to carry stones from the river to build a fence around the
schoolyard.
Every school morning started with the “Star Spangled Banner” and the
Philippine National Anthem followed by recitations of poems, maxims, and
proverbs. By seventh grade he could recite dozens of poems and literary pieces
by heart including The Charge of the Light Brigade and Lincoln’s Gettysburg
Address. One popular way to learn the language was to dramatize children’s
stories such as The Three Pigs, The Three Bears, and The Three Billy Goats GruŸ,
a method closely resembling the modern Total Physical Response approach.
Music was another favorite way to learn English. He remembers that there was
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Filipino English and Taglish
always singing to start and end school, singing before recess and before other
breaks. Each song became an English lesson as the pupils not only memorized
and recited the words but looked them up in their special Philippine edition of
Webster’s Dictionary, which was imported from the United States. Since
building vocabulary through reading was very important for academic success,
the dictionary was the most important book in the class. It taught them not
only the meaning of unknown words but also how to pronounce them. Students especially loved to use the big words. Although Sibayan fondly recalled
his school experience in his isolated rural school, he noted that most of the
students failed. Since most parents were illiterate and there was no literacy
tradition, creating an educated rural citizenry was a formidable task. Those few
who completed grade seven usually did not continue in high school because it
was too far away in the provincial capital.
2.2.5 The eŸectiveness
In the 1920s the Philippine legislature commissioned an in-depth study of the
eŸectiveness of the educational program. Paul Monroe, Director of the International Institute of Teacher’s College, Columbia University directed a team of
twenty-three educators and educational researchers from the United States
and the Philippines. They visited schools throughout the islands interviewing
teachers, observing conditions and giving educational achievement tests commonly used in the United States to 32,000 pupils and 1,077 teachers.
Most of the problems that they found they attributed to trying to create a
school system from scratch within one generation. People were so eager for
education the schools were overcrowded. Thus most students were required to
wait until they were nine years old to start school. The result was a mature
student body. High schools were overcrowded with many students over
twenty-ªve years of age. However, most students completed only two to three
years in elementary school. Ninety-ªve percent of all students were at the
elementary level and half of these were aged eleven to thirteen (Monroe
1925: 45). Some 82 percent did not go beyond grade 4 (Monroe 1925: 32) and
it took ªve years to reach that level.
This dropout problem was of special concern since the schools had been
commissioned to prepare an educated citizenry for self-government. When the
Monroe Commission tested twenty-ªve year olds who had been out of school
at least ªve years, those with three years of school or less had retained almost
nothing. Those with ªve years could still read well (Monroe 1925: 43). How-
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
ever, in spite of this extraordinary dropout rate, they found that during the
twenty-four years that public schools had been established, 530,000 Filipinos
had completed elementary school, 160,000 intermediate and 15,500 high
school. As of 1924 there were 899,759 enrolled in primary school, 178,420 in
intermediate, and 51,210 in secondary schools with 3,535 at the University of
the Philippines and an additional 73,246 in private schools (Monroe 1925: 13).
When they looked at the eŸectiveness of the teaching, they found some
interesting surprises. English music programs were well developed and were
well received (Monroe 1925: 244). The Filipino children were ahead of American children in mathematics “establishing clearly that Filipino children have
su¹cient intellectual capacity.” They were equal to American children in dictation and spelling and editing skills but were a year and a half behind in
paragraph development. In reading, fourth graders tested at the second grade
level (Monroe 1925.45). They attributed this low reading score to the paucity
of reading material, especially reading that is appropriate for the mature Filipino student. They suggested that the schools buy more science books and
subscribe to magazines. One researcher on the evaluation team found that all
the reading in the ªrst four grades could be read aloud within twelve hours.
They also found that the schools with the best readers were those that encouraged silent rather than oral reading.
When the Monroe Commission looked at the teachers, they found that 95
percent at the elementary school level had little professional training. Teachers
and principals had good vocabularies but could not speak or write smoothly or
correctly. They suggested that the normal schools be staŸed with Americans so
the teachers would have more contact with native speakers during their training. Their suggestions for improving teaching resemble the same instructions
we give English as a Second Language teachers today: use pictures, drama, and
story telling, and teach the language through subject matter so the children
have more interesting things to talk about (Monroe 1925: 254). They found
too much focus on memorization and recitation and wondered why the children needed to memorize such things as Longfellow’s narrative poem
Hiawatha. They also questioned the English only policy and suggested that
citizenship, hygiene and good manners lessons be taught in the local language
rather than use them as the content for English lessons (Monroe 1925: 237).
When the Monroe Commission report appeared, most critics ignored the
successes which had been identiªed and noted the low reading scores as evidence that the educational system was not working. However, the successes
were remarkable considering the limited resources available for creating from
25
26
Filipino English and Taglish
scratch an English-speaking school system with English-speaking teachers in a
country with neither a tradition of education nor a tradition of speaking
English. The results probably compare favorably with those that could be
found today in schools in the United States which have large immigrant
populations. As with so many government studies, this one was shelved and
the recommendations were largely ignored for the remainder of the period.
2.2.6 English: The great equalizer
Sibayan (1994: 223) in evaluating this period of using English as a tool for
social engineering notes that English truly was a great equalizer. Rich and poor
had equal opportunities to learn English and gain social mobility. Both rich
and poor had equal access to English medium public schools and the quality of
education was the same whether in urban or rural areas since American
teachers were distributed equally throughout the provinces. Within thirty-ªve
years English have been imported to the Philippines, had replaced Spanish in
education and government, and was being accepted by the people as a second
language. Of course, all this English language education to prepare the masses
for self-government earned nothing but scorn from Europeans who controlled
nearby colonies. Their policy was to train only an elite few who would help
them to control the masses.
Chapter 3
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog,
1936–1973
3.1 Finding a national language
Although the Filipinos embraced English education, they grew impatient about
the promised independence. National hero Manuel Quezon commented that he
preferred hell controlled by Filipinos to heaven controlled by Americans. As
long as Republicans were in power in the United States, the time for independence kept being delayed. During the administration of Democrat Woodrow
Wilson, the Jones Act was adopted in 1916 promising eventual independence.
When the Republicans resumed control with the election of Warren G. Harding
in 1920, these promises were set aside. Finally with the election of Democrat
Franklin D. Roosevelt the Philippines were reorganized as a commonwealth
with independence promised by 1946. On November 15, 1935, the commonwealth of the Philippines was established with Quezon as the president.
The constitution for the new commonwealth named English and Spanish
as the o¹cial languages with the provision for an indigenous national language.
Spanish was recognized for historical reasons and for its importance as a
language of law, though English had o¹cially replaced it in the courts. After
thirty-ªve years of English education, English had become the language of
national unity. Filipinos who spoke diŸerent local languages used English to
communicate with each other. However, as re¶ected in the high dropout rate
in elementary schools which was mentioned in the last chapter, English was a
di¹cult language for Filipinos to learn. It had not become the language of the
home so few children entered school knowing it. Still, those who did well in
school made the English language their own. Filipino literature in English
¶ourished with many poems, essays, and short stories coming to press (Sibayan
1985: 582). The 1939 Census indicated that 26.3 percent of the population of
16,000,000 claimed to speak it, making it the most common and the most
widespread language.
Quezon wanted a local language that would be easier to learn and would be
the symbol of nationalism. The Americans had recognized a need for such a
28
Filipino English and Taglish
national language, but with as many as 156 local languages (McKaughan
1971), they decided to use English until a national language could be selected.
Even the pensionados who returned from studying in the United Stated lamented the lack of a common local language to promote Filipino mores and
ideas in schools (Bauzon 1991: 108).
Zorc (1984) points out that the Philippines is divided into not only 156
languages but into as many as 500 community dialects. However, this diversity
is more a matter of language attitudes than linguistic incompatibility. All the
local languages are closely related members of the Western Indonesian branch
of the Malayo-Polynesian family. The American linguist Prator (1950: 2–4)
noted after spending some time working in the Philippines to improve language teaching in the schools that the indigenous languages are more closely
related than the Romance languages, perhaps more like the Scandinavian
languages or like diŸerent dialects of French or Italian in their similarity to
each other. He found that individuals who move from one linguistic area to
another, whether educated or not, could speak the language of the new location within a few weeks or months. For example, Mercado (1981) noted that
when Waray speakers visit Manila for a week or so, they come back speaking
Tagalog. Prator found that non-Tagalog audiences throughout the country
understood Tagalog ªlms well enough “to weep and laugh in the right places.”
Not only are the various Philippine languages similar to each other, even
before the Spanish arrived in 1521 three regional lingua francas had developed:
Ilocano in the north of Luzon, Tagalog in the south of Luzon, and Cebuano in
the Visayan Islands in the middle of the country and in Mindanao in the south
(Gonzalez 1985a: 132). Since most Filipinos spoke one of these lingua francas
at least as a second language, one of them would be the logical selection for the
indiginized national language.
Quezon gave the new Institute of National Language the task to decide
which language it should be. In 1937 the institute recommended Tagalog. After
the publication of a dictionary and a grammar, the new national language
began to be taught in the schools starting in 1940. Tagalog seemed an appropriate choice since it was in an intermediate position linguistically and geographically. It also had patriotic and historical backing since it was one of the
languages of the original rebellion against the Spanish. Aguinaldo had selected
it as the national language in his original constitution of 1897. It also had the
largest literary production of all the indigenous languages. As the language of
Manila with its collection of prestigious universities, it would also have a
natural support for the development of vocabulary for academic purposes. It
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973
was second only to English in the number of speakers, with 4,068,565 speakers
or 25 percent of the population. However, if the total number of speakers of
closely related dialects of Cebuano in Central and Southern Philippines had
been considered, Cebuano would have outnumbered Tagalog speakers with
6,491,699 speakers or 40 percent of the population (Frei 1959: 87). This manipulation of population ªgures to favor Tagalog in the decision-making process would lead to decades of resistance to the spread of Tagalog in the Visayas
and Mindanao.
3.2 The changing school environment
Although English was no longer the only language allowed on the school
premises, at ªrst, the promotion of a new national language had little eŸect on the
place of English in the schools. Dagot (1998) reminisced on his school experiences on an isolated island during this period when Quezon was encouraging the
spread of Tagalog. Except for a class in Tagalog, school remained much the same
as reported by Sibayan (1991a) during the American period. Dagot noted that
since he lived in a bilingual society where everyone was expected to learn
languages in order to talk to neighboring villagers or to the family helpers (the
preferred word for servants or hired hands in Filipino English), he did not feel
that English was a sign of colonial oppression. It was simply a part of education
and a key to government employment. Filipinos claimed English as one of their
own languages since they learned it ªrst from fellow Filipinos. He recounts the
many mottoes, standards, word games, songs, and poems he recited from
memory. Spanish had disappeared. Traditional Spanish songs had been translated into English. He remembers his mother lovingly reciting Longfellow from
her school days. In addition to English, he quickly learned Tagalog, but not so
much from school as from comics, radio, and movies.
Since English was not the language of the home, it depended on the schools
for its promotion. Two events in the 1940s reduced the quality of this English
instruction. The ªrst was an attempt to make schools more accessible to large
numbers of children desiring education. Already in 1939 the English total
immersion program had ended in the public schools. Native languages could
now be mixed with English in grades one and two if the child did not understand. Thus began a period of language mixing in a domain previously reserved
for English. The following year the amount of English instruction in primary
schools was further reduced when the National Assembly passed the Education
29
30
Filipino English and Taglish
Act of 1940. Rather than build more schools to accommodate more students,
they shortened the elementary curriculum from seven to six years and placed
the public schools on double shift with the same teacher teaching two classes a
day. Although Tagalog was only taught as a subject, the rivalry between English
and Tagalog began. Eventually, Tagalog became a required subject in all grade
levels from grade one through the university. By the end of the 1950s six units
of Tagalog, renamed Pilipino in 1959, were required for a bachelors degree.
Later that was increased to twelve.
With a shorter school day and more time devoted to teaching Tagalog,
Filipino students who wanted to enter high school had half as much English
instruction as before. The rich shifted their children to private schools where
admission depended on English proªciency and the ability to pay high tuition.
As a result, the best English speakers now came from private schools. Since
professional licensing exams and college entrance exams continued to be given
only in English, English began to become a social stratiªer rather than a social
equalizer during this period.
3.3 War destroys the schools
The Second World War had little eŸect on the amount of English spoken in the
Philippines. When the Japanese took over, they tried to use the language issue
to gain favor with the Filipinos. They banned Spanish and tried to eliminate
English by declaring Tagalog the national language. Tagalog theater ¶ourished
as English authors switched to Tagalog. However, they switched to Tagalog
merely to get around the censors. The Japanese soon found that they had to
conduct their business in English. The language was becoming indiginized.
Filipinos were proud of their ability to speak English and used it as a sign of
resistance. In fact, after the war, more claimed the ability to speak English than
before the war (J. Miller 1978: 38). In many families, English had become one
of the languages the children learned at home. This was particularly true in the
homes of teachers. The Japanese even had to produce propaganda movies in
English for local consumption. Unlike the Indonesians or Vietnamese, Filipinos did not view the Japanese as liberators from colonial oppressors. The
American program of winning Filipino loyalty by improving health, education,
and welfare had had its desired eŸects. Whereas the Indonesians and the
Vietnamese welcomed the Japanese as liberators from the Dutch and the
French, Filipinos for the most part hated the Japanese and actively fought them
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973
throughout the war (Steinberg 1967). Schools continued in English with
heavily censored textbooks. Some children were home schooled using books
from home libraries to avoid appearances of collaboration with the Japanese
(Goulet 1971: 16).
However, when the war ended, what remained of the educational system
had been devastated. School libraries had been destroyed; stocks of textbooks
had disappeared. Nearly all school buildings had been burned down or blown up
and there was a tremendous backlog of children who had never attended school.
Having sixty pupils in a classroom with an untrained teacher who had inadequate command of English became common. It is estimated that half of the
public school teachers in 1946 had no professional training (Prator 1950: 29).
Before the war almost all Filipino teachers had learned English at least
partially from Americans. In addition, there had been Americans to talk to in
all parts of the country. During the war all Americans had been conªned to
Japanese prisoner of war camps. Even after the war there were no American
teachers in the schools. As a result the few new teachers who received their
training during the war or shortly thereafter had limited English proªciency
(Prator 1950: 40). High school graduates in the ªrst few years after the war read
at a ªfth grade level. It was not until students ªnished college that they felt
comfortable in English (Prator 1950: 16–17). This was true in spite of the fact
that before 1957 it was not uncommon to have a “Speak English” policy in
schools, even during recess (Bautista 1986: 493).
3.4 Rebuilding the school system
After the war the two main language questions were how best to learn English
for academic success and how to learn Tagalog for national unity. There was
extensive American help to rebuild the school system. Linguists such as
CliŸord Prator and J. Donald Bowen arrived to study the situation and recommend better ways to teach English. They encouraged experimental programs
that used local languages to introduce literacy skills. At the suggestion of
American linguists, from 1958 to 1974 the ªrst two grades in public schools
were conducted in the vernacular. The Rockefeller Foundation, with later
support from the Ford Foundation, funded the new Language Study Center at
Philippine Normal College to train teachers and to prepare materials to teach
English and Tagalog (renamed Pilipino). By 1974 over 30 percent of all English
and Pilipino language supervisors in the Philippines had been trained through
31
32
Filipino English and Taglish
this center (Fox 1975, Sibayan 1973). Filipino scholars were also sent to various
universities in the United States, but primarily the University of Michigan and
the University of California, Los Angeles, to study linguistics and the teaching
of English as a second language (Gonzalez 1986). They returned to create
language centers with MA degrees in language teaching at leading universities.
In the 1960s the new Thomasites, the Peace Corps, arrived to supply native
speakers of English to teach students and train teachers in provincial schools.
There was also increased attention to describing and comparing the various Philippine languages (E. Constantino 1965, 1971, 1981, Lopez 1965,
Newell 1991). The Summer Institute of Linguistics was invited in 1953 to study
minority languages in isolated rural areas and produce literacy materials. The
Linguistic Society of the Philippines was founded in 1969 to encourage the
scholarly study of the language situation and to help ªnd solutions to the
language problems.
3.5 Controversy over Tagalog
Government eŸorts to promote Tagalog as the new national language were
mired in controversy. Not only did the language need to be standardized, it
needed to be elaborated to deal with intellectual topics in the sciences and
social sciences which were once reserved for Spanish or English. Since linguistic studies indicate that the Philippine languages are closely related and that
they share a good portion of their vocabulary, many favored promoting a
fusion of Philippine languages based on Tagalog (E. Constantino 1981, Frei
1959: 11). However, the Institute of National Language was dominated by
Tagalog purists who insisted on promoting a rural dialect without the assimilated Spanish and English borrowings common in urban speech (Prator
1950: 5). For example, during the 1950s and 1960s the Institute tried to replace
commonly accepted borrowings from Spanish such as aeroplano ‘airplane’,
libro ‘book’, and maestro ‘teacher’ with Tagalog salipawpaw, aklat, and guro for
fear that there would be nothing left in intellectualized Tagalog than ang, a
focus marker usually translated as ‘the,’ and mga, the marker for plural
(Sibayan 1971b: 1048). However, since more than a third of the roots in
Tagalog vocabulary come from Spanish (Llamzon and Thorpe 1972), this
suggestion was met with general derision and was ridiculed in the press. This
puriªed Tagalog with its strange vocabulary made teachers even in Tagalog
speaking areas unwilling to use the language in the classroom since they were
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973
unsure of whether or not they could use familiar vocabulary. Even if foreign
words were maintained, the Institute argued over how they should be spelled.
The purists wanted the spelling to re¶ect the Tagalog abakada or alphabet. The
antipurists felt the spelling should re¶ect the original language. In addition,
since the various Philippine languages share so much vocabulary, Tagalog
words proposed for intellectualized Pilipino often had undesired connotations
in the cognates found in other Philippine languages (Otanes 1981).
To the distress of the purists, the people preferred street Tagalog with its
many borrowings from Spanish and English. When Taliba, Manila’s largest
daily newspaper in Tagalog, switched in 1967 from purist Tagalog to a new
style that used “conversational Pilipino” with widely-used words and phrases
from Spanish and English, with English words spelled as they are in English,
circulation jumped from 19,000 to more than 65,000 in less than two months
(Sibayan 1971b: 1048–1049) and to 100,000 within two years (Gonzalez
1988c: 36). Still the purists remained in control of the intellectualization of
Pilipino throughout this period.
As mentioned earlier, Cebuano, the regional lingua franca in the southern
two thirds of the country, was spoken by more than 40 percent of the population in 1939 as a ªrst or second language when Tagalog was chosen as the
national language. In reaction to the Tagalog purists, a national language war
broke out in the Visayan heartland of Cebuano. Even though Tagalog was
renamed Pilipino in 1959 to make it more acceptable as the national language,
it was no more than purist Tagalog in disguise. Many localities in the Visayas
refused to teach Pilipino in the schools. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s suits
were unsuccessfully brought before the courts to stop the teaching of Tagalogbased Pilipino. However, even without school support in the Visayas, street
Tagalog was fairly easily learned through comic books, radio, and movies since
the languages in the Philippines are so closely related. Ties to the local languages were also loosening because of massive internal migration. As a result,
Tagalog was spreading even in Cebuano speaking urban centers in spite of local
opposition from politicians (Gonzalez 1977, 1991a). By 1970 55.3 percent of
the population could use at least street Tagalog.
In 1973 Pilipino was renamed Filipino so that the name of the national
language would represent all Filipinos, not just Tagalog speakers who have no
“f” sound. Renaming the national language once more also signaled a new
attitude towards the development of the national language. It no longer would
be in the hands of Tagalog purists. Words and sounds from other languages,
including English and Spanish could be used. Today the labels Tagalog,
33
34
Filipino English and Taglish
Pilipino, and Filipino are used interchangeably and refer to the version of
Tagalog which is spoken in Metro Manila and is rapidly spreading throughout
the Philippines through the media (Bautista 1986: 492).
3.6 The Golden Age for English
Although the media was spreading Tagalog rapidly outside the schools, this
same period became the Golden Age for English as English maintained its hold
on the schools. Even though American trained educators tried to reorient
teachers to a conversational approach common to English as a Second Language teaching in the United States, the teaching methods introduced by the
Thomasites at the beginning of the century had been ingrained in the Filipino
soul. English teachers continued to create good citizens through anecdotes and
stories that had moral applications. There was still lots of singing during breaks
(Manalang 1977). Students still loved to collect and memorize favorite quotations, create vocabulary notebooks, and participate in spelling contests and
oratorical tournaments (Goulet (1971: 81).
English solidiªed its hold as a Filipino as opposed to a colonial language.
Near the end of this period Llamzon (1969: 90) noted that Filipinos loved to
speak English, especially in Metro Manila. People did not consider it to be a
foreign language when it was spoken in the Filipino way. It was simply one of
the languages that they had to learn to be successful. Llamzon (1969) described
this Filipino English as a new member of the community of World Englishes.
The language had special domains reserved for it, including education, government and law, business, and in many cases religion. Bautista (1982: 378) noted
that it had become almost customary for young a§uent or upwardly mobile
Filipino families to bring up their children speaking English.
In Metro Manila the use of English had become so widespread that motivation studies found that integrative rather than instrumental motivation
prevailed in language acquisition. Filipinos learned English to be identiªed
with fellow Filipinos rather than with Americans or other English speakers.
Filipino English helped deªne a person as being Filipino (Llamzon 1984). A
survey of students in Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines
(CEAP) schools found that 51 percent of the families with children in CEAP
schools spoke English in the home (Llamzon 1969: 84). Noting that English
had been accepted as a Filipino language for use in the home, Gonzalez
(1976) called for the Filipinization of English standards in the schools. Since
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973
the model for Filipino English came from dictionaries and written material,
spoken Filipino English had a bookish prose style reminiscent of the nineteenth century (Goulet 1971: 83).
3.7 Changing attitudes
Although this was the Golden Age of English, the end of this period was also
marked by a rise of student activism against English. It was portrayed as a
language of colonialism which was hindering the progress of Filipinos. The
activist Renato Constantino (1978) in his oft-cited discussion of the
miseducation of Filipinos admitted that the program to use English to teach
democracy and self-government had been successful. Still, he and others demanded that the schools switch to using only Filipino.
Although Llamzon had found that Filipinos had an integrative motivation
to learn English, at least among the educated and upwardly mobile in Manila,
other attitude studies presented a diŸerent view of English, especially outside
Manila. In 1968 the Language Study Center of the Philippine Normal College
conducted a Language Policy Survey of the Philippines questioning 2,379
householders and 2,542 teachers nationwide to ªnd out what the attitude
toward English was outside the Metro Manila area. They found that Tagalog
(Pilipino) was considered most necessary for success in manual jobs such as
carpenter, farmer, ªsherman, housewife, or market seller. English and Pilipino
were both necessary for success as a clerk, doctor, lawyer, midwife, policeman,
priest, secretary, surveyor, teacher, or electrician. English alone was not associated with success in any profession (Otanes 1977, Sibayan 1984). In this
nationwide survey, the motivation for learning English was instrumental
rather than integrative. English was seen as the key for education, communication, a good job, and travel. Thus English continued in the role it had been
assigned when it was ªrst introduced to the Philippines at the beginning of the
century, namely, improve the lifestyle of Filipinos. Pilipino was for patriotism
and for integrating oneself with the Philippine nation.
Just after this period ended, Sibayan questioned 433 Filipinos in Metro
Manila on their usage of English in various domains and their language attitudes. The respondents represented a teachers’ college, a vocational technical
college, a private commercial bank, the Institute of National Language, and
subjects from the general population. They felt that English had made them a
greater people (47.3 percent), had contributed to their economic progress (70
35
36
Filipino English and Taglish
percent), and had made the country internationally known (81 percent).
However 44.6 percent felt that English had created a colonial mentality. These
negative feelings were even more pronounced among the young. However, 61
percent felt that Filipinos would not abandon English (Sibayan 1978b: 25).
Chapter 4
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish,
1974–1998
4.1 Intellectualizing Tagalog for the schools
In reaction to the student activism and social unrest of the early 1970s President Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law on September 21,1972. The new
constitution of 1973 declared that English and Pilipino were the o¹cial languages and that Filipino should be developed as a common national language.
One activist demand had been to switch the language of the schools entirely to
Pilipino. This was not the ªrst time that removing English from the schools had
been considered. The Americans initially intended to create a school system
using the local languages but had decided to use English since they would be
creating schools from scratch and had neither the time nor the resources to
create the necessary textbooks and to train the necessary teachers. Even the
Monroe Commission when it evaluated the school system in 1924 suggested
using local languages for some subject matter (Monroe 1925). Through the
years, schools tried various bilingual experiments to see what worked best for
promoting literacy skills, especially in elementary schools (Bauzon 1991).
Beginning in 1957 as part of a dropout prevention program, vernaculars were
used in grades one and two to teach literacy skills with English and Tagalog
being taught as subjects. From grade 3 on, English remained the language of
instruction. However, private schools ignored the program since most believed
that such policies were simply to help the poor. They felt that students from
“good” families did not need special language help (Sibayan 1978a: 322).
Before the schools could switch from English, three problems had to be
resolved. First, which languages would be used? This was more than just a
question of using vernacular or Tagalog-based Filipino or Pilipino. Although
the activists demanded a switch to Tagalog as a symbol of nationalism, outside
of Tagalog-speaking areas, education in Tagalog was not equated with nationalism, especially in the southern half of the country where Cebuano was the
lingua franca. How much should the local vernaculars be allowed in the schools?
38
Filipino English and Taglish
Those who were in charge of developing Pilipino for academic purposes
were still arguing over spelling and the best source for new academic words. In
1971 the Language Study Center of the Philippines, which had been created to
develop Tagalog language materials for the schools, surveyed teachers, school
administrators, college instructors, and senior education majors in Tagalog
and non-Tagalog areas to identify their preferences for the translation and the
spelling for new intellectualized vocabulary. They found that for informal
spoken language in the classroom, the respondents preferred English codeswitching (Taglish). However in the written language for textbooks, they
preferred Spanish borrowings spelled according to the conventions of the
Filipino abakada ‘alphabet.’ English words should follow English spelling conventions (Otanes 1977).
On the question of using local vernaculars, researchers found that because
of the similarities among the various Philippine languages and their spelling
systems, there was no need to use local languages in the schools to introduce
literacy skills. When children in non-Tagalog speaking areas began their instruction in Tagalog, they could read and write equally well in the local vernacular without instruction (Soriano 1977: 6). In fact, even in rural schools in
non-Tagalog areas with their limited facilities, by the middle of the second
school year children did well when taught in Filipino (Gonzalez 1985a: 142).
The second question was who would teach the classes, especially in nonTagalog speaking areas? According to the 1970 census, 52 percent could speak
some form of Pilipino and 44 percent English. However, outside of Tagalogspeaking areas, the people had acquired street Pilipino through comics, radio,
and movies rather than academic Pilipino since no subject matter classes were
taught in the language. In many cases, the vocabulary necessary to teach high
school psychology or physics in Pilipino had not been developed, or if it had,
teachers did not know the words. In the provinces, there was little interest in
academic Pilipino on the part of either teachers or students since ¶uency in
academic English not academic Pilipino was the key to getting a good job.
Though fewer nationwide might know English, it was most likely academic
English since it had been the language of their academic subjects.
The third question was where would the teaching materials come from?
Not only were there no words, there were no textbooks for the new subjects.
Gonzalez (1977) noted the overwhelming task of preparing teachers for nonTagalog areas and for preparing materials for all grade levels. Even with English
as the language of instruction, there was only one textbook for every ten
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
students in the public schools. How could they write new textbooks and print
enough to meet the long-standing goal of one textbook per two students?
After long deliberation, the Department of Education, Culture and Sports
announced the bilingual policy of 1974. Vernaculars could be used as auxiliary
languages for initial instruction. The subjects in all schools from grade one
through high school would be divided between English and Filipino. Filipino,
music, physical education, health, values education, civics, and social sciences
would be taught in Filipino. English, mathematics, natural sciences, and technical education (home economics, industrial arts, agricultural arts, and entrepreneurship) would be in English. Universities would be allowed to develop
their own bilingual programs, though their graduates would have to pass
professional licentiate exams in English or Filipino. Because of a lack of materials and teachers for teaching academic courses in Filipino, the bilingual program would be introduced one grade at a time beginning in ªrst grade in 1974
with completion in 1982. One major eŸect of this policy was that English
would no longer be the language to teach good citizenship, a role it had played
since the coming of the Americans at the turn of the century. That would now
be the duty of Filipino. English would be purely a utilitarian language. A
textbook development board coordinated the development of materials at
various university centers. Massive teacher training programs were instituted
at regional staŸ development centers (Sibayan 1978a: 316). Linguistic programs were developed at several universities in Manila and Baguio to describe
minority languages as well as to prepare teachers and materials for bilingual
education (Gonzalez 1986, Sibayan 1981).
In 1985, three years after the bilingual program was expected to have been
fully implemented, a national survey found that many schools were just beginning the bilingual switch because they lacked teaching materials and trained
teachers. Researchers also found that Filipinos still did not equate the use of
Filipino in the schools with nationalism. Many schools in Cebuano-speaking
areas rejected the new arrangement and continued to teach in English. Benton
(1980) in his essay on whether the bilingual programs were helping the masses
or were simply preparing a new elite found that in many places the vernacular
had replaced both English and Filipino in classroom instruction to the detriment of both languages. He suggested that English should be reinforced in the
schools. Filipino did not need schools for its spread since the forces of urbanization and the media were successfully spreading the language everywhere. He
reasoned that once Filipinos everywhere felt an allegiance to the language and
39
40
Filipino English and Taglish
were proªcient in street Filipino, it could be intellectualized for the schools. He
noted that this had been the approach for the development of the English
language in the sixteenth and seventeen centuries. First let the language gain
the loyalty of the people as an interpersonal language, then let it become the
language of scientists. Otherwise the bilingual programs would result in the
rejection of both English and Filipino by all except the elite.
The demands of student activists may have resulted in bilingual education,
but the people in general were against it. They insisted that English be maintained for economic reasons since it oŸered access to social mobility and jobs
abroad (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990). The 1987 Constitution continued to
recognize English and Pilipino as o¹cial languages and mandated the development of Filipino based on existing Philippine and other languages. To further
remove Filipino from the hands of Tagalog purists and thus encourage nationwide support, in August 1991 the Aquino administration created the new
Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino ‘Commission on the Filipino Language.’ Its
board members represent major and minor language groups as well as diŸerent academic disciplines. Their task is to develop Filipino as a language of
literature and academics as well as preserve and develop other languages
(Gonzalez 1997b, 1998a).
Cebu province continues to challenge the spread of Tagalog-based Filipino
in the schools and uses English to teach both natural and social sciences to the
detriment of their students as many of the national exams for the social
sciences are now given only in Filipino. However, many feel that the Cebuano
politicians are merely grandstanding and do not re¶ect the language aspirations of the general population since Filipino is spreading rapidly in Cebuanospeaking areas through the forces of the mass media and migration. Sibayan
(1986) noted that many nationalists hope that as Filipino is intellectualized and
spreads into new domains of usage, it will become not only the national
language but the language of the home after people forget its Tagalog origins.
4.2 Taglish ªlls the gap
Taglish is the creation of educated Filipinos. It began its real growth with the
adoption of the bilingual education policy, though Sibayan (1978b: 44) noticed Taglish being used in the late 1960s and Marasigan (1983: 7) noted that
the ªrst study of Taglish in newspapers appeared in 1967. For the most part,
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
educated Filipinos rejected Tagalog neologisms that had been created for the
social sciences as being too cumbersome. They simply mixed the familiar
English word into their Tagalog academic discourse. Their mixing of English
and Tagalog, at ªrst called halo-halo ‘mix-mix’, Engalog, and then Taglish,
spread rapidly from the classroom to the general populace through radio and
television in much the same way that Tagalog had spread earlier. Cedana
(1981: 174) noted an upsurge of Taglish on television “where strong emotional
reactions, greater involvement, and a clearer apprehension of reality on the
part of the viewer are demanded.” Today nearly all educated Filipinos, including those in high places, use Taglish except in formal situations when only
“pure” English or “pure” Tagalog may be used.
Mixing Tagalog and English is so widespread in Metro Manila that it is
hard to say what the home language is since educated Manilans learn English as
a second language in the home (Llamzon and Lee 1980). In essence, Taglish has
become Filipino street English. Sibayan (1978b: 44) noted the emotional strain
on teachers in high schools and colleges as Tagalog in the form of Taglish
invaded domains once reserved for “pure” English.
Taglish has become an auxiliary spoken language with no body of literature except in tabloids. Sibayan (1994: 220) considers Taglish on its way to
becoming a language of its own and suggests that the intellectualized version of
Filipino being developed by the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino will be a variation
of Taglish since current policy is to have Filipino re¶ect the language used in
Metro Manila. Even teenage slang in Metro Manila has a strong Taglish element (Zorc 1996). The various vernaculars may enrich the Filipino vocabulary
of everyday life but English remains the main source of intellectualized vocabulary.
4.3 English fails in the schools
The 1990s were a time of crisis for English. Just as it was being proclaimed as a
new English with its own rules, styles, and registers as worthy of acceptance as
Australian, American, South African or any other English, (Alberca 1998,
Bautista 1996a, Garcia-Aranas 1990, Gonzalez 1983, 1995, 1997a, 1998b,
Llamzon 1969, 1984, Richards 1982) it seemed to be collapsing, as evidenced
by the rise of Taglish. This falling language proªciency in the upcoming generation was of concern to all classes of Filipinos, especially to those of the middle
41
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Filipino English and Taglish
and lower classes. For many of them English was important for work as an
Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW), an occupational category endorsed and
promoted by the government.
In fact, the chief export of the Philippines is educated Filipinos (Gonzalez
1988a). In the 1980s the Philippine government through its overseas employment agency sent abroad more than 400,000 workers annually, mostly to the
Middle East. In addition, hundreds of thousands made their own arrangements to work throughout Asia, Europe, and the United States. Since OFWs
are hired largely because of their English and their technical skills, they get top
preference in hiring in seamanship, health sciences, technology, education,
and management. They also predominate in the entertainment and service
industry (Gonzalez 1998a: 515). The Philippine Daily Inquirer (December 23,
1998) reported that about four million OFWs work in the Middle East alone
with companies planning to recruit several million more because of Filipino
¶uency in English.
The pay for overseas work is attractive to Filipinos. For example, a teacher
can double her monthly salary by becoming a maid in Hong Kong ($495)
(Manila Times, Feb 8, 1999). So many Filipino maids work in Greece that a
recent Greek dictionary deªned ªlipineza as ‘a domestic helper,’ creating a
weeklong brouhaha in Filipino newspapers and a diplomatic scrap with Greece
(Manila Times August 6–12, 1998). Thus it is easy to see why a fall in English
proªciency would concern not only the rich and the powerful. Gonzalez
(1998a: 515) noted that the o¹cial encouragement of middle class and lower
class Filipinos to take employment abroad is probably the most signiªcant
in¶uence for maintaining English.
Although the children of many educated families learn English in their
bilingual homes, most Filipinos learn English only in the schools. Thus the
schools receive the blame for what seems to be the rapid demise of English. In
1988, participants in the Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development
(Gonzalez 1988c) lamented that with the coming of bilingual schools, the rising
generation of Filipinos could converse in Filipino and its associated Taglish but
could not carry on basic communication in English even after six years of study.
They felt the schools had lost their English focus with the shift of all humanistic
education to Filipino. Teachers did not know what they were supposed to teach
and were emphasizing non-intellectual English. Thus students ªnishing high
school were unprepared for the academic and technical training they needed
for employment either at home or abroad (Gonzalez 1988c: 51). They pointed
out that even American students had to learn intellectualized English at school.
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
They suggested that schools focus on English for Business, English for Technology, English for Science, or English for some other special purpose rather than
the interpersonal English that they would not need for academic success in the
Philippine setting. Gonzalez (1995) also noted the mismatch of the type of
English students were learning in school and types of English they would need
in order to use English as an international auxiliary language.
Yet refocusing on English for Special Purposes is more than just teaching
the language of math, science, and technology. As Alberca (1998) pointed out,
curriculum and materials developers need to rethink how English applies in the
Philippine context. Is English to be taught as a local language for intraethnic
communication in complementary distribution with Filipino or is English
simply a key part of the economic globalization that provides employment
opportunities for Filipinos? Alberca suggested that local experts or specialists in
diŸerent ªelds or professions, such as engineering, medicine, nursing, and
business entrepreneurship, be consulted to decide which types of writing,
reading, lessons, projects, report activities, or formats would be most useful for
students if English is to be the key to social and economic mobility. In addition,
he suggested a renewed focus on reading and grammaticality in the schools.
An examination of the teaching materials in the secondary schools reveals
why English teachers were having trouble promoting academic English. When
Thompson (1997) analyzed the contents of the textbook series that had been
developed and approved by the Department of Education, Culture and Sports
(DECS) for secondary school English classes in the public school system, he
conªrmed that intellectualized English had been trivialized, if not removed
from the textbooks and the classroom. For example Unit One of the English
textbook for the second year of high school focuses on English in and out of
the classroom with lessons on giving advice, following instructions, making
friends, and talking about hobbies and past activities. Unit Two continues this
focus on English for interpersonal relations by looking at English around the
community, including lessons on talking about the weather, sports, arts, and
food, and otherwise enjoying oneself. Unit Three looks at the English of work
with lessons on using the telephone, making transportation arrangements,
reading newspapers, and being a good worker. The last unit looks at the
English of science and technology with lessons on classifying and describing
things and ideas and following scientiªc instructions.
These lessons illustrate why the participants of the Solidarity Seminar
lamented the nonintellectual interpersonal approach to English that had been
adopted by the schools. Although the text in question was published in 1991,
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Filipino English and Taglish
the manuscript was approved in 1986, two years before the Solidarity Seminar
was held. Still, the topics lend themselves to helping students interact with
English as it is used in the Philippines, especially if the teachers are allowed to
use outside materials, such as newspapers. However, when Thompson visited
public schools and consulted with teachers, he found that they not only had
few copies of the textbook but that they had been discouraged from using
material from other sources. Teachers often wrote the material for the day on
the chalkboard.
Even if everyone had a copy of the textbook, it contains very little that
would develop the reading or writing skills necessary for academic success in
higher education. Included in the 400 pages of this particular text are ªve short
poems by Dickinson, Brecht, Poe, Kipling, and a Nancy Smith. There are 42
pages of readings, including such things as want ads, editorials, and sample
telephone conversations, and 37 pages of literature, mostly three to four page
selections by Filipino authors. The teacher’s edition gives answers to exercises
with no teaching suggestions. The texts for the other years of secondary school
are similar with most readings being short passages by Filipino authors, perhaps to remind the students that English is a Filipino language. Echoing the
Monroe Commission report on the schools in 1925, Thompson concluded
that all the reading for four years of high school English could be read aloud in
12 hours. He agreed with the Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development. English instruction had lost its direction.
4.4 Cries for school reform
Following the bloodless People Power or Edsa Revolution of 1986 that ousted
the dictator Ferdinand Marcos, there was a renewed enthusiasm for revitalizing the country and empowering the people. Improving the schools became a
priority. The Congressional Oversight Committee on Education chaired by
Senator Edgardo Angara, an ardent proponent of school reform, found that in
1990 48 percent of schools had no water and 61 percent had no electricity
(Congressional Commission on Education 1993: 5). Of the 97 to 99 percent of
children who started school at age seven, 31 percent did not ªnish grade 6. Only
54 percent entered high school (p.7). Grades 1 and 2 typically were only four
hours long.
In 1989 elementary school was primarily public with only 7.62 percent of
schools private. However, education above the primary grades was increasingly
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
private. One third of secondary schools were private and 85 percent of tertiary
schools were. Slightly more than 68 percent of teacher education programs
were private. Even though private teacher education programs in general were
considered of better quality, only 10.6 percent of those who took the teacher
exams at the end of their B. A. passed (p. 37).
Classes were large. Although DECS reported an o¹cial teacher to student
ratio of 1 to 33, the Commission found there were usually 50 to 70 in a class (p.
17). In 1990 78 percent of public schools had a one textbook to two student
ratio. In private schools all students had books since students bought their own
books and workbooks (p. 25). Outside of Metro Manila, most students were in
public high schools. In Metro Manila private high schools predominated. The
best schools were in Metro Manila, the worst in southern Mindanao and
eastern Visayas. Private school teachers were paid less and had larger classes.
However, since private schools had entrance exams, they enrolled only the
better students. As a result, most of the schools in the top ten percent for
quality were private.
To counteract the high dropout rate at the elementary level, Senator
Angara recommended that the medium of instruction be changed to the
vernacular for grades 1 to 3 and Filipino for grades 4 to 6. English would be
introduced as a subject in grade 3 and Filipino would be taught as a class at all
grade levels. At the secondary level he recommended that a three-year middle
school be created followed by a two-year high school that would be either
academic or vocational. Filipino schools at the time had only ten grades, six
elementary and four secondary with children entering school at age seven.
Filipino would be the language of instruction in all grades. All high schools
would also have libraries with a standard list of books, national newspapers,
teacher journals and basic instructional materials.
What has happened since the Angara report? The bilingual policy of 1974
remains in eŸect. The ratio of public to private education in the elementary
schools has remained somewhat constant. Gonzalez (1998a: 521) cites the
DECS report for the school year 1997–1998. The public to private school
ratio is 95 percent public to 5 percent private at the elementary level with 11
million students, 60 percent public to 40 percent private at the secondary
level with 6 million students, and 21 percent public to 79 percent private at
the tertiary level with 1.8 million students. Even with the predominance of
private education at the secondary and tertiary levels, there remains a formidable number of public school students for one governmental agency to
handle.
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Filipino English and Taglish
In an eŸort to attract a better quality of teacher, DECS has more than
doubled the basic teacher compensation from 1992 to 1997, raising it from
P3,102 (Philippine pesos) per month to P8,605 (from approximately $119 US
dollars to $254).This compares to the P14,203 monthly pay of ¶ight attendants
and airline workers, the highest paid and P6,763 for clerks, messengers, utility
and maintenance workers or P7,605 for computer operators and data encoders, the lowest paid (Manila Times July 15, 1998). The pay increase has created
turmoil in private schools. Private schools administrators complain that they
must raise teacher salaries signiªcantly to keep them from switching to the
public system. Then as the private schools raise tuition to pay for the teachers,
parents switch their children to the free public secondary schools (Andrew
Gonzalez, personal communication).
With increased salaries, more students are being attracted to the teaching
profession, though those attracted are generally not the best students. A survey
by the Teacher Education Council (n.d.) found that 15 percent of high school
graduates enter teacher education programs. These are typically those who
score the lowest on college entrance exams. Eighty ªve percent are women.
Only 71 percent graduate. Of these only 25 percent pass the licensing exam and
of those who pass only one third become teachers. As dismal as this may seem,
it is a substantial improvement since the Angara report. The Manila Times
(July 15, 1998) reported that teachers and religious workers were the most
common occupational choices of 1995 university graduates.
The Teacher Education Council also found that of the 533 teacher education institutions in the Philippines fewer than 20 percent (96) were accredited.
Amazingly, 80 percent of teacher education programs had no overhead projectors, computers, or libraries. The Council also found there were no libraries in
65 percent of elementary and secondary schools. DECS is working to increase
technical support at least in secondary schools. Schools of the Future in selected regional high schools now have computers, televisions, videocassette
recorders, and libraries.
The suggestion to add extra years to the school curriculum has not been
followed. For several years educators have proposed that an extra year be
added to the curriculum either at the elementary or the high school level.
Among the seventeen Asia countries, the Philippines has the shortest course
of basic education at 10 years. There is no kindergarten. Thus Filipino children complete only 10 years of school when they enter universities or trade
schools as compared to 13 years in most industrialized countries. Although
public schools are free, the proposal to add even one year continues to be
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
opposed by students and parents for economic reasons since most parents
want their children to attend private schools, especially at the secondary level.
Even the government balks at adding another year because it has enough
trouble providing classrooms, teachers, and materials for even 10 years of
school.
4.5 A personal look at the schools
During my 1996–1997 Fulbright assignment as an educational consultant to the
Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS), I provided inservice
teacher training workshops to some 4000 secondary school English teachers
throughout the Philippines. Since English functions as a second language in the
Philippines, my task was to help teachers tap into the English available around
them, even in rural areas, so they could enrich their classroom materials and
help the students become more eŸective users of the language. As I visited
schools and worked with teachers, I took note of the conditions of the schools,
the quality of the teaching materials supplied by DECS, and the support for
English in the mass media and the local community. My ªndings were supplemented by data supplied by Peace Corps workers who were doing similar work.
Linguists from the Summer Institute of Linguistics kindly provided information
from other remote areas. The information I gathered concerning the support for
English in the mass media and the local community, I present in Part B.
Observations concerning the conditions of the schools I present here. This
information, gathered from 218 schools, helps put into perspective the trouble
that English faces as a second language in the Philippines, especially outside of
Manila, if the classroom is to be the primary agent for language acquisition.
The secondary schools in Metro Manila tend to be large and better
equipped. For example, Rizal High School in the Metro Manila city of Pasig is
said to be the largest public high school in the world with nearly 17,000
students. Though overcrowded, it has computers, libraries, and other resources for students. Teachers in Metro Manila are well trained and highly
proªcient in English. But what do students face in schools in the provinces?
Although there are regional high schools that are as well equipped as any
school in Manila, the condition of most schools has improved little since the
time of Senator Angara’s study. The Philippine Daily Inquirer (July 9, 1999)
pointed out that as many as 1.5 million children attend classes in stairways,
hallways, or even outside under the trees. Close to 13,000 communities or
47
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Filipino English and Taglish
barangays do not have a school building. DECS estimates it needs 30,000 more
classrooms.
Typically 50 to 60 are assigned to a classroom though the number of
students present in the class may vary from 30 to 80 depending on student
absence or the combining of classes when a teacher is ill. Many classes do not
have enough chairs or desks for every student. Some teachers report that when
it rains, their classrooms ¶ood so they have to teach standing knee deep in
water. In many secondary schools, teachers now teach nine classes per day to
make up for a lack of school facilities. In no schools do all the students have
textbooks. The distribution varies from two to four students per book to as
many as ªfteen students per textbook though the lower ratio is more common.
Some secondary schools have a policy of only distributing textbooks to the
fourth year students. In some schools the textbooks are in stacks in their
original wrappings to protect them. In other schools the books have been
destroyed or badly damaged by rains from tropical storms. In the larger high
schools the students are more likely to have a textbook. In classes with few
textbooks, the teacher copies the material for the day on the chalkboard. The
Manila Times (June 14, 1999) reported that education o¹cials admit that the
current ratio of textbooks is one book for six students in public elementary
schools and one for eight in public secondary schools. The Philippine Daily
Inquirer (July 9, 1999) reported a better ratio for high school students of one
textbook for every four students.
Typically, only the o¹cial DECS textbook is used in public secondary
schools. Private schools choose their own materials, which students buy at the
school or at local bookstores. In many school districts the teachers have been
instructed to use only the DECS textbook without any supplements. The
quality of these materials was discussed earlier in this chapter. DECS also
supplies daily lesson plans. Most teachers follow them closely, though the more
eŸective classroom teachers do not. Some model high schools have special
supplemental materials. Seldom do teachers use the newspaper or other outside material in spite of the many inservice workshops they have attended that
show them how to do so. As a rule, there is no encouragement for students to
read outside of class through special reading programs with awards or prizes.
Bigger schools have a school newspaper that appears at least annually. Some
are student run, but most are the product of the faculty and administration.
The students in some schools have joined book clubs that distribute paperback
romances or other light reading. Seldom do teachers use drama, poetry, or
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
other devices to capture student interest. Some classes do dramatic enactments
based on Disney cartoons such as Pocahontas or the Lion King.
Nearly all high schools have a special room to serve as a library, though in
some cases it is only a shelf with an encyclopedia and outdated textbooks in
the principal’s o¹ce. Students seldom use the library except as a study area.
Since the librarian is responsible for any missing books, she generally keeps
the books under lock and key so they cannot be used. This is especially the
case in the few libraries that have received books through special donations or
special government grants. In most school libraries there is little to read
except for old books from the United States or old textbooks. Some of the
larger schools have subscriptions to two or three English newspapers. Sometimes fourth-year students are asked to write a research paper based on research in the encyclopedia.
Electricity has little eŸect on teaching. Due to a governmental push to
make electricity available to all parts of the Philippines, nearly all the schools
have electricity, though some have it only in the principal’s o¹ce. Although this
is the tropics, if schools have air conditioning, it is only in the principal’s o¹ce.
Some schools have ceiling fans or wall fans in the classrooms, most do not.
Many schools have open windows with no glass to allow the air to ¶ow through
the classroom. To save electricity, some schools allow teachers to turn on the
lights only when it rains. Brownouts are common. Some schools have no
electricity because the schools have not paid their electricity bills. Few schools
have overhead projectors; almost none have televisions, videocassette recorders, or computers. Equipment of this sort, if it is available, is often restricted to
the principal’s o¹ce. The most common teaching beneªt from electricity comes
through the Xerox machine.
Blanchette (1995), one of my Fulbright predecessors at DECS, investigated
the English proªciency of a sampling of secondary school English teachers from
various regions of the Philippines. The 180 participants in her unpublished
study were English department heads attending a summer training program at
the National Educator’s Academy of the Philippines (NEAP), a popular teachertraining site in Baguio which was founded by the Americans earlier in the
century in the cool mountains north of Manila. They competed three tasks. The
ªrst was to describe the ªrst year English classes in their school and to describe one
or two speciªc problems that teachers had with the diŸerent sections. The second
was to look at a picture of a teaching situation. The respondents were to describe
what was happening and to tell what they thought the teacher was thinking
49
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Filipino English and Taglish
about. The third was to explain what pakikisama means, assuming that they were
explaining the word to an American of the same sex and age and assuming that
the American knew nothing about Philippine culture and language.
The tape recording of the responses was coded on a scale of 1 to 5 according to completeness of response, creativity, grammatical accuracy, appropriateness of vocabulary, and quality of pronunciation. Although she found
excellent English being used by English department heads throughout the
country, the best English was spoken by teachers from Metro Manila, the
mountain provinces of northern Luzon, and in eastern Mindanao. The worst
English was from the Moslem areas in western Mindanao. Generally she found
that in those areas where the teachers scored high, private secondary schools
predominated, where they scored low, public schools did.
In conclusion, my personal inquiry into the status of English language
teaching in public secondary schools found that teachers everywhere have
attended hours of teaching workshops which demonstrated how to use such
things as music, language games, and theatrics to improve their teaching.
Those who have taken to heart the techniques report good results with their
students. Many teachers say they are reluctant to try out new techniques
because their supervisors insist that they follow DECS material and lesson
plans to the letter. Others fear that if they do not follow DECS materials, their
students will perform poorly on national exams and the teacher will receive a
poor evaluation. However, even with all these deªciencies in teaching supplies
and teacher support, some eŸective teaching is happening, even in the most
isolated schools. It all depends on the skill of the teachers.
4.6 Ongoing eŸorts to improve English instruction
The lack of classrooms and textbooks has become a national scandal. In 1988
all public schools were nationalized. Previously, some schools had been under
local control. To fund a nationalized school system with more than 16 million
students, billions of pesos are appropriated each year by the national government to provide textbooks, classrooms, and equipment. The lure of money has
made DECS known as the most corrupt of the governmental agencies. Money
is spent for schools that are not built and textbooks, desks and other equipment
that are not delivered. Up to 65 percent of textbook funds goes to bribes
(Philippine Daily Inquirer March 3, 1999). It makes eyes roll when reformers
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
talk of issuing better textbooks or sending computers and other expensive
equipment to the schools. The best solution continues to be to retrain the
teachers so they can teach without the supplies.
The Peace Corps supplies native-speaking English teachers to work with
English teaching supervisors in the various regions. Together they provide
inservice training in provincial schools, particularly in rural areas. De La Salle
University, the University of the Philippines, Philippine Normal University, and
Ateneo de Manila University, the most prestigious universities in Metro Manila,
have active teacher training programs that provide workshops in regional
training centers through the country. For example, the Ateneo University
Center for English Language Teaching (ACELT) administers a program that
sends English teaching supervisors from private and public schools throughout
the Philippines to study in England for several months to sharpen both their
language and their teaching skills. They return to their regional schools to train
others. In addition, various professional organizations such as the College
English Teachers Association and the Linguistics Society of the Philippines
provide training as part of their annual conferences, oft with the assistance of the
British Council or the United States Information Agency. The Fulbright Commission for several years provided an ESL consultant to work with the Department of Education, Culture and Sports. DECS also coordinates programs to
produce video and audiotapes for distance education using radio and television.
In 1996 DECS issued new curriculum guidelines for teaching English in
public secondary schools. New textbooks are being developed with the following themes: Year One focuses on Filipino literature in English with the theme
of “I am a Filipino.” Year Two focuses on Filipino and Asian literature in
English with the theme of “I am an Asian.” Year Three focuses on Filipino,
British and American literature with the theme of “I am an English speaker.”
Year Four focuses on Filipino and World literature with the theme of “I am a
world citizen.” Incorporated into the series will be interactive activities based
not only the language needs of the Filipinos but on the latest principles of
second language acquisition. Of course, this movement towards literature
ignores the call of the Solidarity Seminar in 1988 to focus on English for special
purposes to prepare Filipino youths for success in their future academic and
technical training (Gonzalez 1988c).
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Filipino English and Taglish
4.7 Setting local standards for English
With any movement to improve English or even maintain it arises the question of standards. Whose version should be promoted? Schneider (2003) in
his look at the dynamics of English as a world language proposes that English
is not really at home in a new setting until it looks inwardly for its standards.
There is a popular movement to accept Filipino English grammar and pronunciation in the schools. As a ªrst step in identifying the characteristics of
this version of English, Llamzon (1969) described the structure of Filipino
English as used by the educated, or as Gonzalez calls it, “common, a§uent
school English.” However, this study was written for the beneªt of scholars
and was not meant as a school grammar. Recently an English dictionary for
high school students that includes Filipino English words has been published
(Anvil-Macquarie Dictionary 2000).
However, what are the characteristics of the locally generated and accepted
informal style that accompanies the common a§uent style taught in the schools?
As Gonzalez (1983) asks, when does something that might be considered an
error in the English of other countries become accepted as a feature of Filipino
English, at least for informal style? In other words, what are the local norms that
might be adopted by the schools? Based on Gonzalez (1983, 1992) and Llamzon
(1969), let us take a brief look at some characteristics of Filipino English,
especially as it is used in Manila.
4.7.1 Pronunciation
American English is the target pronunciation used in teacher education. However, the following characterize the Filipino adaptation of this standard. Perhaps
the most notable feature of Filipino pronunciation is the rhythm. Traditionally,
Filipino English is described as syllable timed with each syllable coming with
even beats, rather than following the stress timing of American and British
English where the stress on nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs rather than on
the individual syllables follows the even beat. However, Gonzalez (1983: 155)
points out that this feature of Filipino English is actually a re¶ection of the lack
of vowel reduction in unstressed syllables rather than timing. In other words,
instead of pronouncing the unstressed vowel of the second syllable in local as a
schwa, it is pronounced with the full value indicated by the spelling, re¶ecting
the fact that Filipinos typically learn English from books rather than from native
speakers of the language. This book learning is also re¶ected in the stress pattern
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
of polysyllabic academic words, which most likely entered spoken Filipino
English through reading or dictionary work than from conversation with
Americans, such as establísh, diplomatícally, cerémony, and circúmstances.
In addition to the lack of reduced vowels in unstressed syllables, certain
vowel contrasts are often missing. For example, many have trouble with the
vowels represented in the following minimal pairs: sheep/ship, full/fool, hat/hot.
Commonly, there is also no distinction between the pairs /š / and /¦z/ and /s/
and /z/. Thus pleasure is ‘pleashure,’ and seize is homophonous with cease.
Interdental /ð/ and /θ/ are often pronounced /d/ and /t/ so these and three are
spoken as ‘dese’ and ‘tree.’
4.7.2 Grammar
British rather than American grammar tends to set the standard (Sibayan and
Gonzalez 1990: 288) with these modiªcations. Tenses and verb agreement
diŸer, perhaps re¶ecting problems caused by teaching materials since English
is learned in school. There is an overuse of the perfect tenses, as in the use of the
present perfect with past time words (I have seen him yesterday rather than I
saw him yesterday), and an overuse of the progressive, as with habitual action
(He is going to school regularly rather than He goes to school regularly). Verb
agreement is oft missing in the present tense. He go to school. The men who
arrived yesterday is here. Many transitive verbs are used as intransitives. I
cannot aŸord. I don’t like.
The patterns with nouns also diŸer at times. Determiners with generalizations (the Filipino heroes instead of Filipino heroes, the food instead of food) and
names (United States instead of the United States, the Rizal College instead of
Rizal College) seem to be the opposite of the pattern in American and British
English. Demonstratives seldom agree with their nouns: this books. Many mass
nouns are classiªed as count nouns. He has many gray hairs. He has a research.
4.7.3 Vocabulary
Of course there are words borrowed from Tagalog (barangay ‘community,’
boondock ‘mountain,’ and carabao ‘water buŸalo’) and Spanish (merienda ‘mid
morning or mid afternoon snack,’ querida ‘mistress,’ and despedida ‘farewell
party’), the two languages that have had the most contact with English in
Manila, but also loan translations from the two languages: eggs ‘testicles’ (from
Spanish slang huevos ‘eggs, testicles’) and open the radio ‘turn on the radio’
53
54
Filipino English and Taglish
(from the Tagalog verb buksan ‘open/turn on an electrical appliance’). There
are also English words with new meanings: bold ‘movie talk for semi-nude’ and
jingle ‘urinate,’ and neologisms: comfort room/CR ‘washroom, toilet,’ bedspacer ‘one who rents a bed in a dormitory,’ hold-upper ‘someone engaged in
armed robbery,’ presidentiable ‘candidate for president,’ jeepney ‘a customized
extended jeep used for public transportation,’ and carnap ‘to steal a car’
Although many are pushing for acceptance of a local standard, there are still
lingering notions of purism based on the English of Great Britain and the United
States. Australia has begun to replace the United States and Great Britain as a
linguistic in¶uence because of the many scholarships oŸered to undergraduates
and graduates (Gonzalez 1998a: 511). Complicating this search for a local
standard for Filipino English is the development of Taglish as the informal style,
to the consternation of purists. How is this language switching to be included in
the norms for informal English? It is o¹cially discouraged in schools and
universities. However, it cannot be ignored since students and teachers use it
extensively in classroom discourse and its use is spreading through the media
from the educated classes to all classes of Filipinos.
4.8 Filipino English and the taxonomy of world English: ESL or EFL?
We have seen how English was transported to the Philippines to enrich,
ennoble, and empower Filipinos. It quickly expanded through the educational
system until Filipinos considered it one of their own languages. Until ten years
ago we could consider English to have ESL status because of its widespread use
for both interethnic and intraethnic communication. What is the status today?
Part of the answer lies in a look at the changing attitudes towards English in the
upcoming generation.
The ªrst attitude change has come with economic development. In the
1990s the Philippines staked a claim as a new economic tiger in Southeast Asia.
Gonzalez (1988a) asserts that Filipinos think more of their pocketbook than
nationalism. The poor have insisted on learning English because it, rather than
Filipino, gives them the chance to get out of poverty, even if it means getting a
job in the Middle East. As the economy develops at home and more jobs are
available in the Philippines, many feel that English no longer is needed for
socioeconomic advancement since Filipinos will be doing business primarily
with each other.
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
This attitude change is probably the hardest for the middle classes and the
upwardly mobile to accept. For a century they have seen English as the key for
improving their lives. Countless numbers attribute their success to the English
language and still believe it is the key to success for others, especially their
children. For one hundred years they have been memorizing and repeating
English sayings and mottos to inspire themselves to greater things. For one
hundred years they have been learning English songs and memorizing English
words. They believe in the power of English because of their own personal
experiences. They see this change in attitude towards the English language in
the upcoming generation as a threat to the future of the Philippines.
The second attitude change that threatens the ESL status of the Philippines
is the aversion towards using the “pure” form of English rather than Taglish or
even Filipino. Sibayan (1998) notes that spoken Filipino has replaced English
as the national lingua franca. Today a person speaking good English is viewed
with ridicule. In the middle and lower middle class, conversations may start in
English, but to continue using English throughout the interaction is considered a sign of aŸectation. Sibayan and Gonzalez (1996: 145) lament the “corrosive” eŸect this has on children of the middle class since doing well in English
in academic subjects brings scorn from one’s peers. This is especially true
among males. Thus ability in the English language is no longer seen as an
achievement but as an unwelcome way to demonstrate one’s superiority.
Those who go against the peer pressure and use English inside and outside the
classroom rather than Taglish and Filipino face negative social consequences.
As English language proªciency drops, most young Filipinos reject the
English language standards required of students entering universities. They
feel that a high school degree rather than language ability should be the criteria
for admission. Sibayan and Gonzalez (1990: 290) blame the bilingual schools
and declining educational standards for this new attitude towards English.
Whatever the cause, most Filipinos in the upcoming generation have a better
spoken command of Filipino than English.
There are still forces that encourage the acquisition of English. Sibayan and
Gonzalez (1996: 154–155) note that English continues to control those professions that require the use of intellectualized language. These include medicine,
engineering, law, accountancy, nursing, optometry, business management,
civil service, foreign service, and education. Technical texts bring English to the
lower levels of industry. Overseas Filipino Workers also need English. However, day-to-day transactions in business, commerce, and industry in the
55
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Filipino English and Taglish
Philippines can now be carried out in English, Taglish, or Filipino. Fluent
English is only required as one ascends the hierarchy and attains a supervisory
position. All technical reading, all board meetings, all negotiations may be
done in English. Manuals and written instructions may be in English. But
training and other interactions with the rank and ªle are in Taglish. Thus it is
the written language alone that keeps English alive in the workplace.
There is no indication that Filipino has replaced English as the great
equalizer that empowers, ennobles, and enriches Filipinos. This worries the
middle classes who still see English as the key to a better life. With the new
language situation, the younger generation is not mastering either academic
English or academic Filipino. Filipinos in general know how to speak the street
Filipino that they have picked up through the media but not the academic
Filipino they should have learned in school. They do not learn academic
Filipino because schoolteachers are not comfortable using it. With few textbooks or other intellectual reading in Filipino, academic Filipino can be as
di¹cult to master as academic English.
Filipinos are sociable people. Street Filipino su¹ces for interpersonal relations with Taglish substituting for academic Filipino in the schools. Taglish is
also replacing English in the various domains assigned to it in every day life. As
a result, the mandate to use Filipino in the social sciences has not improved
school performance or created employment opportunities for the masses. It
has merely encouraged the spread of Taglish. Thus the spread of Taglish is
preventing the Filipino language from replacing English as the language of
opportunity since academic English and academic Filipino, not Taglish, are
needed to pass academic and licensing exams
In an ESL setting people can learn interpersonal English informally outside
the schools. This still happens in the Philippines. Children from educated
families in urban areas grow up bilingual in English because English is used in
the home along side Tagalog or another indigenous language. The media
provides enough reinforcement for English so that middle class children even
in the provinces become ¶uent in interpersonal English by grade ªve (Gonzalez
1998a: 506).
Still, for most Filipinos, the only exposure to English before entering
school comes from television, radio, and movies since the parents do not use it
along side their indigenous language in the home (Gonzalez 1998a: 503).
Unless their parents can aŸord to send them to better schools in urban settings
and then to a university, they never become ¶uent in academic English. As we
saw earlier in the enrollment ªgures for public and private schools as children
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998
progress from primary to tertiary schools, parents are trying to do this. Still
only two thirds of Filipino children ªnish six years of general schooling, 47
percent ªnish secondary schools, and 12 percent ªnish a college degree (Sibayan
and Gonzalez 1996: 153). With the economic di¹culties of today, the private
school route is now out of the reach of most families. That means that although
many young people might gain some ability in interpersonal English, fewer
today are comfortable enough with English to use it to improve their lives.
Thus, as Gonzalez (1998a: 506–507) and Benton (1991: 88) note, as a result of
the sociolinguistic changes that have accompanied bilingual education, the
masses have been cut oŸ from both academic English and academic Filipino.
As a result, neither English nor Filipino function today as social equalizers.
Benton (1980) anticipated this ªnding when he noted that English would
continue to decline in rural areas and in less a§uent sections of the city as a
result of bilingual education. He suggested that this would result in interregional and interethnic rivalries when people realize that Tagalogs and residents
of Metro Manila are favored educationally and that a new bilingual intellectual
elite controls what is learned from the outside world. As a result, the Philippines will be an ESL country only for the educated elite. The rest of the country
will not even qualify for EFL status as it will be ªlled with semi-linguals with
limited control over any language as school dropouts increase and the masses
see no relevance in education for themselves. The result will be social turmoil
as the key to socioeconomic prosperity through either academic English or
academic Tagalog is denied the masses. No wonder the loss of English proªciency among the general population concerns so many.
Is English dying in the Philippines? Sibayan (1994: 220) suggests that Taglish
will eventually become the Filipino version of English, much as Chabacano
developed as the Filipino version of Spanish. Schneider (2003) notes that English
in the Philippines has been arrested in its development just as it was about to
come into its own as a world English. Llamzon (1986) concludes that according
the Moag’s life cycle model, English in the Philippines has entered the restriction
stage and could disappear. However, Gonzalez (1988b, 1998a) is less pessimistic
and doubts that English will disappear because of the ready availability of formal
instruction for science and business through the schools and informal instruction through the media. He feels that the key to maintaining English is to ªnd
ways to bring it into the lives of the poor.
In other words, before we can state whether or not English in the Philippines has an ESL or an EFL status, we have to look more closely at informal uses
of the language as Filipinos interact through and with the language in various
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Filipino English and Taglish
public spheres, including the media. Since most of the gloomy predictions of
the demise of English are based on studies at elite universities in Metro Manila,
it should be instructive to see what is happening in the rest of the Philippines
with ordinary Filipinos. When do they use English? Are the youth really
turning away from English? Or are the laments of the older generations simply
purist reactions against Taglish as the new interpersonal language of the educated? Parts B and C look at these questions. Part B compares English usage in
Metro Manila and in urban settings in the Visayas with usage in more remote
areas. Part C looks at the role that the media plays in providing informal
support for English.
Most Filipinos now accept Tagalog as the base for Filipino, the national
language (Gonzalez 1991c). However, rather than call this base Tagalog,
Gonzalez (1998a) prefers to call it “the Manila lingua franca which is fast
spreading across the Philippines.” The structural base may be Tagalog, but it
has large doses of English and Spanish. In other words, it includes Taglish.
Before we look at the social support for English and Taglish outside the
classroom in Parts B and C, let us look at the Spanish element of this language
switching in the next chapter.
Chapter 5
The Spanish overlay
Although Taglish is supposed to be a mixture of English and Tagalog, as Goulet
(1971: 1) notes, the outsider who is ¶uent in English and Spanish notes a strong
Spanish overlay. In fact some foreigners wonder whether Tagalog is really some
sort of Spanish. In their review of a Pilipino English dictionary Llamzon and
Thorpe (1972) point out that 33 percent of word roots are of Spanish origin. As
an illustration, note the Spanish words in the following sentence from an article
about a drug bust in a Tagalog tabloid. Words borrowed from Spanish are in
italics, English words are underlined. Notice that Spanish words are spelled
using the Tagalog abakada whereas English words follow English spelling
conventions. As can be seen by the translation, although most of the Spanish
words have English cognates, the Spanish version of the word is preferred.
Lumalawak na ang operasyon ng kilabot na Parena drug syndicate na ayon sa
pulisya ay may kuneksiyon sa isang international drug syndicate at kimikilos sa
buong Central Luzon.
Daily Balita: para sa masa, una sa masa
(The operation of the Parena drug syndicate, which according to the police has a
connection to an international drug syndicate operating all over Central Luzon, is
gaining strength.
Daily News: for the masses, ªrst with the masses)
It is easy to see why Tagalog purists have resisted the in¶ux of Spanish and
English words into street Tagalog saying that if the in¶ux continues, there will
be nothing left to Tagalog except for certain grammatical morphemes. Spanish, in particular, seems to have become part of the language. Before looking at
the social support for English and Taglish in part B, let us look how Spanish
came to be incorporated into Tagalog. The life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines may contain some clues as to what will happen to English and Taglish.
5.1 The life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines
In contrast to the case history of English in the Philippines, there is limited
information as to the extent that the Spanish language spread through the
60
Filipino English and Taglish
Philippines during various periods of the Spanish colonial rule. In fact, the
popular adage describing the colonial experience as “400 years in a convent
followed by 40 in Hollywood” rings true as it applies to information on
language use during the two periods. The English period is characterized by
myriad studies advertising the promotion of English as the great American
overseas experiment whereas the Spanish period is characterized by rumors and
speculation as to what happened behind the closed doors of the Philippines,
especially outside Manila. There are major gaps in the historical documentation
that would support a discussion of the life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines.
Sibayan (1991b: 72) points out that Spanish never became a popular language
with mass appeal in the Philippines but remained the language of a tiny elite as
an intellectual language for use in the domains of government administration,
legislation, the judiciary, higher education, and the professions.
However, Goulet (1971: 3) notes that the commonly given statistic that
only two to three percent spoke Spanish when the United States assumed
control of the islands probably underestimates its widespread use. That statistic
is based on the 1870 census, taken not long after the Spanish ªnally began
establishing public schools. As noted in Chapter 2, during the last half of the
nineteenth century Spanish was beginning to spread among the populace as a
second language. The Chinese mestizos were learning the language and were
carrying it throughout the Philippines as they pursued their business interests.
In fact, Spanish was just entering its golden age in the Philippines with a
proliferation of literature under the in¶uence of the illustrados. The increased
use of Spanish was also having an eŸect on Chabacano, the creole Spanish
spoken by the masses in Manila and various garrison towns ranging from
Zamboanga in the south to Vigan in the north. Lipski (1988) notes that
Chabacano was rapidly decreolizing and becoming more like standard Spanish. Still the Americans found that few in the general populace spoke more
than “kitchen Spanish”, although Spanish controlled the domains of government, business, mass communication, and education. Throughout the countryside the language had not been indiginized except among the rich.
5.2 Spanish inªltrates the vernaculars
Although few spoke Spanish, the language thoroughly in¶uenced the local
languages. Bowen (1971), Cubar (1984), Lopez (1965), Quilis (1980), and
WolŸ (1973–1974) note the extensive in¶uence that Spanish has had on Taga-
The Spanish overlay
log and other Philippine languages not only in vocabulary but in phonology,
morphology, syntax, and semantics. In fact, Spanish is so thoroughly a part of
Tagalog that Tagalog speakers who do not know Spanish do not realize they are
using Spanish borrowings, just as English speakers today generally are not
aware of French or Danish vocabulary and grammar in English. In fact as we
saw at the beginning of the chapter, Spanish borrowings into Tagalog generally
are spelled according to Tagalog spelling conventions whereas English words
generally retain their English spelling.
The Spanish vocabulary permeating Tagalog re¶ects the former relations
of the Spanish with the locals. For example, Spanish words deªne such things as
master and servant relations, sexual conduct, intellectual activities, foods,
cultural events, religion, and numbers. Estimates of the percentage of Tagalog
vocabulary that comes from Spanish vary from the 20 percent of Quilis,
Casado-Fresnillo, and Quilis-Sanz (1997) to the 33 percent of Llamzon and
Thorpe (1972). In comparison, only one percent of Tagalog roots come from
English. The results are similar for Cebuano and other vernaculars.
WolŸ (1973–1974) notes that basic verbs such as gusto ‘want’ and puede
‘can’ and prepositions and conjunctions such as para ‘for’ and pero ‘but’ are
found in vernaculars throughout the Philippines. Thus although Spanish may
never have been spoken by more than three percent of the population, there
were Spanish speakers in communities throughout the islands whose mixture
of Spanish and vernacular was imitated by the locals because of their prestige
or their continuing presence. Most likely these were the many generations of
Spanish priests who, as they learned or tried to learn the local languages for
missionary work, created a Europeanized or missionary version of the local
language using Spanish words and phrases for new concepts or unfamiliar
grammatical structures.
5.3 Spanish withstands English
Gonzalez (1990) notes that the Spanish had not started to establish primary
schools until 1863. Up until that time Spanish-speaking colonials were concentrated in the Old City in Manila and in Hispanized urban centers such as Vigan
in northern Luzon, Cebu in the Visayas, and Zamboanga in Mindanao. However, as these new schools opened up, the Chinese mestizos in particular
embraced Spanish enthusiastically, beginning a golden age of literature that
was aborted only with the arrival of the Americans. These ilustrados were
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Filipino English and Taglish
spreading Spanish into the provinces as they conducted their business and lead
their rebellion against the Spaniards. This same enthusiasm towards Spanish
shifted to English as the general population embraced public education. In
1901 only two Filipinos took civil service exams in English, 1,078 in Spanish. By
1906 2,018 took the English version, 1,680 the Spanish. In 1913 6,901 took the
English version, 769 the Spanish (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990).
Although the number of English speakers soon outnumbered the number
of Spanish speakers at the beginning of the twentieth century, the Spanish
language was not dying. It still had wide usage and its speakers seemed to be
increasing in number. For a while, the golden age of Spanish continued among
the elite. The 1918 census after two decades of American rule found 49.2
percent of the adult population literate. Of the literate population ten years of
age and older, 33.9 percent of the males and 22.4 percent of the females spoke
English and 30.9 percent of the males and 16.9 percent of the females spoke
Spanish. The continuing attraction of the Spanish language probably re¶ected
the continuing use of Spanish in the government. Nearly all judges, court
o¹cers, municipal and provincial o¹cers spoke Spanish as they were drawn from
the Spanish-speaking elite. All debates, hearings, and interviews were in Spanish. Although all public education was in English, private education continued
in Spanish as that was the language of the ruling classes.
As pensionados returned from their education in the United States and
additional English speaking universities developed in the Philippines, communication between younger and older lawyers, judges, and government o¹cials
became more di¹cult. Forbes (1928, 1: 444) noted that the Philippine Commission scheduled the governmental shift to English in 1906, but that had to be
delayed. After 1913, English became the language of the court with Spanish a
language. Spanish continued to be used in court until 1930, allowing Spanishspeaking judges to stay in power until they could be replaced by Englishspeaking graduates (Frei 1959: 37).
The 1920s seem to be when English ªnally began to make inroads among
the elite. By the end of the decade Spanish had largely disappeared in government though it persisted in business and in social relations among the wealthy
in the larger cities. Private schools switched to English as Americans replaced
the Spaniards in the religious orders. Until the 1920s all university education
was in Spanish except at the University of the Philippines, which was founded
in 1908 to help create a new English-speaking elite. Private Ateneo de Manila
switched to English in 1921 when American Jesuits took over. In 1923 the
University of Santo Tomas, the original Spanish university founded in 1611,
The Spanish overlay
switched to English (Monroe 1925: 609). The results of this language switch at
the university level can be seen in the sources of intellectualized words in
Tagalog. Typically, words for objects, devices, or concepts introduced prior to
1920 come from Spanish, those afterwards from English. Some examples from
the domain of business include lapis lapiz ‘pencil,’ kahero cajero ‘cashier,’
negosyo negocio ‘business,’ welga huelga ‘strike,’ benta venta ‘sale,’ and
komersiyante comerciante ‘trader, merchant’ versus bolpen ‘ballpoint pen,’
sosyal sekyuriti ‘social security,’ kopi breyk ‘coŸee break’ and maternity lib
‘maternity leave.’
5.4 The end of Spanish
In spite of all attempts to replace it, Spanish persisted in the government and
other public spheres until the Second World War. For example, the convention
that wrote the constitution for the Commonwealth of the Philippines in 1934–
1935 conducted its proceedings in Spanish (Sibayan 1988: 93). The Second
World War marked the turning point. After the Japanese invaded, they banned
the public use of Spanish. Until then Spanish could be heard on the streets of
Manila and in other port cities, often in the form of Chabacano. When Manila
was virtually destroyed through intense ªghting at the end of the war, the
Chabacano speaking population was dispersed (Quilis 1992a: 6). After that,
Spanish was limited to the boardrooms of family corporations. Once Spanish
disappeared from the streets of Manila, it was no longer available to the local
population as a source of new vocabulary. Nevertheless, Spanish remained the
language of the elite while English became the language of the masses. The
snob appeal of Spanish continued for some time. Not long after the war Prator
(1950: 1) noted that Spanish was still in¶uencing vernacular vocabulary more
than English was because of this snob appeal.
Except for during the Second World War, Spanish had always been an
o¹cial language, though it had never been required in public schools. It had
maintained itself by continuing to be the language of the elite as well as the
language of the streets in Chabacano-speaking areas. Government eŸorts to
save Spanish after the war ªnally killed it. The newly independent Republic of
the Philippines sought to counteract the sudden loss of Spanish in Manila by
instituting at the university level a Spanish language requirement. Earlier, only
certain private colleges had required Spanish. A new law in 1952 required 12
units of Spanish for a college degree. In 1957 the requirement increased to 24.
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Filipino English and Taglish
That meant that of the 120 units to graduate with a bachelor’s degree, 24 units
were for Spanish classes, 12 units for Pilipino, and 18 units for English. These
64 units of language instruction accounted for more than half of the credits
necessary for a college degree. This stimulated protests from students and
parents, making Spanish the most hated of college subjects. In 1969 the requirement returned to 12 units. Later the law was modiªed again to require one
course (3 units) of selected writings in Spanish of renowned Filipino heroes,
scholars, writers, and poets, one of the justiªcations of the original Spanish law
(Sibayan 1974: 229–230).
In spite of several years of a Spanish language requirement in the universities, ability to speak Spanish continued to decline. Goulet (1971: 80) in her
look at English, Spanish and Tagalog in the Philippines noted that many
parents ridiculed the attempts of their children to speak Spanish. In fact, her
informants admitted that they only used Spanish in jest or to mock someone.
Filipinos no longer found ¶uency in Spanish to be useful. In the Language
Policy Survey conducted in 1968, Filipinos indicated that knowledge of Spanish was only useful for lawyers, priests, and physicians (Sibayan 1971a: 137).
Still, Spanish had a hold as a private language. Otanes (1977) found that as late
as the 1970s educated Filipinos preferred Spanish over English as a source for
words to intellectualize Filipino. However, this probably did not re¶ect the
attitude of the general population. In the 1980s Spanish was still important in
law and among the aging Spanish-speaking elite (Noss 1984: 169). Sibayan
(1978b: 48) pointed out that Spanish was mostly an “inner sanctum” language
for higher quarters of businesses owned by certain elite families, such as the
San Miguel Corporation. The working language for the employees was English.
When Sibayan (1978b: 39) asked various educated groups in Metro Manila
what they perceived to be the language of the rich, he was surprised to ªnd
the order to be English, Spanish, Pilipino, then Chinese. Twenty years later
Gonzalez (1998a: 518) observed that between his own and the upcoming
generations Spanish was disappearing. Whereas Spanish used to be transferred
intergenerationally among elite Filipinos, now their children have only a passive competence in Spanish and for the most part carry on conversations only
in English and Filipino, speaking English with superiors and peers and Filipino
with friends and household help.
The Spanish overlay
5.5 The current relationship of English, Tagalog, and Spanish
In response to the street protests surrounding the use of Spanish and other
issues, Marcos declared Martial Law in 1972. Spanish was eliminated as an o¹cial
language in the 1973 constitution. However, under pressure from the Spanishspeaking elite who controlled many of the business interests in the country,
Marcos issued a presidential decree reinstating Spanish because so many important government documents, especially law documents, were available only in
Spanish (Sibayan 1974: 229–230, 1978a: 323). Finally in 1988 after the bloodless
People Power or Edsa Revolution of 1986 that ended the Marcos reign, the
university Spanish requirement was abolished. Spanish now was only recommended for those interested in historical studies. The new constitution declared
it a voluntary language along with Arabic (Gonzalez 1990: 328–329, 1998b: 501)
Thus it took English nearly one hundred years to replace Spanish in its ªnal
public domain (Sibayan 1991b: 71, 1994: 222).
The 1987 constitution states that the national language of the Philippines is
Filipino. For purposes of communication and instruction, the o¹cial languages
are Filipino and, until otherwise provided by law, English. The regional languages are auxiliary o¹cial languages in the regions and may be used in the
classroom as auxiliary languages. Spanish and Arabic are to be promoted on a
voluntary and optional basis (Bautista 1996b).
In spite of the lowered status for Spanish, Quilis (1980: 84) challenged the
notion that Spanish is disappearing. Although there is no longer a Spanish
presence on the streets of Manila, the language has not disappeared in the
homes. He estimated that in 1969 there were 777,000 Spanish speakers with
800,000 Chabacano speakers for a total of 1,577,000. The 1988 census found an
even more vibrant Spanish-speaking community with 1,761,690 Spanish speakers and 689,000 Chabacano speakers for a total of 2,450,000. Based on the
Philippine census requirement of having at least one million speakers to be a
major language, Spanish still qualiªes. It has more native speakers than does
English. However, as Gonzalez (1998a) pointed out, Spanish may not be passing
on to the next generation.
Quilis (1992a: 118) points to the following legacy for Spanish. It has strongly
in¶uenced local languages, survives in Chabacano and among the Spanishspeaking elite, and remains in personal names and place names. Otherwise, it
has little in¶uence in the development of Filipino today. In fact, there is now a
readiness to adopt a more English pronunciation for Spanish loan words,
especially Spanish-derived personal names. For example Gil is now often
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Filipino English and Taglish
pronounced /gil/ rather than /hil/ (Bautista 1986: 500). Not only are Filipinos
beginning to give an English pronunciation to Spanish names, they also supplement their o¹cial Spanish personal names with English nicknames. For example,
the prominent religious leader Mariano Velarde is known as “Mike.” The
former Secretary of Finance Roberto de Ocampo goes by “Tiger Bobby.” In spite
of what Quilis may say, Spanish is disappearing from the Philippines as a living
language, leaving only a Spanish overlay in everyday speech that most do not
realize is Spanish. In Parts B and C we will look to see if English faces a similar
fate as Spanish as it combats the upsurge of Tagalog-based Filipino as the
national language.
䉴
Map 2. The regions, 1990
Part B
Social support for English after 100 years
Comparing usage in Metro Manila
and the provinces
For one hundred years Filipinos have embraced the English language as a force
that would enrich, ennoble, and empower them. However, as we saw in Part A,
with the coming of bilingual education in 1974, the attitude towards English
appeared to change in the rising generation. With the switch to bilingual
education Sibayan (1978a:310) predicted that Tagalog would ¶ourish, especially in urban areas because of the many opportunities for informal language
acquisition provided by the media, especially radio, television, movies, and
light reading such as comics and tabloids. Since Tagalog is so closely related to
the other languages spoken in the Philippines, these informal venues make it
fairly easy to acquire street Tagalog for interpersonal interactions. Gonzalez
(1977) noted too that the extensive internal migration and the rapid urbanization of the population was relaxing traditional language norms that bound
Filipinos to more than 150 local languages, making the Tagalog-based Filipino
used in the media more attractive than English. Sibayan predicted that although English would still survive in Metro Manila because of its widespread
use in business, education, government, and the media, English language
proªciency would decline in other parts of the Philippines because of lack of
social support outside the classroom.
Have these predictions come true? Is there really no support for English
outside the classroom in the provinces even after one hundred years of public
school instruction in English? Are Filipinos in outlying areas never expected to
use English with each other in intraethnic communication? Or is English only
one of several possible lingua francas for interethnic communication or for
communication with foreigners? Are younger people as adept as older at using
English or are they abandoning it for Taglish, Filipino, or a regional lingua
franca? If English is disappearing, what is replacing it? If the Philippines is to be
classiªed as an ESL or an EFL nation, we need to know the answers to these
questions.
70
Filipino English and Taglish
Ferguson (1959) brought to our attention the importance of social support
for a language when he proposed the term diglossia to explain why two diŸerent
forms of a language, such as colloquial Arabic and classical Arabic in Egypt,
Swiss German and Standard High German in Switzerland, and Haitian Creole
and French in Haiti are able to maintain a stable relationship with each other
over several generations. He suggested that what he called the high and the low
versions of a language would maintain themselves over generations if the
society has assigned them speciªc social roles. These roles can be determined by
looking at when the two versions of the language are used. Are there clearly
deªned norms followed either explicitly or implicitly by the speakers of the
languages? For example, which version appears in newspapers, in literature, in
advertisements, or in government documents? Which version is expected in the
marketplace, in businesses, at home, or at school? Do all age groups and all
social groups in the society follow these norms? If so, there is enough social
support for both versions of the language to maintain themselves even though
only one may be promoted in the schools.
Fishman (1967) extended diglossia to describe the stable relationship of
any two or more languages in a society, whether or not they are related. He
limited the term bilingualism to describe when individuals use two or more
languages and diglossia to describe when a society does so. He further suggested how the two phenomena interrelate in countries with stable and transitional bilingualism. In countries with both bilingualism and diglossia, all the
citizens have opportunities to learn both languages as they interact with each
other in the various domains assigned to these languages. The citizens develop
proªciency in both languages because they derive a personal beneªt from using
more than one language in their interactions with each other in various domains. When the citizens no longer see a beneªt in using one of the languages
or no longer have opportunities to learn or to use it, it disappears from the
society. Fishman, Cooper, and Ma (1971) applied this extended version of
diglossia to describe the bilingualism in a Puerto Rican neighborhood in the
United States.
Since then scholars interested in societal bilingualism or diglossia have
used domain analyses to establish whether or not there is su¹cient social
support for a language to be maintained as a second rather than as a foreign
language. For example, by analyzing the use of Spanish and English in various
types of social interaction, Thompson (1974) found that Spanish among Mexican Americans in Texas was transitional when generation within the urban
setting was taken into account, even in Mexican American neighborhoods
Social support for English after 100 years
which seemed to be ªlled with Spanish. Although Spanish was available in the
neighborhood, the rising generation found little personal reward in using it,
even in intraethnic communication. A few simple phrases and short conversational routines in Spanish su¹ced to show group solidarity. General social needs
were met through English. Thus the younger generation was switching to
English. He also found that the type of English these transitional bilinguals
were adopting depended on their social aspirations (Thompson 1975).
What would a domain analysis reveal about English in the Philippines as
English completes the ªrst one hundred years of its life cycle there? Has urbanization and the increasing penetration of the mass media only supported
the spread of Tagalog? Has English become merely the language of the
schools, or are Filipinos expected to use English with each other at various
times during a typical day as they take part in business, religious, domestic,
educational, and governmental activities? Some say that English is slowly
becoming restricted to the educational domain. They use the following
to support their assertion. The Commission on Higher Education (CHED),
which oversees all tertiary education in the Philippines, administers an English placement exam to all incoming freshmen. Most students have problems with the CHED exam and have to enroll in a non-credit course called
English Plus before they can continue their English classes at the university.
This is a source of irritation to the many students who feel that universities
are out of touch with the reality of how much English is used today in the
Philippines. They say that if their English is good enough to graduate from
high school, it should be good enough to enter the university without further
testing. According to the concepts of diglossia and the social support for
language, their complaints may be justiªed. Their English proªciency probably re¶ects the level of English that they encounter in the various public
domains, including the schools.
The three chapters of Part B look at this issue of diglossia or societal
bilingualism in the Philippines in more detail. Has English lost the social support
it developed during its 100–year history so that Filipinos can no longer develop
their proªciency in the language through informal means? Does Filipino society
today not demand enough English outside the classroom to qualify as an ESL
country? Is Filipino replacing English in spite of the problems that Gonzalez
(1997b) notes have accompanied its development? To ªnd out, as I presented
workshops throughout the Philippines, I surveyed English teachers as to when
they use English in their daily aŸairs. About half of the teachers in this study live
and work in Metro Manila, where Tagalog is home. The other half live and work
71
72
Filipino English and Taglish
in the urban centers in Visayas, where speakers of Cebuano, Hiligaynon, and
Waray predominate.
Chapter 6 focuses on when these teachers interact with English in the mass
media, ªrst through listening and then through reading. Chapter 7 looks at
when they use English with other Filipinos in various public domains, such as
work, business, and church. In Chapter 8 we turn from the urban to the rural
setting with a look at two other important sections of the Philippines, mountainous and somewhat isolated northern Luzon, where Ilocano is the lingua
franca, and the large island of Mindanao in the south, which some call the wild
Muslim frontier, where the most common lingua franca is Cebuano. Since I
did not use this survey at workshops in northern Luzon or in Mindanao, the
only teachers in my sample from these two remote areas were teachers who
attended my workshops elsewhere. Thus I cannot give the same detailed analysis for these parts of the Philippines. However, information I gathered from the
Philippine Media Proªle 1995/1996 (Philippine Information Agency 1996) and
from linguists working for the Summer Institute of Linguistics should give us
an indication of how the ªndings from Metro Manila and the Visayas might be
extended. But before we turn to these chapters, let us ªrst look at what we know
about English proªciency today in the Philippines. Then we will look at the
background of the teachers who participated in my survey.
B.1 English proªciency in the Philippines today
For reasons that were never fully explained, the 1990 Philippine census did not
include a question on English language competence. For this reason the Linguistic Society of the Philippines commissioned the Social Weather Stations (SWS),
a national polling agency, to ask two questions of a national sampling of the
population in December 1993 (Social Weather Stations 1994). The following
questions were translated into English, Tagalog, Ilocano, Bikol, Cebuano and
Ilonggo and were asked of 1,200 adults:
Which of the following applies to you? (allow multiple responses)
Read English
Write English
Understand spoken English
Speak English Think in English None apply
In your opinion, is your ability with English….?
Full
Fair
Slight
Almost nil
Social support for English after 100 years
The sample was divided evenly between Metro Manila, the balance of
Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao with an even balance between urban and
rural respondents outside of Metro Manila. They found that nationwide 73
percent read English, 59 percent write English, 74 percent understand spoken
English, 56 percent speak English, and 42 percent think in English. Only 7
percent claimed no ability in the language.
The generalized ªndings showed interesting trends. SWS presented their
ªndings according to economic class (5 classes: 3 comfortable, 1 poor, and 1
destitute), age group (18–24, 25–34, 35–44, 45+) and location (National Capital Region, Balance Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao, urban, rural). As would be
expected, the higher the socio-economic class, the greater the use of and facility
with English. For example, nationally, only 18 percent claim full ability in
English. However, among what SWS terms the comfortable classes 44 percent
claim full ability as compared to 9 percent among the destitute and 17 percent
among the poor. Gender has no eŸect. The older the respondent, the lower the
ability to use English. Of those in the 17–24 age group, 77 percent read English,
68 percent write English, 82 percent understand spoken English, 63 percent
speak English, and 54 percent think in English. In the 45 and older group the
percentages are 62, 46, 65, 48, and 37 respectively, nearly a 20 percent drop in
most cases. This contradicts the current perception that the golden age of
English proªciency was somewhere in the past and that young people today do
not know English.
English is more widely used in urban than in rural areas. Nationwide 83
percent in urban areas read English, 74 percent write English, 83 percent
understand spoken English, 69 percent speak English and 51 percent think in
English. The rural totals are 64, 43, 65, 42, and 33, approximately a 20 percent
diŸerence in most cases. English is most prevalent in urban Luzon and in
Metro Manila (National Capital Region) with 91 percent in urban Luzon and
87 percent in Metro Manila reading English, 83 percent and 78 percent writing
English, 87 percent and 90 percent understanding spoken English, 80 percent
and 73 percent speaking English and 59 percent in both cases thinking in
English. In rural Mindanao the percentages drop a dramatic 40 to 60 percent
with percentages of 43, 23, 36, 25, and 22 respectively for the various language
skills. However, respondents in urban Visayas and Mindanao ranked themselves highest in full ability in English with 43 percent in urban Visayas, 26
percent in urban Mindanao compared to 22 percent in Metro Manila and 15
percent in urban Luzon. The rather high ratings for thinking in English for the
73
74
Filipino English and Taglish
young, urban, and middle classes nationwide is a strong indication that in spite
of the doomsday calls, the Philippines continues to be an ESL country, at least
in the urban setting.
B.2 English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas
One of my tasks as a Fulbright consultant at the Department of Education,
Culture and Sports during the 1996–1997 academic year was to show teachers
how to relate their instruction to ways that English is used outside the classroom. I presented workshops to some 4,000 high school and university English
teachers, mostly in the Metro Manila area and in the Visayas. To remind
teachers of when they themselves used English outside of class, I prefaced
many of my workshops with a short usage questionnaire. Teachers reported
when they interacted with English in the media and with other Filipinos at
work, at church, and at businesses, and in other spheres of activity, the same
places where I had noticed Filipinos interacting with each other in English.
Although 1036 teachers from throughout the Philippines completed questionnaires, most questionnaires (850) came from teachers in Metro Manila
(494) and the Visayas (356). Metro Manila, also known as the National Capital
Region (NCR), is a collection of eight cities that President Marcos linked
together under a single metropolitan government in 1976. It lies on the edge of
the central plains of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippines. With more
than 9 million people, it is the social and economic center of the country. It lies
in the Tagalog-speaking part of the country. The Visayas are a band of islands
immediately south of Luzon that form the middle of the country. They are
divided into three regions, Region VI (Western Visayas) with six provinces,
Region VII (Central Visayas) with four provinces, and Region VIII (Eastern
Visayas) with ªve provinces. The population of about 12 million is about 60
percent rural. Cebuano is the regional lingua franca though Hiligaynon is more
commonly spoken in Western Visayas and Waray in Eastern Visayas. The
teachers representing the Visayas come from the cities of Iloilo and Bacolod in
Region 6, Cebu in Region 7, and Tacloban in Region 8.
Contrasting Metro Manila and urban Visayas should be of particular
interest. Bautista (1986:494) notes that English is deeply rooted in urban
Philippine society — in popular songs, in movies and plays, in textbooks, in
newspapers and magazines, and in radio and television programs. English is
the essential language for social and economic mobility. Without English a
Social support for English after 100 years
Filipino cannot fully participate in Philippine economic, cultural, and political
life. The best opportunities for learning English are in Metro Manila. The best
schools are located there, including a large concentration of universities. However, Metro Manila is also the driving force for the spread of Tagalog. As the
media capital, it lies in the Tagalog-speaking area and sets the tone for the rest
of the nation as it sends out a mixture of English and Tagalog programming.
Although there are better opportunities to learn and use English in Metro
Manila, the most positive attitude for maintaining English lies in the Visayas.
Here lie the political forces which oppose the replacement of English with
Tagalog-based Filipino as the national language. This seems to be re¶ected in
the SWS language survey. Although respondents in Metro Manila claimed
greater use of English language skills and more claimed to think in English,
more in urban Visayas claimed a full English proªciency, perhaps indicating
that they felt more comfortable using “pure” English than Taglish.
Does this mean that English has a more clearly deªned role in the Visayas
than in Metro Manila, one that demands the use of pure English rather than
allowing language switching to inªltrate English domains? Is there a stable
pattern across generations in both areas, or are there signs that English is
disappearing in the upcoming generation in either or both of these areas? Is the
media having the same eŸect in Metro Manila and urban Visayas?
The large sampling of teachers in this study will also allow us to look for
answers to these questions. Of course, we need to remember that the usage of
English teachers might not be representative of all Filipinos. Llamzon (1984:
109–110) in his 1968 survey using a much smaller sample found that teachers
in Metro Manila used more English than other householders and that more
teachers than householders felt that English was important for success in a
wide range of professions in the Philippines. He also found that 8.7 percent of
teachers claimed that English was the ªrst language they learned. In addition,
44.7 percent claimed to speak a mixture of English and Tagalog to their
children as compared to 19.9 percent of other Metro Manilans who had at least
a high school or college education. Still, the results from this subset of the
“comfortable classes” should give us a look at the social support that English
enjoys both inside and outside the National Capital Region.
B.2.1 The participants
Most of the 850 teachers who participated in this study learned English in
school. Only three claimed English as their native tongue, two in Metro Manila
75
76
Filipino English and Taglish
and one in the Visayas. Only 62 or 12.55 percent of the teachers in Metro
Manila and 25 or 7.02 percent of the teachers in the Visayas have lived in an
“English only” environment. For most this was time spent studying in the
USA, the United Kingdom, Australia, or New Zealand. However, many had
spoken English as overseas workers in various Asian or Southeast Asian countries. Others noted that their English only experience was from studying in a
convent school or working in a government o¹ce. Although Manila lies in the
Tagalog-speaking part of Luzon, only 77.53 percent of the teachers in Metro
Manila report Tagalog as their native language, re¶ecting the economic draw of
the National Capital Region for Filipinos from all language areas. In the
Visayas, even after nearly sixty years of promoting Tagalog-based Pilipino or
Filipino as the national language and after extensive internal migration, less
than twenty percent of the teachers claimed Tagalog as their native language.
As would be expected, the educational level of the teachers increases with
their age (Table B.1). However, more teachers in Metro Manila had an M.A. or
Ph.D. than did teachers in the Visayas. The high number of teachers with only
a high school education in the youngest age group re¶ects the fact that some of
my workshops were sponsored by teacher education programs, attracting
participants who had not yet been granted their college degree. Notice too that
the teachers from Metro Manila tend to be older. However, the large sample
size from the two areas should allow us to make comparisons.
Table B.1 Educational background of teachers surveyed in Metro Manila (MM) and
Visayas (Vis) in percentage according to their age group
High School
MM
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
Vis
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
(n=494)
(n=74)
(n=130)
(n=98)
(n=192)
(n=356)
(n=103)
(n=104)
(n=67)
(n=82)
EDUCATION
B.A.
M.A.
Ph.D.
10.81
0.77
0.00
0.00
81.08
71.54
44.90
26.54
8.11
26.92
53.06
56.77
0.00
0.77
2.04
16.67
69.90
1.92
0.00
0.00
30.10
87.50
89.55
60.98
0.00
10.58
8.96
35.37
0.00
0.00
1.49
3.65
Chapter 6
English teachers and the media
in Metro Manila and the Visayas
Comics, radio, movies, and television in that order seem to have been the
most eŸective way to promote Tagalog-based Filipino (Gonzalez and Bautista
1981: 243). What role does the mass media play in promoting the informal
acquisition of English among Filipinos? English language media is available
nationwide. Are younger people rejecting language input from the English
language media? Are there regional diŸerences? Do Visayans prefer English
media to Tagalog-based Filipino whereas Metro Manilans prefer Filipino? For
clues, let us take a look ªrst at how often English teachers in Metro Manila and
in urban Visayas choose to listen to English on the radio or watch English
language television and movies. Then we will look at how often they choose to
read English in newspapers, magazines and books.
6.1 Listening to English
6.1.1 Radio
Because of the widespread distribution of battery-powered radios, radio transmissions can be received in the most remote sections of the Philippines, even
when there is no electricity. In 1994 radios were in 81.22 percent of households
(Philippine Information Agency 1996). When radio was introduced to the
Philippines, English was the dominant broadcast language. However, over the
decades Filipino and other vernaculars have steadily gained ground. The choice
of language is purely market driven. There is no o¹cial policy, though the
Kapisanan ng Brodkasters sa Pilipinas ‘Society of Broadcasters in the Philippines’ encourages a balanced use of Filipino and English songs (Gonzalez
1998a: 515).
According to the Philippine Media Proªle 1995–1996 (PMP) published by
the Philippine Information Agency (1996), there were 27 AM stations and 25
FM stations in Metro Manila (NCR) and 63 AM and 52 FM stations in the
78
Filipino English and Taglish
Visayas (Regions 6, 7, 8). Radio ownership was higher than the national
average in Metro Manila with 87.80 percent and slightly lower than the national average in the Visayas with 80.11 percent, though the rate in the Western
Visayas around Iloilo and Bacolod was above the national average with 83.78
percent. In the Eastern Visayas around Tacloban it was signiªcantly lower at
71.96 percent (Philippine Information Agency 1996).
Encanto (1997: 14) noted that AM radio stations cater predominantly to
the mass audiences in urban and rural areas and use mainly Filipino or local
languages. This has been the case for at least twenty years. Cendana (1981)
reported that most announcements, soap operas, radio plugs, jingles, panel
discussions, and taped interviews on the radio were in Pilipino. However,
Gonzalez and Bautista (1981: 131–132) reported that in the Visayas, audiences
preferred Hiligaynon or Cebuano or even English over Pilipino on the radio.
Throughout the Philippines popular music tends to be in English in spite of the
guidelines from the Society of Broadcasters. The PMP noted that in Metro
Manila a music format was preferred by 59.41 percent of the households. This
indicates that even if the talk on the radio is in Filipino, the music is English. In
Metro Manila the news was the second most popular programming, preferred
by 31.44 percent. Few preferred to listen to dramas. In the Visayas, however,
dramas were preferred (43.13 percent), especially in the rural areas (49.42
percent). The news was even preferred (28.38 percent) over music (25.97
percent). This indicates that in the Visayas, radio is promoting Filipino or local
languages rather than English since talk radio is preferred over music.
Encanto (1997: 14) noted that the situation may be diŸerent for FM stations. They target an educated audience, specialize in music, and broadcast
usually in English. In line with this, Llamzon (1984: 113) found that teachers
and college students in Metro Manila preferred the news, religious programs,
and popular music on the radio to be in English with dramas in Filipino. Based
on these ªndings, we would expect the teachers in my sample to prefer English
radio both in Metro Manila and the Visayas.
Not all of the teachers in my survey listen to the radio but most do. In
Metro Manila 92.10 percent do and in the Visayas 90.45 percent do. Table 6.1
shows the language preference according to the age of teachers if they listen to
the radio. For Metro Manila and the Visayas, preference for English radio
decreases as age increases with older teachers more likely to listen to the radio
in Filipino or a local language. However, notice that teachers of all ages in
Manila are much more likely to listen to the radio in English than are teachers
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
in the Visayas. In fact the diŸerence is rather striking. Unexpectedly, teachers
in the Visayas are more likely to listen to the radio in Filipino than are teachers
in Metro Manila. In fact, except for the youngest age group, the Visayan
teachers listen to more Filipino radio than English radio. This result is especially surprising since earlier studies indicated that the Visayas were resisting
Filipino and were giving preference to English in the broadcast media. Radio is
deªnitely promoting Filipino in this non-Tagalog speaking area.
Table 6.1 Teachers and the language of radio: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis)
preference percentage according to age
English
MM (n=455, 92.10% of teachers)
18–24 (n=72)
59.72
25–34 (n=121)
52.07
35–44 (n=91)
40.66
45+
(n=171)
29.24
Vis (n=322, 90.45% of teachers)
18–24 (n=96)
39.58
25–34 (n=89)
24.72
35–44 (n=61)
22.95
45+
(n=76)
18.42
LANGUAGE
Filipino
Both
Other
19.44
15.70
15.38
22.22
20.84
32.23
43.96
46.78
0.00
0.00
0.00
1.76
28.13
28.09
29.51
30.26
18.75
24.72
31.15
27.63
13.54
22.47
16.39
23.59
6.1.2 Music
One might expect the language preferences for listening to the radio to be
related to language preferences for singing. Filipinos, as the singers of Asia, like
to ªnd reasons to sing. I was usually welcomed to my workshops with singing.
Rest breaks during workshops were ªlled with singing. It is not uncommon to
hear Filipinos singing to themselves on the streets, on public transportation, or
in stores. I often remarked to my family as we walked the streets of Manila that
it was like living in an MGM musical. When President Ramos hosted an
economic summit of world leaders during my stay in the Philippines, he
included the presidents and prime ministers of the visiting nations in a songfest.
Pictures on the front pages of the local newspapers featured Ramos singing with
President Clinton and others. A Filipino even claims to have invented the
karaoke machine. With this in mind, it is not surprising that about 90 percent of
the teachers in my survey claim to sing. Table 6.2 shows their language preferences for song.
79
80
Filipino English and Taglish
Table 6.2 Teachers and the language of singing: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas
(Vis) preference percentage according to age
MM
(n=437, 88.46% of teachers)
18–24 (n=68)
25–34 (n=122)
35–44 (n=84)
45+
(n=163)
Vis
(n=327, 91.85% of teachers)
18–24 (n=98)
25–34 (n=97)
35–44 (n=62)
45+
(n=70)
Combined MM and Vis (n=764, 89.88%)
English
Filipino
Both
70.59
58.20
60.71
58.28
1.47
1.64
2.38
1.84
27.94
40.16
36.91
39.88
77.55
56.70
56.45
60.00
61.91
6.12
5.15
9.68
10.00
4.19
16.33
38.15
33.87
30.00
33.90
Unlike the language pattern for listening to the radio, the preferred language
for singing was strikingly similar for both Metro Manila and the Visayas and
across all ages. The language of song is decidedly English with an overall total of
61.91 percent singing only in English, 4.19 percent only in Filipino and 33.9
percent singing in both languages. Notice that although few sing only in
Filipino, teachers in the Visayas are more likely to sing only in Filipino than are
teachers in Metro Manila and that likelihood increases with age.
English used to be the language of music instruction in the schools. With
the coming of bilingual education, music education shifted to Filipino. However, English music continues to provide informal support for English outside
the classroom, most likely though the medium of radio. In fact, English music
may be a major source of informal language input for the younger generation.
Note that the youngest age group does the most singing in English. Music radio
is more predominant in Metro Manila than in the Visayas, but the popularity
of English singing is keeping the language alive in both places. Otherwise, radio
programming is promoting Filipino in urban Visayas, even among teachers.
6.1.3 Television
In 1994 only 44.93 percent of households nationwide owned a television set
(Philippine Information Agency 1996). The percentage in Manila was signiªcantly higher at 86.93 percent, almost the same as for radio ownership. In the
Visayas it was signiªcantly lower at 26.87 percent. The rate in Western Visayas
around Iloilo and Bacolod was somewhat higher at 32.93 percent and the rate
in Eastern Visayas around Tacloban was signiªcantly lower at 15.61 percent.
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
Of course, the percentages are probably much higher in the four urban areas
that I surveyed, perhaps approaching the percentage in Metro Manila. However the PMP does not give the urban percentages for these regions.
Television broadcasts are provided in Filipino and English with some local
programming in various vernaculars. The amount of programming in English
is purely market driven. Gonzalez (1998a: 509–510) notes that approximately
60 percent of programs are in Filipino (movies and live shows), and 40 percent
in English (mostly pre-recorded programs from English-speaking countries
and live shows in Taglish). Some surveys indicate that in the Visayas, English
language television is preferred over Filipino. They report that while college
students and teachers in Manila tend towards English programming, others in
Manila prefer Filipino. They also report that throughout the country, newscasts are preferred in English though they are available in English, in Filipino,
and sometimes in the vernaculars in the provinces. Cultural presentations are
in English and Filipino (Gonzalez and Bautista 1981: 131–132, del Mundo
1981, Pascasio 1988).
However, Taglish plays an important role in broadcasts coming from
Manila. Pascasio (1988) noted that although the educated classes in Manila
prefer English television, Taglish appears in shows appealing to all sectors of
the population. For example, sports which are popular with the upper, middle,
and educated classes, such as golf, tennis, and bowling, are telecast in Taglish.
Locally produced shows which are marketed to the masses in Filipino include
Taglish. Cedana (1981: 174) reported a surge of Taglish on television “where
strong emotional reactions, greater involvement, and a clearer apprehension of
reality on the part of the viewer are demanded.” Sibayan (1985: 597) predicted
that Taglish would eventually be the main language used in entertainment and
the mass media except for newspapers.
According to the PMP the residents of Metro Manila can receive eleven
stations with an antenna. In the four cities in the Visayas that were included in
my survey, residents can receive between four and seven stations. The two
most popular channels in these cities are a¹liated with the ABS-CBN and
GMA networks from Manila, thus providing the English and Filipino mix
described above. In both Metro Manila and the Visayas cable television is
growing in popularity, making channels from the United States, Australia,
England, China and other countries readily available. During the time that I
was in the Philippines, cable services were expanding rapidly. One island I
visited in May received residential telephone service the previous December
and cable television three months later. The company reported to me that they
81
82
Filipino English and Taglish
were having trouble keeping up with the demand for new connections. Satellite
dishes are also proliferating.
How do the teachers in my survey ªt into these ªndings of other researchers? Tables 6.3 and 6.4 look at the preferred viewing language of teachers by age
and according to whether or not they have cable. All the teachers in both areas
report that they have television or at least watch it. Nearly one third of the
teachers in Metro Manila have cable in their homes and nearly half of the
teachers in urban Visayas do.
There are interesting diŸerences between Metro Manila and urban Visayas
for those without cable television. Although teachers in Manila are more likely
to watch Filipino television programs if they have no cable, in every age group
but one there are more who watch only English programs than those who
watch only Filipino programs. However in urban Visayas, teachers in all age
groups who have no cable are twice as likely to watch Filipino than English
language television. In fact, nearly half of the teachers over age 35 who have no
cable watch only Filipino programs.
Table 6.3 Television and preferred viewing language of teachers without cable:
Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) preference percentages according
to age
English
MM
(n=494)
No Cable (n=339, 68.62% of teachers)
18–24 (n=49)
25–34 (n=93)
35–44 (n=73)
45+
(n=124)
Vis
(n=356)
No Cable (n=189, 53.09% of teachers)
18–24 (n=60)
25–34 (n=54)
35–44 (n=36)
45+
(n=39)
LANGUAGE
Filipino
Both
23.60
22.45
32.26
16.44
21.78
15.04
20.41
13.98
16.44
12.90
61.36
57.14
53.76
67.12
65.32
13.76
18.33
18.52
2.78
10.26
36.50
38.33
20.37
47.22
46.15
49.74
43.34
61.11
50.00
43.59
Cable has a profound eŸect on the amount of English language television the
teachers watch. In Metro Manila 65.16 percent of those who have cable usually
watch only English television as compared to 23.60 percent without. In urban
Visayas the diŸerence is 52.10 percent to 13.76 percent. In other words, those
who subscribe to cable in both areas are almost three times more likely to
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
watch programs in English. Age makes a diŸerence only in urban Visayas. In
Metro Manila, the amount of English programs the teachers watch if they have
cable is similar across the age groups. In urban Visayas, however, the eŸect of
cable is most pronounced for the youngest age group. Only 39.54 percent of
teachers over age 45 watch only English television whereas 79.01 percent of
those in the 18–24 age group do.
Table 6.4 Television and preferred viewing language of teachers who have cable:
Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) preference percentages according
to age
English
MM
Cable
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
Vis
Cable
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
(n=494)
(n=155, 31.38% of teachers)
(n=25)
(n=37)
(n=25)
(n=68)
(n=356)
(n=167, 46.91% of teachers)
(n=43)
(n=50)
(n=31)
(n=43)
LANGUAGE
Filipino
Both
65.16
64.00
67.57
60.00
66.18
12.90
20.00
8.11
12.00
13.24
21.94
16.00
24.32
28.00
20.58
52.10
79.07
54.00
29.03
39.54
21.56
9.30
20.00
29.03
30.23
26.34
11.63
26.00
41.94
30.23
Note that in general, teachers in the Visayas with or without cable are twice as
likely to watch only Filipino television as teachers in Manila. This result is
surprising since earlier researchers consistently reported that English is preferred over Filipino in the Visayas. The SWS language survey even reported that
residents of urban Visayas were more likely to rank themselves as fully proªcient
in English than were residents of Metro Manila. It seems then that in households
without cable, television is promoting Filipino rather than English outside of
Tagalog speaking areas. However, cable television is promoting English everywhere, though the attraction of English is stronger in Metro Manila.
6.1.4 News
When the teachers were asked to name their favorite shows, those without
cable indicated that their favorite shows in English were sitcoms and cartoons.
Those with cable added movies, talk shows, sports, and the news. According to
83
84
Filipino English and Taglish
the PMP, in 1994 television was the primary source of news in Metro Manila
for 67.93 percent of households. In urban Visayas it was the primary source for
only 31.63 percent of households. Instead, radio was the primary source of
news in 51.24 percent of households. In Metro Manila, radio was the primary
source in only 11.50 percent of households. Radio news is in Filipino or in a
local language. Television news has traditionally been in English, though it has
been shifting to Filipino in recent years. Even though television is not the
primary source of news in urban Visayas, the PMP reported that news and
popular aŸairs programs were the most watched programs on television in
both Metro Manila and urban Visayas. Thus television news could be promoting English language proªciency in both areas. Table 6.5 looks at the news
preferences of the teachers in Metro Manila according to whether or not they
had cable. Table 6.6 does the same for the teachers from the Visayas.
Table 6.5 Teachers from Metro Manila (MM) and the language of TV news compared by cable access and age group in percentage
English
MM (n=470, 95.14% of teachers)
No Cable (n=332)
18–24 (n=47)
25–34 (n=91)
35–44 (n=70)
45+
(n=124)
Cable (n=138)
18–24 (n=25)
25–34 (n=37)
35–44 (n=24)
45+
(n=52)
31.93
36.17
26.37
35.72
32.26
45.65
48.00
29.73
41.67
57.69
LANGUAGE
Filipino
18.07
34.04
25.27
7.14
12.90
15.94
20.00
24.32
12.50
9.62
Both
50.00
29.79
48.36
57.14
54.84
38.41
32.00
45.95
45.83
32.69
The teachers in my sample are more likely to watch the news than are the
participants in the PMP study. In Metro Manila, 95.14 percent of the teachers
watch the news on television, in the Visayas 92.98 percent do. In Metro Manila
among those who have no cable, 50.00 percent have no language preference
and watched it sometimes in English and sometimes in Filipino. Only 31.93
percent watch it only in English and 18.07 percent only in Filipino. For those
who have cable, the percent of teachers who prefer to watch the news only in
English increases to 45.65 percent, the percent who watch only in Filipino
drops slightly to 15.94 percent, and the percent who watch in both languages
drops to 38.41 percent. However, only for those who have cable in Metro
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
Manila and are older than 45 did more than half usually watch the news in
English (57.69 percent).
Table 6.6. Teachers in the Visayas (Vis) and the language of TV news compared by
cable access and age group in percentage
English
Vis (n=331, 92.98% of teachers)
No Cable (n=181)
18–24 (n=57)
25–34 (n=51)
35–44 (n=35)
45+
(n=38)
Cable (n=150)
18–24 (n=42)
25–34 (n=48)
35–44 (n=29)
45+
(n=31)
28.18
28.07
29.41
20.00
34.21
36.00
40.48
37.50
27.59
35.48
LANGUAGE
Filipino
33.70
36.84
31.37
45.71
21.05
13.33
16.67
12.50
13.79
9.68
Both
38.12
35.09
39.22
34.29
44.74
50.67
42.85
50.00
58.62
54.84
The pattern is quite diŸerent in the Visayas. Among those who do not have
cable, Filipino is preferred over English as the language for the news with 33.70
percent watching the news only in Filipino, 38.12 percent watching in both
languages and only 28.18 percent watching only in English. Only among cable
subscribers are the teachers more likely to watch the news in English. Among
those who have cable the percentage who usually watch the news only in
English increases to 36.00 percent, the percentage who watch in both languages
increases to 50.67 percent and the percentage who watch only in Filipino drops
dramatically to 13.33 percent.
A comparison of Tables 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, and 6.6 shows some interesting
patterns. Among those who do not have cable, both in Metro Manila and the
Visayas, more watch the news in English than watch English shows in general.
This probably re¶ects the traditional preference of the educated to receive their
news in English. Cable greatly increases the amount of news that the teachers
watch in English, especially in the Visayas. This may be because the cable gives
access to CNN, the BBC, and other cable news programs from overseas.
However, cable has less eŸect on the choice of language for news broadcasts
than on the choice for programming in general. In contrast to the pattern
among those without cable, fewer teachers with cable watch the news in
English than watch English shows in general. In other words, news broadcasts
in Filipino are popular even among the educated. This is re¶ected in the
85
86
Filipino English and Taglish
current trend of television stations to switch their news programming from
English to Filipino to target a wider audience.
6.1.5 Movies
The Philippines has a thriving movie industry, second only to India in the
number of ªlms produced each year. Action ªlms are by far the most common,
followed by romance and drama. The language of these movies is Filipino with
some Taglish mixed in. Metro Manila in particular is enamored with the
industry. According to the PMP there are 247 movie houses in Metro Manila
with a seating capacity of 163,638. Nearly one third of all homes also have a
VCR. Their survey found that 18.89 percent had watched a movie on their
VCR and 17.35 percent had gone to a movie theater in the past week. In
addition, movies are more popular than sports and sitcoms on television. The
daily newspapers keep the reading public up to date on the latest scandals of the
stars, especially the “bold” stars (actors and actresses known for nudity and sex
in their ªlms). Many use movie stardom as a stepping-stone to political o¹ce.
Movies are also popular in the rest of the country, but movie houses are
not quite as prevalent. In the four urban areas of the Visayas included in my
survey, Iloilo, Bacolod, Cebu, and Tacloban, there are only 38 movie houses
with seating for 49,129. This accounts for more than half the movie houses and
the seating capacity for an area covering three regions and ªfteen provinces. Six
of these provinces have no movie houses or at most two. In addition to movie
houses, about 9 percent of homes had a VCR. However, since it is common to
have friends and neighbors over to watch movies on the VCR, this expands the
reach of Filipino movies among the population. The PMP found that although
only between one and eight percent of the population over the age of ten in
these four cities had seen a movie in a theater in the previous week, between
twelve and twenty-six percent had watched a movie on a VCR.
What is the eŸect of movies and videos in promoting English? Gonzalez
(1988c: 44) reports that the upper, middle and educated classes prefer videos in
English. The lower socioeconomic classes prefer them in Filipino. Attendance
at movies follows a similar pattern in Metro Manila. Outside Metro Manila
movies in Filipino are more popular than movies in English (Gonzalez and
Bautista 1981: 131–132, Pascasio 1988). How do these reported trends re¶ect
the movie going reported by the teachers in my survey? Are movies encouraging English or Filipino among the teachers?
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
Table 6.7 Teachers and English language movies: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas
(Vis) compared by age in percentage
MM
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
Vis
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
(n=494)
(n=74)
(n=130)
(n=98)
(n=192)
(n=356 )
(n=103)
(n=104)
(n=67)
(n=82)
went to movies
last month
movie was
in English
57.49
83.78
66.15
48.98
45.83
47.19
78.64
42.30
32.89
25.61
62.68
69.35
54.65
56.67
53.64
26.79
32.10
22.73
22.73
19.05
Table 6.7 compares the movie going of teachers in Metro Manila and urban
Visayas. The diŸerence is striking. More than half the teachers in movie-loving
Metro Manila (57.49 percent) reported that they went to the movies in the past
month. Movies were especially popular with the youngest age group as 83.78
percent went to the movies. Close to ªfty percent of even the older teachers
said they went to the movies at least once that month. In all age groups, over
half the movies they saw were in English. In the Visayas the situation is
radically diŸerent. Less than half of the teachers (47.19 percent) went to the
movies the previous month. Although 78.64 percent of the youngest age group
went to the movies, about the same as the youngest group in Metro Manila,
only 25.61 percent of the oldest age group did. Most signiªcantly, in no age
group were more than one third of the movies in English. The average for the
Visayan teachers watching movies in English was 26.79 percent, ranging from
the high of 32.10 percent for the 18–24 age group to the low of 19.05 percent
for those over 45 years of age. Movies are not supporting English outside of
Metro Manila, even among English teachers.
6.2 Reading English
As part of the legacy of 100 years of American style public education for the
general population, the Philippines has one of the highest literacy rates in the
world. The PMP reported a simple literacy rate of 93.87 percent and a functional
literacy rate of 83.79 percent. This high rate holds fairly constant for both urban
and rural areas. The urban rate for simple literacy is 96.32 percent, the rural rate
87
88
Filipino English and Taglish
91.20 percent, and the functional literacy rates are 88.39 percent and 79.12
percent respectively. This lags just behind Japan with 99 percent, Singapore
with 98 percent and the United States with 96 percent.
In spite of these high literacy rates, the popular perception is that Filipinos do not like to read. At the 1987 Solidarity Seminar on Language and
Development, the participants noted that not only do few Filipinos read anything, the audience for literature in general, whether in English or in Tagalog,
is diminishing (Gonzalez 1988c: 36). The publishing industry is the smallest
in Asia (Gonzalez 1988c: 52). This seeming disdain for reading needs to be
investigated more thoroughly before looking at the reading results for my
teachers.
There certainly is no lack of literacy materials in urban areas. In Metro
Manila, for example, newspapers and magazines are sold everywhere along the
streets. The malls have sellers of both new and used books. I had no trouble
keeping my children well supplied with reading materials during my Fulbright
stay. However, most books, including the many used books, were imported.
The PMP noted that in their study 29.82 percent of Filipinos over age 10 had
read a newspaper in the past week, 36.12 percent had read a book, 22.67
percent had read a comic, and 14.44 percent had read a magazine.
As might be expected, the reading rates were much higher for Metro Manila
than for the Visayas. In Metro Manila 69.12 percent had read a newspaper, 41.22
percent had read a book, 24.75 percent had read a comic, and 20.94 percent had
read a magazine in the past week. In the Visayas, the results were somewhat lower
but still above the national average. In Iloilo, Bacolod, and Cebu City in the
Visayas only a third of the residents had read the newspaper. Nearly that many
had read a comic. Only in Tacloban were the results less encouraging. Only 16.95
percent had read a newspaper in the past week. More had read a comic (17.37
percent). The rates of book reading ranged from 49.35 percent in Bacolod to
30.53 percent in Tacloban. Filipinos may not be reading great literature, but this
is hardly the picture of a people who do not like to read.
Traditionally, literacy has provided strong support for English, particularly
among the educated. Academic writing continues to be in English in spite of
the switch to bilingual education. There are annual literary contests to encourage the writing of English and Filipino poetry, ªction, short stories, novels,
dramas, even movie and TV scripts (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1996: 158). As late
as 1988 Pascasio was noting that English predominated in local print media.
What we might call public literacy continues to be in English. Advertisements,
billboards, tra¹c advisories, warnings and advice to pedestrians and customers
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
at businesses, and instructions on products are in English. However, the picture seems to be changing for private literacy where the reader can select a
preferred language.
According to the PMP there are 72 daily newspapers in the Philippines.
Most of these (42) are published in Metro Manila. The total in Metro Manila
includes 12 broadsheets, 25 tabloids, and 5 Chinese dailies. All the broadsheets
publish in English. The tabloids generally use Filipino with some English and
Taglish. The more serious tabloids have some columns written in English
(Encanto 1997). In the rest of the country weekly newspapers predominate. In
1995 there were 245 of these. Most of these are bilingual or trilingual. Some use
English and Filipino or English and a local dialect. That the many broadsheets
continue to publish in English should bode well for English. The Philippine
Daily Inquirer (October 2, 2000) reported that the Asia Research Organization
(ARO) found that 52 percent of Filipinos nationwide read the newspaper,
considerably higher than the 29.82 percent reported by the PMP. In Metro
Manila that rises to 74 percent. However, this includes reading both English
broadsheets and Tagalog tabloids. Only about 14 percent nationwide read
English language broadsheets and the percentage is dropping. The remaining
38 percent prefer tabloids, which tend to be in Tagalog. The ARO found that
the readers of the English language broadsheets tend to be businessmen,
professionals, and college students. In other words, for one type of private
literacy Filipinos are not selecting English. The newspapers provide English
language support only for a special subset of the population.
In addition to newspapers, there are 52 magazines published in the Philippines, 39 of which are printed in Metro Manila. Only four of the magazines
published in Metro Manila appear in English. The rest are published in Filipino. Some magazines published in the rest of the country appear in local
languages. Thus another form of private literacy supports Filipino rather than
English. For the same subset that prefers English language newspapers, professional journals and international magazines in English are available.
Perhaps the most popular choice for private literacy comes in the form of
komiks. According to the 1995 Philippine Media Factbook (Philippine Information Agency 1995) 89 komiks appear weekly or twice weekly, all in Filipino with
occasional English text when one of the characters is depicted as a foreigner or
a Filipino from the upper social class. Since the PMP found that more than 22
percent of the population over age 10 read comics in any given week, comics
are a powerful tool for Filipino. In many provinces the percentage that reads
comics rises to over 40 percent.
89
90
Filipino English and Taglish
Which language do the teachers in my sample use when they exercise their
literacy skills? Are they too switching to Filipino as the rest of the population
seems to be doing, or are they maintaining the educated pattern of reading in
English? Let us look ªrst at newspapers, magazines and journals, then books.
6.2.1 Newspapers
Table 6.8 looks at the preferred language when these teachers read newspapers.
There is little diŸerence in language preference among the age groups so only
the general summaries for Metro Manila and the Visayas are given. Note that
these teachers are more likely to read newspapers at least once a week than the
general population.
Table 6.8 Teachers and newspaper reading: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis)
compared by language and reading frequency in percentage
MM (n=494)
Never read news
A few times a week
Almost daily
Overall preference
Vis
Never read news
A few times a week
Almost daily
Overall preference
(n=11)
(n=248)
(n=235)
(n=356)
(n=9)
(n=289)
(n=58)
English
LANGUAGE
Filipino
Both
69.76
72.76
71.22
1.61
0.43
1.04
28.63
26.81
27.74
75.09
77.59
75.50
5.53
1.72
4.90
19.38
20.69
19.60
Whereas the PMP reported a national average of 29.82 percent, and a Metro
Manila average of 69.12 percent and the ARO reported 52 percent and 74
percent respectively regularly reading a newspaper, all but 11 (2.23 percent) of
the 494 teachers in Metro Manila and 9 (2.53 percent) of the 356 in the Visayas
read a newspaper in a given week. As expected, most read newspapers only in
English. Surprisingly, about thirty percent of the teachers in Metro Manila read
Filipino tabloids at least occasionally. About twenty ªve percent of the teachers
in urban Visayas do. This indicates that the tabloids are beginning to attract the
educated readers.
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
6.2.2 Magazines and journals
Table 6.9 shows the preferred language for teachers when they read magazines
and professional journals. There is little diŸerence between the age groups so
they have been combined. Note that there is also little diŸerence in language
preference between Metro Manila and the Visayas. Nearly everyone claims to
have read a magazine or journal recently. Most commonly they report reading
a professional journal, a woman’s magazine, a news magazine, or a religious
publication. Unlike the general population, their magazine reading is overwhelmingly in English only.
Table 6.9 Teachers and the language of magazine and journal reading: Metro Manila
(MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentage
English
MM (n=477, 96.56% of teachers)
Vis (n=351, 98.60% of teachers)
Combined (n=828, 97.41 % of teachers)
83.65
80.63
82.37
LANGUAGE
Filipino
1.26
2.85
1.93
Both
15.09
16.52
15.70
6.2.3 Books
Table 6.10 shows the preferred language for teachers in their pleasure reading
over the last six months. Again, there is little diŸerence between Metro Manila
and urban Visayas or between the age groups. English is the preferred language. The teachers noted on their questionnaires that the most popular books
for pleasure reading are religious books or inspirational reading such at the
Chicken Soup for the Soul series. Note, however, that although most teachers
read newspapers weekly and occasionally read magazines, very few had read a
book during the last six months. The combined total for teachers from Metro
Manila and the Visayas who had read a book in the last six months was only
24.94 percent. If English teachers read so few books, the popular conception of
Filipinos in general being non-readers in spite of high literacy skills is probably
true if only books are taken into consideration. However, given the popularity
of newspapers and comics, it would be wrong to say that Filipinos do not read.
They just do not like to read books.
91
92
Filipino English and Taglish
Table 6.10Teachers and language of books in pleasure reading in last six months:
Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentage
English
MM (n=139, 28.14% of teachers)
Vis (n=73, 20.51% of teachers)
Combined (n=212, 24.94% of teachers)
94.96
91.78
93.87
LANGUAGE
Filipino
2.16
4.11
2.83
Both
2.88
4.11
3.30
6.3 The media and the future of English
What do my teachers reveal about the role of the media in promoting English?
As was the consensus of the Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development
in 1987 (Gonzalez 1988c), English continues to be on the wane on radio and
television. The main support that radio gives to English is through music. Even
if the other programming is in Filipino or local languages, the English language
music comes through as popular as ever in all age groups, but especially among
the young. However, except for music, radio promotes Filipino, especially in
the Visayas.
Even though the Filipino television networks broadcast the same mix of
English and Filipino shows throughout the Philippines, teachers in Metro
Manila are more likely to select English language shows than are teachers in the
Visayas if they do not have cable. Cable television has a profound eŸect on
English, increasing dramatically the amount of English language television that
the teachers watch, especially among younger viewers in the Visayas. Among
viewers without cable, television promotes Filipino. Among those with cable, it
promotes English.
Movies play a lesser role in supporting English. In Metro Manila, where
teachers are frequent moviegoers, the movies they decide to view tend to be in
English. In the Visayas where there are fewer movie houses, teachers attend
movies less frequently and these movies tend to be Filipino. English in Filipinomade movies tends to come in the form of Taglish.
In the past, literacy supported English outside the classroom. This is still
true for the teachers in our sample though it is changing for the population at
large. Filipinos primarily read newspapers and comics in Filipino. Even the
teachers are beginning to read newspapers in Filipino. Although almost no
teachers in Metro Manila or the Visayas read newspapers only in Filipino,
about a quarter in Metro Manila occasionally do and about a ªfth in urban
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas
Visayas do. Few teachers, however, ever read books for pleasure. When they
do, they are nearly always in English.
Since English is available in the media throughout the Philippines, it
should be providing second language support for English. However, the consumers are shifting to Filipino, perhaps because they are more comfortable
with the language. For the media to help English to stay alive in the Philippines,
teachers need to make better use of it in the classroom to strengthen its
attractiveness in the language marketplace.
The language of the media is only one element in determining whether or
not the Philippines continues to be an ESL or has switched to being an EFL
nation. We must also look at when Filipinos use English as they interact with
each other in their public and professional lives. That is the subject of the next
chapter.
93
Chapter 7
English teachers and interpersonal relations
in Metro Manila and the Visayas
In the last chapter we saw that although English still has a strong hold on
English teachers in Metro Manila when they interact with the media, in the
Visayas, unless they have cable television, they choose Filipino programming
on television, watch Filipino movies, and listen to Filipino radio. Even in Metro
Manila the hold of English is weakening. Only music and singing in English
still have a strong hold on Filipinos across generations. There was no indication
that this turning-against-English is a youth phenomenon as these patterns
were fairly constant across all age groups. In fact, in most cases, the younger age
groups selected more English than the older. Thus it appears that the mass
media is encouraging the spread of Filipino and Taglish among the general
population, especially outside of Metro Manila. Even reading is switching to
Filipino, though English teachers still prefer English newspapers, books, and
magazines.
Is this shift to Filipino also apparent when looking at when Filipinos use
English with each other in interpersonal activities? Do teachers in the Visayas
use more English than those in Metro Manila? Already in 1970 Ramos had
noted that anyone who persisted in speaking in English when the others had
switched to Taglish was branded a snob or show-oŸ. On the other hand,
anyone who insisted on using pure Tagalog was considered ultra-nationalistic
or having ulterior motives, such as trying to win votes for a cause. Pascasio and
Hidalgo (1973) found that Filipinos switched between English and Tagalog
depending on role-relationships and speech situations. Does this situation
continue some thirty years later? Do Filipinos still ªnd it strange or odd to
communicate in straight English or straight Tagalog among themselves? Are
there occasions when Filipinos are expected to use English unmixed with
Tagalog for sustained periods of time, or has Taglish become the norm for
conversational English?
Bautista (1988: 75) noted that upper class, upper-middle class, and upwardly mobile urban Filipinos begin practically at birth to expose their chil-
96
Filipino English and Taglish
dren to English, with parents, siblings, relatives, and other caretakers talking to
them in both English and Filipino. Gonzalez (1985b) found that in Metro
Manila, Taglish was more frequent than pure English at home and work, for
church and play. College students in Manila and educated people in the
Visayas tended to use English when communicating with absent family members. Barrios et al (1977) surveyed the language usage of university students in
eight high status Metro Manila colleges. They found that at school the respondents used Taglish that was predominantly English. At home or at church the
Taglish leaned more towards Tagalog. In a second study to compare the usage
of students in high status schools with those in less prestigious public ones,
they found that those attending less prestigious schools tended to use Tagalog.
Both groups used Taglish which slightly leaned towards English when speaking
to superiors.
Pascasio and Hidalgo (1973) in their study of when college students at
three exclusive private universities in Manila switch between English and
Tagalog found that these middle and upper middle class Filipinos used more
Tagalog than English at home, more English than Tagalog at school, and spoke
English and Tagalog equally in social gatherings. They used Tagalog and English equally with brothers and sisters, friends and schoolmates. With professors and school administrators they almost always used English and with older
people at social gatherings more English than Tagalog. To speak to the household help, they used almost only Tagalog. However, to speak to strangers or
rank and ªle personnel at school or at social gatherings, English and Tagalog
were used equally. In other words, these surveys in the 1970s and 1980s found
that English implies respect and social distance, Taglish implies congeniality,
and Tagalog denotes a lack of status.
What is the usage pattern for my teachers in Metro Manila and in urban
Visayas ten to twenty years later? I did not survey their usage at home with
other family members. However, I did ask when they use English when interacting with colleagues at work, with strangers on the street, with business
personnel to begin conversations, and when participating in religious activities. In spite of being English teachers, do they follow the norm established
thirty years ago of using Taglish rather than English in interpersonal relations
to show solidarity with fellow Filipinos? Their usage patterns may reveal
whether or not in the urban setting there is enough support for English
outside the schools and independent of the media for the Philippines to be
considered an ESL nation.
English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas
7.1 English at work
For most Filipinos the vernacular is used at work with co-workers, whereas
English, and sometimes Filipino, is used with the o¹ce head. Professionals and
semi-professional use more English, while non-professionals use more vernacular and Filipino. But what is the situation at school among English teachers and other faculty? With the coming of bilingual education, there is no
longer an English only policy. Still, we might expect talk between English
language professionals to be in English. However, participants at the 1988
Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development noted that test results and
classroom observations indicate that teachers using English as a medium of
instruction were weak in their English language skills (Gonzalez 1988c: 15).
Llamson (1984: 112) found these weak language skills re¶ected in when teachers used English with each other. Only 24.4 percent of teachers in his Metro
Manila sample used only English, whereas, 40.7 percent used Taglish, and 33.3
percent spoke only Tagalog with each other.
In my survey the percentage of teachers who use only English with each
other has slipped even more and the use of Taglish has increased (Table 7.1).
The teachers both in urban Visayas and in Metro Manila use predominantly
Taglish when conversing with each other. In Metro Manila, the usage of
English, Filipino, or Taglish is fairly constant across the age groups, though the
youngest age group is somewhat more likely to use only English than are the
others (about 15 percent for ages 18–24 compared to about 10 percent for the
older). Unexpectedly, in view of the media results discussed in the last chapter,
Table 7.1 Teachers and language used with colleagues at work: Metro Manila (MM)
and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages
MM
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
Vis
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
(n=494)
(n=74)
(n=130)
(n=98)
(n=192)
(n=356)
(n=103)
(n=104)
(n=67)
(n=82)
English
Filipino
Taglish
Other
11.13
14.86
10.77
9.18
10.94
7.58
3.88
6.73
10.45
10.98
9.92
9.46
11.54
9.18
9.38
4.21
6.80
3.85
4.48
1.22
77.53
72.47
77.69
81.64
77.08
70.51
75.73
69.23
74.62
62.20
1.42
2.71
0.00
0.00
2.60
17.70
13.59
20.19
10.45
25.60
97
98
Filipino English and Taglish
younger teachers in urban Visayas are less likely to speak only English (3.88
percent) than are the older teachers (over 10 percent for those over age 35).
They are also more likely to use only Filipino (6.80 percent) than the older age
groups (1.22 percent for those over 45). That still lags behind the percentage in
Metro Manila who use only Filipino with other teachers (about 10 percent). In
urban Visayan schools, the use of English is deªnitely on the decline with
Filipino and Taglish gaining in favor, at least among teachers.
The results of when English teachers use English with their supervisors is
closer to Llamson’s ªndings in 1984 though the use of Taglish has increased
(Table 7.2). About a quarter of the teachers in both Metro Manila and urban
Visayas use only English with their supervisors. Interestingly, at least one third
of the youngest age group of teachers in both Metro Manila and the Visayas
indicated that they use only English with their supervisor. For teachers in both
locations, Filipino usage drops when speaking with supervisors, as indicated by
both the drop in the use of Filipino only and the drop in Taglish. English
continues to denote a relationship of respect and formality.
Table 7.2 Teachers and language used with supervisor at work: Metro Manila (MM)
and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages
MM
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
Vis
18–24
25–34
35–44
45+
(n=494)
(n=74)
(n=130)
(n=98)
(n=192)
(n=356)
(n=103)
(n=104)
(n=67)
(n=82)
English
Filipino
Taglish
Other
26.72
33.78
26.92
24.49
25.00
28.37
39.81
20.19
25.37
26.83
6.28
10.81
6.15
6.12
4.69
2.25
1.94
1.93
1.49
3.66
66.8
54.06
66.93
69.39
70.31
60.95
52.43
72.11
62.69
56.10
0.20
1.35
0.00
0.00
0.00
8.43
5.82
5.77
10.45
13.41
Teachers also reported the language they use when they write reports. When
Gonzalez (1985b) reviewed the language surveys conducted in the Philippines
from 1968 to1983, he found that technical reports are in English though
Taglish is often used in intero¹ce memos, even in upper-class o¹ces in
Makati, the ªnancial center of the country. This pattern seems to apply to
when the teachers write reports. Table 7.3 shows that both in Metro Manila
and in the Visayas English remains ªrmly in control of formal reports with a
combined average of 92.91 percent.
English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas
Table 7.3 Teachers and language used in written reports: Metro Manila (MM) and
Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages
MM
(n=450)
18–24 (n=64)
24–35 (n=123)
35–44 (n=97)
45+ (n=184)
Vis
(n=328)
18–24 (n=97)
25–34 (n=93)
35–44 (n=63)
45+ (n=75)
Combined (n=804)
English
Filipino
Taglish
Other
94.54
88.89
91.87
97.94
96.74
90.55
88.69
91.40
85.71
94.67
92.91
1.05
2.78
1.63
1.03
0.00
0.61
1.03
0.00
1.59
0.00
0.87
4.41
8.33
6.50
1.03
3.26
8.54
9.28
8.60
11.11
5.33
6.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.30
0.00
0.00
1.59
0.00
0.13
7.2 English in public places
When might English teachers be expected to use English away from their work?
Pascasio (1988) notes that in government, English is usually the language of
formal transactions. Laws, bills, formal reports and memos are written in
English. In government o¹ces, workers use English and Filipino with the
public. Political campaigns, however, are in Filipino or the local vernacular. In
courts of law, judges and lawyers conduct their trials in English with a translator so testimony in Filipino or the vernacular can be transcribed in English. In
business and industry, English dominates high-level staŸ meetings presided
over by top management. Promotion to top and middle level management
demands competence in English. However, with the rank and ªle, Taglish is
more frequent in face-to-face encounters or in telephone conversations. An
employee usually speaks to his employer in English, though most use Taglish in
less formal situations. Contracts and negotiations with foreigners are in English. Policy statements, memoranda, internal and external reports, minutes
of meetings and o¹cial correspondence are all written in English. However,
Gonzalez (1990: 329) notes that Filipino is rapidly displacing English in intero¹ce communication, in informal board meetings (where Taglish is common), and in interaction in business o¹ces and commercial establishments,
except at the highest levels of management. Pascasio (1978) found that businesses in Metro Manila tended to begin conversations with customers in
English to denote respect and give the customer higher status in order to
encourage a sell.
99
100 Filipino English and Taglish
The situation is diŸerent on the streets and in the markets. Ramos (1970)
notes that on the street when speaking to strangers, pure English is usually used
at ªrst with a shift to Taglish once rapport is gained. However, when speaking to
a person who would be expected to have little formal education, such as a driver,
a salesgirl, or a servant, the conversation would start in Tagalog. Gonzalez
(1985b) notes that market transactions are conducted in the vernacular, though
Filipino is used in places where there is a linguistically mixed population. This
language diŸerence between businesses and markets is re¶ected in the use of
number words. English numbers predominate when counting in banks, department stores, bookstores, and drug stores. Filipino and Spanish numbers predominate in the market.
When do the teachers in my survey use English when interacting with
Filipinos in these settings outside of school? Let us look ªrst at when they use
English on the streets and then when they interact with business personnel.
Table 7.4 reports their responses to the question “When starting a conversation with someone you don’t know on the street, which language do you use?”
There are no patterns or trends according to age groups so I give only the totals
for Metro Manila and urban Visayas. In Metro Manila the teachers indicated
they would speak Filipino (73.88 percent) with Taglish a distant second (22.27
percent). In the Visayas the preferred language was split three ways between
the vernacular (31.46 percent), Taglish (32.86 percent), and Filipino (29.78
percent). In neither location was English expected. This is similar to what
Gonzalez noted for language use in markets rather than to what Ramos found
for the streets.
Table 7.4 Teachers and language used with strangers on the street: Metro Manila
(MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentages
MM
Vis
(n=494)
(n=356)
English
Filipino
Taglish
Other
3.85
5.90
73.88
29.78
22.27
32.86
0.00
31.46
Table 7.5 reports their responses to two questions: “When starting a conversation with someone you don’t know in a business, which language do you use?”
and “When you telephone a business, in which language do you start the
conversation?” Again, there are no patterns or trends according to age groups.
The predominance of English over Filipino or the vernacular, at least in
initiating a conversation in either case, is noted in both Metro Manila and in
the Visayas. However, English dominates much more in Metro Manila. Over
English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas 101
half of the teachers in Metro Manila would begin a conversation at a business
in English and nearly three quarters would begin a telephone call to a business
in English, whereas in the Visayas only slightly more than one third and one
half respectively would do so. Also, teachers in the Visayas are more likely to
use Taglish in both cases than are teachers in Metro Manila. Few in either
location would use Filipino. English continues to be identiªed with business
transactions, at least for initiating a conversation.
Table 7.5 Teachers and language used to start a conversation at a business: Metro
Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentages
MM (n=494)
In Person
By Telephone
Vis (n=356)
In Person
By Telephone
English
Filipino
Taglish
Other
51.62
71.86
13.16
5.47
35.22
22.67
0.00
0.00
39.61
56.46
9.55
5.34
43.26
31.45
7.58
6.74
7.3 English at church
It might seem unusual to look at the use of English in church. When the
Americans arrived 100 years ago, most of the inhabitants had not learned
Spanish because the Spanish priests through the centuries had insisted on
conducting religious activities in the local languages. However, Sibayan
(1978b: 21) found that in Metro Manila in response to the question “In what
language do you identify your feelings best with the Lord?” more indicated
English (39.2 percent) than Pilipino (37.1 percent) with 15 percent saying
both. He concluded that this re¶ects the practice of conducting religion classes
in private schools in English with more memorized prayers being in English.
Llamson (1984: 111–112) found that in Metro Manila 32.4 percent of teachers
used English with their priest and another 32.4 percent used a mixture of
English and Pilipino, i.e. Taglish. Most reported using English in prayers.
Barcelona (1977: 70) found that 38 percent of her respondents nationwide
used English in prayer.
This use of English in religious practice re¶ects the role that the Catholic
Church played in promoting English after Governor Taft negotiated the replacement of Spanish-speaking friars with English-speaking ones after the
Americans assumed control of the Philippines at the beginning of the century.
102 Filipino English and Taglish
Even the most exclusive private schools and universities switched to English by
the 1920s. As we saw in Chapter 4, nationwide 40 percent of high school
students are in private schools, nearly 80 percent of university students are,
most of them run by the Catholic Church. As a result, most educated Filipinos
received their religious instruction in English as they continued through high
school and college. Only the Protestant churches have tended to use the
vernaculars through the years, though the Episcopal Church promoted English
in the remote highlands of the Cordillera in northern Luzon as part of their
missionary work. Even today, the Cordillera is known for producing some of
the best English speakers in the Philippines.
Gonzalez (1998a: 494–495) notes that in the majority of places outside
Metro Manila, the local language is used for preaching and for religious rituals,
with English used occasionally in church services depending on the preference
of the worshippers. However, English is especially common in church services
among the educated elite. Sometimes Filipino is used instead of the local
language, depending on the attitude of the community toward Filipino. During my stay in the Philippines I noted that English is common in church
services, especially in Metro Manila, where it is not uncommon to hear English
masses when walking past a Catholic church.
Sibayan (1985: 587) predicted that the use of English would decrease
in religion and the use of Taglish and Filipino would increase. Gonzalez
(1985a: 140) noted that clerics in Metro Manila tend to use Taglish to establish
rapport with an audience and to show sympathy for the needs of the youth.
Pascasio (1988) conªrmed that English, Filipino, the vernacular, or Taglish
may be used in religious activities depending on the setting, the clientele, and
the o¹ciator. She noted that Taglish predominates among the better educated
when they gather for religious purposes as the communicants establish rapport
with one another, emphasize certain points in discussions, explain, exemplify,
compliment, request, argue, greet, and take leave.
In my survey I only asked those who attended church during the past
month to report the language used in the sermon and the language used in
singing. If they attended religious classes or group discussions, they were asked
to report which language they used. Tables 7.6 and 7.7 show the bilingual
nature of religious services in the Philippines. Notice that teachers more commonly attend English language church services in the Visayas (41.52 percent)
than in Metro Manila (24.89 percent). In Metro Manila, the sermon is most
commonly in Taglish (41.49 percent). About one third in Metro Manila attend
Filipino church services only. In the Visayas both the singing and the sermon
English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas 103
are more likely to be in English. Only twenty percent attend church services in
the vernacular. In the Visayas, the youngest age group has the highest rate of
attendance at English language services (48.98 percent English sermon, 65.31
percent English singing).
Table 7.6 Teachers and language heard in church sermons: Metro Manila (MM) and
Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages
MM
(n=470)
18–24 (n=69)
25–34 (n=119)
35–44 (n=95)
45+ (n=187)
Combined
Vis
(n=342)
18–24 (n=98)
25–34 (n=100)
35–44 (n=64)
45+ (n=80)
Combined
English
Filipino
Taglish
Other
28.99
25.89
23.16
23.00
24.89
39.13
31.09
36.84
29.41
32.77
31.88
40.34
40.00
46.52
41.49
0.00
1.68
0.00
1.07
0.85
48.98
39.00
34.38
41.25
41.52
8.16
9.00
1.56
6.25
6.72
31.63
32.00
34.38
27.50
31.29
11.22
20.00
29.68
25.00
20.47
Table 7.7 Teachers and language used in church singing: Metro Manila (MM) and
Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages
MM
(n=470)
18–24 (n=69)
25–34 (n=119)
35–44 (n=95)
45+ (n=187)
Combined
Vis
(n-342)
18–24 (n=98)
25–34 (n=100)
35–44 (n=64)
45+ (n=80)
Combined
English
Filipino
Taglish
Other
30.43
36.14
29.47
26.73
30.21
44.93
35.29
36.84
32.09
35.75
24.64
26.89
33.69
40.1
33.19
0.00
1.68
0.00
1.07
0.85
65.31
49.00
43.75
42.50
51.17
11.22
14.00
21.88
12.50
14.33
14.29
17.00
12.50
18.75
15.79
9.18
20.00
21.87
26.25
18.71
As we can see in Table 7.8 slightly more than half of the teachers in Metro
Manila and two thirds of the teachers in the Visayas report that they took part
in religious discussion groups during the past month. English and Taglish are
used more in the discussion groups than in the church services themselves. In
discussion groups the rate for using only Filipino or only a vernacular drops in
both Metro Manila and the Visayas.
104 Filipino English and Taglish
Table 7.8 Teachers and language used in church discussion groups: Metro Manila
(MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages
English
MM
(n=271, 54.86%)
18–24 (n=46)
41.30
25–34 (n=61)
31.15
35–44 (n=56)
28.57
45+ (n=108)
25.93
Combined
30.26
Vis
(n=238, 66.85%)
18–24 (n=78)
35.90
25–34 (n=66)
40.91
35–44 (n=45)
42.22
45+ (n=49)
51.02
Combined
41.60
Filipino
Taglish
Other
17.40
18.03
21.43
14.81
17.34
41.30
49.18
50.00
59.26
52.03
0.00
1.64
0.00
0.00
0.37
3.84
3.03
11.11
2.04
4.62
55.13
46.97
37.78
36.74
45.80
5.13
9.09
8.89
10.20
7.98
7.4 Interpersonal relations and the future of English
This look at English in the daily life of teachers revealed some interesting
patterns. Taglish rather than English has become the language that teachers use
in the schools. English remains the language of business, at least for initiating
conversations in person or on the telephone. Filipino and vernaculars are
seldom used for these purposes. In the Visayas, more Taglish is used than
English when initiating a business transaction though Taglish is also common
in Metro Manila. Sibayan (1985: 586) predicted that Taglish would be the
main language for interpersonal communication in business and education.
This seems to be coming true.
Surprisingly, religion is supporting English and Taglish among teachers
both in the Visayas and Metro Manila, though the support for English is
stronger in the Visayas. The amount of English and Taglish increases when
teachers interact in religious discussions. This may re¶ect the use of English
and Taglish for intellectual discussions in the classroom. Another surprise is
that outside the domain of religion, the support for English is weaker in the
Visayas than in Metro Manila.
The results of this survey of teachers in Metro Manila and in the Visayas
show that the status of English has become blurred. Other than for reading and
writing, there is no sphere of daily usage that draws Filipinos to English. In
spheres once reserved for English, either in interpersonal relations or in the
media, Taglish is coming to predominate. Is enough English still being used
English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas 105
outside the classroom so that English remains a second language in the Philippines? What are the characteristics of this English? Should Taglish be considered the new English? These questions will be examined in further detail in Part
C of this study as evidenced by the way English and Taglish are used in the
media.
For teachers at least, English is not a foreign language. It or Taglish is used
everyday in a variety of interactions with other Filipinos. But what about less
educated Filipinos, especially those who live in more remote areas of the
Philippines, in particular northern Luzon and Mindanao in the south? What is
the status of English, Taglish, and Filipino among that population? Is the use of
English in the media and interpersonal relations su¹cient to support the informal acquisition of English and maintain English language proªciency outside
the classroom? My survey did not draw a large enough sample to draw conclusions about the use of English among teachers in Northern Luzon and
Mindanao. However, I did collect supplemental information from linguists
associated with the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL). Before we look in
Part C at the characteristics of Taglish and Filipino English as they are modeled
to the masses through the media, let us take a brief look at the evolving
language situation in rural areas of northern Luzon and Mindanao based on
information from SIL and the Philippine Media Proªle in the next chapter.
Chapter 8
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
In my workshop activities as a Fulbright scholar, I was usually limited to
provincial capitals in the Visayas and central Luzon so I was not able to observe
the social support for English in more rural areas in any detail. As Quakenbush
(1989) and Hall (1991) point out, the linguistic situation in these areas is more
complicated than in Metro Manila or other urban centers. Filipinos in these
areas may need to communicate in as many as four diŸerent languages as they
carry on their aŸairs. At one level, they need to use their own minority language
and perhaps one or two other languages spoken in nearby villages. At the next
level they use one of eight regional lingua francas. At the third level they use the
national language Filipino as they watch television, listen to the radio, go to the
movies, or otherwise interact with the media. At the fourth level are school
languages, in particular, English and in some schools in Mindanao, Arabic.
Thus, multilingualism rather than simple bilingualism is the norm in rural areas.
To get a feel for what is happening outside the urban setting and away from
the in¶uence of Tagalog, I sent a questionnaire to linguists working for the
Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), which has been developing literacy
programs among various minority language groups in isolated regions of the
Philippines since 1953. I received responses from 28 linguists serving in CAR
(the Cordillera Administrative Region, sometimes known as the Mountain
Provinces), in Region I (Ilocos), and in Region II (Cagayan Valley) in northern
Luzon and in three of the four provinces on the large island of Mindanao in the
far south, Region IX (Western Mindanao), Region XI (Southern Mindanao)
and Region XII (Central Mindanao). These linguists had been serving in these
minority language areas from 1 to 45 years with an average of 11 years. They
reported on recent population changes including migration both into and out
of the areas, the eŸect of migration on local language usage, the availability of
electricity in support of radio, television and other mass media, and the spread
of English, Filipino, and Taglish.
Ilocano is the regional lingua franca in northern Luzon. Although CAR
and Regions I and II share Luzon with Metro Manila, they are located in the
mountainous north of the island. Region I hugs the narrow coast between the
108 Filipino English and Taglish
South China Sea and the Cordillera mountain range that runs north to south
separating Regions I and II. The infrastructure of Region I is the best in
northern Luzon because of the largess of native son President Marcos, the long
time president of the Philippines who was deposed for corruption in the People
Power Revolution of 1986. Region II is bounded by the Cordillera Mountains
on the west and south and the Sierra Madre on the east. Some call this isolated
river valley that ¶ows northward away from Manila Luzon’s last frontier, as
there is no easy connection to the rest of Luzon. Rugged and largely unexplored, CAR separates these two regions. Its people have resisted assimilation.
Unlike the rest of the Philippines, Christianity came not with the Spaniards but
with the Americans through Episcopal missionaries. As a result of their work,
people from these provinces have the reputation of speaking the best English in
the Philippines. Baguio, the mile high summer capital established by the
Americans, and the rice terraces of Benawe attract thousands of foreign tourists each year.
Mindanao, second only to Luzon in size, lies south of the Visayas, a day or
two journey from Manila by ferry, depending on the route. It is of irregular
shape with ªve major peninsulas and ªve major mountain systems. The island
has an abundance of minerals, including nickel, copper, silver, and gold and has
great agricultural resources. However, the island has not been fully developed
because of continuing con¶ict between the Muslim and the Christian population. Until the Americans came, Muslim Mindanao was never completely
controlled by the government in Manila. After the Second World War, the
newly independent Philippines encouraged hundreds of thousands of Visayans
to move there to help develop the resources. Now the Muslims are in the
minority. As a result of this migration, Cebuano has become the lingua franca
in most areas. Because of civil unrest, infrastructure has been slow to develop.
Travel within the island is mostly by plane or boat. In the last decade, new
regions have been formed in Mindanao as part of a plan to bring economic
development and political stability to the island. Since the data for our discussion is based on the alignment of regions in 1990, we will follow that political
configuration. Region IX (Western Mindanao) has been the center of many
government skirmishes with Muslim separatists. Zamboanga, the largest city in
Region IX, was established centuries ago by the Spanish as an outpost to keep
control over the Muslims. Spanish-based Chabacano is widely spoken in the
area. Region XI (Southern Mindanao) is dominated by the rapidly growing port
of Davao, the second largest city in the Philippines and the commercial center
of Mindanao. It also has the largest Chinese population in the Philippines.
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao 109
Region XII (Central Mindanao) lies in an agricultural area west of Region XI.
Region X (Northern Mindanao) was not included in this study.
Since northern Luzon and Mindanao diŸer so much from Metro Manila
and urban Visayas, a look at how well English has penetrated the rural areas
should give us further clues as to the future health of English in the Philippines.
Before we look at when rural Filipinos in these two parts of the country use
English to interact with the media or with each other, let us look at what the
Social Weather Stations (SWS) 1994 survey found were the characteristics of
their English usage.
The SWS results are presented according to the general areas of Luzon,
Visayas, and Mindanao rather than regions so we cannot use the SWS report to
determine English usage in northern Luzon. However we can use the general
ªndings for the use of English in rural areas as a benchmark. The rural average
for all of the Philippines is that 64 percent read English, 43 percent write
English, 65 percent understand spoken English, 42 percent speak English and
33 percent think in English. This is quite a bit lower than the report for the
National Capital Region with 87 percent reading English, 78 percent writing
English, 90 percent understanding spoken English, 73 percent speaking English, and 59 percent thinking in English, but still remarkable considering the
problems in delivering education to rural areas. However, the rates for rural
Mindanao are even lower. There only 43 percent read English, 23 percent write
English, 36 percent understand spoken English, 25 percent speak English, and
22 percent think in English.
8.1 Interacting with English media
Most of the media in the Philippines emanates from Metro Manila. As we saw
in Chapter 6, it comes in a combination of English and Tagalog-based Filipino.
Are these languages understood in outlying provinces? Barcelona (1977) reported the preliminary results of a language usage survey of the National Media
Production Center. They elicited information on language use and proªciency
from 200 respondents in eight sites from rural and urban settings in areas
representing eight major Philippine languages. They found that about half the
respondents understood English radio, television, or movies. About sixty percent understood the same in Tagalog. With that in mind, let us look at the
social support that the media gives English in these outlying provinces.
110 Filipino English and Taglish
8.1.1 North Luzon: Media proªle
Modern media depends on electricity, a scarce commodity outside the National Capital Region for many years. As late as 1987 only 45 percent of
Cagayan Valley (Region II) had electricity (Philippine Information Agency
1988: 67). The rate for the Mountain Provinces (CAR) was not given, but the
rate could be expected to be even lower, given the rugged nature of the area.
However, in Ilocos (Region I) 72 percent had electricity, one of the best rates of
electriªcation outside of the Metro Manila region, re¶ecting the massive development projects instituted by native son President Marcos during his twenty
years in o¹ce. A major push of the Ramos administration from 1992 to 1998
was to make electricity available in all parts of the Philippines. The SIL linguists
report that as a result most remote areas in north Luzon have had electricity for
the last three to ªve years, though often only in houses near main highways.
We would expect this lack of electricity in the Cagayan Valley and the Mountain Provinces to limit severely the in¶uence of the media in promoting
English outside the classroom since television and movies depend on electricity. Radio can penetrate anywhere if batteries are available, but as we have seen,
radio tends to promote Filipino or local languages rather than English.
The Philippine Information Agency (1996) gives the following picture of
northern Luzon in the Philippine Media Proªle 1995–1996 (PMP). Northern
Luzon had a 1995 population of 7,870,000 that was predominantly rural (67.43
percent). Ilocos has four provinces, both the Cordillera or Mountain Provinces
and the Cagayan Valley have ªve provinces. In Ilocos, which has been electriªed
for some time, there are 7 television stations, 37 radio stations, and 26 movie
houses distributed through all the provinces. With the recent arrival of electricity in much of the Mountain Provinces, the number of television stations
has multiplied and nearly equals the number of radio stations (14/16). Each of
its ªve provinces has at least two television stations. Two of the provinces have
no local radio stations. There are few movie houses. Outside of Baguio, the
only city in CAR, most provinces have none or at most one or two movie
houses. In Cagayan Valley there are no television stations but 17 radio stations.
In Batanes Province, a group of islands oŸ the northern coast, there are no
movie houses, but in the rest of the region there are 30. Throughout northern
Luzon, AM radio predominates over FM (40/30) with most FM stations located in urban centers. With these facts in mind, let us look at the reported
viewing and listening habits of the rural residents according to the PMP and
the SIL linguists.
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
8.1.1.1 Radio
Households in northern Luzon are at the national average for ownership of
radios (national, 81.22 percent, Region I 82.21 percent, CAR 79.97 percent,
Region II 81.45 percent). The PMP reports that in rural areas of the Mountain
Provinces drama series were the most frequently tuned in program on radio
(43.33 percent) followed by news (26.79 percent) and music (20.16 percent).
The results are similar for rural Cagayan Valley. Drama series were heard most
frequently by 51.50 percent, followed by news (22.90 percent) and music
(20.33 percent). In rural Ilocos the picture diŸers. The news is heard most
frequently by 37.81 percent followed closely by music (34.61 percent). Drama
is a distant third at 21.37 percent. Since only music on the radio tends to be in
English, radio does not seem to be supporting the maintenance and spread of
English in north Luzon. The SIL linguists report that this is true. In the rural
areas where they work, most people listen to the radio in Ilocano, the regional
lingua franca, or a local language, if it is available. Filipino is a distant second.
Seldom does anyone listen to the radio in English except to listen to music.
8.1.1.2 Television
Except for Region I with its longstanding electriªcation program, the lack of
electricity has had an eŸect on ownership of television. Most of northern
Luzon is signiªcantly below the national average (national 44.93 percent,
Region I 51.81 percent, CAR 23.69 percent, Region II 25.04 percent). In the
Mountain Provinces the most frequently watched shows are drama, news,
sports, and music, in that order. In Ilocos the order is news, drama, music, and
sitcom. In the Cagayan Valley the order is news, drama, movies, and sports.
Drama, sitcoms, and movies tend to be in Filipino with some Taglish unless
they are imported shows from the United States. News may be watched in
either English or Filipino. Music is in English. Sports tend to be broadcast in
Taglish unless they come from overseas. Thus, unless the viewer watches the
news or music in English, television is probably supporting Filipino and
Taglish rather than English.
The SIL linguists reported that in most of the areas where they work,
electricity has only recently arrived, thus there are few if any television sets.
However, in those areas where there has been electricity for several years, not
only television, but cable television is common, especially among the middle
and upper classes. As we saw in Chapter 6, the arrival of cable television has a
profound eŸect on the promotion of English. Thus the continued electriªcation of rural areas with the accompanying spread of cable television could
111
112
Filipino English and Taglish
change the language situation so that television is supporting the spread of
English.
8.1.1.3 Movies and videos
Even in areas with no electricity, the VCR can bring language to the people if
they buy a generator. According to the PMP Northern Luzon is below the
national average for ownership of VCRs (national 13.56 percent, Region I
11.77 percent, CAR 9.13 percent, Region II 12.12 percent). However, the SIL
linguists report that in many towns families have bought generators to power
their VCRs and televisions. Many run video houses or Beta houses and charge
admission. Thus the in¶uence of the VCR is wider than the ownership statistic
would indicate. Several provinces are even above the national average in ownership. For example, on the islands of Batanes province in Region II, where
there are no movie theaters, 33.98 percent of homes have a VCR, higher than
the average for the Metro Manila (30.19 percent).
The PMP reports that in north Luzon, action videos were most watched in
November 1994 (Region I 62.94 percent, CAR 49.32 percent, Region II 49.07
percent). Few attended the movies in a theater in any given week (Region I 4.39
percent, CAR 6.08 percent, Region II 3.95 percent) For those who went to the
movies the preferred movie was overwhelmingly an action ªlm (Region I 52.66
percent, CAR 47.02 percent, Region II 48.04 percent). In action ªlms and
videos, the visual is more important than the language. The SIL linguists
reported that about 80 percent of the movies or videos shown in their areas
were in Filipino. Sometimes action ªlms in English or even Chinese were
shown since the language could be ignored. When I visited small towns in the
Mountain Provinces, I noted how the viewers in public places such as hotel
lobbies or restaurants or even in their homes sometimes minimized the language input of televised action movies and sports by turning the sound low.
Thus VCRs and movies are having a limited eŸect on English.
8.1.1.4 Print
What about print? According to the PMP, in northern Luzon daily newspapers
are imported from Manila. Most local papers appear weekly at most. As a
general rule the locals read newspapers at less than the national average of
29.82 percent (Region I 28.45 percent, CAR 30.83 percent, Region II 23.13
percent) but read comics at a rate higher than the national average of 22.67
percent (Region I 25.22 percent, CAR 27.23 percent, Region II 27.96 percent).
Note that in the Cagayan Valley (Region II) the rate for reading comics exceeds
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
that for reading newspapers. Of those who read newspapers in rural areas, most
of them read national newspapers published in Metro Manila rather than local
newspapers that may be in regional or local languages, though readers in the
Mountain Provinces have a strong preference for local newspapers. (Region I
91.29 percent national, 8.42 percent local, CAR 60.33 percent national, 36.77
percent local, Region II 89.90 percent national, 9.74 percent local). In other
words, the national newspapers, if they are broadsheets, are supporting English. However, the comics are supporting Filipino. Since comic reading is
higher than the national average and newspaper reading lower, literacy skills
are promoting Filipino rather than English in Ilocos, the Mountain Provinces,
and the Cagayan Valley.
8.1.2 Mindanao: Media proªle
Electricity is even scarcer in Mindanao. In 1987 only 31 percent of Western
Mindanao (Region IX) had electricity, 38 percent of Southern Mindanao
(Region XI), and 29 percent of Central Mindanao (Region XII) (Philippine
Information Agency 1988: 67). This electricity was available primarily in the
few urban centers. As in northern Luzon, in mountainous areas electricity is
available only near major roads and highways. The Social Weather Stations
survey (1994) found that although general use of English was lowest in
Mindanao, more in urban Mindanao ranked themselves as having a full ability in English (26 percent) than the national average (18 percent), even higher
than residents of English dominated Metro Manila (22 percent) and second
only to urban Visayas (43 percent). Is this positive attitude towards English
re¶ected in how the residents interact with the media even though there is
little electricity?
The PMP gives the following media proªle. The 1995 population of this
portion of Mindanao was 11,686,000 with 58.42 percent rural, somewhat less
rural than Northern Luzon. The three regions we are looking at, Western
Mindanao, Southern Mindanao and Central Mindanao have ªve provinces
each. There are 21 television stations, but they are not distributed evenly
through the regions. In Western Mindanao all the stations are located in
Zamboanga. In Southern Mindanao they are all in Davao. Only two provinces
in Central Mindanao have television, and they have one station each. Of
course, if the transmitters are located on mountaintops, nearby provinces may
share reception. Although over half the radio stations are located in just two
cities, Zamboanga and Davao, all but one of the provinces have at least one
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Filipino English and Taglish
radio station. Of the 91 stations, AM stations predominate with 51. All of the
provinces have at least one movie house, most have at least four.
8.1.2.1 Radio
The PMP reports that radio ownership is slightly below the national average of
81.22 percent (Western Mindanao 75.09 percent, Southern Mindanao 80.22
percent, Central Mindanao 78.19 percent). In rural Western Mindanao drama
is the most frequently listened to program (48.62 percent) followed by news
(25.11 percent) and music (23.78 percent). In rural Southern Mindanao the
preferences are drama (45.48 percent), music (27.65 percent), and news (24.94
percent). The preferences in Central Mindanao are similar (drama 43.12 percent, music 28.16 percent, news 26.87 percent). With a predominance of AM
stations and an overwhelming preference for radio drama, we would expect
that radio is promoting Filipino and local languages rather than English.
The SIL linguists report that most radio is in Cebuano, the regional lingua
franca. In some areas, the radio is also available in a local language. One
popular type of program allows listeners to call in messages in local languages.
Filipino is a distant second or third in popularity though in some areas English
programs are more popular than Filipino, in particular, the music programs.
In some places younger listeners prefer Filipino music on the radio and can be
heard singing in Filipino rather than English. Thus radio is having a mixed
eŸect on language in Mindanao. In most cases it is promoting the regional
lingua franca rather than either English or Filipino, though both English and
Filipino are receiving some local support.
8.1.2.2 Television
Re¶ecting the lack of electricity, television ownership is considerably below the
national average of 44.93 percent of households (Western Mindanao 26.04
percent, Southern Mindanao 32.61 percent, Central Mindanao 27.41 percent).
However, a much higher percent of the population watches television in any
given week (Western Mindanao 35.19 percent, Southern Mindanao 50.l4 percent, Central Mindanao 46.35 percent). The eŸect of long-term availability of
electricity can be seen in the urban centers of Zamboanga and Davao. There
77.74 percent and 81.94 percent respectively view television in any given week,
approaching the percentage for Metro Manila (91.11 percent).
Among those who have television in rural areas, the order of preference for
most frequently watched shows are drama, movies, news and sports for Western Mindanao and drama, news, movies, and music for Southern Mindanao
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
and Central Mindanao. The PMP reports that the most popular television
stations are a¹liated with the national networks based in Metro Manila.
Gonzalez (1998a: 510) reports that 60 percent of television programming from
Manila is in Filipino and 40 percent in English. That means that depending on
the programs the viewer selects, television is promoting English, Filipino, or
Taglish rather than regional or local languages.
The SIL linguists reported that television ownership in rural areas depends
almost entirely on how long electricity has been available. Most areas have no
electricity or have only received it in the last year or two. Where electricity has
been available from some time, televisions are common, in a many as 50
percent of the homes. Some neighborhoods without electricity from the government are connected to private generators. Cable television is not readily
available except in urban centers that have had electricity for some time. Thus,
except for areas that have had electricity for some time, television is having
little eŸect on English. The SIL linguists report that it is helping spread Filipino.
Children can be heard reciting Filipino television commercials from memory.
8.1.2.3 Movies and videos
Mindanao prefers to see movies on television or VCRs rather than in a theater.
In most rural areas they are the second most popular programming on television. Although television ownership is considerably below the national average, according to the PMP VCR ownership is at or near the national average of
13.56 percent (Western Mindanao 13.61 percent, Southern Mindanao 12.34
percent, Central Mindanao 11.49 percent). Nearly half the families who have
television also have a VCR. As in northern Luzon many homes that have
electricity only from generators consider owning a television with a VCR a
family business. These video houses charge admission to watch movies that are
brought in each week. In fact, the SIL linguists report that in some communities, video houses have replaced the local movie theaters since they are more
economical to run. Very few go to the movies in theaters in any given week
(Western Mindanao 5.57 percent, Southern Mindanao 5.88 percent, Central
Mindanao 5.49 percent). As in Northern Luzon, action ªlms are the overwhelming choice both on video and in the theaters. The SIL linguists report
that nearly all the movies and videos in rural areas are in Filipino.
8.1.2.4 Print
According to the PMP although some of the cities in Mindanao have low
circulation daily newspapers, most provinces have no local newspapers except
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116 Filipino English and Taglish
for a weekly. As a result few in Mindanao rely on print for their source of news.
They report that they read newspapers and comics at a much lower rate than
the national average (Newspapers: national average 29.82 percent, Western
Mindanao 20.66 percent, Southern Mindanao 17.12 percent, Central Mindanao
13.70 percent. Comics: national average 22.67 percent, Western Mindanao
14.68 percent, Southern Mindanao 18.41 percent, Central Mindanao 16.65
percent). Note that for Southern Mindanao and Central Mindanao, more read
comics than newspapers. For those who read newspapers in rural areas, most
read national newspapers from Metro Manila rather than local ones. (Western
Mindanao: national 53.08 percent, local 44.02 percent; Southern Mindanao:
national 81.19 percent, local 18.25 percent; Central Mindanao: national 88.05
percent, local 9.72 percent). As in northern Luzon, literacy skills would be
supporting English if the national newspapers are broadsheets. However,
tabloids and comics support Filipino. Since reading comics is preferred over
reading newspapers, as in northern Luzon, literacy is promoting Filipino over
English.
8.2 Interacting with English in interpersonal relations
In both north Luzon and Mindanao, when is English used in interpersonal
relations in rural areas? Are there certain times when English is expected, even
when speaking to Filipinos of the same ethnic group? When schools were
conducted only in English, the teacher was the chief model for the language in
rural areas. She could also be expected to set the pattern for usage outside of
school because of her special status. Her lifestyle re¶ected the urban experience
she had during her teacher training, possibly in Metro Manila. She was not
only more educated than the small farmers, her regular income allowed her
such amenities as television, stylish clothes, a ¶ush toilet, and a gas or electric
stove (Foley 1976). With the coming of bilingual education, the situation
changed. Now the teacher might just as well be the model for Filipino. As
electricity becomes more available in a community, is television extending the
example of the teacher in speaking English or Filipino?
Quakenbush (1989) may have found the answer when he examined language use among Agutaynen speakers in northern Palawan province, a chain of
islands west of Luzon in Region IV. These island dwellers are mostly ªshermen
and farmers, with a growing number of professionals. He found that although
English is highly esteemed, it has only limited use, mostly by those with
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
advanced education, and then only in educational or other formal contexts.
Filipino, on the other hand, is replacing English as the lingua franca and is on
the verge of replacing local languages among the younger generation, mostly
because of its use in the mass media. Is the situation the same in north Luzon
and Mindanao? Let us look at the SIL reports for clues.
8.2.1 Northern Luzon
The SIL linguists working in rural northern Luzon note that although English
plays a limited role in interpersonal relations in all age groups, the developing
language situation diŸers in the three areas studied. In Ilocos, which has been
electriªed for many years, television is widespread and is common in all social
classes. This is the homeland for Ilocano, the regional lingua franca, so, as
expected, Ilocano is spreading among the various minority languages. However, Filipino is having a strong eŸect on younger speakers of minority languages. They are mixing the two, to the consternation of the older generations.
English for the majority of the people in rural areas is spoken at a very
superªcial level, though the middle class and above speak it quite well. Older
people seldom use Taglish. However, it is increasing among the younger
generation as they hear it modeled in Filipino movies and in Filipino television
shows. Thus television is encouraging the spread of Taglish and Filipino, rather
than English.
The linguists in rural areas of Cagayan Valley report that Ilocano is spreading as an interpersonal language as Ilocanos move into the area. Neither
English nor Filipino are having much impact. Teachers and high school graduates know English and Filipino, but most others know only market Tagalog
and a few English phrases. Ilocano rather than Filipino or English is aŸecting
the local languages.
A third pattern has developed in Mountain Provinces. Historically, CAR
has been known for producing English speakers. Many continue to favor
English over Filipino and mix some English with the minority languages.
However, they seldom use just English with each other. Most keep English and
Filipino separate though Taglish is spreading among the young people through
the in¶uence of television. Many mix English with the minority languages but
seldom do they use English or Filipino outside of school. In spite of television
and video houses, the standard of English is dropping. Ilocano rather than
Filipino is taking over.
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118
Filipino English and Taglish
In all three rural areas in the north, English is not seen as the language for
economic advancement except for those in the middle class. Most in search of
work conªne themselves to other Ilocano-speaking areas. If they seek work
overseas, they tend to go to nearby Hong Kong or Taiwan.
8.2.2 Mindanao
We would expect the situation in Mindanao to diŸer from northern Luzon. It
has been subject to massive migration from the Visayas where English has been
held in high regard but not Filipino. Especially in the large urban centers of
Zamboanga in the southwest and Davao in the southeast we might expect the
use of English to resemble that which the teachers in my survey revealed for the
urban centers in the Visayas in Chapter 7. However, according to the data from
the Social Weather Stations 1994 survey, the urban usage of the English language in Mindanao (62 percent read English, 55 percent write English, 65
percent understand spoken English, 46 percent speak English, and 22 percent
think in English) resembles the rural usage in the Philippines as a whole (64
percent read English, 43 percent write English, 65 percent understand spoken
English, 42 percent speak English, and 33 percent think in English).
Even though the people in urban Mindanao report that they use English
far less than any other area of the Philippines, they rank their ability with the
English language higher than do Filipinos in Metro Manila, (urban Mindanao
full ability 26 percent, Metro Manila 22 percent). This would indicate that they
take special pride in their English, even though they might not use it. But what
is happening in the rural areas? The rates for using English are lowest in rural
Mindanao. Only 12 percent claim full ability in English, 43 percent read
English, 23 percent write English, 36 percent understand spoken English, 25
percent speak English, and 22 percent think in English. Is Filipino spreading at
the expense of English?
The SIL linguists in Western Mindanao around Zamboanga report than
many Visayans have moved into the area. As a result, several languages are
spoken, each with a special purpose. Most of the people they work with are
ªshermen and farmers, though some are o¹ce workers or even government
employees. They ªnd that Tausug has become the trade language between
Muslims whereas Cebuano or Chabacano is the language for non-Muslims.
Sometimes they hear English being used, probably because of the urban in¶uence of Zamboanga.
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
They report hearing little Taglish. English and Filipino are kept as separate
languages, sometimes the third and fourth languages that people learn.
Cebuano is having more of an eŸect on local languages than either English or
Filipino, though under the in¶uence of television and video houses English
phrases such as “hey, man” are appearing in the local languages. Since television is so limited because of a lack of electricity, it does little to enhance English
proªciency in rural areas. However, many areas prefer to use English rather
than Filipino for interethnic communication. Outside of school, neither English nor Filipino plays any role in daily life except to speak with outsiders.
In Southern Mindanao around Davao the SIL linguists report that
Cebuano rather than Filipino is spreading as the lingua franca as thousands of
Visayans move into the rapidly developing area. In some areas other languages
from the Visayas, such as Hiligaynon or Ilongo are widely spoken. Most people
in rural areas are farmers and ªshermen. Vegetable farms and coconut plantations are common. English is used mostly for interacting with the government.
Few speak English unless they have ªnished high school. Most drop out during
elementary school. In some areas only the boys continue in school so the
women know little English or Filipino. Outside of school, English and Filipino
are seldom heard except to speak to outsiders. Some areas prefer to use English
to speak to outsiders, other areas, Filipino. Even those who have little schooling
can pick up Filipino because it is easier to learn since it is related to the local
languages and shares many cognates. However, English, Filipino, and Cebuano
play no role in interpersonal communication other than to speak to those of
other ethnic groups.
In Central Mindanao, which is more rural than the other two regions
under consideration, the SIL linguists report that Cebuano is becoming the
lingua franca. It is also in¶uencing the local languages. Older people who have
an education speak English better than Filipino. The young understand English if they went to high school, but do not speak it well. English is not mixed
with Filipino or other languages, except as a source of loan words. As electricity
spreads, more English and Filipino is being heard, though younger people
prefer to learn English even though it is more of a struggle.
In most rural areas in Mindanao English is not that common. It is not
viewed as the passport for better employment since most have very limited
English proªciency. When they leave for better employment opportunities,
most go to nearby urban centers such as Davao or Zamboanga where Cebuano
is more useful than either English or Filipino. Some go as far away as Manila. If
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120 Filipino English and Taglish
they go overseas, most go to nearby Malaysia or to Saudi Arabia or some other
Muslim country.
8.3 The status of English after 100 years: Some tentative conclusions
After looking at the usage of English among teachers in Metro Manila and in
urban Visayas and the reports of the PMP and SIL linguistics in northern
Luzon and Mindanao, what can we say is the status of English in the Philippines after 100 years? English for interpersonal relations is an urban rather than
a rural phenomenon. It is more common and has more social support in Metro
Manila than in the provinces, even in those provinces that have a positive
attitude towards the language. Its usage is closely related to education, government, and business, with strong ties to religion among the educated.
In Metro Manila, the mass media provides social support for English.
Although television is in both English and Filipino, the educated choose the
English programs. The in¶uence of English increases in homes that have cable.
Movies also support English. Literacy skills also support English through widespread reading of English language newspapers. English is also more prevalent
in interpersonal relations, being used to initiate conversations in businesses
and converse with supervisors at work. The use of Taglish is also widespread.
English continues to be a second language in Metro Manila, at least among
the educated.
In urban Visayas, even though the same social support for English is
available and surveys indicate that the attitude towards English is more favorable than in Metro Manila, less English is used. Filipino television is preferred
over English, as is Filipino radio. Cable television increases the presence of
English in the home, but not as much as in Metro Manila. Filipino language
movies are preferred over English language ones. Literacy skills also give less
support to English. Although the Visayan teachers in my survey read newspapers more frequently than the teachers in Metro Manila, other surveys show
that in the population at large, fewer read newspapers in urban Visayas than in
Metro Manila. In some areas more read comics in Filipino than read newspapers, which may be in English or Filipino. They were also less likely to use
English with colleagues at work or in business activities, but more likely to use
it with their supervisor or in religious activities. Still, in both Metro Manila and
urban Visayas television attracts younger audiences to English, especially with
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao
the spread of cable television. Except for the power of cable television, English
is losing its status as a second language among the educated in urban Visayas.
In rural areas, English does not play a role in interpersonal relations
because of limited proªciency. As Quakenbush (1989) noted in his look at
languages in rural Palawan, English must be learned in school. Although it has
more prestige than Filipino, Filipino is rivaling the local lingua franca because
it can be learned informally through the media. In our review of the SIL data
we found that English is limited to the middle classes who have ªnished high
school. Even in areas with a positive attitude towards English, regional lingua
francas are preferred over either English or Filipino for interpersonal relations,
in particular with outsiders. The media plays a limited role in supporting
English because of the lack of electricity. The available media supports the local
lingua franca or Filipino. Literacy supports Filipino since the most popular
reading is comics. As electricity becomes available and more buy television sets
and are connected to cable the language situation may change since cable
television increases the amount of English from both Metro Manila sources
and from overseas that is available in the home in both urban and rural areas.
Thus electricity holds the key to the future of English and its spread among
those who are not aŸected by the forces of urbanization and inter-island
migration in search of work. Reading in English can be avoided. But as electricity spreads, so does television, especially cable television with its attractive
programming. In remote areas without television, English is seldom heard
outside of school since it plays little if any role in interpersonal relationships.
This lack of social support outside the academic setting makes English an
unattractive language for many school children, especially now that there is
bilingual education and teachers are free to use local languages in school. Thus
in rural areas, English now has the status of a foreign language.
Taglish is not an issue in these rural areas since English is seldom used
outside the academic setting, and when it is, it is seldom mixed with Filipino.
However, with the spread of television, not only English but Taglish will be
modeled to the young English language users since it is the informal version of
English that has been developed by the educated in Metro Manila, the chief
source of television programming. Thus we need to look at what type of
English is modeled to the masses through Philippine television. That is the
major focus of the chapters in Part C.
121
Part C
Modeling English to the masses
A look at the media
If English is truly a second rather than a foreign language in the Philippines,
there must be opportunities for informal acquisition of the language outside
the classroom. As we saw in part B, the main promoters of English in the public
sphere are music, newspapers, and television. All are available to all social
classes in all parts of the nation. However, Tagalog is also promoted through
the media. Thus it is more than simply a matter of whether English is available
for local consumption. For two languages such as Tagalog and English to
maintain themselves side by side, the local population must derive personal
beneªt from using both languages. Both English and Tagalog are second
languages for most Filipinos; both have long standings as national languages.
In other words, both are competing with each other for local aŸection. As
programmers, scriptwriters, advertisers, journalists, and others decide which
language to use in the media, they consciously or subconsciously reveal their
feelings about the social appropriateness of each language. Their language
choices at times hide messages, much like the innuendos and snide remarks
that might surface from time to time in a long simmering family squabble. In
part C we will look at this language squabble from various perspectives with a
focus on how well the media supports the spread of English as a second rather
than a foreign language.
Our family did not have television while in the Philippines. However,
during my stay in hotels in various parts of the country I took note of the
language switching in the local programming. Language switching is such the
norm that the title from the TV guide is not an accurate indication of when a
program is in English or in Tagalog. Sometimes a show with a Tagalog name is
predominantly in English and vice versa. For example, Usapang Business is a
business show with a newsmagazine format that is predominantly in English.
Mixed Nuts is a comedy sketch show almost entirely in Tagalog. Even English
and Tagalog commercials appear mixed in together with programs in either
124 Filipino English and Taglish
language. Without actually watching the programs and measuring with a
stopwatch, it is di¹cult to determine how much television programming on a
given evening is in English and how much is in Tagalog.
Before we returned to the United States, I had a friend tape Monday
evening television May 26, 1997, on ABS-CBN 2, the most popular television
network. He also recorded on the following Tuesday a Tagalog movie and a
comedy show from GMA 7, the second most popular network, and on Wednesday a basketball game from IBC 13, the third most popular network, primarily
a sports channel. Approximately 40 percent of the programming for those three
nights was in English. One half hour of news was entirely in English, a one hour
business show was about three quarters in English, and a nearly three hour
basketball broadcast was about two thirds in English. About ten minutes worth
of scenes in a televised Tagalog movie were in English. In addition 70 percent of
the commercials were in English. That means that even those who prefer
Filipino programming hear quite a bit of English since English is mixed into
every show at least through the commercials.
What type of English is being modeled in this informal learning context?
At the 1988 Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development (Gonzalez
1988c), the participants noted that the English used in the media is not the
English language that language planners talk about. Richards (1982) notes that
one characteristic of new Englishes around the world is a codeswitching variety
that serves as an informal register. In the Philippines this code switching
variety is called Taglish. We have seen that it has become the language of the
elite in business, in schools, in religion, in the media, and elsewhere. Although
at one time it was not unusual to ªnd Filipinos who spoke only English to each
other and even claimed English as their native language, a Filipino who uses
nothing but English today among Filipinos is rare. Thus any look at English in
the media must look at codeswitching with its underlying social messages
The six chapters in Part C look at how English is modeled in the media
from diŸerent perspectives. The ªrst ªve chapters look at commercials, situation comedies, sports broadcasting, a movie of the week, and other typical
television shows from an evening of viewing. The ªrst two chapters look at how
English is modeled from a linguistic standpoint. Chapter 9 examines the
linguistics of English Tagalog language switching based on Muysken’s (2000)
typology of code-mixing. The codeswitching data comes from the play-by-play
commentary of two sports commentators at a televised basketball game. How
much English does a Filipino need to know to follow the switching pattern
modeled by these commentators? Chapter 10 looks at the role that commer-
Modeling English to the masses 125
cials play as informal language teachers in promoting the acquisition of English
outside the classroom so that Filipinos can engage in the switching pattern
modeled by the basketball commentators. Are commercials structured in such
a way to teach communicative competence with its associated grammatical,
discourse, pragmatic, and strategic competences? The next three chapters look
at the social messages that accompany English-based rather than Tagalogbased code switching. Chapter 11 looks at how English in commercials
promotes values traditionally associated with the social engineering of the
American colonizers a century ago: the English language enriches, empowers,
and ennobles Filipinos. Chapter 12 examines in ªve case studies the language
switching of successful Filipinos. How do they present themselves to the public
in televised interviews? Four of the case studies come from a business news
magazine show. The ªfth is an interview with the coach and a basketball player
on the winning team in the basketball ªnals analyzed in Chapter 9. What do the
principles of Accommodation Theory reveal of their adherence to the values
and principles which were promoted by the commercials in Chapter 11?
Chapter 13 examines the backlash against English that is revealed in the
language switching in two Tagalog sitcoms, a comedy sketch show, and a
televised Tagalog movie. How do the social messages that advertisers promote
by using English in commercials con¶ict with the messages that English portrays in shows aimed at the masses?
The ªnal chapter of Part C shifts the focus from television to newspapers as
it looks at the English in newspapers which were sold on the streets of Manila
on Monday April 21, 1997. How does language switching in the newspapers
re¶ect the social messages of language switching on television? Has Taglish
become an informal style for written English as it has for spoken English? What
does the use of Taglish in the press imply for the future of English in the
Philippines?
Chapter 9
The linguistics of language switching
in basketball commentary
The Philippines is engulfed with basketball fever. The sport is close to the
hearts of millions of Filipinos across generations. Probably only cock ªghting
surpasses it in popularity. Not only are games of the Philippine Basketball
Association televised throughout the country, so are games of the National
Basketball Association from the United States. College and professional teams
are located throughout the islands. Newspapers regularly report basketball
scores and team standings for both the Philippines and the United States.
Since basketball telecasts are part of the 40 percent of local television
programming that is in English, a look at the language used by the commentators should give insights into Filipino English as it is modeled to the masses in a
popular program. The viewers at home can see and hear that English is the
language of basketball as soon as they turn on the program. In the background
they can hear the arena announcer speaking only English. The texts of all
courtside advertisements and the motto written on the playing ¶oor of this
particular arena, “Sportsmanship is our goal,” are in English. Even the text on
the television screen giving background on players or reviewing plays is in
English. However, if the viewers are native English speakers, they soon note
incomprehensible stretches as the play-by-play commentators switch from
English to Tagalog in the broadcast. What is the linguistic form of this Taglish
that is being modeled to the masses?
That Taglish rather than pure English is modeled to the masses in Filipino
English language programming should not be unexpected given the nature of
English in the Philippines. As Fairclough (1995) points out, English worldwide
is undergoing an informalization process where public or professional English
is adopting conversational forms to make it accessible to the general public. As
we have seen in earlier chapters, the informal version of English that has
developed in the Philippines mixes English and Tagalog. Thus as television
informalizes its English language broadcasts, Taglish rather than pure English is
modeled to the masses. The use of Taglish refocuses the dilemma that Gonzalez
128 Filipino English and Taglish
(1998b) notes that linguists face when deciding whose English should be
described when investigating the English language in the Philippines. Should it
be the spoken English of the better private schools, the English of the carefully
edited English language press, or the less educated English of the streets? As
Ferguson advises in his foreword to Kachru’s (1982) collection of papers on
English in a variety of world contexts, rather than follow the model traditionally
favored by American linguists of using only the monolingual version of English
as the basis for a linguistic description, we should recognize that much of the
world communicates in two or more languages on a daily basis and characteristically mixes them in everyday conversation. As Romaine (1989) points out,
code switching is what is modeled to children in these societies and learning
how to codeswitch in socially appropriate ways is an important part of developing communicative competence. In Philippine homes, for example, though
most children do not learn English as their native language, Taglish is modeled
to them by parents and other family members, yayas ‘child care workers’, and of
course television. Thus the linguistic characteristics of this codemixing rather
than the particulars of pure Filipino English should be of more interest as we
look at how television informally promotes English.
9.1 A model for language mixing
Since Taglish has developed as an informal style of English, social norms
govern its use. Gingras (1974), for example, found that Mexican Americans
raised in a community in the United States gave diŸerent grammatical judgments on what kinds of code-mixed sentences were appropriate than recent
immigrants from Mexico. Thus we can expect that although there may be
some general principles that govern code switching, rules for when it is appropriate to code switch in a conversation may vary in diŸerent speech communities. This makes it di¹cult for an outsider like myself to get a true picture of the
phenomenon since my presence as a European-looking native speaker of
English who cannot speak Tagalog automatically changes the social dynamic
and thus the switching behavior. I could describe the linguistics of written
Taglish as it appears in tabloid newspapers, novels, and other written forms,
but these are subject to editing and may not re¶ect everything that is happening
in the spoken language. For that reason, I decided to use for my description of
Taglish a transcript of the fourth quarter of Game Five of the nationally
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 129
televised 1997 Philippine Basketball Association ªnals between Gordon’s Gin
and the Purefood Corned Beef Cowboys. The game was played on Wednesday
May 28, 1997, in the Araneta Coliseum in Quezon City, Metro Manila and was
broadcast on the IBC network, which frequently features sports programming.
The transcription and glosses were provided by Carolina Mendoza, an educated speaker of Tagalog from Manila. The transcription was then divided in
clauses for this analysis. Given the nature of basketball commentary even in the
USA, the clause category includes elliptical clauses in the form of phrases as in
the series of six clauses and elliptical clauses that I have marked in example (1).
Note that in the examples given in this chapter, in order to highlight the
English aspect of Taglish, the Tagalog elements are given in italics. Under the
Tagalog is a literal translation. Under the literal translation is the conversational equivalent in English in quotes. The source code following the examples
indicates the location of the utterance in the transcript according to the speaker
and the clause number.
(1) Pumaren looking up. #Six point lead. #Patrimonio nasa gitna. #Finger
in middle
roll.#Wala!# No foul#
nothing
‘Pumaren looking up. Six point lead. Patrimonio in the middle. Finger
roll. Missed. No foul.’ (N99, N100, N101, N102, N103, N104)
Thus the following description of Taglish is based on unscripted language
aimed at a Philippine audience of avid basketball fans. The rapid pace of a very
close game keeps the language ¶owing.
We will look at the language of the two play-by-play commentators, Andy
Jao (better known as Dr. J) and Noli Eala (Noli). Dr. J appears to be in his
forties or ªfties. His English follows the Filipino standard with the air of
formality which has oft been noted by Gonzalez (e.g. 1983, 1992, 1997a). As is
so often heard in Filipino English, he carefully pronounces his vowels, even in
unstressed syllables, and his syllables seem evenly timed. His co-commentator
Noli appears to be in his twenties or thirties and sounds as though he has spent
some time in the United States as his speech has the vowel reductions in
unstressed syllables that are characteristic of American English.
130 Filipino English and Taglish
Table 9.1 Taglish in the speech of two basketball commentators
Words
Total
English
% English
Clauses
Total
Words/clause
English only
% English only
Tagalog only
% Tagalog only
Taglish
% Taglish
Dr. J
Noli
2405
2081
86.53%
2996
1813
60.51%
364
6.61
276
75.83%
37
10.16%
51
14.01%
488
6.14
172
35.25%
143
29.30%
173
35.45%
In Table 9.1 we can see the amount of English and Tagalog the two commentators use. Noli speaks slightly more than Dr. J though Dr. J speaks in longer
utterances as he gives background comments and explanations in careful,
methodical English with little language switching. Dr. J. seems to be targeting
the older generation of Filipinos who feel less comfortable with Taglish. As
slightly less than 14 percent of the running transcription of his speech is in
Tagalog, his switching slips by native speakers of English almost unnoticed.
More than 75 percent of his clauses are only in English. Slightly more than 10
percent are only in Tagalog. Nearly 15 percent mix the two languages. His cocommentator Noli seems to be targeting the younger Filipino audience with
his rapid-ªre Taglish description of the action. Nearly 40 percent of his words
are Tagalog as he blends the vocabulary, grammatical forms, and syntax of
English and Tagalog. About 35 percent of his clauses are in English, 30 percent
are in Tagalog, and 35 percent are in Taglish.
However, simply reporting the percentage of words that are in English or
Tagalog does not give a true picture of how Taglish works. What are the
linguistic characteristics of this code mixing in the Philippines? How English is
Taglish? Muysken (2000), after reviewing his own work and the work of Auer
(1995), Clyne (1967), Labov (1972), Myers-Scotton (1993), Poplack (1980),
Trudgill (1986), and others, suggested the following three way typology for
analyzing language switching: alternation, insertion, and congruent lexicalization. Let us look ªrst at alternation and insertion, the two most common types
of language switching.
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary
With alternation, the two languages act like language fortresses. The
grammar of one language alternates with the other, often at clause boundaries
as in (2).
(2) Noli: A weak pass tapped out by Benny Cheng at mananatili ang bola sa
And will remain the ball on
panig ng Purefoods. (N256, N257)
side of
‘A weak pass tapped out by Benny Cheng and the ball will remain on the
side of Purefoods.’
With insertion, one language serves as the base or matrix language. Words
(typically content words such as nouns and verbs rather than function words),
phrases, or ªxed expressions from one language are inserted into sentences
based on the matrix language, much like language islands. The following
example uses Tagalog as the matrix language.
(3) Dr. J: Parang walang problema kay Jerry yong fade away. (J18)
Like
no problem for
that
‘It seems like Jerry does not have any problem with that fade away.’
With either type of switching Poplack’s (1980) equivalence constraint would
be expected to apply. In other words, the code switches should occur at points
in the discourse where the grammar of the two languages match so as not to
violate the grammar rules of either language. English and Tagalog are genetically unrelated languages and diŸer so greatly that the US Army’s Defense
Language Institute has found Tagalog to be one of the more di¹cult languages
for English speakers to learn. Since this is the case, let us take a brief look at
some basic rules of Tagalog grammar to see where Tagalog grammar might
converge with English to allow language switching.
9.2 A grammatical sketch of Tagalog and its focus system
Since Bloomªeld (1917), one of the founders of American structural linguistics, ªrst presented Tagalog grammar to American linguists and subsequently
used many Tagalog examples in his classic introductory textbook Language
(1933), generations of American linguists have worked through Tagalog language problems as an introduction to how languages diŸer. Traditionally,
English word order is considered SVO with the subject preceding the verb and
131
132 Filipino English and Taglish
the object following. In Tagalog the predominant order is VSO with the verb
coming ªrst as in example (4).
(4) a.
Tagalog VSO Kumain ang bata ng mangga sa silid.
ate
the child a mango in room
b. English SVO The child ate a banana in the room.
Notice that ang translates as the determiner ‘the,’ ng as the determiner ‘a,’ and
sa as the preposition ‘in’. These translations are common in dictionaries,
phrase books, and simple introductions to Tagalog. However, such an analysis
hides the focus aspect of Tagalog that characterizes it and the other Philippine
languages (E. Constantino 1965). Before we look at how the focus system
works in Tagalog, let us review how information focus works in English.
In English conversation word order and focus stress work together to point
out to the listener the new information that is being emphasized or focused.
Let us use example (5) to illustrate what we mean. Note that when we simply
say the sentence without a discourse context, the heaviest stress is on mango
since the object of the verb eat is most likely the information of interest rather
than the location.
(5) The child ate a mango in the room.
This placement of heavier stress on mango also complies with what we call in
English end focus. We like the new information or focus information after the
verb near the end of the sentence. We put heavier stress on the focus word and
then let our voice pitch fall to tell the listener that the following adverbial is
interesting background information but is not the focus information. Notice
too that since the focus information is being mentioned for the ªrst time, a is
used rather than the.
Let us look at how this changes in a discourse context. For example, if the
speaker is responding to the question Where did the child eat the mango? the
word room would now receive the heaviest stress. In fact, the words the child
and the mango would probably be changed to the appropriate pronouns to
make the focus on room more prominent, as in (6).
(6) Where did the child eat the mango?
The child ate the mango in the room.
or He ate it in the room.
Notice how the stress shifts to child in (7).
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary
(7) Who ate a mango in the room?
The child ate the mango in the room.
or The child did.
We could say the entire sentence The child ate the mango in the room with stress
on child but the alternative answer in (7) is more natural since deleting the
information after the focus stress makes child the last information in the
sentence, thus complying with end focus even though it precedes the verb. In
(8) we can see more emphatic answers. Notice how they use end focus.
(8) Where he ate the mango was in the room.
Who ate the mango in the room was the child.
What he ate in the room was a mango.
In (9) we can see another emphatic focus.
(9) It was in the room that he ate the mango.
It was the child who ate the mango in the room.
It was the mango that he ate in the room.
Notice how the heavy stress falls on the noun following the it was construction
and how the intonation drops afterwards to indicate the information is secondary to the stressed word. These so-called cleft sentences are used only for
emphasis and are not the usual way that we focus information in conversation.
Sometime a passive is used if we do not want to mention who did the
action, as in (10).
(10) The mango was eaten.
Notice that if we add either in the room or by the child, room or child becomes
the focus information because of end focus. In other words, in regular sentences there is no particular structure that we use in English to denote information focus other than placement in the sentence, stress patterns, and the use of
pronouns to de-emphasize information. Even the written language relies on
word order and pronouns to indicate information focus. In fact, our methods
of focusing information are so subtle they have to be taught to native speakers
in college composition classes and they have escaped the notice of many
linguists through the years because they depend on a discourse rather than a
sentence context.
This is not the case in Tagalog. Information focus is an integral part of
every sentence. Read through the following examples and note how the verb
133
134 Filipino English and Taglish
a¹xes change as ang ‘the’ is placed on diŸerent nouns in the sentence. I have
underlined the changes to aid the reader. Example (11) might be the answer to
Who ate a mango in the room?
(11) Kumain ang bata ng mangga sa
silid.
Ate
the child the/a mango in the/a room.
‘The child ate the mango in the room.’
Example 12 might answer What did the child eat in the room?
(12) Kinain
ng bata
ang mangga sa silid.
Was eaten the/a child the mango in the/a room
‘The child ate the mango in the room.’
Notice that the English translation is the same as for (11). The stress pattern
would simply be diŸerent. Traditionally linguists have translated sentence (12)
as the passive The mango was eaten by the child in the room following the
grammatical analysis suggested by the Spanish friars in colonial times who
called such sentences passives since that is the case in Spanish and other
European languages when the verb agreement is based on the object of the verb
rather than the actor who does the action (E. Constantino 1971). However, as
we have seen in our brief look at English focus structures, this passive translation does not re¶ect the focus of the Tagalog sentence since both room and
child are in focus positions in the English passive, but not mango, which is the
focus target in the Tagalog sentence.
The Tagalog verb agreement changes again if the location becomes the
focus. For example, sentence (13) might be the answer to the question Where
did the child eat the mango?
(13) Kinainan
ng bata
ng
mangga ang silid.
Was eaten in the/a child the/a mango the room.
‘The child ate the mango in the room.’
Notice again that the English translation is the same. The focus stress simply
shifts to room. In Tagalog the focus marker ang has been placed on the location,
replacing the sa and the verb agreement has changed to indicate that a location
is the focus. In other words, ang, rather than being the equivalent of the, marks
the focus target. The semantic case of the focus target is marked on the verb
and ang replaces the semantic case marker that would normally precede the
noun. Again, since the verb agreement is based on the location rather than the
actor, linguists have traditionally also called this a passive. Sentences such as
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary
(12) they call object passives, those like (13) they call location passives. Since
location passives are not possible in English they often give translations such as
the following: ‘The room was where the child ate the banana.’ However, as we
saw in our look at English focus structures, this is an emphatic focus structure
in English. The Tagalog is not emphatic. It is simply the expected sentence
based on the discourse rules. Two other focus passives with similar permutations in verb agreement are beneªciary passives (traditional translation: ‘The
boy was made a cake by his mother’) and instrumental passives (traditional
translation: ‘The spoon was used by his mother to make him a cake’). In brief,
the Tagalog rule is to place an ang before the noun that is the focus target for
the sentence and to indicate on the verb whether the focus is on the actor, the
object, the location or direction, the instrument, or the beneªciary. All nouns
that are not the focus are marked for semantic roles in the sentence such as
actor, object, location, etc. using ng, sa and other semantic markers that will be
introduced later as we look at the basketball commentaries.
This brief introduction to the important role of focus and semantic case
markers in every Tagalog sentence should su¹ce as we look at the code switching
structures in these basketball commentaries. We will see later that they have an
unexpected in¶uence on Taglish. Since these so-called passive forms rather
than actives not only predominate but are the expected forms in Tagalog
discourse, Hopper and Thompson (1980: 288) make special note of the passive
nature of Tagalog in their treatise on transitivity in language. However, as we
have seen, translating all the sentences as ‘The boy ate the mango in the room’
and shifting the stress probably indicates more accurately the English equivalent when we take into account how focus works in English. Today rather than
call these sentences passives simply because of the mismatch of European and
Tagalog verb agreement, Tagalog grammar books call sentences such as (11)
active sentences with actor focus and sentences such as (12) and (13) non-active
sentences with object focus and location/direction focus respectively. Such an
analysis re¶ects both the in¶uence of Fillmore’s (1968) case grammar and the
shift to analyzing languages on a discourse as well as a sentence level. For a look
at how the analysis of Tagalog has shifted through the years compare Bloomªeld
(1917), Schachter and Otanes (1972), Llamzon (1976), and Schachter (1990,
1993).
Dumasis (1984) inadvertently discovered the important role that discourse plays in the Tagalog focus system. He noted that researchers had found
that the so-called “passives” predominate when Tagalog ªction and other texts
are analyzed. However, in an experiment with Tagalog-speaking tenth graders
135
136 Filipino English and Taglish
he found that sentences such as (11), which are now called active sentences
with actor focus, are the elicited sentence type when Tagalog speakers are
given verbs and nouns and are asked to create sentences without a context. In
other words, the non-active sentences predominate in ªction and other texts
because the sentences occur in a discourse sequence. Active sentences predominate only when there is no such context. In any case, marking every
noun for its semantic role is an integral part of the focus system in every
Tagalog sentence. Since not only the word order but the focus system diŸer so
greatly from English yet are such an important part of the grammar, what will
be their eŸect on the Taglish used in basketball commentaries? To ªnd out let
us look at how Dr. J and Noli model alternation and insertion to the viewers
of the basketball game.
9.3 Alternation
Perhaps as a consequence of the great diŸerences between English and Tagalog
grammar, the chief characteristic of the Taglish in this basketball commentary
is alternation between Tagalog and English at the clause level. Let us look at
alternation ªrst between turns in the commentary and then within turns.
Table 9.2 shows the language switching of Dr. J and Noli when they take turns
in speaking.
Table 9.2 Alternation between turns: Language of speaker 2
Speaker 2
Dr. J
Noli
Language Pattern:
Speaker 2 starts in English
Speaker 1/Speaker 2
English/English
Tagalog/English
Total turn starts in English
74
46
120 (80.54%)
65
10
75 (50.34%)
Language Pattern:
Speaker 2 starts in Tagalog
Speaker 1/Speaker 2
Tagalog/Tagalog
English/Tagalog
Total turn starts in Tagalog
Total Turns
14
15
29 (19.46%)
149
27
47
74 (49.66%)
149
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 137
As might be expected, both had the same number of turns at speaking as they
give the play-by-play commentary during the fourth quarter of the game.
However, they diŸer dramatically in whether they start their turn in the same
language the other commentator is using. Note that Dr. J prefers to start his
turn in English even when Noli is speaking in Tagalog. On the other hand,
although Noli usually continues in English if the previous comment is in
English, he often shifts to Tagalog. Whereas Dr. J started about twenty percent
of his turns in Tagalog, Noli started nearly ªfty percent of his turns in Tagalog.
We can see how this works in the following examples. In (14) the commentary
continues in English between turns.
(14) Dr. J:
Noli:
Dr. J:
Noli:
They are not wilting under the pressure right now (J59)
So far, so far. Patromonio (N84)
Good (J60)
It is good. He gets the basket, but he travels in this case after that.
(N85–87)
Dr. J: Yeah, he had extra step after he stopped. (J61)
In (15) the commentary continues in Tagalog.
(15) Noli: Malalaki na
ito, Dr. J. (N30)
Big
already these
‘These (players) are already tall, Dr. J.’
Dr. J: Talagang malalaki at saka, mabibigat. (J26)
Really
big
and also heavy
‘They are really tall and heavy.’
Noli: Ito na
ang Itramuros Wall ng Corned Beef Cowboys. (N31)
This already the
of
‘This is already the Intramuros Wall of the Corned Beef Cowboys.’
In (16) we see how Dr. J usually speaks English while Noli adds his comments
in Tagalog.
(16) Dr. J: They have three to give before they get into the penalty. Almost,
huh (J232–234)
Noli: Ipinasa niya. Natapik palabas ni Dindo Pumaren. (N337–338)
Passed he tapped out
by
‘He passed the ball. It was tapped out by Dindo Pumaren.’
Dr. J: That’s what we can expect from Dindo Pumaren at these stages of
the ballgame, the hustle, the pick-up. You really got to protect the
ball as if it was your life. (J235–237)
138 Filipino English and Taglish
Although there is usually no obvious communicative purpose for the switching, at times there is a switch from English to Tagalog to emphasize or clarify
something that was just said, as in (17) and (18).
(17) Dr. J: Nobody is calling a time out? (J251)
Noli: Walang timeout. (N360)
None
‘No timeout’
(18) Dr. J. He’s playing hurt. (J101)
Noli: Oo. Nagkaroon po ito ng kapansanan back in the ªrst half. (N134)
Yes had
this of disability
‘Yes, he had an injury back in the ªrst half.’
Table 9.3 shows the switching pattern between clauses when Noli or Dr. J
continue talking within their turn.
Table 9.3 Alternation within a commentator’s turn
Language pattern:
No shift between clauses
Continues in English
Continues in Tagalog
Total no shifts between clauses
Language pattern:
Shift between clauses
Tagalog to English
English to Tagalog
Total shifts between clauses
Total possible shifts
Dr. J
Noli
143
17
160 (74.42%)
85
96
181 (53.39%)
25
30
55 (25.58%)
215
78
80
158 (46.61%)
339
Note again that Dr. J is more likely to continue in English between clauses and
does relatively little switching within his turn. On the other hand, Noli switches
back and forth between the two languages when it is his turn to give the
commentary. Example (19) shows Noli’s switching pattern when the game gets
exciting.
(19) Noli: This is going to be a close one down the stretch. Bal David pumapay ng
baseline.
fanning of
‘This is going to be a close one down the stretch. Bal David is
fanning the baseline.’
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 139
Dumaan siya sa kanto. Mintis. Rebounds. Sa kanya pa rin. Lumapit.
Passed he in corner missed
in him still approached
Fall away.
‘He passed to the corner and missed. Rebounds. Still has the ball.
He approaches. Falls away.’
Medyo pinilit iyan. Rebound. Nakuha ni Wilmer Ong. (N138Little bit forced that
got
by
N146)
‘Looks a little forced. Rebound. Wilmer Ong got it.’
Contrast Noli’s continual switching with the usual pattern of Dr. J. a few
seconds later in (20). Dr. J. may insert a comment or two in Tagalog, but for the
most part his commentary is in English.
(20) Dr J: Kanina, one, one ang foul. Ngayon apat na naman sa isa.
A while ago
the
now four linker again on one
‘A while ago the foul was one, one. Now, it is already four on one.’
Gordon’s just gives up the fouls so easily. They don’t challenge
with their defense and they just cannot. They really have a lot of
problems with the movement pace of Purefoods. (J112–117)
Sometimes the alternation is a clarifying comment given in the form of a
conditional or a relative clause as in (21) and (22).
(21) Dr. J: By the way, they also let him sit out because of the deliberate
foul. He’s back in the ballgame. He has ªve personal fouls
kung hindi ako nagkakamali. (J97–100)
if
not I
mistaken
‘if I’m not mistaken.’
(22) Noli: Twenty second time out, ang hinibingi
ni Eric Altamirano,
the being asked for by
‘asked for by Eric Altamirano’
with four seconds remaining in the shot clock. (N323)
A few times (seven times for Dr. J and thirty times for Noli) a clause started out
in one language and switches to the other partway as in (23) and (24).
(23) Dr. J: That is why medyo
may itatagal siguro. (J33)
a little bit have sustain maybe
‘That is why he can probably keep going.’
140 Filipino English and Taglish
(24) Noli: And Gordon’s really cranking it up ngayon sa depensa. (N335)
now in defense
‘And Gordon’s really cranking it up now in the defense.’
9.4 Insertion
This switching in the middle of a clause in the previous two examples introduces another type of code mixing: insertion. With insertion one language
serves as the base or matrix language and words and phrases from the other
language are inserted in grammatically appropriate places. Note in (25) how an
English adverb and noun have been inserted into a Tagalog sentence.
(25) Dr. J: Usually, yong score na yan, nagpapanalo na. (J156)
that
that determine winner already
‘Usually with that score we can determine already which team will
win.’
Table 9.4 shows the frequency that Dr. J and Noli insert English words into
Tagalog clauses and elliptical clauses and the frequency that they insert Tagalog
into English.
Table 9.4 Code mixing through insertion
Dr. J
Clauses with English base
With Tagalog inserts
Clauses with Tagalog base
With English inserts
Total clauses with inserts
288
20 (6.94%)
76
29 (38.16%)
49 (13.46%)
Noli
240
73 (30.42%)
248
99 (39.92%)
172 (35.25%)
Note that clauses in either English or Tagalog typically do not have insertions.
In fact, when comparing the totals and percentages in Tables 9.3 and 9.4, we
can see that for both speakers, language switching most commonly occurs as
alternation between clauses rather than as insertion within clauses. In other
words one of the chief characteristics of Taglish in this basketball commentary
is that language switching comes between clauses rather than within clauses.
When insertions do occur, they most likely happen when Tagalog is the base or
matrix language. Since this is the case, let us look ªrst at English insertions into
Tagalog.
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary
9.4.1 English into Tagalog
As we saw in Table 9.4, when either Dr. J or Noli are speaking Tagalog, nearly
forty percent of their clauses have English insertions. Table 9.5 shows the
grammatical classiªcation of these insertions. Note that the totals in Table 9.5
are greater than those in Table 9.4 since a single clause may have more than on
insertion.
Table 9.5 Grammatical category of English insertions in Tagalog clauses
Noun
Complex Nominal
Det. Adj. Noun
Prepositional Phrase
Verb
Predicate Adjectival
Coordinating Conjunction
Subordinating Conjunction
Rejoinder/tag
Adverbial
Number
TOTAL
Dr. J
Noli
7
14
0
2
4
2
2
2
2
3
2
40
32
45
2
8
4
4
6
0
11
8
3
123
Let us take a look at some examples of each of these. Notice that the insertions
into a Tagalog matrix clause are typically noun related. Of the 40 insertions
in Dr. J’s Tagalog commentary, 23 or 57.50 percent were nouns, complex
nominals or prepositional phrases. For Noli the percentage was even higher. Of
the 123 insertions in Noli’s Tagalog commentary 87 or 70.73 percent were in
these noun categories. In (26), (27), and (28) we see examples of nouns and
complex noun insertions.
(26) Noli: Patromonio sumiksik sa baseline.
moved closer to
‘Patromonio moved closer to the baseline.’ (N167)
(27) Dr. J: Ang plano talaga, isasagad siya dito sa second half.
The plan really push the limit he here in
‘The plan is to really push him to the limit here in the second half.’
(J34)
(28) Noli: Pero isa pa ring good presence of mind mula kay Dindo Pumaren.
But one more also
from
‘But one more (display) of good presence of mind by Dindo
Pumaren.’ (N13)
141
142 Filipino English and Taglish
Note that complex nouns include adjective-noun combinations and nouns
with post-nominal prepositional phrases but not English determiners. As noted
in Table 9.5, there are only two occurrences of a complete English noun phrase
insertion including a determiner, as in (29).
(29) Noli: At kasama ngayon ni Anthony, the winning coach si Sonny Jaworski.
And with now with
subject marker
‘And now with Anthony is the winning coach, Sonny Jaworski.’
(N459)
Keeping in mind the importance of marking the semantic cases of nouns as
part of the Tagalog focus system, is it any wonder that noun insertions from
English do not include determiners or prepositions? To include them would
violate the equivalence constraint since the focus system is basic to any Tagalog
sentence. In fact, as shown in (30) and (31), those few times when English
prepositional phrases are inserted, they appear as adverbials of time at the
beginning or the end of the clause so as to be outside the matrix sentence and
thus not interfere with the focus system.
(30) Dr. J: Nahuli lang siya doon in that last play.
Caught only he there
‘Only he was caught in that last play.’ (J96)
(31) Noli: Since 1991, pamula noong nanalo ang Ginebra from a 1,3,1
since when won the
deªcit….
‘Since 1991, when Ginebra won from a 1,3,1’ (N16)
English verbs were occasionally inserted either as the main verb of the sentence
with the appropriate Tagalog markings, as in (32) and (33), or in participle
form as a predicate adjective, as in (34).
(32) Noli: Nagha-huddle yong mga azul. Nagha-huddle rin yong mga puti.
Huddling
those pl blue huddling
also those pl. white
‘The blues are huddling. The whites are huddling too.’ (N190, 191)
(33) Dr. J: Siyempre, tatayo lang si Marlou, hindi na di-dribble yan.
Of course, stand only focus marker not already will dribble that
‘Of course, Marlou will just stand there, he will no longer dribble.’
(J323, 324)
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 143
(34) Dr. J: Yong covered na yan, parang may maktapat na board diyan.
That
that like have across that
there
‘That is covered like there is a board across it.’ (i.e. the shot is
blocked) (J56)
Occasionally English coordinating and subordinating conjunctions are inserted as in (35) and (36) below.
(35) Noli: So hindi
nakapagtawag ng time out
no able to call
a
‘So they weren’t able to call a time out.’ (N406)
(36) Dr. J: Because may ano,pero mali lang yata ni Evangelista.
have what, but wrong only maybe by
‘Because there is something, but I think that Evangelista only made
a mistake.’ (J221,222)
At times English rejoinders are attached to the beginning of a clause. The most
common rejoinder was ‘well’ as in (37).
(37) Noli: Well, dies y ocho puntos na
si Defense Minister.
eighteen
points already actor case
‘Well, the Defense Minister already has eighteen points.’ (N52)
Adverbials too are inserted at the beginning or the end of clauses as in (38). The
beginning of a Tagalog sentence before the verb is the place for strong focus or
emphatics. Notice the discourse emphasis of this inserted English adverbial.
(38) Noli: Only once na hindi siya naka double digits.
that no
he able to
‘It only happened once that he was not able to score double
digits.’ (N26)
The last category of English insertions is numbers as in example (39).
(39) Noli: Three, one ang ating talaan sa series.
the our list
in
‘Our list for the series says three, one.’ (N146)
Before we look at how insertion works when English is the base or matrix, let us
summarize the general pattern that is modeled to the viewing audience when
Tagalog is the matrix. When inserting English into Tagalog clauses, nouns and
complex nominals without determiners or prepositions are freely inserted and
marked according to the Tagalog focus/case system. Verbs may be inserted
144 Filipino English and Taglish
sparingly. When verbs are inserted, they are given appropriate a¹xes re¶ecting
the focus system of the clause. Other insertions, which are also done sparingly,
are placed at the beginning or the end of the clause outside the focus system.
9.4.2 Tagalog into English
In Table 9.4 we saw that these commentators insert much less Tagalog into
their English clauses than they do English into Tagalog. Whereas both Dr. J and
Noli inserted English into nearly forty percent of their Tagalog clauses, Dr. J
inserted Tagalog into only seven percent of his English clauses. Noli inserted
considerably more with about thirty percent, though that was still less than the
amount of English he inserted into Tagalog. Not only do they insert less when
the clauses are English, the pattern they model to the audiences is asymmetrical
to the Tagalog pattern, as can be seen in Table 9.6.
Table 9.6 Grammatical category of Tagalog insertions in English clauses
Noun
Complex Nominal
Focus/case marker + Nominal
Focus/case marker
Verb
Coordinating Conjunction
Subordinating Conjunction
Rejoinder/Tag
Adverbial clitics
Numbers
TOTAL
Dr. J
Noli
0
0
1
4
0
2
1
10
5
0
23
0
0
7
41
0
9
0
12
15
4
88
Whereas insertion of nouns and complex nominals is typical when the matrix
language is Tagalog, when the matrix language is English this almost never
occurs. One of the few occurrences is given in (40).
(40) Noli: This is really the kind of basketball that ang dalawang koponan are
trying to ªnd.
the
two
teams
‘This is really the kind of basketball that the two teams are trying
to ªnd.’ (N124)
There were no Tagalog verbs inserted into English. The interesting categories
of some frequency are Tagalog tags/rejoinders, adverbial clitics, coordinating
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 145
conjunctions, and focus/case markers. The ªrst three are similar to the English
insertions into Tagalog and rank about the same in frequency. The surprising
category is focus/case markers since researchers working with language switching in other languages have found that grammatical words such as case markers and prepositions usually are not subject to insertion, though it might be
expected in Taglish considering the importance of case and focus in Tagalog.
Let us look at some examples of the ªrst three categories before turning our
attention to the insertion of Tagalog focus/case markers into English clauses.
Examples (41), (42), (43), and (44) show the four most common rejoinders and tags, oo ‘yes’, ano ‘right,’ ‘isn’t it’ or the Canadian ‘eh’, mga kaibigan
‘friends’, and ika nga ‘as we say.’
(41) Dr. J: Oo, it’s been a big quarter for Purefoods.
Yes
‘Yes, it’s been a big quarter for Purefoods.’ (J4)
(42) Noli: They’re responding to the challenge, ano, Dr. J?
right
‘They’re responding to the challenge, aren’t they, Dr. J?’ (N83)
(43) Dr. J: And they are not yet in the penalty,mga kaibigan.
pl friend
‘And they are not yet in the penalty, my friends.’ (J 290)
(44) Dr. J: Expensive hardware, ika nga.
say really
‘Expensive hardware, as we say.’ (J204)
The adverbial clitics were of two types, emphatics such as na lamang ‘just,
only’, na lang ‘only’, pa rin ‘still’ as in (45) and (46) and the locative dito ‘here’
usually followed by a location as in (47).
(45) Noli: Point lead na lamang.
now only
‘There’s just a point lead.’ (N72)
(46) Noli: …and they have too much points pa rin.
still also
‘and still they have too much points.’ (N480)
(47) Noli: They’ve come out in droves dito sa Araneta Coliseum.
here loc
‘They’ve come out in droves here at the Araneta Coliseum.’
(N125)
146 Filipino English and Taglish
The most common coordinating conjunction inserted into English was pero
‘but’ as in (48).
(48) Noli: Pero Dindo decided to give it to Alvin.
But
‘But Dindo decided to give it to Alvin.’ (N405)
Except for the general paucity of Tagalog insertions into English clauses and
especially the near absence of noun insertions, there is nothing unusual about
the insertions that do occur except for the fairly frequent insertions of Tagalog
case/focus markers, especially in Noli’s commentary as in examples (49), (50),
and (51).
(49) Noli: There is no tomorrow para sa Gordons team.
Patient
‘There is no tomorrow for the Gordons team.’ (N3)
(50) Noli: We will have game number six on Sunday sa Cuneta Astrodome.
Location
‘We will have game number six on Sunday at the Cuneta Astrodome.’ (N482)
(51) Noli:
Si
Noli Locsin has four fouls.
Focus target for names of people
‘Noli Locsin has four fouls.’ (N279)
To explain this unexpected phenomenon we have to turn to the third type of
code mixing suggested in Muysken’s typology, congruent lexicalization.
9.5 Congruent lexicalization: Evidence of converging systems
Muysen in his typology of language mixing proposes the term congruent
lexicalization to describe a third type of code mixing that he found in his search
through various case studies of language switching. With congruent lexicalization when the grammars of the two languages coincide, the vocabulary of the
two languages may be freely alternated. In other words, the two languages
converge and share vocabulary. What governs the choice of one word over the
other is simply a matter of style. Even in monolingual situations without
language mixing, users of a language make vocabulary choices in the cases of
formal versus informal writing, spoken versus written language, or private
versus public conversation. However, as we have seen so far, in genetically
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 147
unrelated and typologically distant languages there may be few points of
grammar where such convergence can take place. In the case of English and
Tagalog, such things as verb agreement, basic word order, and focus structures
diŸer greatly. In fact, as mentioned earlier, the diŸerences are so great that
Tagalog is considered one of the more di¹cult languages for English speaking
people to learn.
There are two ways that convergences might occur in dissimilar languages
such as English and Tagalog. One possibility would be with discourse features,
such as tags, rejoinders, and conjunctions, which lie outside or at least on the
periphery of the clause. We have already seen examples of these in the section
on insertions. Here are some more examples in (52), (53), (54), and (55).
(52) Dr. J: It was a second time around, ano?
what?
‘It was a second time around, right?’ (J15)
(53) Noli: Well, walang gumagalaw.
none
moving
‘Well, nobody’s moving.’ (N242)
(54) Dr. J: Oo, and a loose ball foul on Jerry.
Yes
‘Yes, and a loose ball foul on Jerry.’ (J179)
(55) Noli: Pero Dindo decided to give it to Alvin.
But
‘But Dindo decided to give it to Alvin.’ (N405)
What evidence is there that these insertions that appear at the beginning and
end of clauses are actually alternatives from a converged lexicon and are chosen
just for the stylistic eŸect? Let us look at four possible convergences: tags (ano ,
you know, huh), a¹rmation (oo, yes), negation (wala, hindi, no), and conjoining
(pero, but). Do they freely alternate with each other indicating stylistic choice?
When Dr. J adds tags to his clauses, as in example (52) above, 69.23 percent
are in English (e.g. you know, huh) and 30.77 percent in Tagalog (e.g. ano
‘right,’ ika nga ‘as we say’). Perhaps this is a stylistic feature that allows Dr. J to
preserve the integrity of his English clauses yet add a Tagalog ¶avor. On the
other hand, Noli uses only Tagalog tags, re¶ecting his more frequent use of
Tagalog in language switching.
This switch between English and Tagalog rejoinders for stylistic eŸect can
be seen again in the use of negative and positive rejoinders. When Dr. J begins
148 Filipino English and Taglish
his turn with a negative rejoinder, 60 percent are English (no) and 40 percent
are Tagalog (wala/hindi). In positive rejoinders, Dr. J uses English 80 percent
of the time (yes) and Tagalog 20 percent (oo). Again, English predominates
with just enough Tagalog to show solidarity with the people. Noli shows his
preference towards Tagalog in tags and rejoinders by using for negatives Tagalog 66.67 percent (wala/hindi) of the time and English 33.33 percent (no) and
for positives Tagalog 54.54 percent (oo) and English only 45.46 percent (yes).
Notice in the sequence in example 56 how Noli switches between yes and oo as
he reacts to Dr. J’s comments.
(56) Dr. J: It’s strictly inside na ginagawa niya ngayon. Almost always all play.
that doing he now
‘It’s strictly inside what he’s doing now. Almost always all play.’
(J266–268)
Noli: Oo.
‘Yes’ (N 382)
Dr. J: Tama rin naman. The other team is in penalty.
Correct also too
‘That’s also correct. The other team is in penalty’
Why not try to go for the foul? (J269–271)
Noli: Oo. One more. Twenty free throws ngayong araw na ito si
Yes.
Now
today this TG
Alvin Patrimonio
‘Yes. One more. Alvin Patrimonio now has twenty free throws.’
(N384–385)
Dr. J: For himself? (J272)
Noli: Oh, yes. (N386)
Dr. J: Ton of free throws (J273)
Noli: Yes. (N397)
With coordinating conjunctions showing contrast as in example (55), Dr. J
uses English but 58.82 percent and Tagalog pero 46.18 percent of the time. Noli
interchanges the two equally. It looks like these English and Tagalog conjunctions can be interchanged freely in extended discourse to give either an English
or Tagalog ¶avor to Tagalog or English-based Taglish.
These few items seem so trivial, lying outside the basic grammar of the
sentence as they do, that it hardly seems worth considering them evidence of
converging grammars and congruent lexicalization. In fact, they can easily be
incorporated into the insertion model with the same comments on stylistic
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 149
motivations to explain their use. However, the extensive use of Tagalog case
markers in Noli’s English makes it worthwhile to consider lexical convergence
more seriously. The case markers are especially interesting because they are
part of the Tagalog focus system that is alien to English. To create congruence,
Taglish speakers have to change the grammar of either English or Tagalog for
the two languages to converge.
Weinreich (1953) in his classic Languages in Contact pointed out that
changes of this sort often occur when language contact results in extensive
bilingualism. The bilinguals initiate changes that aŸect all levels of the languages they speak. Anyone who has studied the history of the English language
can give numerous examples of how bilingualism has changed English grammar, especially after the Danish and French invaded and settled in England in
the ninth and eleventh centuries. In our own time Gumperz and Wilson
(1971) documented an extreme case of how bilinguals may change the grammar of a language. They found that the bilingual residents of a village in India
have converged the grammars of Marathi and Kannada, two unrelated languages, one Indo-European and the other Dravidian, so that there is word for
word translatability.
If we were to look for areas where Tagalog might pressure a change in
English grammar to create congruence, it would be focus, which is so basic to
Tagalog but so amorphous in English. The one English grammatical item that
resembles the semantic case markings in Tagalog is prepositions. In fact many
teaching grammars call these Tagalog case markings prepositions. We normally do not mark the actor or the object in English, but we do mark with a
variety of prepositions such things as locations and directions (in the box, on
the box, towards the box, etc.), instruments (with an axe, by hand), and beneªciaries (for a friend). Since nouns and complex nominals without determiners
from English are the most common insertion into Tagalog, the Tagalog case
markers are already being associated with English nouns without determiners.
As we examine more closely the Taglish in these basketball commentaries, let
us look for evidence that Tagalog speakers are reinterpreting these English
prepositions as case markers and are merging the Tagalog focus system into
English.
In Table 9.7 we can see the frequency that various Tagalog case markers
appear in the English of our basketball commentators. Note that Dr. J. only
uses the Tagalog case marker sa for locatives and directionals. Noli uses a wider
range, though markers for benefactives (para sa, and para kay) and actors (ng,
ni) are most common. He also uses focus targets (ang, si).
150 Filipino English and Taglish
Table 9.7 Frequency of various Tagalog focus/case markers in English
Dr. J
Focus Target
ang
si (personal names)
Semantic Case
laban sa (adversary ‘against’)
laban kay (adversary-personal name ‘against’)
mula sa (source ‘from’)
mula kay (source-personal name ‘from’)
ng (actor ‘of’ ‘by’)
ni (actor-personal name ‘of,’ ‘by’)
para sa (beneªciary ‘for’)
para kay (beneªciary-personal name ‘for’)
sa (location/direction ‘at,’ ‘in,’ ‘to,’ etc.)
Noli
6
7
4
1
3
1
1
3
4
9
3
4
Let us look ªrst at Dr. J. In the few times that he inserts Tagalog markers into
English, he uses only the general purpose locative/directional sa, as in (57).
(57) Dr. J: There is a call of that nature again sa Gordon’s Gin, so it’ll be a side
to
court throw in.
‘There is a call of that nature again against Gordon’s Gin’ (J29, 30)
Two things are interesting in this example. First, Dr. J chose sa. McFarland
(1984: 237) in his computer analysis of the dialog in short stories, serialized
novels, and various prose passages in seven issues of a popular Filipino magazine found that the focus/case markers (he called them articles) sa, ang, and ng
together accounted for almost 15 percent of the words with sa the most
frequent. Only the linkers na/ng, which are used to link the words that form a
noun phrase, occurred more frequently than sa. Not only is sa the second most
common word in Tagalog, its use in English simpliªes the choice of prepositions, a notoriously di¹cult aspect of English grammar, as it replaces in, to,
from, into, on, through, at, and several other prepositions that indicate direction
and location. The other interesting thing is that Dr. J always uses it with English
based names of places or organizations. Such names are used in both English
and Tagalog and thus belong to both languages — an example of lexical
convergence.
In examples (58), (59), (60), (61), and (62) we can see examples of Noli’s
usage.
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary
(58) Noli: We will have game number six on Sunday sa Cuneta Astrodome.
at
‘We’ll have game number six on Sunday at the Cuneta Astrodome.’
(N482)
(59) Noli: And it’s back to a ten-point lead para sa Gordon’s Gin boys.
for
‘And it’s back to a ten-point lead for the Gordon’s Gin boys.’ (N21)
(60) Noli: Hizon from the corner, missed it, rebound ni Bong Ravena.
by
‘Hizon from the corner, missed it, rebound by Bong Ravena.’ (N313–315)
(61) Noli: He’s played defense laban kay Patrimonio in addition to a total of six
against
points para kay Wilmer Ong.
for
‘He’s played defense against Patrimonio in addition to a total of six points
for Wilmer Ong.’ (N182)
(62) Noli: Second personal foul ni Bal David. First team foul ng Gordon’s Gin.
of
of
‘Bal David’s second personal foul. Gordon Gin’s ªrst team foul.’ (N60-61)
He also uses the Tagalog focus target forms for actor focus (si for human
names, ang otherwise), as in (63) and (64).
(63) Noli: And so, si Sonny Jaworski loses one white body.
ACTOR FOCUS
‘And so, Sonny Jaworski loses one white body.’ (N183)
(64) Noli:
Ang Purefoods is not yet in the penalty.
ACTOR FOCUS
‘Purefoods is not yet in the penalty.’ (N416)
It is interesting that the only time Tagalog target focus is used in English
sentences is with the English subject, in other words, with actor focus. Bautista
(1991) noted that in her research, whenever an English verb is inserted into
Tagalog, it always has actor focus. If this is the case, it would be expected that in
English sentences actor focus would be expected too when the focus case
markers are inserted. In the exchange in 65 we can see how Noli adds actor
focus for emphasis.
151
152 Filipino English and Taglish
(65) Dr. J:
Noli:
You’re talking about Gordon’s? (J341)
Ang Gordon’s Gin. (N473)
Re¶ecting the nature of basketball commentary, the majority of these Tagalog
case markings are used with the names of the players and the team. However,
they do occur with common nouns as in (66).
(66) Noli: Eight seconds sa shot clock. The last two minutes of the ball game is
in
brought to you by Tanduay Rhum.
‘Eight second in the shot clock The last two minutes of the ball game is
brought to you by Tanduay Rhum.’ (N297–298)
We can see some evidence that this use of Tagalog case markers as preposition/
determiner combinations in English is lexical congruence in these ªnal two
examples, which occurred just seconds apart in Noli’s commentary. In (67) the
English preposition against is used in a Tagalog clause, the only example in the
transcript of an English preposition being inserted into Tagalog. In (68), the
Tagalog equivalent of ‘against’ laban kay is inserted into English.
(67) Noli:
(68) Noli:
Sinenyas ni Ballecer against Noli Locsin.
Signaled by
“Ballecer signaled Noli Locsin.” (N148)
Patrimonio head to head laban kay Wilmer Ong.
against
“Patrimonio head to head against Wilmer Ong.” (N157)
This incorporation of the Tagalog focus system into English-based Taglish
merits further investigation.
9.6 Conclusions
What is the linguistic pattern for Taglish that Dr. J. and Noli are modeling to
those who are watching this championship basketball game? Because of the
disparity between Tagalog and English grammar, the languages to a large
extent are kept separate. Alternations predominate and are at the clause level.
Insertions, except for English nouns and complex nominals being inserted into
Tagalog, tend to be limited to rejoinders, tags, and conjunctions. In English
locative constructions, the Tagalog case marker sa can sparingly be used to
replace the English preposition and determiner. At the most informal level,
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary
other aspects of the Tagalog focus system can be incorporated into English to
replace prepositions and determiners. Actor focus is always used if a focus
target is speciªed.
How does this pattern compare to what other researchers have found?
Bautista (1986) found the same asymmetrical pattern that we have seen in the
basketball commentaries. She noted that when the matrix is Tagalog, insertion
is the predominant form of language mixing. These insertions were nouns,
verbs, adjectives, adverbs, conjunctions, interjections, the a¹rmative marker yes
and the negative no, as well as formulaic and social expressions. She noted that
the similarity between English prepositional phrases and Tagalog focus marking made code-switching nouns particularly easy. In a later, more extensive
review of code-switching in the Philippines Bautista (1991) found that in
spoken or written Tagalog, 90 percent of English insertions were nouns. The
rest were divided between verbs and adjectives. Most of these insertions were to
ªll lexical gaps.
In the other hand, when English was the matrix, Bautista found that the
code mixing tended to be limited to discourse items such as conjunctions,
linkers, enclitics, the plural marker mga, the a¹rmative marker oo, and formulaic expressions. McFarland (1984: 237) in his computer analysis of the dialog
in short stories, serialized novels, and various prose passages found that the
Tagalog case markers, conjunctions, adverbial enclitics and other discourse
markers that were found as insertions in Bautista’s and our English basketball
data were among the top 50 most frequently used words in Tagalog. It appears
that inserting them into English is an easy way to give a Filipino ¶avor to
English without disturbing the grammar.
Cuadra (1999) in his look at the Taglish of Filipino students studying in
Japan found the same asymmetrical pattern. Whereas they inserted into their
Tagalog clauses many English (and Japanese) nouns and a few verbs to ªll
lexical gaps, the Tagalog they inserted into English clauses was limited mostly
to tags, interjections, and function words. Though Marisigan (1986) in her
survey of language usage by teachers and students in exclusive Catholic
schools at the elementary, secondary, and tertiary level in Metro Manila did
not give a complete linguistic analysis, she noted a similar asymmetry between Tagalog-based and English-based Taglish. For example, interjections in
English conversation tended to be in Tagalog and adverbials of time in Tagalog tended to be in English.
The converging of the Tagalog focus system with English prepositions has
also been noted. Sobolewski (1982: 60) in his analysis of Taglish in letters
153
154 Filipino English and Taglish
written by young people to movie and song magazines in Metro Manila found
that when the preposition/case marker sa appeared in an English sentence, it
was never followed by an English article. In one of the earliest looks at Taglish,
Ramos (1970) noted that when English is the structural base, function words,
including Tagalog case markers (she calls them prepositions), often substitute
for English words. In other words the switching patterns of Noli and Dr. J ªt
into what other researchers have found, including the insertion of semantic
case and focus markers through congruent lexicalization.
Thus the informal version of English that is developing in the Philippines is
still basically English. Its speakers still follow English grammar rules though
they may add tags, rejoinders, adverbial clitics and the locative case marker sa
to give it a Filipino ¶avor. In the most informal versions, there is evidence that
the Tagalog focus system is being adapted for use in English. However, since
alternation at the clause level predominates, in order to speak Taglish well, one
must be ¶uent both in English and Tagalog. In other words, Filipinos who want
to speak English-based rather than Tagalog-based Taglish must be competent
in English. Since schools are the primary source of English instruction, does
this mean that the more than thirty percent who drop out of school before the
sixth grade are doomed to be left out of the language switching pattern that has
developed among the educated in Metro Manila? Can Filipinos gain the necessary competence in English through informal means outside the school system, such as through the media? In the next chapter we look at the role
commercials play as informal English teachers.
Chapter 10
Commercials as language teachers
Since the coming of bilingual education thirty years ago, academics in the older
generation of Filipinos have lamented that although more Filipinos claim to
speak and read English than ever before, English ability is deteriorating. As we
saw in Chapter 4, they blame the schools. However, Gonzalez (1998a: 506)
reminds us that middle class children even in the provinces are ¶uent in
interpersonal English by the time they ªnish the ªfth grade not only because
their parents occasionally use English at home but because of the in¶uence of
television. As we saw in Chapter 8, the in¶uence of English in the home is even
stronger if the family has cable television.
However, not everyone is so positive about the role that television plays in
promoting English at the home front. Even twenty years ago participants at a
round table on language planning and language development lamented that
commercials were having “a very grave in¶uence on our children” (Gonzalez
and Bautista 1981: 238). The Taglish they used was discouraging the correct
use of language, even among the educated. More recently Georgina Encanto
(1997), the former dean of the College of Mass Communication at the University of the Philippines, blamed television for turning the upcoming generation
of middle class students against English, especially those who do not have
cable. In Chapter 6 we saw that this seems to be happening even among English
teachers in the Visayas, a region that has traditionally promoted the use of
English. Today as the media switches to Filipino, the younger generation seems
to be more conversant in Filipino and feels less compelled to speak and use
English. Encanto (1997: 15) complained that media modeled English that is
characterized by “mangled phrases and sentences, glaring lapses in grammar
such as disagreement between subject and predicate, unidiomatic expressions,
confusion in the use of tenses, disagreement between pronouns and their
antecedents, mixed ªgures of speech, and other booboos.”
If the media is to be blamed for the deteriorating English language skills of
the educated middle class, what is its eŸect on the majority of Filipinos who do
not even ªnish high school? How can children from less a§uent homes who
attend poor quality public schools develop their English language skills outside
the classroom? What about the 33 percent who drop out of school before the
156 Filipino English and Taglish
sixth grade? Are they cut oŸ from employment opportunities because there are
no informal means of learning English? What about those who do not complete a tertiary educational program? Will their English language skills diminish because of lack of support from the media?
Since television and, in particular, television commercials have been
blamed for diminishing English language skills, let us look at the role that
television commercials might play as English teachers in the Philippines. During the nearly nine hours of evening television under investigation in this
section of our look at Filipino English, there were 292 commercials advertising
192 products. Nearly 70 percent were in English, representing close to forty
minutes of viewer time each evening. This means that the average Filipino
viewer is enrolled in a forty minute long English class every evening, even
without cable. In other words, English language commercials may be providing a distance education course with almost the same amount of formal
English instruction that the viewer would have received if enrolled in night
school. Let us take a look at the quality of this instruction.
10.1 Developing communicative competence
How can we judge whether or not commercials qualify as good language
teachers? Since the 1970s language pedagogues and sociolinguists have pointed
out that language programs fail when they focus too much on teaching grammatical and phonological accuracy rather than on how to communicate eŸectively. Halliday (1973), Hymes (1972, 1974), and Labov (1970, 1972) and were
some of the ªrst to recognize that students must also learn how the language ªts
into a social context. Take, for example, commands. When is it more appropriate to say, “Give me the package,” which follows the grammatical form of a
command, and when is it more appropriate to say, “Would you please give me
the package?” which does not? Hymes termed this ability to use grammatical
patterns eŸectively in various social situations communicative competence.
Saville-Troike (1989) explored how language learners develop this communicative competence in both ªrst and second languages as they interact with
others in a variety of formal and informal situations. Through this interaction
they learn not only grammar rules but how to make sense out of what people
are saying or writing to them, how to take turns, how to be polite, how to keep
a conversation going, and how to tell when things that sound like questions
such as “Wouldn’t you like to put your toys away now?” are really commands.
Commercials as language teachers 157
Canale and Swain (1980) suggested how the notion of communicative
competence could be applied to the classroom. Teachers should extend their
traditional concern for grammatical form to include instruction in discourse to
create longer and more appropriate interchanges, pragmatics or sociolinguistics
to show how social situations change grammar and discourse rules, and strategies to make sure the message is understood. Add to this the work of Krashen
(1985), Long (1985), and Wong-Fillmore (1979) that language acquisition
grows out of meaning or understood messages, Vygotsky (1978) that visual
and verbal clues can help learners stretch beyond their normal ability, Gary
(1978) that listening comprehension is basic to the rapid development of
language proªciency, and Meskill (1998) that television plays an important role
in the language development of immigrant children in the USA once they have
limited skills in English and we have an outline of what we should look for as
we evaluate television commercials as languages teachers.
In other words, in spite of the misgivings of the older generation of
Filipinos, commercials might teach communication skills if they are designed
in such as way that the viewers can understand the message and if they
demonstrate the various aspects of communicative competence. Let us examine a sampling of the commercials shown on these three nights of television to
see how well they do. First, let us look ªrst at the commercials from the
standpoint of teaching communication strategies that promote understanding.
Next we will look at how the commercials focus on particular grammar items.
Then we will look at what the commercials teach Filipinos about English
discourse or the appropriate ways to use long stretches of English with each
other. Finally, we will look at the commercials from a pragmatic or sociolinguistic point of view. In other words, what do the commercials teach Filipinos
about when it is appropriate to use English with other Filipinos?
10.1.1 Comprehension strategies
In almost any setting, listening is the most frequently used language skill and as
such is probably the most important language skill for someone learning
English outside the classroom. Wolvin and Coakley (1985: 74) deªne listening
as “the process of receiving, attending to, and assigning meaning to aural
stimuli.” It is a complex problem-solving skill that allows the brain to ªgure out
how a language works. Thus for English language commercials to be good
language teachers, the average Filipino needs to understand them. Halliday
points out that the meaning attached to language comes from four sources
158 Filipino English and Taglish
(Halliday and Hasan 1989). The ªrst is experiential meaning based on our
interaction with processes, events, actions, states, or other aspects of the real
world. Language in this instance is a way of re¶ecting on the world around us.
Another type of meaning is interpersonal, based on our interactions with other
people. For example, we make requests and we oŸer things. In other words,
language expresses our actions. Based on our experiences with the real world
and with other people we attach logical meaning to language as we organize
what we say to indicate such things as causes and eŸects. The way information
is presented in language through such things as thematic structure, rhythm
and information focus generates textual meaning.
Thus the role of meaning in promoting language acquisition involves more
than just understanding the words. As Scarcella and Oxford (1999: 149) point
out in their discussion of how to teach listening skills, good listening activities
tap into the experiential, interpersonal, logical, and textual experiences that the
learner has already had with language. They oŸer many environmental clues to
meaning, require no special background knowledge, and should be of interest
to the students so they will want to solve the problem of how the language
works. Let us look at a sampling of commercials to see how they comply with
these standards. In the following examples, the ªrst column gives the voice
over, the second in capital letters gives the actions or other visual clues, and the
third in square brackets gives any corresponding written text.
Some commercials carefully illustrate each spoken phrase. In the commercial for Panda ballpoint pens, cartoon pandas act out the words of a happy
jingle.
Commercial Transcription 1: Panda pens
[Panda]
Write with a Panda,
Sing with a Panda,
Think with a Panda, too
Sport with a Panda,
Grow with a Panda,
Panda was made for you.
PANDA WRITES
PANDA SINGS
PANDA THINKS
PANDA PLAYS TENNIS
PANDA GROWS
PANDA HOLDS PEN
The jingle continues as the pandas act out the verbs joke, laugh, love, teach,
read, and reach. Not only is each verb illustrated, the happy jingle is simple and
clearly sung, encouraging the language learners to memorize it and repeat it to
themselves.
Commercials as language teachers 159
The following commercial for Gilbey’s Gin Twist and Shout promotion is
a more adult version of an ad where each phrase is clearly illustrated. Cartoon
people interact with various objects to illustrate each phrase of the voice-over.
Commercial Transcription 2: Gilbey’s Gin Twist and Shout
You and your four friends could
PARTYING CARTOON
be shouting all the way to Hong
PEOPLE TRAVEL TO
Kong
HONG KONG
if you twist those caps in Gilbey’s
CAP TWISTS OFF BOTTLE
twist and shout.
Not one
PARTY GOER BOUNCES
OFF ONE CAR
not two
PARTY GOER BOUNCES
OFF TWO CARS
but 15 Lancers are up for grabs
PARTY GOER BOUNCES
OFF 15 CARS
if you twist
PARTY GOER TWISTS
CAP
and look under the cap in Gilbey’s
PARTY GOER LOOKS
twist and shout.
UNDER THE CAP
More often, actions or objects just illustrate key words or general concepts. In
the following commercial for Johnson & Johnson diapers the father comes
home and talks to his baby daughter.
Commercial Transcription 3: Johnson & Johnson diapers
(father’s voice) Daddy’s home.
FATHER ENTERS ROOM AND
APPROACHES BABY
(father’s thoughts) Tell me
FATHER LEANS OVER BABY
now. Soon she’ll be walking
GIRL. CAMERA FOCUSES ON
HER FEET
and talking
FOCUS ON MOUTH
and meet boys
FATHER KISSES CHILD
but for now, I’m the only
FATHER PICKS UP CHILD
man in your life.
Sometimes the clues are visually stimulating but the connection to the spoken
text is a bit esoteric. For example, in a Coca Cola commercial the camera
zooms in on a worker drinking Coca Cola while building a skyscraper.
160 Filipino English and Taglish
Commercial Transcription 4: Coca Cola
Every time you drink a
CAMERA ZOOMS INTO THE BOTTLE
Coca Cola,
OF COCA COLA AS THE WORKER DRINKS
you feel the diŸerence,
ENTERS THE LIQUID
you taste the diŸerence,
BUBBLES SWIRL AS VIEW MAGNIFIES
you know the diŸerence.
DNA WITH COCA COLA BOTTLES
BINDING THE HELIX STRANDS IN THE
BUBBLES
Notice how the same phrase is repeated with only a change of the verb,
focusing the attention of the language learner on only one part of the sentence,
the part being illustrated.
Most advertisements combine actions, objects, and written text to give
meaning clues. The ad for Condura air conditioners looks like a 15 second
science lesson. An authoritative looking older American man in a white smock
announces:
Commercial Transcription 5: Condura air conditioners
The new generation Condura OLDER MAN IN WHITE
quiet series
SMOCK STANDS NEXT TO
A WINDOW
AIRCONDITIONER
delivers up to 5% more
A BAR GRAPH
cooling power
COMPARES THE
COOLING POWER OF
“OURS” AND “THEIRS”
15% less in electricity
A BAR GRAPH
COMPARES ENERGY
CONSUMPTION
plus a 24 hour programmable PICTURE OF THE
timer for maximum
TIMER
convenience and savings.
[Our air conditioning delivers
up to 5% more
cooling power]
[Our air conditioning consumes
up to 15% less
electricity]
[24-hr programmable timer]
The commercial for Quaker Oats looks like a health lesson with ¶ash cards for
vocabulary building. A British voice speaking in clearly enunciated phrases
tells the audience that “Energy giving Quaker oatmeal is a good source of
carbohydrates, minerals, vitamins, and soluble ªber but is cholesterol free
energy and nutrition in a delicious meal.” As each healthy ingredient is men-
Commercials as language teachers 161
tioned, the word appears as a building block that is pieced together as a puzzle
to create a drawing of a house with a chimney.
In some ads the visual clues and the oral text tell related but diŸerent
stories, almost as though one is aimed at those with lower English language
proªciency while the other is a delightful reward for doing well in English class.
Take for example this ad for Philips Liteline ¶uorescent lighting for the home.
Commercial Transcription 6: Philips Liteline
You value your home
DRAWING OF A HOUSE
but ªre can take it away
THE PAPER DRAWING
from you.
BURNS
You need ªre insurance.
New Philips Liteline
¶uorescent ªxture
carefully designed for ªre
protection.
CLOSEUP OF THE
FIXTURE
ANIMATED TOUR OF
THE FIXTURE
The ballast mounted away
from the ceiling, safety
wired to prevent short
circuit.
Best used with
ANIMATED TOUR
CONTINUES
Philips energy saving
¶uorescent lamps.
Cover your home with ªre
insurance.
New Philips Lifeline series
ZOOM IN ON PHILIPS
LABEL
so safe it can never start a
ªre.
STICK DRAWING OF
HOUSE, TREE, SUN,
AND HAPPY FAMILY
Philips. Let’s make things
better.
[Philips Liteline
¶uorescent
ªxture]
[ventilated
mounting]
[continuous
wiring]
[rota-lock lamp
holders]
[3 year
guarantee]
[Philips Lifeline.
Fluorescent
ªxture available in
10/20/30 watts
[Philips. Let’s
make things
better]
162 Filipino English and Taglish
Some ads are designed more like reading comprehension exercises. An extreme
is the commercial for Motorola StarTAC cellular phones. The view is of earth
from outer space. Suddenly the words in the orbiting graphic appear one at a
time as though this is a timed reading.
Commercial Transcription 7: Motorola StarTAC cell phones
(futuristic music) VIEW OF EARTH FROM
[In the future digital
OUTER SPACE. WORDS OF
cellular phones will be no
THE GRAPHIC ARE ADDED
bigger than your business
IN WHITE ONE AT A TIME IN
card]
UPPER LEFT QUADRANT
NEXT ORBITING GRAPHIC
[weigh so little they’ll
APPEARS IN SAME MANNER
seem to defy gravity]
ACCOMPANIED BY DARK
THIN CASE-LIKE OBJECT
NEW GRAPHIC IN SAME
[and will place in your
MANNER AS OBJECT
hands the power of
ROTATES
tomorrow’s technology]
OBJECT OPENS AS CELL
[but why wait for the
PHONE AS NEW GRAPHIC
future?]
APPEARS AS ABOVE
NEW GRAPHIC APPEARS AS
[Motorola StarTAC
ABOVE BESIDE CELL
cellular phone. The
PHONE
smallest, lightest phone
we’ve ever created]
HAND GRABS CELL PHONE
[Now at your authorized
AS NEW GRAPHIC APPEARS
Motorola signature
AS ABOVE
dealer]
Usually the ads are clearly and carefully spoken. However, some have garbled
pronunciation that is di¹cult even for native speakers to understand. For
example, the voice-over for Mazda Powervan is unclear. The ad begins with a
voice reading the graphic [Prepare yourself for the ultimate power trip.] As the
voice continues, only the word power is clear as the ªrst word in a series of
phrases such as “power to defy rough road conditions” and “power to dare new
heights.” With each power phrase diŸerent parts of the car are shown accompanied by graphics such as [independent double wishbone with torsion bar],
[powerful 20 liter gas engine], [power steering], [dual aircon system], and
[fully loaded dashboard].
Commercials as language teachers 163
Many ads appear to assume that Filipinos daydream during English classes
so visual stimulation is substituted for language. Approximately 20 percent of
the English commercials had no language at all, written or spoken, until the
end, when the closing comment or graphic was in English. Ten of the fourteen
clothing commercials, three of the ªve cigarette commercials, and four of the
eight alcohol commercials were in this category. For example, in the ad for
Gem table napkins, a hand is stacking cups and saucers to build a tower on a
napkin held tight by an embroidery ring. Then someone pours coŸee into the
top cup of the tower as a British voice says “If you want it strong, Gem table
napkins” followed by the graphics [If it has to be strong, it has to be Gem] and
[Do not attempt unless with a GEM]. The ad for Marlboro cigarettes shows
several cowboys riding from a mountain ridge to a cabin in the desert. The
voice-over at the end says, “Come to where the ¶avor is. Come to Marlboro.”
The voice in the ad for Club Roman jeans and shirts simply says ªve times
“Club Roman jeans and shirts” while showing the waist of a girl putting on
jeans, the waist of a boy and girl close together, and the waist of a muscular boy
sitting in jeans, all wearing no shirts. Other commercials show skateboarding,
basketball playing, dancing, and other daydreaming activities with closing
phrases such as “for those who appreciate quality,” “living with the master is a
breeze,” “look no further,” and “sounds good, tastes good” — not much of an
English lesson.
Several commercials use what I would call a language sandwich to fool
Filipinos into listening to the English language ad. They start in Tagalog, switch
to English, then switch back to Tagalog. For example, in the commercial for
Decolgen cold medicine a mother comes to the aid of her sick family. The
family conversation is in Tagalog. A Decolgen pill appears on the screen and a
man’s voice explains in English that “Decolgen relieves cold misery, even
headache and fever” as various English graphics appear listing the symptoms
that will disappear. In some other commercials the voice-over is in Tagalog but
the graphics are in English. For example, in the ad for Maxx menthol candy, a
young Filipino man in a native barong-Tagalog or dress shirt is sitting, uncomfortably sweating away in a ªxed-route taxi with several other passengers stuck
in tra¹c. As the voice-over explains in Tagalog the menthol solution for cooling
down his throat, an English graphic appears that reads [Maxx — menthol
candy for Maxximum menthol satisfaction].
Other commercials go to the other extreme and target those who are
highly educated and are quite ¶uent in English. Take for example the ad for
Isuzu Fuego. It is ªlled with visual stimulation metaphorically related to what is
164 Filipino English and Taglish
being said, but the visuals have literary roots that are probably beyond the
comprehension of those who did not do well in school. Notice too the use of
the low frequency word inextricably.
Commercial Transcription 8: Isuzu Fuego
(deep British male voice) Notice
SHOT OF ORIENTAL YING
how some completely opposite
YANG CIRCLE
elements are inextricably linked
together.
That’s the concept behind the new
CUT TO A STAINED GLASS
Isuzu Fuego Monster 280 Turbo
WINDOW OF A SAINT
Engine and 2.5 direct inject diesel.
FIGHTING THE DEVIL
EMERGING FROM THE
FLAMES OF HELL.
Built to handle any load on any
CAR MERGES FROM A FIERY
road. So with a car that can carry
LAVA PIT AND DRIVES OVER
like this, it’s an angel.
THE FLOW
So let all hell break loose outside.
VOLCANO EXPLODES IN THE
It’s still on the inside. All told,
BACKGROUND
this beauty is a beast.
Others have lots of talk, even philosophizing, and but few clues for the meaning
other than clues from within the language itself. As such these commercials
would be accessible only to those who have advanced English skills. Notice the
complex grammar and the philosophizing in the following ad for Nestle’s Milo.
Commercial Transcription 9: Nestle’s Milo
(slow serious male voice) In
ASIAN YOUTH PLAYING
sports individuals make the score SOCCER
but it’s the team that wins the
game;
for victory is achieved not by one ASIAN YOUTH IN A
man alone but by the team
SCIENCE LAB
working together
to achieve the common goal.
ASIAN YOUTH PLAYING
SOCCER
[Sports teaches
teamwork]
[Sports teaches
teamwork. Get
your child into
sports.]
Commercials as language teachers 165
Approximately one third of the English language commercials have lots of talk
with advanced vocabulary and complex linguistic structures with few clues for
meaning. As such they are out of range for low-level language learners though
they might be useful for helping intermediate learners become advanced users
of English and would help advanced users of English maintain their skills. The
products they advertise are usually luxury items beyond the reach of ordinary
citizens who did not complete a college education. They include automobiles,
electronics, life insurance, and banking services. But surprisingly they also
include shampoos and baby supplies such as diapers and baby formula. The
marketing messages behind the use of English in these various products is the
topic of the next chapter.
In short, when the English language commercials that target the highly
educated are totaled with the twenty percent of commercials with limited
language, less than half of the commercials remain to provide language instruction to those with limited English language proªciency. Thus rather than
providing forty minutes of English instruction each evening, the commercials
provide less than twenty minutes of instruction to the nearly sixty percent of
Filipinos who claim they do not yet think in English. Let us now take a look at
the grammar that these commercials teach.
10.1.2 Grammar
Commercials are potentially a good stimulus for grammar instruction because
of two characteristics. First, they use an inductive approach rather than the
deductive approach so common to classroom instruction. Rather than point
out the grammar rule to daydreaming students, they demonstrate how the rule
works in an interesting context and let the viewers ªgure out the rule themselves. Second, since the same commercials are usually shown several times
during the week, the same short grammar lesson is repeated, allowing the brain
ample time to discover the underlying grammar rules as the viewer attends to
the message. This shifts from the classroom teacher to the student the responsibility for learning how English works. Research shows that this is the most
eŸective approach to language learning.
Brown (1994) in his chapter on teaching across proªciency levels reminds
us that diŸerent grammar items are more appropriate for learners at diŸerent
levels of proªciency. Using the ACTFL Proªciency Guidelines (Omaggio 1986)
as a standard, he notes that beginners typically speak in words and phrases
rather than sentences. When they do speak in sentences, they tend to be in one
166 Filipino English and Taglish
tense, the present. They ªnd it di¹cult to attend to more than one sentence at
a time. To become intermediates, they need to learn the basic syntactic structures of English and understand longer stretches of language so they can do
things such as ask and answer questions, follow directions, and handle other
uncomplicated communicative tasks. The intermediate level learners need to
learn more complex grammatical structures and learn how to use the language
for a variety of social purposes such as complaining, advising, elaborating,
apologizing, and philosophizing. The advanced learners need to maintain their
skills while learning how to use diŸerent kinds of English for diŸerent purposes, whether oral or written. As we can see, the grammatical aspect of
commercials is probably more important for helping learners at lower levels of
proªciency. Discourse and pragmatics, the subject of the next two sections, are
more important for those developing advanced English proªciency. Let us
analyze the commercials from the standpoint of the grammar they present for
Filipinos with beginner or intermediate English proªciency.
As we have already seen, many commercials seem to have been created
with the classroom in mind. Flashcards teach vocabulary as in the Quaker Oats
and the Mazda Powervan commercials. Some commercials resemble total
physical response drills where characters in the commercial act out the language the viewer is hearing as in the commercials for Panda pens and Gilbey’s
Twist and Shout. Several take the familiar form of a grammatical pattern drill,
such as the Coca Cola ad with the repetition of “you feel the diŸerence, you
taste the diŸerence, you know the diŸerence.” An ad for Winston cigarettes has
a rock and roll jingle that repeats three times “Give me the feeling, give me the
taste, give me the spirit of the USA.”
The highly frequent verb be is demonstrated in various contracted forms.
For example, in a Nike advertisement, several children of various ethnic origins
are shown one at a time repeating “I’m Tiger Woods.” We have already looked
at the advertisement for Isuzu Fuego with its uses of that’s and it’s. Because of
the nature of commercials, commands and the simple present tense predominate, though the future tense is also demonstrated as in the commercials for
Johnson & Johnson diapers and Motorola cell phones. The simple past often
alternates with the present tense as in the following section of a commercial for
Sunsilk shampoo. A Filipina is shown graduating from college, interviewing
for a new job, and then starting work. She says “Graduation day, my hair felt
great. It looked better during the interview, even better on the big day. It just
keeps getting better.” Almost never are the perfect tenses or the progressive
used. The three times when the present perfect was used were in rhethorical
Commercials as language teachers 167
questions introducing an advertisement, such as the “Have you ever wondered
why Chinese skin is smoother?” at the start of the commercial for Dr. Wong’s
Bioderm ointment. All the pronouns are taught, though it and you are most
common. Of course comparatives and superlatives are common, as we saw in
the ad for the Motorola cell phone.
Most commercials use clearly spoken simple sentences. Commercials use a
combination of American, British, Australian, and Filipino accents to prepare
the language learners to interact with a variety of world Englishes. Often
commercials use elliptical sentences so as to focus on the prepositional phrases,
as in the following commercial for Magnolia milk. The visuals show in succession cows, milk being poured, children drinking it, and a family enjoying the
outdoors while the voice-over says, “Now, Magnolia Nestle fresh milk, in the
new slim pack, with the unique easy to reseal cap, for lasting freshness, Magnolia Nestle fresh milk, with the freshness you can feel.”
However, this use of elliptical sentences to sound hip and conversational
might lead Filipino language learners to misinterpret English grammar. Take
for example the following sequence in an ad for Head and Shoulders shampoo.
A Filipino rock star sings about the itching and scratching of dandruŸ. He
stops singing and says “Man, that ain’t cool.” Then he describes Head and
Shoulders shampoo saying “feels so cool and so refreshing, gives me dandruŸ
free, great looking hair. Look cool, huh. So put an end to scratching and get
that real cool feeling.” This mixture of elliptical sentences and commands
makes English look like a verb-initial language, the dominant pattern in Tagalog. Notice also the use of ain’t in our English lesson.
More complex grammar is also taught. If clauses and when clauses are
common. In an ad for Sun Silk Nutrient shampoo a young woman remembers
the in¶uence her hair had on her boyfriend. At the end she says, “When he
proposed, it was more beautiful, and even more beautiful when we got engaged.” We already saw the use of an if clause in the Gem napkin commercial.
An ad for Konica Photo Express practices if clauses to a tune with a heavy drum
beat. An attractive young woman brings in a ªlm to be developed. While the
commercial shows snaps from the woman’s outdoor adventures, a group sings,
“If you like it hot, hot burning woman, if you like it hot, long lasting memories,
if you want it fast.”
Notice how the following commercial for Motorola MemoJazz pagers
demonstrates modals, negatives, adverbial clauses of reason and time, indirect
questions, tag questions, comparison and contrast, as well as the comparative
and superlative of adjectives, all with an upbeat conversational tone.
168 Filipino English and Taglish
Commercial Transcription 10: Motorola MemoJazz pagers
(Guitar music with rock
YOUNG COLLEGE AGE
beat)
MALE DANCES
You can’t really miss
AROUND IN
MemoJazz, the new ¶ex
BACKGROUND. A
pager from Motorola,
PAGER FILLS THE
BOTTOM RIGHT
CORNER. BOTH APPEAR
ABOUT THE SAME SIZE
specially ‘cause MemoJazz
MALE CONTINUES
has a memory big enough to DANCING
store your friend’s phone
numbers
and tell you when it’s time
MALE CONTINUES
to meet them.
DANCING
Smart, eh? When they call,
MALE CONTINUES
it’s big enough to store 20
DANCING
messages,
but the biggest thing about
MemoJazz is that it’s so
small.
Motorola’s MemoJazz.
Motorola’s smallest,
smartest pager.
[pager] appears
on the display
screen of the
pager when the
word pager
is said
[phonebook]
appears on the
pager display
screen.
[diary] appears
display screen.
[messages]
appears on the
pager display
screen.
MALE STOPS DANCING
AND STEPS FORWARD
TO PICK UP THE SMALL
PAGER. IT FITS IN THE
PALM OF HIS HAND
[Motorola
pagers. What you
never thought
possible]
Since Filipinos love to sing, we would expect a wide use of jingles to encourage
them to rehearse the language. As with the Panda Pen commercial, sometimes
this is true. However, often the jingle is peppy and the visuals are fun, but the
words make little sense or give little language practice that would be useful for
everyday conversation. Take, for example, this jingle for Chippy Treats, “Take
the thing that’s really sweet, add the really spicy treat, it’s called Jack and Jill
Chippy, inspired quite a treat, Chippy Treat, with a Jack and Jill beat, with a
Jack and Jill beat, right now, right now.” The rhythm focuses attention on the
rhyming words “sweet,” “treat,” and “beat” with the ending couplet “right
now.” Other jingles were so unclear that even I as a native speaker could not
understand them.
Commercials as language teachers 169
At times grammar that might not be taught in an English classroom is
modeled. We’ve already seen the use of nonstandard ain’t. However, more
interesting is creative play with grammar as in an ad for Birch Tree Thick
Cream which ends with the graphic [Birch Tree Thick Cream. The way you
should cream.] The ad for Oxygen shirts ends with the graphic [Oxygen.
Exhale your soul.] Sprite repeatedly tells Filipinos during the telecast of a
basketball game, “When you practice, play your thirst.” Del Monte announces,
“We grow quality.” In general though, the commercials provide Filipino viewers with an overview or review of English grammar. Now let us take a look now
at what the commercials teach Filipinos about English discourse.
10.1.3 Discourse
Most people think that all there is to knowing English or any other language is
to memorize some words and some basic grammar rules. However, as we
noted in the discussion of communicative competence, we do not randomly
produce sentences as we interact with others. Depending on such things as the
purpose of our interaction with others, our social relationship, and the setting,
we decide which grammar rules to use and how to organize our sentences most
eŸectively in extended discourse. Hatch (1992) reviews various approaches to
discourse analysis and suggests ways that teachers can use the ªndings. If these
commercials are to teach communicative competence, we should check to see
how the discourse principles she outlines are presented.
Of course, when English teachers think of discourse, they immediately
think of rhetoric. Do the commercials teach Filipinos how to tell stories or to
explain what happened (narration), how to describe what things look or sound
like or how they taste or smell (description), how to give instructions or explain
how things happen (procedure or process), or how to encourage others to
accept new points of view (argumentation or persuasion)? Within their 15 or 30
second time limit they do. We have already seen narration used in a commercial for shampoo. Narration is used to sell products ranging from cable TV to
banking services. We have seen ads for oatmeal, air conditioning, and automobiles demonstrating how to use English to give descriptions. Ads for various
contests show how to give instructions. Others tell how to activate new cell
phone accounts and have nicer looking hair. Of course most commercials
illustrate how to use language to persuade others to try something new.
Hatch also suggests that we look at the commercials from the standpoint of
the four maxims of Grice’s (1975) co-operative principle. They should be
170 Filipino English and Taglish
truthful (Grice’s maxim of quality). Of course we expect that commercials tell
the truth, but careful shoppers always keep in mind caveat emptor. They should
give only as much information as required by the context (Grice’s maxim of
quantity). We saw earlier how this maxim leads to twenty percent of the
commercials having almost no language. They should not include irrelevant
information (Grice’s maxim of relevance). We would expect this to be the case
because of the time limit. However, several commercials such as the Johnson &
Johnson diaper commercial with the father thinking of the baby daughter’s
future stretch the relevance maxim. Finally, they should be clear and not
unnecessarily long-winded (Grice’s maxim of manner). Most commercials
were clearly pronounced, though several had garbled sound tracts or, as we saw
in the Nestle’s Milo commercial, had few clues as to the meaning of several
long, grammatically complex sentences. The 30-second time limit makes longwindedness less likely.
However, other aspects of discourse that Hatch presents are probably more
important if commercials are to teach Filipinos how to use English in interactions with each other. Do they teach the stereotypical sequences or routines that
typify English discourse? For example, do they teach Filipinos how GoŸman’s
(1976) universal signal constraints in human communication apply to English?
In other words, how does English signal what GoŸman called channel openings
and channel closings to indicate that a routine such as making a telephone call or
preaching a sermon is beginning or ending. How about turnover signals for
exchanges of turns, and bracket signals for side comments? Sinclair and
Coulthard (1975) in looking at the role of discourse in the classroom call these
signals moves (framing moves, focusing moves, opening moves, answering moves,
follow up moves). The elements of these routines can be analyzed according to
Searle’s (1969, 1976) speech acts. Do the commercials teach Filipinos how to
request that something be done (directives), how to promise to do something or
decline an invitation to action (commissives), how to state the facts (representatives), how to use language to create a new state of aŸairs (declaratives), or how
to express feelings and opinions (expressives)? We could also look at them from
the standpoint of semantic notions such as giving advice, complaining, complimenting and expressing various moral and emotional attitudes. (See van Ek
(1980) for the Council of Europe’s suggested list of notions and functions for
achieving the Threshold Level of language proªciency.)
One area that Hatch did not discuss was politeness. Do the commercials
teach Filipinos how to use English politely as they interact with each other? I
think the three maxims in LakoŸ’s (1973) version of the politeness principle
Commercials as language teachers
are useful guides. First, avoid imposing on others. English speakers especially
use modals to soften their advice, opinions, and requests. Commands are often
reformulated as statements or questions to soften their impact. Second, give
options for response. English speakers oft use questions and statements to
frame their requests and suggestions to give the listener options. Third, make
the listener feel good. We would expect commercials to tap into this maxim
both visually and verbally.
Let us look at two commercials to see how these suggestions for analyzing
discourse in teaching materials apply. The ªrst is a commercial for Sprite using
American actors. The second is for the Bank of the Philippine Islands Dial a
Dream contest using Filipino actors.
Commercial Transcription 11: Sprite and Grant Hill
(Manager) Grant, it’s time
MANAGER TALKING TO
to look beyond basketball.
BASKETBALL STAR
I’m thinking made for TV
GRANT HILL
drama.
(Grant) You want me to be
GRANT HILL IN
like Tommy, Dad. I can
DRAMATIC POSE WITH
only be Jeb.
TEARS FLOWING
(Manager) After that you go GRANT HILL POSING
on tour with your book.
BEHIND THE COVER OF
BOOK
(Manager) Then you do an
album.
(Grant sings) I’m a cowboy
(Backup women singers)
He’s a cowboy.
GRANT HILL, DRESSED
AS A COWBOY, SINGS
(Manager) So, what do you
think?
(Grant) I’d never do
something like that.
Care for a Sprite?
MANAGER AND GRANT
HILL TALK
GRANT HILL GRABS A
SPRITE
Written on book
cover [Polite like
me. The Grant
Hill Story.]
Written in the
corner as in
music videos
[Grant and the
Hilliones
“Cowboy”
Rodeo Pop Hack
Records]
171
172 Filipino English and Taglish
[Image is
nothing.]
[Taste is
everything.]
[Obey your
thirst.]
Notice the various aspects of discourse that are being demonstrated. Politely,
the manager is trying to persuade Grant Hill to take his career in new directions. He starts with a framing move (Grant, it’s time…) to direct the attention
to the upcoming exchange. He uses a statement as a polite directive that does
not use a command, thus not imposing on the listener. It’s time to look beyond
basketball. He then politely focuses the exchange I’m thinking… by giving
attractive alternatives. Notice the softening eŸect of using the progressive
thinking. He then indicates a turn exchange with the polite question, So, what
do you think? Grant Hill politely uses a commissive in the form of the statement
I’d never do something like that to turn him down. Notice the use of the
contracted modal (would or could in I’d) to make the refusal more polite. He
continues his politeness by oŸering an alternative Care for a Sprite? Notice how
the graphics continue the counter argument.
Contrast this polite interchange with the following entertaining commercial for the Bank of the Philippine Islands Dial a Dream commercial. The
viewer looks in at the commotion in a business o¹ce, which, as expected in the
Philippines, uses English. For our purposes, let us just look at the beginning
and the end of the commercial when the o¹ce workers are conversing.
Commercial Transcription 12: Bank of the Philippine Islands Dial a Dream
(male employee) My bills
FILIPINO MALE OFFICE
have arrived!
EMPLOYEE GLEEFULLY
SHOWS A HANDFUL OF
BILLS.
(male employee) My boss is
SHOT OF MEAN LOOKING
demanding money!
BOSS LOOKING IN ON THE
EMPLOYEE
(his coworkers) He’s crazy!
OTHER OFFICE WORKERS
CONVERSE WITH EACH
OTHER
(announcer) No, he just
[dial a dream]
Commercials as language teachers 173
wants to win in BPI’s
express phone’s dial a
dream.
Every time you use the
express phone to pay bills,
transfer funds to express
teller,
passbook,
or even current account,
get a chance to win
thousands and a brand new
Volvo.
(Commercial continues to
show how to enroll with
graphics and actions
matching words.)
(boss) Honey, pay all our
bills through the express
plan.
EMPLOYEE DIALS A PHONE [pay bills]
[transfer funds to
express teller]
[passbook]
[current]
[Volvo]
THE MEAN BOSS, WHO HAS
BEEN LISTENING IN,
SNEAKS TO THE
TELEPHONE.
Notice that in contrast to the Grant Hill Sprite commercial even though there are
several characters, the script does not teach Filipinos how to use English with
each other. The characters use expressives to state their opinions, representatives
to state the facts, and directives to order things done, but they do not show the
viewing audience how to interact with each other through English. English is
presented as a display language rather than a language for interaction. Note too
that the politeness forms used in the Sprite commercial are missing.
This is the common failing of the commercials. As we have seen in the
sampling we have looked at in this chapter, English is used to instruct and
otherwise display knowledge rather to interact with others. As a result, when
we looked at the grammar used in the commercials, we saw that the progressive and the present perfect, both frequent verb forms in conversational interaction, were seldom used. Other high frequency features of conversational
English, such as modals, are either scarcely used, or are used in unusual ways.
Take questions, for example. Only three times are questions used in the question-answer sequence expected in conversational interactions. One was in the
Grant Hill Sprite commercial we looked at earlier. The other was in a com-
174 Filipino English and Taglish
mercial for Strepsils sore throat relief. The scene is a wedding. The minister
says “Vivian, do you take this man…?” The voice-over interrupts the scene
because she cannot answer. She takes the medicine and answers, “I do.” In a
commercial for Mobiline cell phones, a father says to his child on the telephone, “Hello, how’s my baby?”, but the answer is unclear and seems to be in
Tagalog. Otherwise, all the questions that occur in the commercials are rhetorical and expect no answer from the listener or any other character in the
commercial. For example, the ad for Nissan Ceªro begins with “Have you
traveled ªrst class lately?” then continues without pause to talk about the
superiority of the engine of this car. The ad for Pantene Pro V shampoo starts
with the question “Do you really know how your shampoo works?” then
continues to explain how the moisturizing formula works. In other words,
the commercials do not teach lower level English language learners how questions are used to initiate a conversation, give polite options, or to redirect a
conversation in new directions. They are only used to introduce information
that the speaker wishes to display. This display quality of English is seen even
more clearly when we look at the pragmatics that English language commercials illustrate.
10.1.4 Pragmatics
What do the commercials teach about the pragmatics of English in the Philippines? In other words, when is it appropriate to use English with Filipinos and
what does the switching between English and Tagalog signify? In the sampling
of commercials we have looked at so far we have seen that it is appropriate to
use English with other Filipinos in school related activities, in ªnancial and
business aŸairs, and in matters relating to science and technology. This would
be expected, based on what we know about the history of English in the
Philippines. It is also appropriate to sing in English. The jingles for all the
commercials, even the Tagalog commercials, were in English.
The commercials also teach Filipinos that it is appropriate to use English in
the family. We have already seen a father speaking English to his baby daughter
in a diaper commercial and a father talking to his daughter in English on the
telephone. In a Toyota commercial, a father speaks English to his young sons
about driving safety as they play in the driveway of their home. In a commercial
for Cookie Delight, four children wake up their older brother napping on the
couch. They start singing in English about wanting a Cookie Delight. Mother
comes in with a tray of cookie, chips, and drinks and adds her comments in
Commercials as language teachers 175
English. However, in each of these cases, the use of English does not lead to an
English conversation between the participants.
Instead, the commercials teach that Taglish, rather than English, is appropriate when using English for interpersonal communication rather than for
displaying knowledge. Let us look at several commercials as an illustration. The
commercial for STI College, a technical college specializing in computer education, starts with a catchy jingle. “Let’s go, let’s go, enroll in STI. Get skills, get
jobs, STI education now.” Then a young male student says “For me STI ang
best in computer education.” Notice the use of the Tagalog focus particle ang
in place of the English determiner. A young female student adds that STI has “a
guaranteed hire program para sa iyo (‘for you’)”. A commercial for another
computer school has similar switching between English and Tagalog as the
students interact with each other. In a Tagalog commercial for Eden cheese, a
young boy is watching television. The mother comes in and announces in
English “Meryenda time.” Meryenda is Filipino English for their customary
mid-morning or mid-afternoon snack. The child does not respond. The
mother returns and says “Eden time,” obviously a play on eating time. The
child runs for the treat. In an English commercial for Zesto milk children are
drinking milk at a dairy while the voice-over explains the beneªts of this brand
of milk. A young girl says “Wow, so good.” A teenage boy adds “mmm, sarap
(‘delicious’).”
Sometimes the only English is in graphics that accompany the spoken
Tagalog text. For example, the eleven times that Tagalog beer commercials
appear, the ad ends with the English graphic [Drink Moderately]. The Tagalog
commercials for health aids end with a list of ingredients in English and a
warning graphic to consult a doctor if symptoms persist. A patriotic public
service announcement explaining the history of the Philippine ¶ag is spoken in
Tagalog but all graphics are written in English. A government health announcement is in Tagalog but the graphic announcing the program reads [3
Steps to Good Health]. Some of the graphics accompanying Couples Choice
birth control read [safe], [convenient], [eŸective], and [3 months protection].
The other graphics and the voice-over are in Tagalog.
Often a Tagalog commercial starts in English and then switches to Tagalog
with a strong mixture of English words. For example, the commercial for the
Sanyo washing machine begins with a happy young Filipina announcing,
“Introducing the Sanyo jumbo washing machine with a big and powerful
pulsator.” She then continues in Tagalog with a liberal sprinkling of English
words such as gentle, washing, and powerful. The commercial for Biogesic cold
176 Filipino English and Taglish
medicine starts with a mother carrying a tray of medicine as she enters a
bedroom with a sick husband and a sick son. She says in English, “When my
boys have fever, I give them Biogesic, tablets for big boys (the husband) and
syrup for little boys.” The commercial continues in Tagalog. In a Tagalog
commercial for Axion dishwashing detergent a chubby, gap-toothed kitchen
helper interrupts to say in English, “Be smart. Use Axion.” The commercial for
Clover Chips shows another integration of English and Tagalog into Taglish.
Teenagers are stu¹ng themselves into a telephone booth while the announcer
speaks in Tagalog. The commercial ends with the unread rhyming graphic
[Come on over sa sarap ng Clover] ‘Come on over to delicious Clover’. In other
words, commercials teach that Taglish, rather than plain English, is appropriate in extended discourse with fellow Filipinos.
10.2 Conclusions
In this chapter we have seen that the commercials tap into language learning
strategies and give a good overview of grammar, though providing limited
discourse support for improving interpersonal communication. In the area of
pragmatics we have also seen that the commercials show Filipinos that it is
appropriate to use English both at home and in public, though Taglish rather
than plain English is expected in extended discourse.
But pragmatics in a bilingual society deals with more than when it is
appropriate or expected to speak one language or the other. It also deals with
the social messages that underlie language switching. Are the values that
marketers promote through English language commercials appealing to those
Filipinos who did not do well in school yet need the informal English instruction that the commercials can provide? If not, they probably will not pay
attention and this somewhat ¶awed English instruction will have little eŸect on
their language proªciency. In the next chapter we will look more closely at the
marketing messages of both English and Tagalog commercials.
Chapter 11
Marketing messages through
language switching in television commercials
Television commercials are designed to sell products. Maddock and Fulton
(1996) point out that although successful commercials have three dimensions,
one based on rationalization, one based on memory, and one based on motivation, it is the motivational dimension which taps into the emotions and mores
of the consumer that is most important. Traditionally these emotions and
mores are passed from generation to generation through interactions with
family and friends in the home, through secular and religious instruction, and
through other social venues. However, Kellner (1995) proposes that with the
advent of television, commercial advertising is taking over as the arbiter of
thought and behavior in popular culture. Thus commercials have become a
tool for social engineering either reinforcing the traditional values of the
community or spreading new values based on national, global, or simply
commercial priorities. For example, in multiethnic India, Johnson (2000)
found that once television comes to an isolated rural village, long cherished
beliefs are modiªed or abandoned as children adopt the new belief system and
the image of life that is portrayed in the commercials and other programming.
What eŸect does this new approach to social engineering have on a society
such as the Philippines with its long history of social engineering using ªrst
English and now Tagalog? What are the emotions and beliefs that Filipino
advertisers tap into as they look for ways to motivate consumers? The answer is
not straightforward since, as Fernandez (1989a) points out, Filipino culture is
multilayered with competing values from various sources. As we saw in part A,
after nearly four hundred years of Spanish colonization with its heavy emphasis
on Roman Catholic values, the United States brought some forty years of
secular education and social engineering through English. Today the English
language is associated with business, education, government, and other activities associated with an educated populace. For the last sixty years Tagalog has
spread throughout the nation mostly through informal venues, primarily comics, movies, and radio, though it received it biggest boost with the institution of
178 Filipino English and Taglish
bilingual education thirty years ago. Today it is associated with interpersonal
relations and the activities of the poor. Blend in layers of traditional Malay
culture from at least seventy-ªve highland and lowland ethno linguistic groups.
Add to the mix values that come from several centuries of cultural contact with
Chinese, Arab, and Indian traders, many of whom settled in the Philippines.
This complicated mixture of eastern and western values makes Filipino culture
perhaps the most complex in Asia.
How do advertisers sort through all of this? To ªnd out, let us look ªrst at
the languages that the advertisers use to market the various products. What is
the overall picture they paint of the Filipino consumer? Then we will examine
the commercials themselves to see the underlying values that advertisers hope
will motivate Filipino consumers. The primary focus will be on the English
language commercials, since they predominate. We will close with a brief look
at the contrasting messages of Tagalog commercials.
11.1 Languages and products
As we saw in the introduction to these chapters in part C, whereas only 40
percent of the shows which were broadcast during this nine-hour sampling of
Filipino television were predominantly in English, nearly 70 percent of the
commercials were. Given the acceptance of language switching in the Philippines, the English and Tagalog commercials were not segregated to special
language periods but were interchanged with each other during both English
and Tagalog dominant shows. In the same way that English and Tagalog were
mixed in the basketball commentary that we looked at in Chapter 9, the
commercials mixed the two languages, though commercials in straight English
predominated.
Of the 292 commercials advertising 192 products that were shown during
this prime viewing time, 171 or 58.56 percent were only in English and 31 or
10.61 percent were predominantly English but included some Tagalog words or
phrases. Only 33 or 11.30 percent were only in Tagalog except for the name of
the product. Another 57 or 19.52 percent were in Tagalog with English words
and phrases. Thus nearly 70 percent of all commercials were predominantly in
English. Another way to break it down would be that almost 60 percent were in
English, 30 percent in Taglish, and 10 percent in Tagalog. Not included in these
totals were the advertisements for other television shows or movies. As a rule,
ads for television shows were in Tagalog regardless of the language of the show.
Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 179
Usapang Business, for example, a predominantly English language program,
was advertised in Tagalog. Action movies from the United States that were
opening soon in local movie theaters or television specials from the United
States were usually the only movies or programs advertised in English.
Most commercials, 129, were shown only once, 36 twice, and 27 were
shown three or more times. Table 11.1 shows the distribution of product types
according to two sets of language groupings: only Tagalog, mostly Tagalog, and
Table 11.1 Language of commercials by product type
Product Type
T*
T(E)
Pharmaceuticals
5
10
Toiletries
1
0
Child Care
0
0
11
14
Non-alcoholic Drinks 0
0
Alcoholic Drinks
0
5
Cigarettes
0
0
Detergent/Cleaning
Supplies
Home Maintenance
3
4
1
1
Appliances/Electronics 0
2
Banking/Finance
0
1
Education/School
Supplies
Automobiles/Travel
0
0
0
1
Clothing
0
0
Government/Public
Services
Language Totals
1
3
22
41
Food
T + T(E)
E
15
2
(71.43%)
1
10
(8.33%)
0
6
(0.00%)
25
11
(60.98%)
0
9
(0.00%)
5
8
(35.71%)
0
5
(0.00%)
7
0
(100.00%)
2
2
(40.00%)
2
20
(7.69%)
1
12
(7.69%)
0
2
(0.00%)
1
8
(10.00%)
0
14
(0.00%)
4
0
(100.00%)
63
108
(32.81%)
E(T)
E+E(T)
4
6
(28.57%)
11
(91.67%)
6
(100.00%)
16
(39.02%)
11
(100.00%)
9
(64.29%)
5
(100.00%)
0
(0.00%)
3
(60.00 %)
24
(92.31%)
12
(92.31%)
4
(100.00%)
9
(90.00%)
14
(100.00%)
0
(0.00%)
129
(67.19%)
1
0
5
2
1
0
0
1
4
0
2
1
0
0
21
Total
21
12
6
41
11
14
5
7
5
26
13
4
10
14
4
192
*T = only Tagalog, T(E) = Tagalog with some English words and phrases, T + T(E) = total
and percentage of Tagalog and mostly Tagalog, E = English only, E(T) = English with some
Tagalog words and phrases, E = E(T) = total and percentage of English and mostly English
180 Filipino English and Taglish
the total and percentage of Tagalog and mostly Tagalog commercials; only
English, mostly English, and the total and percentage of only English and
mostly English commercials.
What is the socioeconomic picture that is presented by the association of
English and Tagalog with the various products? Notice that there are deªnite
patterns as to the choice of language for most types of products. Commercials
for childcare products, non-alcoholic beverages, cigarettes, and education, are
only in English. Ads for detergents and cleaning supplies and government or
public services are only in Tagalog. Further diŸerences surface when the top ªve
product types for Tagalog and English are examined more closely. Table 11.2
presents the top ªve product types according their respective language.
Table 11.2 Top ªve product types as percentage of commercials predominantly in
English or Tagalog
Products predominantly in
Tagalog
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Food
Pharmaceuticals
Cleaning Supplies/ Detergents
Alcoholic Beverages
Government Services
Total
% of
total
39.68%
23.81%
11.11%
7.94%
6.35%
88.89%
Products predominantly in
English
1. Appliance/Electronics
2. Food
3. Clothing
4. Banking/Finance
5. (tie) Toiletries
Non-alcoholic Beverages
% of
total
18.60%
12.40%
10.85%
9.30%
8.53%
8.53%
68.21%
What is the picture that is painted of consumers who prefer Tagalog? Food is
the most frequent category for Tagalog dominant commercials, accounting for
nearly forty percent of Tagalog commercials. Six of these commercials (42.86
percent of the food total) are for fast food restaurants. The rest are for snack
foods such as chips and cookies or for tuna ªsh, corned beef, and various sauces
that are typical of Filipino cooking. The second most common Tagalog based
commercial is for health products such as pain relievers, cold and fever medicines, vitamins, and birth control. In third place are advertisements for laundry
soap and dish washing detergent. These are never advertised in English. Alcoholic beverages rank fourth, though in Tagalog, beer is the typical beverage
advertised. As a rule, harder liquors, such as whiskey, gin, and rum are advertised in English. The last of the Tagalog top ªve is for government or public
services such as electricity, health insurance, and patriotic celebrations. These
ªve types account for nearly ninety percent of the commercials aired in Tagalog. The picture they paint is of the Tagalog dominant consumer struggling just
Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials
to stay alive. There is no money for clothing, home appliances, or even childcare. Nearly two thirds of the Tagalog advertisements are for inexpensive foods
and condiments to supplement rice and other foods bought at the market and
for medicines to restore health.
The English dominant ads present a diŸerent picture. As seen by the
percentages for each category, they present a much wider range of products. By
far the most common advertisements are for appliances and electronics such as
air conditioners, cell phones, kitchen appliances, televisions and stereos. In
second place are English language commercials for food, though they are less
frequent than food commercials in Tagalog. Milk products typically are advertised in English and account for one third of the English food advertisements.
The rest are for an assortment of snack foods and oatmeal. In third place is
clothing, mostly shoes and jeans found in shopping malls. In fourth place are
ªnancial advertisements for various bankcards, other banking services and life
insurance programs. I also included in this category various lotteries and
drawings. Tied for ªfth place are advertisements for toiletries, mostly shampoos, and advertisements for non-alcoholic beverages such as Sprite, fruit
juices, and bottled water. If I had extended the list one more place, the English
list would have ended with advertisements for hard liquors and advertisements
for automobiles and travel, including gasoline, airlines, and automobiles. In
other words in contrast to the Tagalog advertisements, the English advertisements paint a picture of a§uence and ªnancial security.
In 1983 one of Sibayan’s students Roopa Dewan looked at the commercials
on ªve television stations in Metro Manila and came up with similar ªndings
(Sibayan 1985: 593–594). She noted that 144 products were advertised, mostly
foods, beverages, toiletries, appliances and pharmaceuticals. She found that 61
percent of the advertisements were in English, 22 percent in Tagalog, and 17
percent in Taglish, almost the same percentages that I found almost 15 years
later, though with the increased use of Taglish the percentage for Tagalog has
dropped. Dewan observed that the use of English and Tagalog correlated with
the perceived market for the product. More expensive products or more
prestigious products were in English since they were targeted at the middle and
upper income classes. Only products aimed at the masses were advertised in
Tagalog. Thus, in spite of the changes in language usage patterns and language
attitudes that we have seen developing in the Philippines in recent years,
advertisers still embrace English. Let us now see if the social messages of the
commercials continue the tradition of associating English with the social engineering of the past.
181
182 Filipino English and Taglish
11.2 Languages and social messages
When the Americans arrived in the Philippines at the turn of the twentieth
century and were confronted with a set of multilingual islands with no lingua
franca accepted by the majority of the population, they decided that English
would be their medium for developing the qualities of good citizenship and
preparing the people both socially and economically for independence. This
long-term association of English with developing good character and promoting good fortune continues as an underlying theme in commercials. Let us take
a look at these two premises and their various correlates.
11.2.1 English as promoter of good character
Foremost in the minds of the Americans when they took over the Philippines
was to use English to develop good character in the natives. Look at how this
premise continues in full force in the following commercials for Gatorade and
Nestle’s Milo. The Gatorade commercial shows people jumping rope, playing
soccer and basketball, and participating in other sports with the uplifting
reminder “In the great sport of life, it doesn’t matter what you do, but how you
do it.” The commercial for Nestle’s Milo starts with the unread graphic [Sports
teaches teamwork] then shows youths playing soccer and doing science projects.
The voice-over says, “In sports, individuals make the score but it’s the team that
wins the game. For victory is achieved not by one man alone, but by the team
working together to achieve the common goal.” The ending graphic [Sports
teaches teamwork. Get your child into sports] is not read.
An extension of the good character theme is that English serves as a
conscience or trusted advisor. At the bottom right corner of the sometimesracy Tagalog sitcoms is the warning in English [parental guidance]. Commercials for alcoholic beverages, whether in English or Tagalog end with the
English graphic [Drink moderately]. Viewers see written on the ¶oor of the
basketball arena [Sportsmanship is our Goal]. Marisigan (1986) found English
serving a similar purpose when she surveyed the language usage of teachers and
students in exclusive Catholic schools at the elementary, secondary, and tertiary level in Metro Manila. Her subjects often switched to English to state
slogans or maxims.
The commercials for Mobiline cell phones strikingly follow this theme that
English is the voice of the conscience. In one, a young couple is seen leaving a
social gathering. The father calls home on the cell phone to ask the family
Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 183
helper how things are going. She reports in Tagalog that the daughter is not
feeling well. He hangs up and looks at his wife. Then a graphic ªlls the screen as
an authoritative, deep male voice with an American accent reads the graphic,
[When Was The Last Time You Really Talked?] The father immediately calls
back and with Filipino accented English says to his little daughter in English
“Hello, Kim. How’s my baby?” The daughter mumbles something in Tagalog.
The father replies in English “O. K. you can stay in our room tonight. O.K?”
The authoritative American voice continues, “Don’t miss a chance to say
goodnight. [Take Time To Talk] A message from Mobiline.” In another version of the commercial, a young businessman is delayed in Cebu on a business
trip. He calls home to say in Tagalog that he will be late coming home. As he
gets ready to hang up, the same [When Was The Last Time You Really Talked?]
message appears, read by the same authoritative American voice. The young
husband says, “Hold on, hon” and the conversation continues in Tagalog.
Sometimes the role of English as conscience or trusted advisor borders on
nagging or intimidation. For example in the commercial for Condura air
conditioners a large grandfatherly white-haired American dressed in the white
smock of a scientist explains how the air conditioner works. In the closing shot,
the camera angle looks up at him from waist level so he appears to be looking
down at the viewer as he shakes his ªnger and says “New generation Condura.
You have a better choice.”
Solemn oaths and promises to do better are also given in English. In a
commercial for Johnson & Johnson diapers, a young father is interacting with
his baby daughter in a crib. The father talks to himself in English about the
child’s future. Another male voice advises, “Give your little one the best.
Johnson super absorbent diapers.” The father continues, “I promise, I’ll always
be there for you.”
This theme that English promises Filipinos a better future underlies an ad
for Prudentialife. The ad directs a question to young fathers. “What can you
give to those who mean everything to you? The child who has your eyes and
who spoke to you of his dreams. A wish that resides in your heart. Give them a
future they can look forward to with Prudentialife.” Dunlop socks are “designed for the future”. The woman voice in the PCI bank card announces “I
come from the future to tell you about this microchip.”
It would appear that God himself prefers English. The wedding setting for
Strepsils sore throat lozenges is in English. The peppy church choir for Del
Monte 202 fruit juice sings in English. The monk in the advertisement for
Coat Saver latex paint says, “It’s a miracle”. In an amusing advertisement for
184 Filipino English and Taglish
Polymagma we have an aerial shot of a fully packed jeepney, the omnipresent
extended jeep that serves as public transportation in the Philippines, on a wild
and crazy ride down a dusty mountain road. One of the women passengers has
a panicked look on her face as she motions to the driver in Tagalog. One needs
to have experienced such a ride to understand the feelings she may be expressing, perhaps even a quick prayer for safety. Suddenly a voice from heaven says,
“The problem with diarrhea is you never know when or where it will start.
Relieve your suŸering with doctor-trusted Polymagma.”
It is not just the voice of God or the voice of the conscience that promotes
better living. English-speaking experts do the same. In the commercial for
Motolite batteries a large Eurasian man in a white coat speaks English as he
leads the viewer through a ¶amethrower test of a car battery. The people
manning the ¶amethrowers speak Tagalog. After the test, one of them says in
Taglish to conªrm the results “Start naya? Let’s see. It works” then resumes
talking to the others in Tagalog. Even in Tagalog commercials, English as the
reliable voice of an expert prevails. In an ad for Cell Card, a cell phone
prepayment service, young Filipinos are talking in Tagalog. A voice interrupts
in English to introduce Cell Card and explain how it is used. When he ªnishes,
the people talk to each other in Tagalog. In an Axion commercial for dish soap,
a chunky gap-toothed family helper breaks into the Tagalog commercial to
exclaim in English “Be smart, use Axion,” and “7 out of 10 use Axion.”
11.2.2 English as promoter of good fortune
English assures ªnancial success. We have already seen that commercials dealing with ªnances are in English. The intertwining of money and English is the
focus of the commercial for PRULIFE-UK life insurance. A collage of the faces
that appear on world currencies appears on the screen. An English voice
proclaims, “A face you can trust.” Get rich quick schemes such as lotteries,
ra§es or other contests for big prizes are announced in English. Even products
such as fast foods that are normally advertised in Tagalog switch to English
when announcing a ra§e or drawing.
Not only is English directly associated with money, it is implied by the
visuals of the commercials. Symbols of a§uence such as air conditioners, cell
phones, stereos, kitchen appliances, even electric fans are sold in English. In
commercials for shampoos, the men and women take showers with lots of
water, something unusual in the land of dip and pour bathing and chronic
water shortages. In a land of chronic housing shortages with two or three
Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 185
families often sharing housing, young English-speaking newlyweds are shown
moving into their own spacious apartments. The commercial for Nissan Ceªro
asks the viewers, “Have you traveled ªrst class lately?”
English provides for a better life in other ways. It helps Filipino babies grow
taller and stronger, seemingly a major concern for a nation ªlled with short
people. All products for babies and pregnant women are in English. Commercials tell Filipino parents to use Johnson & Johnson baby oil for infant massage
so their babies will grow taller. Hi-Nulac infant formula has the same eŸect.
Gain baby formula creates more beautiful eyes, extremely important in a land
where beauty queens are the envy of everyone. The commercial for ProKids
diapers features a giant baby stalking the town like Godzilla with the ending
voice-over stating, “ProKids disposable diapers, for the world’s greatest babies.”
Of course, good fortune comes from international connections that reach
beyond English-speaking countries. The spokesperson in the commercial for
Northwest Airlines is a Japanese architect. The man in the easy chair in the
Skycable commercial says that “My view was so small before Sky, but, of
course, is there anything bigger?” Then another voice adds, “Skycable. Let’s
enjoy the world together.” An ad for Shell gasoline starts out in Italian as some
young boys interact with a man and a Ferrari. The voice-over says “Only one
fuel is allowed inside a Ferrari.” The United States in particular plays a role in
many commercials. The ad for Timex Indiglo watches features the Statue of
Liberty. The characters in all the cigarette advertisements are Americans.
Winston advertises itself as “the spirit of the USA.” When young people in ads
are participating in sports, it is rollerblading, soccer, football, and other sports
which are more common in the USA than in the Philippines.
Perhaps a good summary of how English promotes good character and
good fortune can be seen in the commercial for Toyota Corolla. A young
Filipino father is playing with his two young children in the driveway of his
large home. He pushes them around in their toy car explaining to them in
English how to drive safely. Later when he gets into his car to go to work, he
reads a note they have written to him in English. “Dad, Drive safely. Love Rain
and Robin.”
11.2.3 English as bad boy
From the beginning of English in the Philippines, the language has been
associated not just with eŸorts to improve the lives of Filipinos, but with
decadence. While the schools were working to uplift the people, soldiers,
186 Filipino English and Taglish
businessmen, and other fortune seekers had other things in mind. American
churches sent missionaries to the Philippines not just to convert Filipinos, but
to start YMCAs and other organizations to keep the soldiers and other Americans in check. Many commercials re¶ect this long standing relationship between English and cigarettes, whiskey, and wild, wild women. All cigarette and
hard liquor advertisements, as well as commercials for imported beer are in
English. But the wild, wild woman motive is a bit more subtle. It becomes more
evident when the commercials are analyzed on the basis that English serves as a
love potion.
English as love potion sells everything from shampoo to chewing gum. For
example, in the Sun Silk shampoo commercial a woman shampoos her hair
and says, “That ªrst date, he said he loved my hair.” A male voice explains how
the shampoo nourishes her hair. The commercial ends with the woman adding, “When he proposed, it was more beautiful, and even more beautiful when
we got engaged.” In the Lux shampoo commercial, after the woman shampoos
her hair, she walks through a crowded restaurant with all the young men
turning to look at her. The man she meets kisses her and gives her a necklace. A
young man uses Close-up toothpaste and sings, “I want to get close to your
smile.” The ad for Eggnog cookies is in Tagalog until two teenage girls, who are
standing on a porch with a box of cookies, see a handsome young man go by.
They take turns rating him in English “I give him three Eggnogs. I give him six.
No he’s a nine. He’s a box.” The young man then looks their way. The
commercial for Strepsils sore throat lozenges takes place at a wedding. The
ceremony is in English. The bride has a sore throat and can’t say “I do” until
she takes a Strepsils. An enthusiastic Filipino male voice says, “It really works.”
Then the wedding chimes play and the happy couple leaves the church.
Even alcoholic beverages use the English as love potion theme. In the
commercials for hard liquors, young European men and women party together. It is obvious that these men have no problems getting and keeping the
attention of women. This is not the case in Tagalog beer commercials. In these,
men interact only with other men. An interesting illustration is one for Red
Horse beer. A young Filipino saves the day when a girl mountain climber is
threatened by a rockslide. She oŸers him a seat on the bus, but the scene cuts
away immediately to the young man having a beer with the boys. Men who use
Tagalog have to be content to hang out with the guys.
The Doublemint gum commercial plays on the power of English to bring
love into the life of these beer-drinking Filipino young men. A blond girl is
sunning herself by the pool. Re¶ected in her sunglasses are two young Filipino
Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 187
men in swimming suits drinking beer. One, who is wearing only a skimpy
Speedo, looks like a body builder on steroids. The other one is thin and wears a
shirt and a baggy swimming suit that comes to his knees. As the commercial
explains in English the beneªts of chewing Doublemint gum, the body builder
with a beer in his hand shows oŸ his muscles and tries to kiss the girl. He is
rejected. The thin Filipino, who is chewing Doublemint gum, gets the girl even
though he too has a beer. The English of cigarette commercials has the same
eŸect on helping men attract women.
The power of English as a love potion leaves little to the imagination in two
racy commercials, one for deodorant and the other for men’s underwear. The
setting for Axe body spray is an African safari. A tall handsome European man
with dark brown hair is looking over the African plains. He sees a beautiful
dark-haired European girl standing by her car, obviously lost as she checks her
compass. As a cheetah starts to run towards her, she drops her compass. The
hero jumps into his safari wagon to rush to her side. She faces him and stoops
down to pick up her compass. With her face close to his crotch, she slowly
starts to rise. The camera quickly switches for a few seconds to him naked
putting on a deodorant body spray. A female voice says, “Spray with conªdence
with Axe.” Another voice adds, “The deodorant body spray for men. Axe Africa
because ªrst impressions last.” The closing shows four Axe deodorants shaped
like phallic symbols. The woman in distress and the rescuer are standing again
on the African plains. She drops her compass once more and the viewer is left
to imagine what happens next.
The Hanford underwear commercial is ªlled with homoerotic images. A
handsome young European man wearing knee-high riding boots is sitting on
the hood of his sports car with one foot on the hood and his knee bent upward.
A herd of sheep and another young man pass by. He comes home. His butler
serves him a drink by the ªreplace. He showers then picks up his Hanford briefs
as a woman’s voice says “Hanford. Some things are too good to hide.” A male
voice continues as the camera pans the man’s waist. “The continuous comfort
seam of Hanford is only one feature that makes it too good to hide.” The
camera then switches to the other feature that is too good to hide, a frontal
close up of this well-endowed male as he lifts weights. To drive in the message,
the graphic [Hanford, too good to hide] appears with another close up of his
abs and crotch as he walks on his treadmill.
Cigarettes, whiskey, and wild, wild women (and men) aren’t the only vices
depicted by English. Some advertisements take the viewer on a feel-good drug
high with psychedelic colors and dissolving shapes. The most blatant example
188 Filipino English and Taglish
of this is for the LG Corporation. No product is mentioned, though electronics
are implied. A soft male British voice intones, “The face of the future will
behold sights so dazzling they will mesmerize you to no end (As the face of a
woman ¶oats by, her eyes grow larger), sounds so enchanting you’ll want to
hear them again and again (As a man’s head ¶oats by, his ears grow larger),
scents so appetizing you’ll hunger for more (As a woman’s head ¶oats by, her
nose grows) because it will come face to face with the company (an air
conditioner ¶oats by) that creates world wide conveniences (a television set
¶oats by) so innovative they’ll overwhelm your senses, so advanced you’ll
experience the future.”
As we saw in the good fortune section, English is also associated with the
sin of avarice. All but one of the commercials for lotteries, drawings, and
various cash give-a-ways were in English. Even fast food hamburger chains
such as McDonald’s and Jolibee, which usually advertise in Tagalog, advertised
in English when some sort of give-a-way was involved.
Yet in spite of these sins of smoking, drinking, sex, drugs, and avarice,
advertisers generally depict Filipinos who are ¶uent in English as thoughtful
and of good character. They manage their money well and prepare for the
future well being of their family and are interested in a comfortable lifestyle.
11.3 The growing Tagalog backlash
The image of Filipinos in the Tagalog commercials is not so ¶attering. Those
who are weak in English language skills are superstitious. For example, the
Tagalog commercial for Wonderseal features a vampire bat that ¶ies around at
night looking for holes in the roofs of squatter huts or other poorly constructed
habitations. When the vampire ªnds a hole, she extends her tongue through
and sucks blood from the bellies of unsuspecting sleepers. Wonderseal blocks
the hole and the vampire is killed by the rising sun as she spends the night
trying to break through the seal.
Tagalog speakers make fools of themselves when they try to appear educated. If scientists speak English, mad scientists speak Tagalog. A mad scientist
with a frightening hairdo proclaims the virtues of Ajax soap in Tagalog. But
even he at the end of his spiel adds in English, “Ajax, all in one, the only one
with all new Bacteria ªghting TC3.” Advertisements for technical schools have
the students speaking in Taglish rather than English, implying that their English is not good enough for a good university education.
Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 189
In matters of the heart, Tagalog is of little use. We already saw that Tagalog
beer drinkers must resign themselves to hanging out with the guys rather than
the girls. The commercial for Minute Burger makes light of the rudeness of
Tagalog-speaking males in aŸairs of the heart. The commercial opens with a
young man saying goodbye to his girlfriend as her train leaves the station. He
chases the train down the platform and reaches towards her window. As she
looks longingly at him, he reaches in and steals her hamburger out of her hand.
Advertisers teach Tagalog speakers that they need to practice responsible
sex to limit the number of children they have so they can aŸord to give their
children the products advertised in English. All birth control information is in
Tagalog. A birth control advertisement for women shows images of a small
family with nice possessions. The commercial for condoms depicts two men at
a restaurant discussing responsible sex.
In other words, the advertisers depict those who do not use English as
poorly educated people living in desperation, their lives revolving around
putting basic foods on the table and meeting basic health needs. Rather than
shopping in malls for brand name clothing or other ªne things in life, they shop
in open-air markets for basic foods that can be enhanced by condiments.
But are the advertisers out of touch with the reality of life in the Philippines
of today? Do these messages re¶ect the views of an isolated moneyed class that
is living in the past? If social mobility and wealth were readily available to
everyone simply by improving English language skills, the lifestyle portrayed
by the English commercials would encourage people to develop their English.
However, the public schools are overcrowded and English language instruction is deteriorating. The large percentage of the population with limited
English skills sees the social mobility promised by English as an impossible
dream since opportunities to learn English are limited. In addition, this desperation now extends to the middle class. Middle class wages are depressed and
employment opportunities within the Philippines are limited even for those
who are highly trained and ¶uent in English. In the eyes of many, English no
longer matters except as a way to escape from the Philippines. In other words,
approximately one third of the English language commercials ignore both
working class and middle class Filipinos, targeting the elite few with advanced
degrees, lots of money, and family connections.
Today there is a growing backlash against English and what many consider
to be its false promises. The values associated with English commercials rather
than promoting English may actually be turning people against the language.
In fact, many see the overriding bad boy sin of English to be arrogance. This
190 Filipino English and Taglish
arrogance of English speakers is the basis for the following commercial for PS
Bank, the only bank advertisement in Tagalog. The commercial begins with a
long row of men in business suits with their backs to the viewer. As a small,
knee-high adult male Filipino in a native barong-Tagalog, the standard business attire for Filipinos, walks behind them, a voice says in English, “Among
the big banks there is one… (The last man turns around and stoops down to
pick up the Filipino in his hand while speaking to him in Tagalog.).” The
commercial continues in Tagalog. As the friendly banker helps the Filipino
with his personal and business banking needs, the Filipino grows taller and
leaves the bank with his head high.
As we said in the introduction, Philippine culture is multileveled and
complex. It is also a free society where ideas and values are allowed to compete
with each other. As a result, this mismatch of values in the commercials should
not be unexpected. In the next two chapters we will look at more evidence of
this mismatch. First we will look at the English and Tagalog that various
successful Filipinos use when they are interviewed on television. How does
their use of English re¶ect the values shown in these commercials? Then we
will look at the values associated with English in programs targeted towards the
masses. We will ªnd an interesting contrast that is just hinted at in these
commercials.
Chapter 12
Putting on a public face in TV interviews
Taglish originated among the educated in Metro Manila as a solidarity language in response to the social turmoil of the 1960s when students demonstrated in the streets to demand that Tagalog be used as an expression of
nationalism. As we saw in Chapter 9, because of the disparity between English
and Tagalog grammar, two forms of Taglish developed: one with a Tagalog
base and one with an English base. Ramos (1970) noted that from the beginning Taglish with an English base was considered informal conversational
English. With a Tagalog base, it was considered conversational Tagalog.
But what seems to be the basis for choosing either English-based or Tagalog-based Taglish? Marasigan (1986) found in her investigation into educated
Taglish that in general the various language functions and speech acts showed
little in¶uence on the language choice. Instead, the switching tended more to
follow the value system that underlies the English language commercials discussed in the last chapter. English, being a symbol of good character, is mixed
with Tagalog to indicate the truthfulness of what was being said. It is the
language of slogans, maxims, and vows. Because of its role in improving the
lives of others, commands in English carry more authority. Switching to
Tagalog denotes less seriousness, even joking and frivolity.
However, the amount of English that is used in Taglish seems to re¶ect
class-consciousness. Gonzalez (1982b: 90) writing during the time of the
Marcos rule noted that Filipinos learn English not because they wish to integrate themselves with Americans or British, but because they want to integrate
with the Filipino elite who promote English as the key to socioeconomic
success. As we saw in the last chapter, this notion that English is the key to
prosperity underlies the visuals of most commercials. When Barrios et al
(1977) compared the language usage of students at high status private universities in Metro Manila with the usage of students in less prestigious public
universities, they found that those at more prestigious schools tended to use
Taglish that aimed towards English. Those in less prestigious schools used
Taglish that aimed towards Tagalog. Both used Taglish that aimed more towards English for above peer communication.
192 Filipino English and Taglish
The social diŸerentiation between these two types of Taglish presents an
interesting research question when we take into account the principles of
accommodation theory. Which version do successful Filipinos use when they
are addressing the public in televised interviews? Accommodation theory
(Giles, Coupland, and Coupland 1991) suggests that people modify their
language either to converge towards their conversational partners when they
wish to reduce social distance or they modify it to diverge from their conversational partners when they wish to emphasize their distinctiveness or to increase
social distance. Sociolinguists have noted this phenomenon at work in various
settings. For example, Thompson (1975) found that second-generation Mexican Americans were adopting diŸerent dialects of English depending on their
social aspirations. Trudgill (1986) found that his own language changed as he
interviewed speakers of diŸerent dialects of English. Coupland (1984) found
that the pronunciation of a travel agent changed to match the social class and
educational background of her customers. Edwards (1986) discovered that
participants in small group discussions changed their language according to
the perceived status of outsiders who joined their group. Probably of most
interest to us is the discovery of Bell (1991) that the same newsreaders changed
their pronunciation when they broadcast on diŸerent radio stations that targeted diŸerent audiences. In other words, we linguistically modify our public
face according to our attitudes about the people we are talking to.
What is the public face that successful Filipinos put on when they are
interviewed on national television? What does their use of English, Taglish, and
Tagalog reveal about their solidarity with or disassociation from the viewing
public? Let us look at several interviews broadcast on Philippine television to
see what accommodation theory reveals.
12.1 The case studies
To ªnd out whether successful Filipinos when they are interviewed on television use English to announce that they are successful or Taglish to connect
with the viewing audience, let us look at ªve case studies. Four are based on
interviews shown on Usapang Business ‘Business Talk,’ an hour-long business
magazine show broadcast in the late evening on ABS-CBN, the most popular
television network. It follows the late night English language news. As indicated by the title, Taglish is the language of the show, though the language of
the hosts and the featured guests ranges from pure English to pure Tagalog
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 193
depending on how they want to present themselves to the viewing audience.
The ªfth case study features courtside and locker room interviews after the
basketball game that we studied in Chapter 9.
Before we look at the ªndings, let us remind ourselves of what we found to
be the characteristics of Taglish in Chapter 9. Because of the disparity between
the grammars of English and Tagalog, the two languages are usually kept
separate by using alternation at the clause level. However, English-based and
Tagalog-based Taglishes have developed that also make use of insertion. When
English forms the base, Tagalog insertions tend to be limited to discourse
markers, rejoinders, tags, and adverbial clitics. Similar English insertions occur
when Tagalog is the base though most common are English nouns with
occasional verbs, adjectives, and adverbs.
As we saw in the basketball chapter, since Taglish functions as both informal English and informal Tagalog on a scale that ranges from English to
English-based Taglish to Tagalog-based Taglish to Tagalog, simply reporting
the percentage of Tagalog words gives an incomplete picture. As we look at
these interviews, we need to know not only the percentage of Tagalog but also
the percentage of clauses that occur purely in Tagalog or English and the
percentage that occur in the two versions of Taglish based on insertion. This
will give us an indication of how much the speaker is using alternation and
insertion in language mixing.
The business show opens with the two hosts Cathy Yang and Ces Drilon
standing in front of the camera in what appears to be a hotel dining room
introducing the audience to the four featured segments for the evening. The
ªrst focuses on the roasted-chicken magnate Sandy Javier, who in a few short
years has gone from being jobless and deep in debt to the owner of a business
empire that not only breeds and sells roasted chicken but breeds race horses,
smiths guns, and cultivates roses and orchids for distribution. The second
section looks at the frequent kidnapping of Chinese-Filipino businessmen in
Cotabato in Mindanao and its eŸect on business. The third section investigates
a case of alleged stock market swindling in a brokerage house. The last section
looks at a family-owned chain of successful fast food pancit or Philippine
noodle shops.
The focus for the evening is to present business success stories to encourage Filipino entrepreneurs. Perhaps to encourage those in the viewing audience whose English is weak to stay tuned to the program, the hosts begin their
introduction in pure Tagalog. In fact, all announcements for Usapan Business
that were broadcast earlier in the evening were in Tagalog. After their intro-
194 Filipino English and Taglish
ductory statements the hosts switch to Taglish. Notice in Table 12.1 how
Tagalog predominates in the speech of both hosts.
Table 12.1 Taglish in the introduction to Usapang Business
Total Words
English (%)
Tagalog (%)
Total Clauses
English only (%)
English-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog only (%)
Drilon
Yang
167
73
94
13
3
1
3
6
100
42
58
5
1
1
1
2
(43.71%)
(56.29%)
(23.08%)
(7.69%)
(23.08%)
(46.15%)
(42.00%)
(58.00%)
(20.00%)
(20.00%)
(20.00%)
(40.00%)
We can see that both are targeting the same audience, one that needs to be
encouraged in their English for business purposes. Ms Drilon’s introduction
was 56.29 percent Tagalog, Ms Yang’s 58.00 percent. The Tagalog nature of the
introduction is even more apparent when Tagalog and Tagalog-based Taglish
clauses are totaled: Drilon 69.23 percent, Yang 60.00 percent. Less than one
quarter of their talk is purely in English. That so much Tagalog is used to
introduce a show that is primarily in English conforms with a pattern that
Alberca (1998) notes is common in school. Taglish is so widespread and
common among the younger generation that teachers and students use it as a
conªdence builder in academic settings. He notes that teachers have trouble
encouraging straight English for formal oral and written discourse. In other
words, Ms Drilon and Ms Yang are using Tagalog and Taglish to build conªdence in the viewer for the English that follows. Now let us look at the case
studies themselves to see how English is used.
12.1.1 Case study 1: Striking it rich with roasted chicken
Ces Drilon presents this section, which reports the rags to riches business
success of Sandy Javier, seller of lechon manok ‘roasted chicken.’ Although
thirteen years ago when he started his business Mr. Javier had only 500 pesos
and was deeply in debt, he revealed during the interview that he was not a poor
boy from the provinces who was raised in a nipa hut and plowed his rice ªelds
with a carabao or water buŸalo. He is a graduate of Ateneo University, one of
the most prestigious universities in the Philippines. Its students generally come
from wealthy families and have an excellent command of English. He also
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 195
revealed that after graduation he spent time wandering around Germany
looking for work before he returned to the Philippines, branded the black sheep
of the family for his lack of success. He is casually dressed for the interview with
a colorful open collar shirt and long pants. This is not unusual for the Philippines. Most of the businessmen featured on the program that evening, except
for those in the stock market report, are dressed similarly. The notable diŸerence is that Mr. Javier is wearing ¶ip-¶ops, known as slippers in Filipino English.
Normally, most wear slippers only when bathing, certainly not when entertaining guests. Outside the home only the poor wear them, usually with shorts and
a t-shirt. That Mr. Javier is wearing them for the interview and for the tour of his
workplace is so unusual that the camera focuses on them several times. Ms
Drilon comments in Tagalog that these are a sign that success has not spoiled
him. But are these a sign that he remembers his Filipino roots or that he ¶aunts
Filipino conventions? How he presents himself in English may give some clues.
Given his elite education and background and his experience abroad, will he
speak predominately English or will he abandon his background and use
Tagalog to show solidarity with the Filipinos he is trying to inspire? The
language proªle in Table 12.2 indicates that Mr. Javier stays true to his elite
background and speaks primarily English. Note too that Ms Drilon uses more
English than she did in the introduction to the show.
Table 12.2 Taglish in the roasted chicken interview
Total Words
English (%)
Tagalog (%)
Total Clauses
English only (%)
English-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog only (%)
Drilon
Javier
728
430
298
74
29
4
21
20
1143
895 (78.30%)
248 (21.7%)
164
111 (67.68%)
6 (3.66%)
11 (6.71%)
36 (21.95%)
(59.07%)
(40.93%)
(39.19%)
(5.40%)
(28.38%)
(27.03%)
The way Ms Drilon and Mr. Javier switch between English and Tagalog shows
some interesting patterns. Whereas Ms Drilon started the broadcast speaking
pure Tagalog then switched to Taglish, she introduces this section in pure
English, seemingly to prepare the viewer for the predominantly English interview that follows. Although the viewer sees Ms Drilon interviewing Mr. Javier in
his o¹ce, we only hear his comments. Whenever the report shows video clips of
the business ventures under discussion, Ms Drilon’s voice provides transitions
196 Filipino English and Taglish
between whatever Mr. Javier has to say. In other words, Ms Drilon’s words are
directed to the viewing audience, not to Mr. Javier. In the following example,
notice how she introduces Mr. Javier by switching from English to Tagalogbased Taglish with one section giving semantic clues to aid in the comprehension of the other. She also announces to the viewing audience in English that this
story should be of interest to Filipinos who want economic success.
A note on the examples: as in Chapter 9, the Tagalog is in italics. However,
since the linguistics of language switching is not our interest, rather than a
literal translation, only a free translation in single quotes follows.
(1) Drilon: Tonight, the compelling story of a man who build his fortune
from scratch. Sinimulan ni Sandy Javier ang kanyang lechon manok
business sa limang daan pisong puhunan lamang.
‘Sandy Javier started his roasted chicken business with only ªve hundred
pesos as capital.’
Thirteen years ago he was jobless and deep in debt. Today he is a millionaire many times over and is living proof how small Filipino entrepreneurs can hit the big time.
Mr. Javier most commonly uses straight English. To summarize what Mr.
Javier has said and to prepare the viewer for Mr. Javier’s next comment, Ms
Drilon typically gives her comments in Tagalog or Taglish. Notice how Ms
Drilon’s comments in the following exchange work to break up a long stretch
of English as an aid to the viewer who may prefer Taglish to pure English.
(2) Javier: I wanted to make egg-laying process good, you know, and perfect,
and the best. But we have the only farm in the Philippines that does not
smell of chicken dung.
Drilon: Tinaasan niyan ang bahay ng mga manok at may stages bago
bumagsak ang dung upang matuyo ito, bago bumagsak ang dung sa lupa
kaya’t environment friendly.Bukod dito ay malaki ang natitipid ng
consumer.
‘He increased the height of the chicken house, and there are stages before
the dung, which dries ªrst, falls on the ground, thus environment
friendly. Aside from this the consumers save a lot.’
Javier: My outlet can sell at a much lower price than the market price.
And yet, the farmer, that’s yours truly, is happy because we can sell at a
much higher price, because we don’t have a middleman.
Notice too in Table 12.2 that Mr. Javier, perhaps re¶ecting on his superior
educational background, as a general rule keeps English and Tagalog separate at
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 197
the clause level, using alternation rather than insertion in his language switching. His use of English and Tagalog also follows the value system that underlies
the commercials we looked at in the last chapter. For example, Tagalog is the
language of despair and defeat. Notice how he switches to Tagalog to note his
despair when his ªrst attempt at selling roasted chicken failed.
(3) Javier: When I was starting it, the craze just went crazy. It was all over the
place, and I said, Wow,wala na ako na naman. Patay na naman ako nito.
‘Wow, I’ll be a loser again, with this I’ll be dead again.’
He then tells in Tagalog how for two weeks they ate nothing but chicken
cooked in various sauces. He reports that he then opened a stall next to a
successful stall in the market to see how they did business. He then switches to
English to report success. “So the next day, I think I sold ten chickens and that
was the start of Andok’s.”
He also switches to Tagalog when he reports the shame he felt when he met
one of his successful former classmates from Ateneo and had to confess that his
life was a failure. He switches to Tagalog to express despair when his business
suŸered a series of hold ups. He also uses Tagalog to report interactions with
poor and rural Filipinos such as when at the local palengke ‘open-air marketplace’ or when conversing with a neighboring farmer.
English is the language of hope and success. He reports in English his
lengthy vow to be a success and to make his father proud. His vow to protect
himself from the hoodlums who kept robbing his business is in English. He
talks of all his successful business ventures and his ideas for new businesses in
English. Of course this success comes because English allows him to make
international connections. His idea for growing cut ¶owers came from a
magazine he was reading on his way home from the USA. His idea for a better
way to grow vegetables came from Israel. He discusses in English the new
technology that he is importing from around the world. His latest is equipment
for preparing American-style barbecued and smoked ribs. Everything he does
is the best, and the best is based on ideas and technology imported from abroad
through English. At the close of his interview he reveals in English the secret of
his success then summarizes it in Tagalog.
(4) Javier: The secret is, you think of it now, do it now. Don’t do it tomorrow because tomorrow you’ll forget. And then, day after tomorrow, it’s
not there anymore. I had nothing, you know, a typical Filipino who was
spending more than what he was making. But you know, when I threw
that away, I put that in my past and I decided to make it. I did it. So
198 Filipino English and Taglish
desisyon lang ho ito, eh. Kung gugustuhin ng Pinoy, gagaling ang Pinoy.
‘So this is really the deciding point. If a Filipino really wants to, he can do
well.’
In other words, the secret is to stop acting like a Filipino, appropriately expressed in English. Ms Drilon then closes this section with a Tagalog admonishment to the viewers, “If Sandy did it, you can easily do it too.”
In summary, although Mr. Javier switches between English and Tagalog,
the message he sends to the viewer is not one of solidarity. Though he presents
himself on the screen as a pleasant, relaxed person, he avoids the Tagalog based
and the English based Taglishes that have developed to show solidarity with
other Filipinos, using mainly alternations of long stretches of pure English or
pure Tagalog. His language-switching pattern reveals that he is disassociating
himself from the masses, telling them that he is proud of his education in the
best schools, which discourage language mixing. His switching pattern also
shows that he believes the traditional values attached to English and Tagalog by
the moneyed elite. Ms Drilon has done her best to try to bridge the gap with the
viewing audience.
12.1.2 Case study 2: Businessmen in trouble in Mindanao
Cathy Yang hosts the next section on the kidnapping of Chinese-Filipino
businessmen in Cotabato in Mindanao, a large ethnically mixed island south of
the Visayas that is the home base for Islamic insurgents. We would expect a
diŸerent switching pattern from this part of the Philippines. Although Tagalog
is promoted in the schools and is heard in the media, as we saw in part B of
our study, Cebuano rather than Tagalog is spreading among the people in
Mindanao. English proªciency is also lower than in the rest of the Philippines.
In fact, the Social Weather Stations (1994) language survey found that the
average proªciency in urban Mindanao was lower than the average for the
Philippine rural total. However, when urban residents in Mindanao were asked
to rank their overall ability in English, 26 percent felt they had full ability,
higher than both the national average and the average for Metro Manila. In
other words, those who know English are proud of their proªciency and may be
less inclined to mix it with Tagalog. Thus Taglish is probably not considered a
solidarity form in this part of the Philippines, except perhaps among the young
who have picked it up through television.
This case study presents comments from fourteen interviews, which in-
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 199
clude business and government leaders as well as young people and owners of
small stalls at the market. In Table 12.3 I present Ms Yang’s language proªle
separately but have combined the proªles of the others according to their
position in the community: business leader, government o¹cial, ordinary citizen. Notice the lack of Taglish except for Ms Yang and the ordinary citizens
who operate stalls and other small businesses in the local market.
Table 12.3 Taglish in Cotabato
Yang
Total Words
1002
English (%)
661 (65.97%)
Tagalog (%)
341 (34.03%)
Total Clauses
80
English only (%)
43 (53.75%)
Eng-based Taglish (%)
2 (2.50%)
Tag-based Taglish (%)
25 (31.25%)
Tagalog only (%)
10 (12.50%)
Business
Leaders
478
444
34
55
49
1
2
3
Government
O¹cials
Ordinary
Citizens
180
64
(92.89%) 179 (99.44%) 6 (9.38%)
(7.11%)
1 (0.56%) 58 (90.62%)
16
8
(89.09%) 15 (93.75%) 0 (0.00%)
(1.82%)
1 (6.25%) 0 (0.00%)
(3.64%)
0 (0.00%) 5 (62.50%)
(5.45%)
0 (0.00%) 3 (37.5%)
The business and the government o¹cials used only English to state their
positions on the kidnapping with one exception. One business leader, the
president of the Metro Cotabato Chamber of Commerce, appears to have
spent considerable time either doing business in Manila or interacting with
business contacts from Manila as he unexpectedly used Taglish following the
norms identiªed for Manila. Whereas the others used only English to describe
the situation, he used Tagalog to indicate despair and hopelessness and English
to indicate that things will get better as in the following two examples.
(5) Santos: You’re not even sure now maski magbibigay kami, kung ilalabas
mo yong aming mga loved ones bubay.
‘You’re not even sure now even if we pay whether the kidnapper will give
back our loved ones alive.’
(6) Santos: Well, my occupancy really went down by more or less 50 percent,
but I know this is temporary.
Otherwise, neither business leaders nor government o¹cials use Taglish to
make connections with the viewing audience. The common citizens, who
owned stalls at the market, used Tagalog, perhaps because they did not know
English. The only English words in their Taglish were kidnapping and business.
Since the interviews were edited, it is not known whether these on-the-street
200 Filipino English and Taglish
interviews were typical or were the only ones suitable for broadcast to a
national audience because the other interviews were in Cebuano or another
local language.
Ms Yang’s language showed some interesting accommodation features
that are not apparent in the data we have looked at so far. We saw that Ms
Drilon used Taglish in the ªrst presentation of the evening to break up Mr.
Javier’s English presentation for the beneªt of those who are not comfortable
with English. However, the high percentage of English in Ms Yang’s speech in
Table 12.3 implies that Ms Yang did not do the same in this report. However,
this is not so. The amount of English she used changed dramatically throughout the report. During the introduction and interspersed with the English
interviews with the business leaders, Ms Yang’s comments were nearly 60
percent Tagalog as she explained to the viewers the seriousness of the situation
and expanded on what the business leaders were saying. However, in the short
section featuring Tagalog interviews with ordinary citizens, her presentation
switched to over 70 percent English to accommodate the English-speaking
viewing audience that would otherwise not understand what was being said.
When the interviews switched again to English to report the eŸect that the
kidnappings were having on the local restaurant, shopping, entertainment, and
hotel business, she increased her use of Taglish. Only 50 percent of her words
were in English. An interesting thing happened at the end of the special report.
When the local business leaders and the government o¹cials used English to
describe their determination to overcome the problem, even to use military
force, Ms Yang, rather than add commentary in Taglish for the beneªt of the
viewer, as she had done earlier, also switched to using more than 80 percent
English, perhaps to show her solidarity with their cause.
(7) Yang: For now, Cotabato remains a province full of promise. The growth
in neighboring Davao, General Santos, and Cagayan de Oro are already
startling, but some call Cotabato’s misfortune a temporary situation.
Candao: If we can show by December that the government will be able to
control this spate of kidnappings, I think that we can recover from the ill
eŸect that for a while was caused by kidnapping.
Yang: And as for Cotabato’s businessmen, it’s a ªght or ¶ee situation. The
good news is, the pillars of business here have decided to ªght.
Blanco: I was born in this place. I grew up in this place, and I think I will
die in this place.
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 201
12.1.3 Case study 3: A stock market scandal
In the next report Ces Drilon introduces us to another wealthy resident of
Metro Manila, Ninez Cacho Olivarez, a hard-hitting newspaper columnist
who accuses a broker and three security ªrms of embezzling millions of pesos of
her investments. This report should be interesting for two reasons. First,
English is the language of money, especially high ªnance. Will those involved in
this ªnancial scandal resort to Taglish to elicit sympathy from the viewers?
Second, newspapers are probably the last bastion of pure English in the Philippines. Will Mrs. Olivarez, a newspaper columnist who uses English rather than
Tagalog to promote her causes to the reading public, use Tagalog now that she
is presenting her case publicly on national television?
In Table 12.4 we can see evidence of the arrogance of English and the
persuasive power of Tagalog. Ms Drilon’s language continues the pattern that
she and Ms Yang set in the two earlier reports. Since most of the interviews in
this segment are in English, Ms Drilon uses Taglish to explain to the viewer the
complexities of the issue being discussed. Her longer stretches of English come
mostly from reading sections from legal briefs and other documents written in
English. This accounts for her slightly higher percentage of clauses in straight
English and masks the Tagalog-based Taglish nature of most of her comments.
Notice that unlike in her earlier presentation with Mr. Javier, this time almost
no clauses are only in Tagalog. Given that English is the language of ªnance in
the Philippines, this is not unexpected since nearly every Tagalog clause uses
English words related to activities at brokerage ªrms and the stock market.
Table 12.4 Taglish and the stock market
Drilon
Total Words
English (%)
Tagalog (%)
Total Clauses
English only (%)
Eng-based Taglish (%)
Tag-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog only (%)
990
689 (69.60%)
301 (30.4%)
90
49 (54.44%)
2 (2.22%)
33 (36.67%)
6 (6.67%)
Olivarez
523
514 (98.28%)
9 (1.72%)
69
65 (94.20%)
3 (4.35%)
1 (1.45%)
0 (0.00%)
Company
Rep
Defense
Attorney
270
269 (99.63%)
1 (0.37%)
32
31 (96.77%)
1 (3.23%)
0 (0.00%)
0 (0.00%)
116
37 (31.90%)
79 (68.10%)
10
0 (0.00%)
2 (20.00%)
6 (60.00%)
1 (10.00%)
More interesting is the language performance of the other participants. Mrs.
Olivarez, dressed for the interview in a bright yellow jacket, stylish baggy blue
pants and a black top, seems to be seated on the ¶oor of the stock market.
202 Filipino English and Taglish
Re¶ecting her background as a newspaper columnist, she eloquently presents
her predicament in English. A young stockbroker she trusted lost millions of
pesos worth of stocks and securities in dealings that she did not authorize as he
transferred from one brokerage ªrm to another. She is suing the various ªrms
involved in the transactions. Notice that she used only nine words of Tagalog
during the entire interview. Twice these were rejoinders. The third time was in
the following Taglish sentence that she stumbled through, almost as though
she were choking on the Tagalog words.
(8) Olivarez: Without any contact, without anything, without any authorization from me, napa-revive niya ang account ko.
‘he was able to revive my account.’
With her talk of her millions of pesos in various stocks while she sits on the
stock market ¶oor wearing expensive clothing, I doubt that nine words of
Tagalog gained her much sympathy from the viewers. In fact, her entire
performance smacked of arrogance towards the viewers.
Arrogance is even more apparent in the speech of the representatives of the
various brokerage ªrms she is suing. Whereas all the other business people
featured in the reports for this evening wore sport shirts, some even wearing
jeans, the men in this ªnancial report are wearing dark suits or white dress
shirts and ties, with an occasional barong Tagalog, the open collared square
bottomed Filipino business shirt that is worn with the tails out. Notice that
except for one word, they never use Tagalog to explain their actions. That one
word was the a¹rmation tag ano that Filipinos often attach to English statements to invite agreement from the listener. That this appeal to the listener
occurred only once seems almost condescending. Most common were arrogant pronouncements such as the following.
(9) Bunag: If you learn the forces of the market, you should be prepared to
suŸer the consequences of whatever you do. There are a lot of people
who lose their money in the market. She was not the ªrst one.
The implied message of both Mrs. Olivarez and the company representatives is
that there is no need to use Taglish to connect with the viewers since only those
¶uent in English have any understanding of ªnancial matters. In both dress and
language they distance themselves from the viewing public. Interestingly, just
minutes before this display of arrogance appeared the commercial we looked at
in the last chapter that drew attention to the arrogance of English-speaking
ªnancial institutions by having a line of bankers in business suits turning their
backs on a poor Filipino entrepreneur.
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 203
The ªnal person we want to look at in this case study of accommodation is
the lawyer who represents one of the ªrms being sued. Lawyers have to plead
their cases before juries, and much like advertisers, must play not only on the
logic but on the emotions of the case. Trials in the Philippines are in English.
However, notice how this lawyer takes his case to the people. Though dressed
in a suit and tie and representing a ªnancial institution, he avoids the arrogance
of English and uses almost only Tagalog-based Taglish to present his case to the
viewer. The following is his introduction to the other side of the story. Notice
how only the accusations are in English.
(10) Castro: Hindi totoo na, yong sinasabi ni Mrs. Olivarez na we’re dishonest,
na we’re out there to rip oŸ our clients of hard-earned money.
‘What Mrs. Olivarez claims is not true, that we’re dishonest, that we’re
out there to rip oŸ our clients of hard-earned money.’
A lengthy explanation soon follows where the only English words are stock
certiªcates, legal implications, and for my personal account. He is obviously
playing to the viewing audience.
12.1.4 Case study 4: Good luck in the noodle business
This last segment of Usapang Business is interesting because it presents the
Caligay clan, which has made its fortune by creating a homegrown fast food
chain selling pancit Malabon, a popular style of Filipino noodles. They started
out by selling pancit in small eating sheds near market places before World
War II. Their noodles became famous after they were discovered by Filipino
movie stars during location shooting. They shut down the shops during the
war but the grandchildren started the business again in 1965. The language in
this segment should be interesting since their success came by focusing on
traditional Filipino values rather than the English values of individual selfdevelopment and global outreach that were demonstrated by Mr. Javier in
segment one. During this report the viewers see the many members of the
extended family working together in business meetings and in the various
branches of the restaurants. They see many Filipino workers preparing and
serving traditional Filipino foods on banana leaves, Filipino style, rather than
hamburgers and other symbols of the global power of English. The visuals also
give a subtle call to turn from the secularism of English to the religious values
of the past. There are religious items and large pictures of Catholic saints in the
background as the camera scans the activities at the company o¹ces. In one
204 Filipino English and Taglish
sequence a Catholic priest seems to be giving his blessing at the opening of a
new restaurant. Let us see in Table 12.5 how the language proªle follows the
message of the visual clues.
Table 12.5 Taglish and the noodle business
Total Words
English (%)
Tagalog (%)
Total Clauses
English only (%)
Eng-based Taglish (%)
Tag-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog only (%)
Yang
Tony
Gardy
539
297
242
51
22
3
14
12
265
111
154
30
3
4
19
4
273
76
197
38
7
4
19
8
(55.10%)
(44.90%)
(43.14%)
(5.88%)
(27.45%)
(23.53%)
(41.89%)
(58.11%)
(10.00%)
(13.33%)
(63.34%)
(13.33%)
(27.84%)
(72.16%)
(18.42%)
(10.52%)
(50.00%)
(21.05%)
Notice that Cathy Yang, the host for his special report, provides most of the
English. In fact, if it were not for her comments, an English speaking person
would have trouble following this segment. The two being interviewed are
Gardy and Tony Cruz, the chief o¹cers of the family corporation. Gardy,
president and CEO, manages the operations of the entire company while Tony,
chairman of the company, sees to the needs of the branches. Both appear to be
in their late forties or early ªfties. Since Gardy has a degree in civil engineering
and has completed a business management program at the Asian Institute of
Management, we might expect him to use the most English since English is the
language of science, technology, and business classes. Notice that he actually
uses much less English than any one. In fact the entire report, including Ms
Yang’s comments, is weighted towards Tagalog as it gives advice to ordinary
Filipino families on how best to create a prosperous family business based on
Filipino values.
Gardy and Tony report that their clientele is older Filipinos because the
younger generation is more interested in hamburgers. Their task is to make
Filipino food attractive to younger Filipinos. This marketing problem might be
seen as a metaphor for the ongoing cultural battle between English and Tagalog. In the eyes of many Filipinos noodles (Tagalog) are for the poor and those
mired in the past. Hamburgers (English) are for the upwardly mobile who are
embracing the future. However, these two business leaders reject this cultural
paradigm and through their use of language indicate to the viewers that they
too should rebel against these long cherished beliefs. In fact, Gardy, in spite of
his extensive university education in English, uses the least English of all. Still,
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 205
since he was raised in the Philippines and knows that English is the language of
good advice, he slips brie¶y into English to explain his family’s success. In the
following example he speaks the longest stretch of English outside of Ms Yang’s
comments.
(11) Gardy: By planning, O. K. First we know our weaknesses, O. K. we know
our strengths. Analysis, we analyzed the situation. We set up our vision,
O. K. tapos, we changed the management style.
The only Tagalog word was the discourse marker tapos ‘ªnally.’ Later he states
in English-based Taglish the maxims for their successful business.
(12) Gardy: Good product, sa amin, good food. Second, kailangan mo, tao, you
need to have good happy people with you, so sa akin, simple as that.
‘Good product, for us, good food. Second, we need you, people, you
need to have good happy people with you, so for me, it’s as simple as
that.’
Thus in spite of slipping brie¶y into English to explain their success, Gardy and
Tony are subtly leading a rebellion against English and are promoting a return
to Tagalog and traditional values as the key to the future. This seems to be
reinforced in Ms Yang’s closing comment in straight Tagalog.
(13) Yang: Kaya sa ating maga manonood, sana’y magsilbi itong inspirasyon
kung kayo’y magne-negosyo.
‘And thus, for our viewers may this serve as an inspiration if you’ll ever
go into business.’
12.1.5 Case study 5: Basketball English at courtside
For this last case study, let us return to the basketball game we analyzed in
Chapter 9. Here we can see another set of social dynamics in the interviews of a
young reporter with the winning basketball coach and one of the best players
after the game. Gordon’s Gin, the underdogs by three games in game ªve of the
national championship, has just beaten the Purefood Corned Beef Cowboys by
one point. When we looked at the language dynamics of the basketball commentators, we saw that although both commentators spoke primarily in English, the older one did so signiªcantly more than the younger one: the former
perhaps addressing those in the older generation who are resisting Taglish and
the latter addressing a more hip younger audience. What does accommodation
theory reveal about the language dynamics of courtside and locker room
206 Filipino English and Taglish
interviews after the game? Let us look ªrst courtside.
Immediately following the game Anthony, who appears to be in his twenties, interviews the winning Coach Jaworski, who is older, perhaps in his
forties. Note carefully the switching between English and Tagalog in the
interviewer’s initial question.
(14) Anthony: Well coach, congratulations once again.
Alam mo, sabi ng mga tao,
‘You know, people said’
your team does not have the maturity to win in the end game.
Pero ngayon, ipinakita mo sa kanila.
‘But now, you showed them.’
The young interviewer shows his good manners and education by complying
with the traditional values attached to English and Tagalog. He shows politeness in initiating a conversation with an older authority ªgure by using English
to give congratulatory remarks. He then switches to Tagalog as an aside to
indicate what the people say. Then he reports what they say in English to verify
its truthfulness. This is followed by his retort in Tagalog to show the power of
the underdog. Coach Jaworsky continues this power-to-the-people theme by
answering the question in Tagalog using only English discourse markers and
the insertion of an English verb and an English noun.
(15) Jaworski: Well, uh, siguro e, napagsama-sama na. At medyo na-minimize
natin yong mga errors nat dating nangyayari. So, sana, merong pang
dalawa.
‘Well, maybe it is a lot of diŸerent things. We minimized our errors, the
ones that we used to commit. So I hope that there will be two more
wins.’
Anthony then asks another question in English with a Tagalog rejoinder alam
mo ‘you know’ to show friendliness.
(16) Anthony: Coach, alam mo, were you pleased with the intensity of your
boys tonight?
Coach Jaworski’s answer is interesting. He starts out in English to emphasize
the truth of what he is saying. Then he switches to Tagalog with inserted
English discourse markers and nouns to give his real feelings.
(17) Jaworski: I’ll tell you honestly, we should’ve won by a bigger margin, di
ba? You know, but O. K. na. Kahit na half a point pa, basta panalo kami,
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 207
O. K. na sa akin yon. So, the intensity, puwede pa sigurong madagdagan.
Puwede pang dagdagan.
‘I’ll tell you honestly, we should’ve won by a bigger margin, shouldn’t we
have? But you know, that’s ªne. Even if it is only half a point, as long as
we won, that is O. K. with me. So, in terms of intensity, I think they can
still improve on it.’
Anthony asks another question in English with the Tagalog adverbial clitic nga
‘really’ to direct the coach’s attention to the outside fans.
(18) Anthony: So, at least nga Gordon’s Gin fans outside can be happy tonight
and look forward to your next game.
Coach Jaworski gives a 46-word answer in Tagalog thanking the fans throughout the country. Anthony politely thanks the coach in Tagalog (salamat), as is
customary even among English speakers, then makes an announcement to the
viewing audience in English.
(19) Anthony: Ok. Salamat, Maraming salamat, coach. Congratulations. We’ll
take a break. We’ll be right back.
Table 12.6 shows the language proªle of the interview.
Table 12.6 Taglish and the coach
Total Words
English (%)
Tagalog (%)
Total Clauses
English only (%)
English-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog only (%)
Anthony
Coach Jaworski
76
58
18
10
5
2
1
2
113
29
84
18
1
2
6
9
(76.32%)
(23.68%)
(50.00%)
(20.00%)
(10.00%)
(20.00%)
(25.66%)
(74.34%)
(5.56%)
(11.11%)
(33.33%)
(50.00%)
As we can see, the interviewer used English or English-based Taglish to show
respect when addressing the coach, an older authority ªgure. In fact, in the
running text, only 23.68 percent of the words were Tagalog, which seems about
standard in our case studies when English predominates in interactions. The
coach, however, used Tagalog-based Taglish as he was showing solidarity with
the fans in the provinces who may have limited ¶uency in English. His Taglish
was 74.11 percent Tagalog, with most of his English being insertions.
Let us turn now to Anthony’s interview a few minutes later in the locker
208 Filipino English and Taglish
room with Bal David, a player who is about his same age. When comparing
Tables 12.6 and 12.7 we can see a deªnite contrast in Anthony’s language
proªles at courtside and in the locker room.
Table 12.7 Taglish and the basketball player
Anthony
Total Words
English (%)
Tagalog (%)
Total Clauses
English only (%)
English-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog-based Taglish (%)
Tagalog only (%)
75
18
57
7
0
0
5
2
(24.00%)
(76.99%)
(0.00%)
(0.00%)
(71.43%)
(28.57%)
Player Bal David
67
16
51
8
0
0
6
2
(23.88%)
(76.12%)
(0.00%)
(0.00%)
(75.00%)
(25.00%)
In the locker room both the interviewer and the basketball player avoided
English by speaking Tagalog-based Taglish with insertions of English nouns,
verbs, and discourse markers. Notice how closely the language proªles of
Anthony and the player match each other. This pattern contrasts dramatically
with the pattern for the courtside interview. Here is a sample interchange.
(20) Anthony: So, anong mga maasahan ng mga fans nyo come Sunday?
‘So, what can your fans expect from you this Sunday?’
Bal: A, sa Sunday may game plan ulit kaming, panibago. Mga instructions
ni Coach.
‘Oh, this Sunday we have another game plan, a new one. These are the
coach’s instructions.’
Both Anthony and Bal had approximately the same percentage of Tagalog in
their running text. Note that this is also about the same percent that Coach
Jaworski used as he directed his comments towards a mass audience. However,
the coach while addressing a national audience uses a higher percentage of
straight Tagalog rather than Taglish.
12.2 Conclusions
What do these case studies of language accommodation tell us about English in
the Philippines? The ªrst study showed us that many people still believe the
values underlying the commercial messages we looked at in Chapter 11: En-
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 209
glish opens the door for personal development and ªnancial security, the
social-engineering message promoted by the Americans when they took over
the islands a century ago. English shows Filipinos how to stop acting Filipino so
they can be successful. The second case study shows us that the battle between
English and Tagalog is Manila based. In outlying areas, English continues to be
the language for the public discussion of issues, no matter how emotionally
charged. The third case study shows the arrogance of English when those who
believe that English lights the road to wealth ignore the dynamics of Taglish in
Philippine society. Except for the lawyer, no one interviewed used Taglish to
make connections with the viewers, indicating that they felt that those who did
not understand straight English would probably not understand the ªnancial
problem anyway. The fourth case study hints at a growing rebellion against
English as the language of success and endorses a return to Tagalog and
traditional Filipino values. The ªfth serves as further evidence that there is a
growing rebellion against English and the values it represents. The educated
young interviewer used English in accepted ways to indicate respect to an older
authority ªgure. The older person rejected English and answered in Tagalog
and Tagalog-based Taglish, addressing his comments to the viewing audience.
When the young interviewer questioned a player his same age, he too rejected
English and spoke in Tagalog-based Taglish.
Is this perceived rebellion against English simply a misreading of language
accommodation patterns? No one publicly spoke against using English. The
messages were subtly given through visuals and patterns of language switching.
But sometimes a revolution is fought in quiet ways, especially when the enemy
controls the ªnances and other power structures. In the next chapter we will
look at the language dynamics of sitcoms and movies that are directed towards
a mass audience for more overt evidence of this rebellion.
Chapter 13
The language of social resistance
in movies and sitcoms
Gonzalez (1982b: 90) noted that Filipinos learned English during the Marcos era
because they aspired to the riches and the grandeur of the elite. However,
Fernandez (1989a) notes that since the time of the 1986 Edsa Revolution that
replaced the Marcos dictatorship, there has been a concerted cultural revolution
to promote a new mass culture based on local rather than Western traditions. As
Phillipson (1992) points out, much of this is because English raised unrealistic
expectations and failed to deliver on its promises for most people.
But if there is a cultural revolution going on, where is it re¶ected in the
media? As we have seen, there is little evidence of it in television commercials.
In the last chapter we saw hints of it in the television interviews with successful
Filipinos. If a cultural revolution is going in, there should be other evidence in
television programming unless the media-based culture industry is so set on
protecting the power and privileges which are conferred through English that
the revolution has been driven underground so that only subtle hints of it
appear. This might be so. According to scholars such as Lembo (2000), Kellner
(1995), Barker (1999), and Reeves (1993), whoever controls the media in our
postmodern society controls the thoughts and the worldviews of ordinary
people. Are the supporters of English using the media to suppress the cultural
revolution that Fernandez noted more than a decade ago? If a cultural revolution is taking place, what is the worldview that it promotes? Before we draw
conclusions, let us look at the language of the sitcoms and movies directed to
common Filipinos for further evidence.
13.1 Two case studies
Among the television shows that we are examining, in addition to the basketball game that was the subject of Chapter 9 and the business show that was the
focus of the last chapter, there were two Tagalog situation comedies, a comedy
sketch show, and a Tagalog movie. On the most popular network ABS-CBN
212 Filipino English and Taglish
between the Tagalog evening news TV Patrol and the late night English news
World Tonight appeared Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Misis and Palibhasa Lalake.
The following night on GMA, the second most popular network, appeared M
& M The Incredible Twins, a Tagalog movie, followed by Mixed Nuts, a comedy
sketch show. The most extensive uses of English were in Palibhasa Lalake and
M&M: The Incredible Twins. Let us use these two shows as case studies.
The two shows make interesting contrasts. The ªrst show is set in a typical
Filipino neighborhood and depicts the role that English plays in the lives of
ordinary people. The second depicts the life style of the extremely wealthy,
showing the viewer the role that English plays in the lives of the rich. After we see
the social messages associated with English in these two case studies, we will look
brie¶y at the other two shows to conªrm that the social messages we identify are
part of a generalized worldview being promoted to the viewing public.
13.1.1 Case Study 1: Palibhasa Lalake
Let us look ªrst at an episode from the popular situation comedy Palibhasa
Lalake, which in 1998 ended an 11-year run. The way English is interwoven
into the story line reveals language attitudes and values which are the antithesis
of those portrayed in the commercials we examined in Chapter 11. Let us ªrst
review the scenes that make major use of English and then make some cultural
observations. So that the dialogue in the scenes will ¶ow faster, English translations of Tagalog portions are given in parentheses following the Tagalog.
The ªrst scene opens in a Manila neighborhood with three young men in
their twenties. Tikboy is trying to read an announcement attached to a telephone pole. The audience can see that it says, “We want you to join the
military” but Tikboy reads,
(1) Tikboy: We went to the market.
Not sure that he has read it correctly, he takes the announcement to his friend
Johnny, who has been talking with his friend and boss Ricky to get an advance
on his salary. Johnny berates Tikboy in Tagalog for not learning anything in
school. Johnny rubs his eyes and says that he too has problems reading it, so
they call over their friend Ricky, the young owner of a neighborhood eating
stall. Ricky reads the sign correctly. Tikboy gets excited about joining up. As
they discuss in Tagalog the pros and cons of joining the military, Minerva, the
middle-aged owner of the guesthouse/dormitory where they live, runs out to
tell them that Joey is coming for a visit and is bringing his father, a general, and
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 213
a guest. Other than the words in the misreading and reading of the English
announcement, the scene is in Tagalog with a borrowed English word or
phrase here and there.
In the next scene Minerva and her daughters are busy trying to clean up the
living room before the guests arrive. Better said, Minerva is busy. One daughter, who is in her teens, is half-heartedly sweeping, but the other one, Cynthia,
who is in her mid twenties, is sitting on the couch clutching her large, red,
plush Elmo doll doing nothing. Minerva berates lazy Cynthia, who replies in
Taglish,
(2) Cynthia: Mommy, don’t you think it’s a bit incongruous for my dainty
little hands to be performing these common household chores? Masisira
ang aking (‘it will ruin my’) smooth, delicate skin.
Minerva continues to berate her when a knock comes at the door. Minerva
says, “Pasok (‘come in’)” while the lazy daughter says, “Come in.”
Joey enters with two men in military uniforms. The older one looks like he
is in his sixties. The younger one looks American with sandy hair and a bushy
moustache. He looks to be in his thirties or early forties. However, unlike most
Americans, he is the same height or shorter than the Filipinos in the scene.
After some introductory chatter in Tagalog, Joey introduces the older military
man, his father. Notice his jumbled English.
(3) Joey: Ah tita Minerva (‘Ah, aunt Minerva’), I would like to pre-…
introduce to you, our, my introductory price… my one and only…the
wife of my mother… the uh…the… general of the Philippine military
academy of the United States of the marines… the one and only… my
fafa…(reading the name tag)… Elticol, General Elticol.
The lazy English speaking daughter stands up and says,
(4) Cynthia: Pleased to meet you, general. I’m Cynthia.
The general ignores her and talks to the younger daughter and says some
¶attering words to Minerva in Tagalog. The general interrupts the Tagalog
conversation to say in English,
(5) General: By the way, I want you to meet my assistant from the military,
Colonel Duda. How about a round of applause? Colonel Duda.
Cynthia rushes over to the American looking military man, rubs her Elmo doll
down his chest to his crotch and wiggles coyly as she says in English,
214 Filipino English and Taglish
(6) Cynthia: I’m Cynthia. Can I get you anything?
Duda grimaces. Joey grabs Cynthia, says “Excuse me, sit down” and then sits
with her and berates her in Tagalog that she is trying to rape him. The scene
continues as the General tries to be friendly with Minerva as love music plays in
the background. The scene closes as Colonel Duda explains that he is recruiter
for the military.
The next scene is entirely in Tagalog, with some notable exceptions. The
young men in the neighborhood are sitting in the street near Ricky’s eatery
discussing joining the military. Ricky interjects the following advice in English
(7) Ricky: Think twice, ten times.
Colonel Duda comes out and is introduced to the young men. When he is
introduced to tall handsome Ricky, his eyes lock on Ricky’s and instrumental
love music begins. In a trance he looks Ricky over with his eyes ending on his
crotch as he sighs. Duda is jolted out of his trance in the following sequence.
(8) Gabby: (in background) Uncle, uncle?
Ricky: (directed to Duda staring at his crotch) Ah excuse me. May
problema ka? (‘Do you have a problem?’) Problem?
Gabby: Uncle, uncle. (waves arms at Duda)
Ricky: Hello?
Duda: (breaks trance) Yes?
Gabby: Uncle, ikaw ba yan? (‘Uncle, is that you?’)
Duda: Gabby? Gabby? Anong ginagawa mo dito? (‘What are you doing
here?’ Gabby gives Duda playful jabs to the shoulder. Duda whines.)
Ouch, that hurts.
Duda then begins his recruiting. He shakes hands with Ricky, pressing the
shake to Ricky’s groin, and asks in Tagalog if he wants to join because “we
really want people like you.” Ricky answers in Tagalog, “oh, is that so?” Duda
pats him down ending at his crotch saying in Tagalog “tall, hard body.” Ricky
backs away into his food stall and shuts the counter top to separate himself
from Colonel Duda. The recruiting continues in Tagalog, except for “yes, sirs,”
and “no, sirs.” Cynthia comes out singing and makes a pass at Duda in Tagalog,
saying that she wants to join the military. He says that she cannot and accuses
her of not keeping up with current events through the television, newspapers,
or radio. She haughtily replies in English,
(9) Cynthia: Excuse me. I’m very aware. I read. I know.
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms
Duda says he only wants men.
The next scene is in Minerva’s kitchen. Johnny has just ªxed her toaster and
announces his technical ability in English.
(10) Johnny: It’s a close ªx to perfection.
Minerva: Galing! (‘Great!’)
Johnny: And in addition, ginawa ko ng (‘I made’) radio and at the same
time blower.
They try out the toaster. At the end of the scene they ªnd that it does not work.
In fact, it untoasts the bread.
In the meantime, Joey and his general father enter the kitchen. The general
is in love with Minerva and wants to make love to her. He is afraid to approach
her. Joey tries to break the ice by being the intermediary. Minerva insists that
the general speak for himself. As the general starts to talk, the viewer hears Nat
King Cole singing “When I Fall in Love.” She stops him, saying his pants are
unzipped. He fumbles to zip himself up and continues to try to persuade
Minerva to be his girl. She refuses. He closes with the following military motto
in English “Never, never say die.” She replies in English, “I will never say yes.”
There are two more scenes in the show where the general tries to win her
aŸection with Nat King Cole singing love songs in the background to no avail.
The last time ends with Minerva chasing the general around the living room
with a machete ready to cut him to pieces.
Cynthia continues her pursuit of Colonel Duda with English phrases
throughout the show. In one scene when Colonel Duda is training his recruits,
she comes out and says “Thank you darling,” makes a comment in Tagalog that
he should take a break because he looks so tired, then adds in English as she
coyly backs into him “Why don’t you have a break? Have a Cynthia.” Another
time she interrupts telling him, “There’s a full moon tonight.” He rejects her
again and again. The last time that she interrupts his pursuit of Ricky, Colonel
Duda grabs her around the neck with his arm and squeezes. Though the
following sequence is in Tagalog, it is important for the analysis of the portrayal
of English in this sitcom.
(11) Cynthia: Sandali, sandali, gusto ko lang sabihin na gust ko lang ng
matipunong kataway galing sa militar. Pero…. aray day, has masakit ha,
masakit, masakit. (‘Wait a minute, wait a minute. I just want to say that I
only want a muscular body from the military, but … ouch, it hurts, it
hurts, it hurts.’)
215
216 Filipino English and Taglish
Duda: (looking over his shoulder at Ricky.) Alam ko, naiintindihan kita,
nangyari na rin sa akin yan. (‘I know, I understand, that has happened to
me too.’)
Cynthia: Hindi naman… (‘It’s not….’)
Duda: Masakit ang ma-reject. (‘It hurts to be rejected.’)
Cynthia: Hindi naman reject. (‘It’s not really reject.’)
Duda: Naiintindihan ko ang iyong damdamin. (‘I understand how you
feel.’)
Cynthia: Bitiwan mo ko, malandi ka pa kaysa sa akin eh. Ang sakit ng sakal
mor. Ah! Bitiwan no ko! (‘Let go of me, you’re a bigger ¶irt than I am.
You’re choking me and it hurts. Ah! Let go of me!’)
Duda: I’m sorry. Ricky! Ricky! (He lets go and races after Ricky.)
Colonel Duda uses English in his continuing pursuit of Filipino men. After he
lines up his potential recruits, he announces,
(12) Duda: Ready for examination. I will have to examine you, um. We’ll start
oŸ with your urine.
He grabs one of the handsome Filipinos and heads with him into a shed to help
him do it right. Right then, someone throws a bucket of water on him and the
scene ends.
Only Cynthia and Colonel Duda persist in using English throughout the
episode, Cynthia to make passes at Colonel Duda, and Colonel Duda to make
passes at Ricky and the other Filipino young men. The other characters only
use English in trivial ways, usually no more than a word or a phrase, such as for
greetings or to give mottos. English is never used for extended social interaction. Only twice is an English comment followed up with a related comment in
English as might be expected in a conversation. Even in these cases the English
is more to display superior knowledge or wit rather than to promote understanding. When Colonel Duda comes down for breakfast, the following conversation takes place between Colonel Duda, Cynthia, and Ricky.
(13) Ricky: Good morning.
Duda: (comes down the stairs) Good Morning!
Cynthia: Hi, Colonel. Did you sleep well last night? Let me feed you
breakfast.
Duda: No. It’s okay, uminom na ako ng gatas (‘I drank milk already.’)
Ricky: Sir, ah, saan ang punta nyo ngayon? (‘Where are you going now?’)
Duda: Eh, ano pa, di sa mga lalake, ah sa mga… (‘Where else? To the
men, to the..’)
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 217
Cynthia: But of course. The colonel has to train and discipline future
military men.
Duda: That’s right. Yes. (The scene continues in Tagalog).
Later when Colonel Duda is inspecting his recruits to prepare them for the last
recruitment drill, the following takes place.
(14) Duda: Ba’t ganyan ang pantalong mo? (‘Why are your pants like that?’)
Recruit: Ah, navy, sir, navy. I wanna be sailor.
Duda: Sailor, ha? You look like a stupid o¹ce boy!
In Tagalog he completes the inspection and announces that they are ready for the
last drill. The recruits ask if it will be something di¹cult, such as jumping out a
window or oŸ a roof. Colonel Duda tells them that they will paint their nails.
At the climax Colonel Duda still cannot convince Ricky to join the military, Cynthia still cannot get Colonel Duda’s attention, and the general still
cannot win Minerva’s heart. Everyone is gathered on the street where the
program started. Colonel Duda appears with his recruits and their brightly
painted ªngernails. They report that he wants them to wear tights and perm
their hair. Ricky, wearing sunglasses, stands taller than anyone. In Tagalog he
questions the reports of the recruits and ask Colonel Duda what he is really
doing. Before Colonel Duda can give an answer, an eŸeminate young Filipino
runs up to Colonel Duda and says in Tagalog,
(15) Gay Male: (in Tagalog) Mother! Mother! So there you are. The customers have been looking for you. What are you doing here?
Colonel Duda protests. Cynthia and the general turn against him. Duda runs
over to Ricky, falls on his knees and presses his head into Ricky’s crotch as he
says in Tagalog
(16) Duda: Ang aking….mahal na mahal ko si Ricky! (‘My love, my love, Ricky’)
Someone throws a bucket of water on him and the cast breaks into laughter.
Duda and Ricky give each other high ªves. The scene closes with everyone
laughing hysterically — after all, this is a situation comedy.
But what are the social messages behind the buŸoonery? For me as an
outsider watching the show for the ªrst time, certain anti-English themes
stuck out as the various characters either used or avoided English. These ªrst
impressions were reinforced when I read the transcript and translation of the
Tagalog portions of the show. Let us look at key characters in this episode to
218 Filipino English and Taglish
see how the way that they use English presents revolutionary social messages
to the viewing public.
Of course, Colonel Duda symbolizes the corrupting power of English. He
looks American rather than Filipino so that the viewer will make the connection that English is an import to the Philippines. An English translation for his
name would be Colonel Doubt or Colonel Dubious, showing distrust for the
ennobling power of English. His position in the military symbolizes the o¹cial
power behind English as it seeks to recruit Filipinos and change them. However, his recruitment methods symbolize the false promises of English. As we
saw in the scene that included Example 14 and the closing scene, whereas the
Filipino young men think that the military (English) will empower them and
make them better men, English (Colonel Duda) insults the Filipinos for their
eŸorts and works to emasculate them and make them play things to entertain
and amuse other English speakers. Example 12 hints that for English to have
any power to improve Filipinos, they must ªrst be stripped of their Filipino
cover and must expose their most private parts to the advances of English.
Note Colonel Duda’s continuing haughtiness towards his greatest fan,
Cynthia. He insults her in the scene surrounding Example 9, implying that
even though she is the only Filipino speaking to him extensively in English, she
is probably illiterate. In Example 11 we see a metaphor of the reaction of
English to being rejected by Filipinos. When Colonel Duda is hurting Cynthia
in a headlock that she cannot escape from, he reports that he too feels pain
from being rejected. Still he is indiŸerent to her pain and he will not let go until
he sees a chance to conquer another Filipino.
Yet in spite of this power lock on the people, English is a paper tiger that
can be resisted. In Example 8 Colonel Duda (English) is hurt by a playful jab to
the shoulder by a Filipino. In Example 13 Colonel Duda shows his wimpiness
by having milk, an imported product from English-speaking New Zealand or
Australia, rather than a good Filipino breakfast to start the day. We saw in
Examples 8 and 11 that he whines when things do not go his way. Of course,
the closing scene shows that if a Filipino stands straight and tall, even the most
aggressive English push can be resisted.
Ricky is the archetype Filipino. He is tall, thin, and handsome, a hard
worker and an entrepreneur who manages his own eatery, which, according to
the menu on the wall, sells only Filipino food. As he reads the recruitment
poster in the opening scene, he shows that he knows English better than the
other characters, though he uses it cautiously. In one scene he wears a University of the Philippines-Diliman shirt. UP-Diliman is the most prestigious
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 219
public university, traditionally a hotbed of Tagalog activism, suggesting that
his character is leading the cultural revolution against English. He is the only
one who recognizes the dangers of English. In the scene that includes Example
8, he questions the motives of Colonel Duda (English) at their ªrst meeting and
then retreats to the safety of his eatery (Tagalog) at the ªrst sign of aggression.
He warns the ordinary Filipinos in Example 7 to “think twice, think ten times”
before succumbing to the recruiting power of English. As the best looking,
most qualiªed Filipino, he is the primary target of the recruitment eŸorts, yet
he resists all advances. The closing scene, which includes Examples 15 and 16,
metaphorically sums up the struggle between those who promote English and
those who promote Tagalog. Ricky (Tagalog) stands taller than the aggressor
(English), wears sunglasses to shield himself from Colonel Duda’s gaze, and
successfully resists the ªnal attack, even though the one who uses English
(Duda) switches to Tagalog in one last desperate attempt to take control by
declaring undying love for Filipinos (Ricky). But it is too late. Everyone sees the
real motives behind those who promote English, and it is not to help Filipinos
better themselves.
Tikboy, who thought in Example 1 that the announcement said “We went
to the market” symbolizes the naïve Filipino who is carried into any English
language scheme that comes along, not truly understanding what is involved.
He is the enthusiastic joiner for all of Colonel Duda’s schemes. He never does
ªgure out what is happening to him. He truly is a product to be taken to the
market. As we saw in part A of this study of English in the Philippines, the
marketing of Filipinos abroad through various overseas worker programs is the
chief byproduct of English teaching in the Philippines. In several scenes
Tikboy’s T-shirt reads “Bizaare,” a shrewd commentary on both his behavior
and the behavior of other Filipinos who allow themselves to be taken to the
market by English.
Johnny symbolizes the miseducation of Filipinos and the false expectations
that come from the promotion of English. First he criticizes Tikboy for not being
able to read English even though he is enrolled in school. Then we see that he
cannot read the sign either. However, in Example 10 we see that he believes in
the power of English as the language of technology when he tries to ªx the toaster.
English has so empowered him with technological ingenuity that he thinks he
has made the toaster also work as a radio and a blower. However, nothing works.
In fact the toaster now untoasts toast. In other words the technological training
that Filipinos get through English is superªcial and of little practical worth,
especially if they only know spoken English and cannot read.
220 Filipino English and Taglish
Cynthia with her Sesame Street character, which she carries constantly,
symbolizes the immaturity and superªciality of Filipinos, especially women,
who think that English will get them an easy life, perhaps even life in an
English-speaking country. As we saw in the scenes surrounding Examples 2
and 6, they are lazy and an embarrassment to other Filipinos. As we saw in the
interactions of Colonel Duda and Cynthia, no matter how persistent Filipinos
are and no matter how hard they try to please English speakers, they will be
considered second-class citizens in the English-speaking world.
Joey portrays how English language education makes inarticulate fools of
Filipinos. Although he is the son of a general and probably went to good schools,
Example 3 shows that when he speaks English, nothing he says makes any sense.
His father, the general, symbolizes older Filipinos who not only speak
English but superstitiously believe in its power to transform life in the Philippines. Though his grammar may be perfect, he lacks discourse and pragmatic
sense when he uses it with other characters. Notice his use of English in the
scene surrounding Examples 4 and 5. Though he has been introduced in
English and Cynthia responds in English, he ignores her and speaks Tagalog to
others in the scene. When he remembers to introduce Colonel Duda, he
inappropriately asks for applause. During the attempted love scenes, the love
potion power of English music has no eŸect. In fact, the Nat King Cole love
songs from the 1950s that play in the background show how out of touch the
older generation is with the reality of the present.
In other words, English corrupts and humiliates Filipinos, making them
little more than merchandise for an international market. It makes women lazy
whores and it tries to seduce the men with false promises. It has trivial force in
the lives of real Filipinos. Its magic does not work either in personal or material
aŸairs. Even its music has no power. The true Filipino is cautious and even
rejects the advances of the English language.
This is a powerful message for a situation comedy. But this message is even
more powerful when the sitcom is juxtaposed with the commercial messages
that were broadcast during the show. In Chapter 11 we looked at how these
commercials promoted English as a developer of good character and socioeconomic well being, though some promoted a bad boy image that tended to
focus on the power of English as a love potion. Let us look at a few key
commercials that played during the show.
At the ªrst commercial break there were eight commercials, ªve in English.
This break was between the scene that introduced the theme that Filipinos are
mislead by the English language and the scene where Cynthia threw herself at
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 221
Colonel Duda after they were introduced. The Mobiline commercial “Have
you really talked” with its use of written text as a conscience appeared. This was
followed by a Sunsilk shampoo commercial that showed how English language
products help a woman receive a marriage proposal. Gilbey’s Gin showed
Europeans having lots of fun and Decolgen medicine showed how English
comes to the rescue of ill Filipinos.
At the next break after Colonel Duda has made his ªrst pass at Ricky,
Winston promotes the “Spirit of the USA.” At the next break after the general
has failed to win the heart of Minerva in the kitchen and after Colonel Duda
has tried to take his recruits into the shed so he can personally check their urine
appears the Axe Africa deodorant spray commercial which gives the impression that a beautiful girl wants to provide sexual favors for her rescuer. This is
followed by a birth control commercial in Tagalog and a Pennshoppe Jeans
commercial in English that shows a girl wearing no other clothing who is
pulling on her jeans.
In the break just before the climax, when Colonel Duda acts out on Ricky
a gay version of the Axe Africa commercial we just mentioned, appear the
following: the Eggnog Cookies commercial where the girls use English to rate
boys as “One eggnog, two eggnogs….”; the Doublemint Gum commercial
where the Filipino who chews English language gum gets the girl; and the
commercial for STI computer college that English gets you ahead with technology.
As I thought about this con¶ict of social messages between the sitcom and
the commercials, I wondered whether or not those who write the commercials
and buy the commercial time bother to watch the shows. Even someone like
myself who does not understand Tagalog can see the disparity between the
messages in the commercials and those in the show.
13.1.2 Case study 2: M&M: The Incredible Twins
The Tagalog movie M&M: The Incredible Twins is about two mismatched
twins who are reunited after being separated at birth. Marcelo, tall, husky and
uneducated, re¶ects the tough life of the poor part of town. Marcelino, short,
thin, and with glasses, re¶ects the pampered life of the rich. The plot revolves
around Marcelino trying to get Marcelo into his university so he can become
educated and worthy of his newly discovered family. Of course, much of this
worthiness depends on English language proªciency. Marcelo’s problems with
English are the source of much of the humor.
222 Filipino English and Taglish
According to the pragmatics and the social messages attached to English,
which we investigated in Chapters 10 and 11, we should expect to hear quite a
bit of English being used among family members in the home, in social
gatherings, and in school activities since we are watching a movie about life
among the wealthy. However, very little conversation is carried out in English.
As we saw was the case in Chapter 10 when we looked at the pragmatic and
discourse features of English in commercials, most English in the movie is used
for greetings or introductory remarks and announcements or pronouncements rather than for extended interaction.
In fact, greetings and short social routines are often the only English
spoken in a scene. At a poolside birthday party for Marcelino with perhaps one
hundred extended family members and other guests dressed in tuxedos and
other expensive clothing to denote their social status, the guests routinely greet
Marcelino with “happy birthday” then continue the conversation in Tagalog.
At the university when Marcelino wants to join the track team, he goes to the
coach’s o¹ce. The following routine occurs.
(17) Coach: Come in.
Marcelino: Morning, sir.
The coach asks him in Tagalog to sit down. Marcelino replies, “Thank you” in
English. Otherwise the conversation is entirely in Tagalog except for the borrowed nouns coach, starting line, and track team, and the verbs mag-join, and
mag-try out. In another scene Marcelino says, “excuse me, ho,” before leaving
the room.
Marcelo, the newly discovered twin who is trying to ªt into his newfound
social class, also tries out for the track team. He sees a sign at the school that
says in English, “Training for track team. Join! Apply now.” Rather than speak
English to the coach, Marcelo takes the sign with him. The entire conversation
is in Tagalog except for the English word experience.
The coach gives all his instructions to the university track team in Tagalog,
except just before the big meet when he gives these encouraging words in
English.
(18) Coach: You’re not competing for yourself, but for our school.
He then explains what he means in Tagalog.
English is even avoided in settings where the commercials suggest that
English should appear. In a bedroom scene the uncle gives Marcelino advice in
Tagalog. When Marcelino needs medical attention, no English words are
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 223
spoken. When people discuss the ethics of the situation, they speak only in
Tagalog. In other words, English is of trivial use even among the rich and can
be avoided.
When English is used beyond these greetings and other social routines, we
see that even the scriptwriters for this movie have joined the cultural rebellion
against English. Rather than uplift and make Filipinos better people, English is
used to put them in their place. In one scene the family has gathered in
Marcelino’s opulent bedroom to convince him of his folly in trying to upgrade
the social status of Marcelo by claiming him as his brother. His aunt begins her
Tagalog comments with,
(19) Aunt: Stop fooling yourself, iho (‘son’)!
She berates him in Tagalog, telling him that Marcelo is simply an opportunist
taking advantage of his kindness. In another scene, one girl berates another
with
(20) Girl: Anna Jean, how could you?
The scriptwriters use humor to show how English brings ridicule and trouble
to Filipinos. In the following scene, the dumb but street-wise twin sees the girl
of his dreams as she comes up the stairs to the university library. This is the
conversation he uses to get her attention. Notice the garbled English, much like
the English Joey used when introducing his father in Palibhasa Lalake. Notice
too his lack of discourse skills.
(21) Marcelo: Oh, hello out there somewhere. You’re there. I’m here. We’re
here and there, really.
Girl: (she says something in Tagalog then adds) Are you talking to me?
Marcelo: I did. I’m Marcelo. What’s yours?
Girl: Anna Jean
Marcelo: I heard.
The girl switches to Tagalog and enters the library. Marcelo follows trying to
make a date in Tagalog for the following Saturday. The girl then starts out in
English, “Well, in this case,” and continues in Tagalog before walking oŸ.
Marcelo shows his misunderstanding of English vocabulary and discourse
strategies in the following two incidents. In the Tagalog portion of the scene
that we looked at earlier when Marcelo signs up for the track team, the coach
asks him if he has had any experience, using the English word. However, when
Tagalog speakers use the English word experience, it frequently means sexual
224 Filipino English and Taglish
experience, ªtting in with the bad boy image of English. After Marcelo lists his
experiences in cars, jeepneys, and in a ªeld, adding the names of the girls, the
coach tells him he is not interested in that kind of experience. In the scene
following Example 18 when the coach tries to inspire the team in Tagalog to
win the big track meet, he ends with a rhetorical question in English which
Marcelo answers. In Example (22) we see that Marcelino berates him for doing
so. However, Marcelo cannot ªgure out why since he simply did what he ªgures
any schoolteacher would want him to do when asking him a question.
(22) Coach. Do you get me?
Marcelo: I get you.
Marcelino: O, huwag kanang sumagot. (‘Oh, you don’t answer.’)
Marcelo: Eh, siya ang nagtatanong, eh. (‘But he was the one asking.’)
At the end of the pep talk, the coach has the track team huddle together with
their right hands in the middle for a team cheer in English. Notice how
Marcelo again does not understand how the routine works.
(23) Coach: All together now! One, two, three, ªght, tayo na! (‘Let’s go!’)
Team: (jumping around enthusiastically) Fight, tayo na! (‘Let’s go!’)
Marcelo: Mabuhay, mabuhay ang Pilipinas, mabuhay ang Pilipino,
mabuhay ang Katipunan. (‘Long live, long live the Philippines, long live
the Filipinos, long live the Katipunan.’.)
Marcelino: (interrupting Marcelo) Anong Katipunan? (‘Why the
Katipunan?’)
Marcelo thought it was a war cry, not a team cheer so was inappropriately
cheering the country and the original revolutionaries, the Katipunan, rather
than the team.
Probably the funniest Example of how English brings trouble and ridicule
to Filipinos takes place in Marcelo’s math class, the only extended use of
English is the show other than the interchange in Example (21). The teacher is
giving an incomprehensible math lecture as he writes on the board. Marcelo,
who is quite a bit larger than the other students, is blocking the view of the
student behind him.
(24) Teacher: If x equals 66 and y equals 6 and z equals 22 if a equals y over x and
b equals z over x, what is the least common denominator of a and b? Let’s
refer to the table: x equals 66, y equals 6 and z equals 22 and a equals x over
y and b equals x over z…
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 225
Student: (in Tagalog) Hey, can you move over? I can’t see.
Marcelo: (in English) What?
Student: (in Tagalog) I can’t see.
Teacher: Divide the table.
Marcelo: (in Tagalog) Is that my problem? Eat a snack.
Teacher: Martinez.
Marcelo: Sir?
Teacher: What is the answer?
Marcelo: The answer, the answer to the question?
Teacher: Do you know the question?
Marcelo: No, but I know the answer.
Teacher: How can you know the answer when you do not know the
question?
Marcelo: Then I do not know the answer.
Teacher: Divide the table.
Marcelo: Divide?
Teacher: Do you know how to divide?
Marcelo: (in Taglish) Sir, naman, divide lang eh? (‘Come on, sir, just
divide?’)
Teacher: Then divide the table!
Marcelo: Divide the table?
Teacher: Yes, divide the table!
Marcel: Yes, sir. (He comes forward and gives a karate chop to break the
teacher’s table in half.)
Another theme in this cultural battle against English is that Filipinos use
English to mask corruption. Marcelino schemes to ªnd a way to make his
newfound brother acceptable to the rest of his wealthy family. His friend
Henrikito reminds Marcelino in Tagalog of his father, a great multi-capitalist,
multi-millionaire, and empire builder. He tells him to hasten Marcelo’s education so that he will be accepted by the family. Suddenly Marcelino interrupts
the Tagalog conversation with the following.
(25) Marcelino: Henrikito, Henrikito. You’re a genius.
Marcelino explains in Tagalog that he will use his father’s money to get
Marcelo into school and make him into a real person. We ªnd out how he plans
to do this in the following conversation with Mrs. Masulungan, the head of
Soliman University. The conversation is in Taglish with just enough English
words mixed in so that even an English speaker knows what Marcelino is up to.
226 Filipino English and Taglish
The conversation starts out pleasant enough with Marcelo explaining to
Mrs. Masulungan that he wants his brother to be enrolled in the university.
Mrs. Masulungan explains that the school follows the policies of the Department of Education, so it will not be possible. Marcelino asks if Mrs.
Masulungan doubts the ability of his twin. Mrs. Masulungan responds in
English and the conversation continues in Taglish.
(26) Masulungan: No, no, no. You are our top student here.
Marcelino: Mrs. Masulungan. Natatandaan po ba ninyo kung ah, ilang
buildings na po ang nadodonate nang aming pamilia dilo sa university
natin? (‘Do you remember how many buildings my family has donated
to the university?’)
Masulungan: Four, (she then lists them plus the parking area and new
disco for the teachers)
Marcelino: (He reminds her in Tagalog that she has requested another
building)
Masulunga: Yes, yes
Marcelino: Eh, seguro naman ma-didisappoint ang ibang o¹cers at mga
Board of Trustees nang ating university kung hindi matutuloy ilang maga
plans na buildings. (‘Surely the other o¹cers of the board of trustees of
the university will be disappointed if these building plans won’t go
through.’)
Masulunga: That is also true.
Marcelino: (He then suggests in Tagalog that maybe they should build
two more buildings) Mrs. Masulungan, madidisappoint ho kaya ako?
(‘Mrs. Masulungan, will I be disappointed?’)
Masalungan: (in Tagalog) Uh, when does your brother start?
Even though the discussion was mostly in Tagalog, the English words make it
clear even to English speakers that a bribe is taking place. This ªts in with the
notion that English is corrupting the nation. The educational system in the
Philippines, the main source for English, is thus portrayed as a center of
corruption under the control of the rich at the expense of the poor.
There is one more anti English theme that the scriptwriters have inserted.
At the poolside birthday celebration for Marcelino, Marcelino introduces
Marcelo in English to his friends and extended family. When he asks for a
round of applause to welcome him into the family, only Marcelino and his
aunt and uncle clap no matter how hard Marcelino encourages the others. In
other words, in spite of Marcelo’s eŸorts to improve his English and attend a
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 227
good private university to become a “real” person, in Marcelino’s words, and
ªt into the world of the rich and powerful, he is rejected because he comes
from the streets. Moments later it turns out that Anna Jean, the girl that
Marcelo met in Example 21 and tried to date, is Marcelino’s girlfriend. In fact
Example 20 “Anna Jean. How could you?” was the reaction of her friend when
she discovered that Marcelo, a former boiled-peanut salesman, had tried to
date Anna Jean. Now even Marcelino turns against Marcelo. In other words,
English does not empower the average Filipino. In fact, the wealthy will turn
against upwardly mobile Filipinos when they see that they want their share of
whatever the wealthy enjoy. According to life as it is portrayed in the movies,
the wealthy do not use any more English than common Filipinos do in their
everyday aŸairs. In other words, the claim that English proªciency is needed to
be wealthy is a phony mask that the wealthy hide behind.
Of course this social message seems to be glossed over in the happy ending.
Marcelo and Marcelino are reconciled and work together to win the track meet
for Soliman University. The movie ends with all the actors joining together to
sing a peppy Tagalog song and dance in a production number that was ªlmed at
a national folklife village which features houses built in the styles of the major
ethnic groups in the Philippines. However, even this happy ending carries the
subtle message that without English, Filipinos can work together to make the
Philippines a better place.
13.2 The other shows: Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Missis and Mixed Nuts
To show that I did not select these two case studies for their shock value or for
their anti-English messages, let us look brie¶y at the other two shows, Kaya ni
Mister, Kaya ni Misis and Mixed Nuts. Rather than portraying English as
enriching, ennobling, and empowering Filipinos, they too remind Filipinos
that English plays a trivial role in their everyday aŸairs, makes fools of them,
and is associated with corruption.
The episode for Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Misis revolves around the activities
of a family that lives next to a street side lunch stall. Except for an occasional
okay, there is very little English. One scene uses English as part of the characterization of a young woman who works at the lunch stall. She can best be
described as a bimbo. She does little more than bounce around, swat ¶ies, and
jiggle her bosoms to attract male customers. While the older woman serves the
customers, the bimbo does a Madonna imitation singing “Like a virgin. Yes,
228 Filipino English and Taglish
when your heart beats” and “Material, a material girl. A material, a material
girl.” It is obvious that she doesn’t know the words to the song and is using
what little English she knows to get the attention of the men. The obvious
cultural association is that English is for the lazy who want to use sex and
American pop culture to get ahead. However, the men all get food poisoning
and run away — quite a strong reaction to English.
As a side plot, the police raid a suspected gambling establishment. At the
door they hear people inside singing “Happy Birthday.” They burst in to ªnd
little old ladies and an assortment of men sitting around small tables claiming
to be celebrating a birthday. They all join in singing “Happy Birthday” in
English. After the police apologize and leave, the gambling equipment appears.
In other words, English hides corruption. Later the young son of one of the
police o¹cers and the woman who seems to own the lunch stall gets dengue
fever and has to be taken to the hospital. When the parents visit, there is no
interaction between the parents and the sick child in English, as we might
expect from watching the commercials. Also, unlike in the commercials, the
doctor and the nurse speak no English and use no English medicine to cure the
child. There is nothing the parents can do and English provides no help either.
In other words, even in Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Misis, English makes fools of
Filipinos, hides corruption, and is of little worth in their daily lives.
Mixed Nuts, a comedy variety show, has a series of comedy sketches that
take place in a pizza parlor, Pizza by Golly Wow! It also has a comedy news
report and two music/dance numbers. Although the show takes place in a
business, English is limited. The names of the products are in English, as are the
advertising posters in the background. When workers answer the telephone or
take orders, they use greetings and polite rejoinders such as yes, ma’am, right
away, ma’am, excuse me, and enjoy your pizza. The jokes use English nouns
such as janitor, manicurist, driver, and tra¹c enforcer to name occupations that
common Filipinos ªll when serving the wealthy. In other words, English plays
only a marginal role in the business life of these Filipinos. It certainly does not
provide for socioeconomic advancement.
The theme that English corrupts Filipinos is the theme of a humorous song
that the host of Mixed Nuts sings in Tagalog backed up by dancing girls, all
wearing T-shirts imprinted with American ¶ags, bald eagles, or other symbols
of the USA. I give an English translation of a portion below.
(27) It’s truly okay by me if we become a state of the USA. It’s truly okay by me.
Our countrymen will be Negroes.
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 229
There will also be plenty of problems, oh, my God, because of the naked
Americans.
It’s truly okay by me if we become a state of the USA. It’s okay by me.
When Madonna parties in Tondo, there will be plenty of English speaking.
Okay too is the dollar for you.
There will be plenty of piercings and tattoos and nigger talk.
There will be lots of bikinis and also big HIV.
It’s truly okay by me if we become a state of the USA. It’s truly okay by
me.
There will be no more visas to freeze in Chicago. It’s truly okay by me.
Of course the anti-American and anti-English language message would be
missed by anyone who prefers to watch English language television. In fact,
they probably would only have noticed the English language cigarette commercials and American beer commercials extolling the beneªts of life American
style that played on both sides of the song.
13.3 Conclusions
Yes, the cultural revolution against English that was ignored by the commercials and hinted at in the interviews that we looked at in Chapters 11 and 12 is
in full force in Tagalog programming. The cultural values attached to English
and Tagalog are colliding, with each language depicting the other in the least
favorable light possible.
When we compare the values portrayed in commercials with the values in
this small sampling of sitcoms and movies we see that although the rich believe
in the traditional power of English, the masses do not. At least that is the
message that is being promoted by the scriptwriters. Rather than ennobling
Filipinos and preparing them for a better life, English degrades them and lacks
any power to make their day-to-day lives any better. In fact, it plays only a
trivial role in their lives and symbolizes the corrupting forces that Filipinos
must deal with on a daily basis.
This triviality of English in the everyday lives of Filipinos is noted in the
research of others. McFarland (1997) reports his study of the English borrowings in 50 short Tagalog romance or suspense novels. In a running text of more
than one million words, only 97 English words appear more than twenty times.
A look at the semantic categories reveals that most were words for social
230 Filipino English and Taglish
relationships: such as Mr., Mrs. ma’am, sir; parents: such as mommy, daddy;
occupations and business relationships: such as boss, waiter, maid, customer,
waiter, security guard, teacher, attorney; greetings: such as hello, hi, and good
morning; transportation and destinations: such as taxi, driver, jeep, bus, o¹ce,
avenue, apartment, building, restaurant, school, college, and addresses; rejoinders: such as okay or wow; politeness forms: such as sorry, please; and the words
of romance: party, sexy, excited, make-up, motel, baby, boyfriend, and girlfriend,
a re¶ection of the romance and suspense novel source of the vocabulary.
Notice that though most of these words are useful for brief encounters with the
English-speaking world to denote role relationships and locations, they are of
little use in extended conversation in everyday aŸairs. Many of these words
appeared in the language examples we looked at in this chapter.
Thus there is a mismatch of the language and the social messages of the
commercials and the programs that they advertise. It is as though Tagalog and
English, as they vie for the aŸections of Filipinos, are calling each other names
and are throwing cultural mud at each other in a heated cultural battle. I do not
know the viewing habits of the common Filipino, but if they channel surf
whenever commercials appear, they can easily avoid the cultural messages of
the English commercials and can simply be schooled in the competing values
associated with Tagalog. It appears that using English in the media is a liability
when directing a cultural message to the masses.
After competing this analysis I asked several Filipino friends if they had
noticed this anti-English bias in Filipino programming. Without fail they said
they had not noticed it because they thought the shows were silly and preferred
to watch English programs on cable, re¶ecting the viewing preferences that we
saw with English teachers in part B. In other words, since those who prefer
English and believe in its power usually do not watch Filipino programs, they
may not be aware of the strength of the cultural war being fought around them
guerilla style in the Tagalog jungle.
In our next chapter, we will look for further evidence of this culture war in
another form of the media, the newspapers. The broadsides are in English. The
tabloids typically are in Tagalog or Taglish. Let us see if the two languages are
doing the same subtle mud slinging there.
Chapter 14
The language face oŸ in the newspapers
Perhaps it is appropriate that the ªnal chapter of this look at English in the
media focuses on the linguistic and cultural battles that are taking place in the
newspapers. For one hundred years English has been the language of the news.
Fernandez (1989a, b) notes that although the Filipino press had Spanish beginnings in 1637, it had a long apprenticeship in American style journalism with
the establishment of the ªrst English language newspaper just ten days after the
military occupation of Manila in 1898. The Filipino press is known as Asia’s
most rambunctiously free press, oft called a Wild West press. It blends the
personalism of Philippine culture, the patronage patterns learned both from
Spanish colonial government and American big business, Western liberal
democratic ideas of press freedom, and the crusading courage of underdog
revolutionaries. At the lower levels, ethnic and folk elements are strongest, at
the higher levels, artists and scholars and Western in¶uences predominate.
Following the suppression of the press under both the Japanese occupation
and the dictatorship of President Ferdinand Marcos, the English language
press returned to its perceived job of being the watchdog of the people to keep
the government in check. It sees itself as the critic and conscience of the
government and an educator for the people. Filipino readers turn to the
English broadsheets for hard news, investigative reporting, news analysis and
editorials, and the major columnists.
It might seem little more than intellectual curiosity to look at English
language newspapers for their role in the language revolution that is going on
since, as the participants in the 1987 Solidarity Seminar on Language and
Development (Gonzalez 1988c) pointed out, Filipinos are not a reading
people. At the conference Faustino Lapira, the anchorman for a TV news show,
noted that his radio and television guests resisted brieªngs that were written.
Nine out of ten could complete complicated tasks if the brieªng was oral or on
video tape (Gonzalez 1988c.36). The conclusion was that the general masses
would rather watch TV or listen to the radio than read the newspaper. However, that is probably true of the English-speaking world at large.
232 Filipino English and Taglish
In spite of the lament of the Solidarity Seminar, newspapers are sold on the
street everywhere and are probably the most common reading material of
Filipinos. In fact, the Philippine Daily Inquirer (October 2, 2000) reported that
the Asia Research Organization (ARO) found in a nationwide survey that 52
percent of Filipinos read newspapers. In Metro Manila, that rises to 74 percent.
However, only 14 percent read the English broadsheets rather than the tabloids, which are usually in Tagalog or Taglish. Has the English language press
become irrelevant in the lives of Filipinos? Gonzalez (1997a) notes that newspapers in the Philippines are highly edited according to international publication standards with the American variety of English being the model. Does that
mean that editors carefully monitor the language to maintain its formal purity
or are they starting to follow the market forces that have allowed Taglish to
replace English in network television? If they are allowing Taglish, does it carry
the same social messages that we saw in the commercials and the television
programs?
Gonzalez (1982a, 1991d) analyzed the English used in Philippine newspapers and weekly magazines. When the foreign-authored articles and syndicated
columns were eliminated and the articles were classiªed into columns, feature
articles, and editorials, he found three styles of English: formal, informal, and
familiar. The formal style followed the characteristics of what he called “composition style”: formal and elegant, in the tradition of essay writing popular
before the Second World War. He postulated that this re¶ects the fact that
English is learned in the classroom rather than on the streets and that the main
input for language acquisition is literary and scientiªc texts. This style is characterized by complex sentences with many adverbials and relative clauses and
Latinate rather than Anglo-Saxon vocabulary. In fact it is the choice of vocabulary that is the most salient feature distinguishing formal from informal style.
The informal style uses slang and shorter sentences but is still moderately
formal due to a lack of familiarity with the conventions of informal English as it
is used in the rest of the English-speaking world.
Gonzalez found that Taglish characterized the familiar style of English. As
we found to be true in our analysis of spoken Taglish in Chapter 9, he found that
the Taglish of this familiar style usually does not mix the two language systems
but alternates them. Gonzalez did not look at the social messages that underlie
the use of Taglish in the newspapers other than to note that its use establishes
solidarity with the Tagalog-speaking reader. Let us take our own look at
broadsheets and tabloids to see whether or not the cultural battles that we
identiªed in television programming are also taking place in the Philippine press.
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 233
On Monday, April 21, 1997, while on my way from the headquarters of the
Department of Education, Culture, and Sports in Pasig, Metro Manila to De La
Salle University on Taft Avenue in Manila, I bought copies of all the newspapers that were being sold on the streets to businessmen and others as they
passed the busy transportation transfer points at the intersection of Shaw
Boulevard and Edsa near the Shangri-la Mall in Mandaluyong and at the
intersection of Edsa and Taft in Pasay near the entrance to the Light Rail
Transit. On the way home I bought copies of the evening newspapers. Seven
newspapers were English broadsheets, ªve were English tabloids, and ten were
Tagalog tabloids. Let us look ªrst at the English broadsheets then turn to the
Tagalog and the English tabloids.
14.1 English broadsheets
Although only slightly more than 14 percent of those surveyed by the ARO
reported that they read English broadsheets, these tended to be executives,
managers, professionals, and students. In other words, the English language
press is important in the lives of the movers and shakers and the potential
leaders of Philippine society. When these respondents were asked what they
valued most in newspapers, the top answers were accurate and balanced news,
fearless views, and innovations. The classiªed ads and entertainment news were
low on the list of priorities.
The broadsheets I collected on this day ranged in size from 16 to 100 pages.
Three were in the heftier category of 88 to 100 pages. The Manila Bulletin bills
itself as “the nation’s leading newspaper” and “the exponent of Philippine
progress since 1900.” It declares, “Let us unite the nation and move forward.”
This issue had 100 pages. Also with 100 pages was the Philippine Daily Inquirer
with its “balanced news, fearless views.” Slightly smaller with 88 pages was the
Philippine Star, where “truth shall prevail.” The ARO reported that these are
the top three newspapers among the broadsheet readers and that they also rank
the highest in credibility. The smaller broadsheets ranged from 16 to 32 pages.
The Manila Times, “creating a new thinking class,” was the largest with 32
pages. Both the Manila Standard and Today had 20 pages. The smallest with 16
pages was the Evening Paper, presenting “tomorrow’s news tonight.”
According to the ARO survey, in Manila the Inquirer and the Manila Bulletin
both have 41 percent of the readership. The Star is a poor third at 19 percent. This
amounts to more than 100 percent of the readership without counting those
234 Filipino English and Taglish
who read the smaller broadsheets. This is probably because many Filipinos read
more than one newspaper every day. Outside of Manila 55 percent of broadsheet
readers read the Inquirer, 23 percent the Bulletin and 13 percent the Star. Thus
these three newspapers have substantial in¶uence among the educated and the
in¶uential throughout the country. However, the ARO reports that the readership of the Bulletin and the Star appears to be declining.
What are the social values associated with this English-speaking press?
English was introduced into the Philippines a century ago with the expressed
mission of enriching, ennobling, and empowering Filipinos. We have seen that
these are the values underlying the English language commercials on television. The subtitles of the broadsheets suggest that these English newspapers
also continue to take this charge seriously. Let us take a look at the contents to
see how they fulªll this charge.
14.1.1 The news
As you walk down the street passing the newsvendors with their newspapers
spread out on the ground or on small tables, a wide array of headlines meets
your eye. All except the Bulletin list the number of the latest sweepstakes
winner. The Inquirer headlines the ¶ight to South Korea of a North Korean
leader who had been hosted in the Philippines after defecting in China. Another article deals with the eŸect of this defection on Korean peace talks. There
is also a headline for an article on page 2 about politics. The Bulletin headlines
tax reform as the national congress resumes its session, a push for faster
agricultural growth in the Philippines, and a warning from President Ramos
against a return to the graft and corruption of the past. The ¶ight of the North
Korean defector warrants only a small section of the front page. There is also a
picture of the opening of a Philippine sports festival. The Star headlines a
jailbreak, a transportation project for Mindanao, an International Earth Day
meeting of youth with President Ramos, and problems with an ongoing murder case. There is also a picture of a bloody body in a car after a police shoot out
with the leader of the Solido Gang.
The smaller broadsheets headline additional topics. The Times features a
biography of presidential candidate Edgardo Angara, the shootout with the
Solido Gang, the government reaction to hosting the North Korean defector,
the defector’s reaction to his stay in the Philippines, information on an import
tax, and President Ramos’s call for Filipinos to unite in politics and sports.
There is also the picture of another presidential candidate Joseph Estrada. The
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 235
Standard features only the Solido shootout with a picture of the bloody body in
the car ªlling the page. Headlines along the top point to other sections featuring
a German supermodel who wants to be cloned, the results of a golf tournament, lottery results, and the weather. The Times headlines a movement to
depreciate the peso, Indonesian worries about demonstrators, warnings of the
North Korean defector of an upcoming war, and the diversion tactics used to
protect the defector. The picture shows the plane that carried the defector to
South Korea. The Evening Paper features a ªre that hit a local shopping mall, a
meeting of President Ramos with environmentalists, the new international
status of the Philippines for hosting the North Korean defector, and headlines
for the sports page featuring a basketball game in the United States and a
motocross race and a cycling race in the Philippines, a headline for an interview
with an artist, and a headline for an article on corruption charges against
Netanyahu in Jerusalem.
In other words, although these newspapers all appeared the same day, each
is distinctive in style and focus. Some focus more on domestic news, others
international, some ªnance and business, others politics and crime. There is
little overlap on news coverage, at least from what the passing customer can see
on the top half of the front page. The larger broadsheets cost 7 pesos, the
smaller 6. They deªnitely are not carbon copies of each other.
To get a better idea of the similarities and diŸerences among these newspapers, let us look ªrst at the topics of the domestic and world news that were
reported for this day. Tables 14.1 and 14.2 show us the distribution of world
and domestic news according to the categories of business and economics,
politics and con¶ict, crime, and other. The ªrst thing that is apparent from
Tables 14.1 and 14.2 is the focus on enriching Filipinos. All had business
sections with ªnancial advice and information from the stock exchange. Approximately half the domestic and world news focuses on business and economic development. Much of the domestic business news features
announcements and updates on real estate developments. Many of the business and economic articles in the world category deal with potential joint
ventures or investments from overseas countries. Except for the Manila Bulletin and the Philippine Star of the larger broadsheets and the Manila Standard of
the smaller ones, the newspapers seem to be targeting those who are using
English to make international contacts. The Bulletin, the Star, and the Standard
have more of a domestic focus that includes news about a wide range of topics
in addition to local business news.
236 Filipino English and Taglish
Table 14.1 Distribution of world and domestic news articles by topic in larger
English language broadsheets
World News
business/economics
politics/con¶ict
crime
other
World Total
Domestic News
business/economics
politics/con¶ict
crime
other
Domestic Total
Article Total
Manila Bulletin
(100 pgs)
Philippine Daily Inquirer
(100 pgs)
Philippine Star
(88 pgs)
28
8
6
9
51
23.72%
55
7
1
2
65
55.08%
19
15
0
10
44
32.35%
67
19
22
56
164
76.28%
215
23
13
11
6
53
44.92%
118
59
9
16
17
92
67.65%
136
Table 14.2 Distribution of world and domestic news articles by topic in smaller
English language broadsheets
World News
business/economics
politics/con¶ict
crime
other
World Total
Domestic News
business/economics
politics/con¶ict
crime
other
Domestic Total
Article Total
Manila Times
(32 pgs)
Manila Standard
(20 pgs)
Today Evening Paper
(20 pgs)
(16 pgs)
39
2
0
0
41
50.62%
14
8
0
2
24
39.34%
19
15
4
5
43
64.18%
19
13
3
4
39
54.93%
28
3
5
4
40
49.38%
81
24
5
5
3
37
60.66%
61
11
6
9
7
24
35.83%
67
18
6
8
0
32
45.07%
71
Tables 14.3 and 14.4 look at the geographic distribution of the international
news. We might expect a similar distribution in each since the papers are
reporting the same news for the last twenty-four hours. Generally, this is true.
This Monday issue of the English language broadsheets has an Asian/Paciªc
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 237
orientation. For both the larger and the smaller broadsheets, half the international news deals with that area. The rest is divided almost evenly between the
Americas and Europe. This indicates that the editors feel that English is most
valuable for making economic connections with other countries in Asia, the
Paciªc, and Europe, where English serves as a lingua franca, rather than with
the United States, the former colonial master, where English is a native language. Only the smaller broadsheet Today leans heavily towards news from the
USA. Surprisingly, although several hundred thousand, perhaps more than a
million Filipinos are employed in the Middle East, there is little news from
there, re¶ecting perhaps the preference of Arabs to import workers rather than
to invest their money in joint ventures in the Philippines or elsewhere.
Table 14.3 Geographic distribution of world news articles in larger English language
broadsheets
Manila Bulletin Philippine Daily Inquirer
(100 pgs)
(100 pgs)
Americas
Europe
Asia/Paciªc
Africa/Middle East
International Total
12 (23.53%)
10 (19.60%)
28 (54.90%)
1 (1.97%)
51
Philippine Star
(88 pgs)
13 (20.00%)
16 (24.62%)
32 (49.23%)
4 (6.15%)
65
12 (27.27%)
8 (18.18%)
22 (50.00%)
2 (4.55%)
44
Table 14.4 Geographic distribution of world news articles in smaller English
language broadsheets
Manila Times Manila Standard
(32 pgs)
(20 pgs)
Americas
Europe
Asia/Paciªc
Africa/Middle East
International Total
11 (26.83%)
7 (17.07%)
21 (51.22%)
2 (4.88%)
41
6
5
12
1
24
(25.00%)
(20.83%)
(50.00%)
(4.17%)
Today
(20 pgs)
18
4
16
5
43
(41.86%)
(9.30%)
(37.21%)
(11.63%)
Evening Paper
(16 pgs)
7
10
17
5
39
(17.95%)
(25.64%)
(43.59%)
(12.82%)
Although the Manila Bulletin, the Philippine Star, and the Manila Standard
focus more on domestic than international news, all the broadsheets have a
similar balance in their international news and feature nearly the same number
of articles reporting overseas events. However, the smaller newspapers have
only one half to one quarter as many articles about domestic aŸairs indicating
that they are targeting an elite audience that is more interested in life and
business connections overseas than in local events.
238 Filipino English and Taglish
How much Tagalog is featured in the news section? The answer is none, or
almost none. At times a Tagalog word is allowed for the name of an event, an
award or an organization. It is always in italics. The Star, Today, and the
Standard allowed a few Tagalog quotes in interviews with ordinary Filipinos,
such as a retiring sea captain, a victim of ¶ooding, and a soldier ªghting in
Mindanao. The Tagalog was always in italics. The Star always followed the
Tagalog with a translation in parentheses. Tagalog is allowed so sparingly that
an English speaker might miss it.
14.1.2 Editorials
The ARO survey found that Filipinos who read English broadsheets want more
than news; they want fearless opinions. This is the Wild West aspect of Filipino
journalism. The Philippine press, the freest in Asia, is unafraid to tackle any
issue. In fact, the number of opinion columns in the smaller broadsheets
(Table 14.5) suggests that many of the smaller broadsheets are published not
because the editors feel they have a better way to present the news. In fact, as we
have just seen, they are weak in the news department, especially for domestic
news. They exist because so many Filipinos have strong opinions they wish to
express. Notice that generally, the smaller broadsheets have more opinion
columns and publish as many or more letters to the editor as do the larger
broadsheets, even though they are only one third or one sixth the size of the
larger papers in the number of pages. They may cut down on the news, but not
on opinion as they use English as a weapon to change life in the Philippines.
Table 14.5 The editorial page of English language broadsheets
Larger Broadsheets
(88–100 pages)
editorial cartoons
opinion columns
letters to the editor
Smaller Broadsheets
(16–32 pages)
MB
PDI
PS
MT
MS
Td
EP
1
8
2
2
5
4
1
6
0
2
10
3
1
10
3
1
5
2
2
5
2
Key: MB = Manila Bulletin, PDI = Philippine Daily Inquirer, PS = Philippine Star, MT = Manila Times,
MS = Manila Standard, Td = Today, EP = Evening Paper
The seven English language broadsheets averaged seven signed and unsigned
editorials each. Two of the newspapers also included a daily scripture reading
on the editorial page. The topics for this particular Monday ranged from
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 239
criticism of politicians and presidentiables (Filipino English for presidential
candidates), government policies, and business practices to the problems of
Filipinos living in the USA, the eŸects of dog inbreeding, the need to involve
more young people in sports, and the advantages of sexual impotence. No
topic seems to be oŸ limits.
English is the language of the editorial page. Four of the seven broadsheets,
the Manila Bulletin, the Philippine Star, the Manila Standard, and Today,
allowed no Tagalog. When Tagalog was allowed in the other papers, it was
usually to quote the less educated or politicians pandering to the masses, with
some exceptions. For example, while the Philippine Daily Inquirer allowed
Tagalog in a political cartoon to quote the uneducated, it also used it in a
scholarly look at the etymology of the name Mindanao. The Manila Times
allowed the most Tagalog, but even here the use was sparing. Some columnists
used it to quote the less educated. Two of the three letters to the editor also
ended with short Tagalog exclamations as a special eŸect. This use of Tagalog
for special eŸect was also apparent in an editorial in the Evening Paper analyzing the qualiªcations of a presidentiable. The editorial cartoon also quoted an
anti-environmentalist driver of a bulldozer in Tagalog. In other words, noble
thoughts are in English. Tagalog is the language of the less educated or the
unscrupulous, though the educated might add a word here or there for eŸect.
English allows Filipinos to make connections with the serious thinking of the
rest of the English-speaking world. Some columnists even back up their opinions by referring to their experiences in other English speaking countries.
14.1.3 Sports
Given the dominance of men in business and the business orientation of most
of the newspapers, it is not surprising that all the broadsheets have extensive
male-dominated sport coverage. On Table 14.6 we can see the contents of the
sport section divided into world and domestic sport events. At the time that
this issue appeared, there were golf tournaments, a cycling road race, basketball games, and a track and ªeld sport festival going on in the Philippines. All
the newspapers cover these sports. The Manila Bulletin with its strong domestic focus has the largest sport section covering a wide array of sports of interest
to the average Filipino, including the most extensive coverage of cockªghting.
Notice that the smaller broadsheets, which seem to target internationally
oriented businessmen, have a stronger focus on world sports, including swimming, soccer, and baseball, sports with limited following in the Philippines.
240 Filipino English and Taglish
Table 14.6 Topic of sport articles in English language broadsheets
Larger Broadsheets
(88–100 pages)
World Sports
basketball
baseball
golf
soccer
swimming
tennis
other
World Total
Domestic Sports
basketball
chess
cock ªghts
cycling
golf
motorcycles
sportfest
other
Domestic Total
Smaller Broadsheets
(16–32 pages)
MB
PDI
PS
MT
MS
Td
EP
1
0
1
0
0
1
2
5
2
0
0
0
0
2
1
5
2
2
2
0
0
1
1
8
1
3
1
1
1
1
1
9
1
1
2
1
0
1
3
9
0
1
2
1
1
1
3
9
4
1
0
1
1
0
4
11
5
2
3
1
6
3
1
8
29
6
0
1
3
3
0
2
4
19
4
2
0
2
3
1
2
1
15
3
2
0
1
1
0
0
0
7
3
1
0
3
5
1
2
4
17
3
1
1
2
5
0
1
0
13
3
1
0
2
1
1
1
1
10
Key: MB = Manila Bulletin, PDI = Philippine Daily Inquirer, PS = Philippine Star, MT = Manila Times,
MS = Manila Standard, Td = Today, EP = Evening Paper
The Evening Paper even gives ice hockey results from New Jersey! Only Today
mentions cockªghting. The Manila Standard gives the results of the local
horse races.
As with the editorials and the news, English is the language of sports with
some exceptions. International sports are reported only in English. In this
Monday edition, the four smaller broadsheets allowed Tagalog to be used when
quoting Filipino participants in domestic events. Of the larger broadsheets,
only the Philippine Star did so. The Tagalog words are written in italics.
Although the Star followed Tagalog quotes in the domestic news with a translation, this was not the case on the sports page. The Tagalog appears without
translation.
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 241
14.1.4 Entertainment and leisure
The ARO survey found that the executives, managers, professionals, and students who tend to be the readers of English language broadsheets are less
interested in the entertainment and leisure sections. Even though the targeted
audience says it is less interested, these sections form a major part of some of
the broadsheets. For example, this Monday edition of the Philippine Star
devoted 26 pages, nearly 30 percent of the paper, to leisure and entertainment,
by far the most of any of the broadsheets. In contrast, the Philippine Daily
Inquirer devoted only 17 pages and the Manila Bulletin only 11 pages to leisure
and entertainment. The smaller broadsheets averaged 3 pages each. However,
the 4 pages of entertainment and leisure in Today and the 3 pages in the
Evening Paper represented 20 percent of their pages, making the entertainment, sports, and editorial pages a major focus of their papers.
Table 14.7 Distribution of entertainment and leisure articles by topic in English
language broadsheets
Larger Broadsheets
(88–100 pages)
Entertainment
comics
crossword
puzzles
horoscope
Showbiz
movie/tv reviews
gossip
personalities
movie/TV ads
Life Styles/Leisure
book reviews
fashion/arts
travel
events
Smaller Broadsheets
(16–32 pages)
MB
PDI
PS
MT
MS
Td
EP
14
1
0
1
14
1
0
0
13
1
0
0
7
1
2
0
0
1
3
1
3
1
0
1
0
1
0
0
4
1
0
9
8
2
6
10
5
2
1
15
3
2
4
0
0
3
3
0
3
2
2
3
1
0
3
0
0
3
3
5
0
2
1
5
1
10
3
3
1
0
0
4
0
0
0
0
1
3
0
2
1
0
0
4
Key: MB = Manila Bulletin, PDI = Philippine Daily Inquirer, PS = Philippine Star, MT = Manila Times,
MS = Manila Standard, Td = Today, EP = Evening Paper
Table 14.7 shows what is included in these pages. Note that all the broadsheets
have crossword puzzles. The larger ones feature an extensive collection of
comics, most from the USA. Showbiz reviews and gossip are common features
242 Filipino English and Taglish
of all the papers though movie schedules and movie advertisements are primarily a feature of the larger papers. On this particular Monday, the Philippine
Star has the most extensive lifestyles section. Articles that might attract women
readers, such as fashion, arts, and travel, are features of the larger papers. As a
rule, in the entertainment section only English language movies, books, and
events are promoted, though the showbiz gossip columns usually concern the
stars of Tagalog movies and television. The books that are reviewed tend to
come from overseas.
We might expect these less serious sections of the paper to allow more
Tagalog as they provide entertainment through crossword puzzles and comics,
gossip columns and celebrity interviews, and articles about leisure activities.
However, except for a few comics and some insider gossip about the aŸairs of
the sexy, bold stars of Tagalog ªlms, everything listed in Table 14.7 was in
English. Of the smaller broadsheets, Today was all English. The Evening Paper
was all English except for one comic. The Manila Standard allowed Tagalog
only in quotes in the showbiz gossip columns. The Manila Times had one
Tagalog comic in addition to the Taglish showbiz gossip. Except for the advertisements for Tagalog movies and a few comic strips, the larger broadsheets
with their lengthy entertainment and leisure sections allowed no more Tagalog
than did the smaller ones. In the Philippine Star even the comics were all in
English. The Bulletin had three in Tagalog, the Inquirer ªve. The Star allowed
Tagalog quotes in the gossip columns, the Manila Bulletin did not. The Philippine Daily Inquirer allowed Tagalog in the titles of the gossip columns, but not
in the columns themselves.
14.1.5 Advertisements
So far we have seen that the English language broadsheets are resisting the
spread of Taglish. Tagalog is found mostly in captions for cartoons and in
quotes from politicians, less educated Filipinos, and sexy movie and television
stars. The image portrayed is that English is the language of the good life and of
noble thoughts. Tagalog is useful for amusement and for interacting with the
less educated. What is the message of the advertisements? How are English and
Tagalog used to oŸer goods and services so Filipinos can improve their lives?
Let us look at Tables 14.8 and 14.9 to see what types of products and services
are advertised.
Notice the dramatic diŸerence between the larger (Table 14.8) and the
smaller broadsheets (Table 14.9). The larger broadsheets advertise a wide
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 243
range of services and products. However, the four smaller newspapers carry
almost no advertisements, perhaps re¶ecting the ªnding of the ARO survey that
the readers of English language broadsheets were not interested in classiªeds
and advertisements. Still, advertising plays an important part in the larger
broadsheets. In fact, the type of advertisements they carry help to deªne the
newspapers.
The Manila Bulletin, as “the exponent of Philippine progress since 1900,”
seems most dedicated to the premise that English should help common Filipinos improve their lives. We have already seen their focus on domestic news and
sports that should interest a wide range of Filipinos. It is also ªlled with
advertisements for products of interest to small business owners, such as copy
machines, water coolers, storage shelves, computers or even building supplies
such as paint, compressors, pumps, rooªng materials and fans. The automobile
related ads instead of focusing on fast cars, feature dependable family cars and
vans that can be used for delivering people and goods. Even the classiªeds focus
Table 14.8 Products and services advertised in larger English language broadsheets
Manila Bulletin
Business Development
150 (37.50%)
o¹ce equip/supplies
55
building materials
24
telecommunications
24
transport/delivery
28
ªnances
19
Announcements
185 (46.25%)
ªnancial notices
10
trade shows/bus opp
5
bid invitations
2
jobs: professional
119
jobs: skilled labor
17
jobs: unskilled labor
32
Personal
65 (16.25%)
health/beauty
14
travel/tourism
10
education
8
clothes/home furnishing 3
housing/real estate
17
food/dining
5
guns
2
greetings/condolences
6
Total
400
Philippine Daily Inquirer
77 (47.53%)
25
3
18
13
18
30 (18.52%)
11
7
8
3
1
0
55 (33.95%)
15
9
9
4
7
6
0
5
162
Philippine Star
38 (32.76%)
5
6
7
7
13
22 (18.97%)
5
2
13
2
0
0
56 (48.28%)
5
12
5
7
18
9
0
0
116
244 Filipino English and Taglish
on the interests of Filipinos who are using English for socioeconomic advancement. It is the only paper with extensive job advertisements for bookkeepers,
engineers, managers, and other occupations that require a college degree. It
also includes employment opportunities for unskilled laborers. For those starting businesses with limited funds there are ads for second hand delivery
wagons and second hand o¹ce equipment and machinery. In addition to
advertisements to help the business traveler, the Bulletin includes maritime
shipping schedules for within the Philippines and abroad.
We have already seen that the Bulletin has the least Tagalog of the larger
broadsheets, even in its entertainment section. Tagalog was found only in the
names of ªlms, display ads for Tagalog movies, and three comic strips. Whereas
the other English broadsheets featured gossip columns ªlled with Taglish for its
breezy eŸect, the Bulletin did not. This same lack of Tagalog carries over to the
advertisements. Of the 400 ads only seven had any Tagalog words, one was for
birth control, another for a long distance calling plan to the USA, and the rest
were for foods. There is little marketed to the female reader. Of the ªve ads
targeting a female audience, four dealt with weight loss and one with facial
cleansers.
On the other hand, the Philippine Sun and the Philippine Daily Inquirer
seem to have abandoned the common Filipino to focus on using English to
maintain the economic dominance of the successful. For example, in the
Philippine Star nearly 40 percent of the ads were for banking and real estate
services or were invitations for bids. The remaining were for a variety of male
oriented products ranging from expensive automobiles and electronics to
airline travel and fancy resorts. Of their 116 ads only six had any Tagalog. One
was an anti drug ad from the government, two were from banks, one was for
beer, one for cement, and one was for cable television. Only three ads targeted
a female audience. Two were for baby food and one was for women’s clothing.
The results were similar for the Philippine Daily Inquirer. Of their 162 advertisements only nine had any Tagalog and only ªve targeted women, one for
women’s shoes, three for weight control, and one for menopause. Notice that
neither paper advertised jobs to help Filipinos use their English to improve
their socioeconomic standing in the community. In fact the only ad for skilled
labor in the Inquirer was a warning written in Tagalog to be cautious when
taking overseas employment, the only job ad in any paper that was not written
in English.
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 245
Table 14.9 Products and services in advertised in smaller English language broadsheets
Business Development
o¹ce equip/supplies
telecommunications
ªnances
Announcements
ªnancial notices
trade shows/bus opp
bid invitations
jobs: professional
Personal
travel/tourism
education
housing/real estate
food/dining
Total
Manila Times
Manila Standard
Today
Evening Paper
7 (31.82%)
1
2
4
13 (59.09%)
7
1
5
0
4 (18.18%)
1
1
1
1
24
1 (10.00%)
0
1
0
9 (90.00%)
5
0
4
0
0 (0.00%)
0
0
0
0
10
1 (12.50%)
0
1
0
5 (62.50%)
1
1
3
0
2 (25.00%)
1
0
0
1
8
0 (0.00%)
0
0
0
3(37.50%)
2
0
0
1
5(62.50%)
1
0
0
4
8
The smaller broadsheets have almost no advertisements. Most that they do
have could be classiªed as announcements, mostly annual ªnancial statements
for businesses and government corporations, invitations for bids, or the latest
lottery results. In other words, these newspapers may want to inform Filipinos
about international news and sports, state their opinions about national issues,
and entertain them, but they do not want to reach out to help them improve
their lives in practical ways. In addition to the ªnancial statements and the bid
invitations, the Manila Standard had one ad in Taglish for telephone service.
Today had ªve ads in English for a telephone service, a bank, an airline, beer,
and a newspaper. The Evening Paper had four ads in English for restaurants
and an ad for an airline. Even the slightly larger Manila Times had only 12 ads
that were not bid invitations or ªnancial statements, mostly for banks and
telephone services all in English except for a cell phone ad in Taglish.
So what is the overall picture of Philippine society that is painted by the
English language broadsheets? As we saw in the subtitles of the larger newspapers, the English language broadsheets take themselves seriously. They are
resisting the onslaught of Tagalog. Although the Manila Bulletin still aims at
using English to enrich, ennoble, and empower ordinary Filipinos, the others
seem to have abandoned the upwardly mobile to focus their attention on the
interests of rich businessmen and professionals while giving vent to their
opinions on various issues. In fact, they so ignore Tagalog that an English
speaking person buying one of these newspapers could come to the conclusion
246 Filipino English and Taglish
that this is an English-speaking nation ªlled with rich English-speaking capitalists and that Tagalog plays a secondary role in the Philippines. The news tends
to have an international orientation, in particular on the sporting page. Economics and business aŸairs predominate with lots of news about new land
developments. Columnists often refer to their overseas experiences in other
English-speaking countries. The books that are reviewed tend to come from
overseas. In other words, with few exceptions the English language broadsheets
sustain the wealthy and the elite rather than speak to the needs of common
Filipinos. Is it any wonder that their readership is dropping?
14.2 Tagalog tabloids
Filipino readers turn to the English broadsheets for hard news, investigative
reporting, and editorials. Tagalog newspapers, all tabloids, focus on sex and
scandal with front page photos of bloody bodies and semiclad women to
tantalize the readers, at least that is how they appear at ªrst glance when an
English speaker passes the display of newspapers. What type of language accompanies this display of sex and gore? At one time Tagalog newspapers,
re¶ecting the style of English broadsheets, were written in formal Tagalog.
Circulation was poor until a looser language policy was adopted in the 1960s.
Once Taglish was accepted on their pages, the circulation of tabloids soared.
Today, as the ARO survey pointed out, most of the 52 percent of Filipinos who
read newspapers read tabloids rather than broadsheets. Are Tagalog tabloids
simply the antithesis of the pure and noble English broadsheets, as meets the
eye? Or, as we found when comparing English language commercials and
Tagalog programming on television, is Tagalog reaching out to Filipinos while
English is ignoring them? Let us take a look at the Tagalog tabloids more closely
and see what we can ªnd.
On this particular Monday, I bought ten Tagalog tabloids. Typically they
are 12 pages long and sell for about half the price of a broadside. After
examining their contents I eliminated ªve of them from our study. Three of
those eliminated, Remate Tonight ‘Results Tonight,’ Abante Tonite ‘Advance
Tonite,’ and Bandera Tonight ‘Banner Tonight,’ are the evening versions of
morning tabloids that we will examine in more detail. Nearly half of the
People’s Balita ‘People’s News’ was devoted to English language public notices
of government hearings, making the newspaper of little interest to us. The ªfth,
the Daily Aliwan ‘Daily Comfort’ was a strange combination of healing sched-
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 247
ules, miracle home remedies, and spiritual advice from El Shaddai, a charismatic oŸshoot of the Catholic Church, mixed in with bare chested women in
g-stings, young men in speedos, sex advice, and crossword puzzles. We will
focus on the remaining ªve. The translations of their names and their subtitles
show their populist orientation: Abante. Una sa balita ‘Advance. First in the
news,’ Daily Balita. Para sa masa, una sa masa ‘Daily News. For the people, ªrst
with the people,’ Bulgar. Pahayagan ng katotohanan ‘Plainness. Newspaper of
truth,’ Pilipino Star Ngayon. Diyaryong disente ng masang intelihente ‘Philippine Star Now. The decent daily of intelligent people,’ and Remate. Ang diyaryo
ng masa ‘Results. The people’s daily.’
14.2.2 The news, sports, and opinion
Let us ªrst compare the news and sports coverage and the opinion sections of
these tabloids with their English broadsides. When we compare Table 14.10
with 14.1, 14.2, 14.5, and 14.6 the ªrst thing we notice is that although the news
and sports coverage is sparse, the tabloids stay true to the Filipino journalism
penchant for expressing opinion and giving advice. Although I did not note it on
the table, all except Remate had a political cartoon. None had letters to the editor.
The topics of editorials ranged from corruption in the military, pedophiles from
overseas, mistreatment of workers, gambling, AIDS, ªre prevention, and political campaigns to a call for Filipinos to ªnd employment for street children and
to treat each other more wisely. The advice columns oŸered self-help information on a wide variety of topics ranging from law and health to religion and
relationships. The columns dealing with relationships seemed at bit crude at
times, headlining topics such as cock therapy. However, remember that the
English broadsheets included a column extolling the advantages of impotence.
The spiritual advice ranged from a scripture discussion to a palm reading.
In fact, the orientation towards common Filipinos rather than the rich and
powerful is evident not only in the columns but in the selection of the news
itself. Except for the Pilipino Star Ngayon, which is the tabloid counterpart of
the English broadsheet the Philippine Star, there was little mention of business
and ªnance except to mention a business caught in corrupt business practices
or a business development that might help the average worker. The political
news dealt mostly with the presidentiables for the upcoming election, though
there were also stories of government corruption and problems with rebels in
Mindanao. Most stories dealt with the street crimes that Filipinos face every
day as they walk the streets of Metro Manila.
248 Filipino English and Taglish
Table 14.10 News, sports, and opinions in Tagalog tabloids
News
business/economics
politics/con¶ict
crime
other
Editorial
opinion columns
Advice
love/relationships
legal
medical/health
spiritual
Sports
cock ªghts
basketball
cycling
track
other
Abante
Daily
Balita
Bulgar
Pilipino Star
Ngayon
Remate
2
8
5
0
1
3
6
0
2
3
3
1
5
3
10
1
1
1
7
2
3
6
3
6
4
1
0
0
0
2
2
2
2
5
1
3
1
1
0
0
2
2
0
1
0
1
1
1
2
2
1
1
1
0
1
0
2
1
0
1
0
3
1
0
3
0
0
0
1
2
Common Filipinos have little leisure time for sports. Basketball had the most
coverage. Only the Star with its broadsheet background covered chess and
motorcycle racing. Both the Star and Bulgar gave basketball results from the
USA. Abante included golf coverage. Surprisingly, only Abante and the Daily
Balita included cock ªghting. Remate was the only paper not to mention
basketball. It covered boxing and track instead.
In the news articles and opinion columns, English is used sparingly, mostly
for nouns denoting violent crimes, corruption, and sex. Thus, when an English
speaker scans the articles, the following words stand out: shootout, suspect, get
away vehicle, hand grenades, drug tra¹cker, jail, robbery, murder, rape, inªdelity,
sex tapes, scandal, grease money, child prostitution, smuggling, kidnapper, hit
and run. Interestingly, while the English broadsheets quoted politicians in
Tagalog to indicate their pandering to the people, the Tagalog tabloids oft
quoted politicians in English, perhaps to indicate their corruption. In other
words, from the viewpoint of Tagalog speakers, English is not the language of
noble activities but of decadence, the same message carried by the sitcoms and
the movie that we examined in the last chapter.
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 249
14.2.3 Entertainment
The decadence of English is even more apparent when we look at the language
used in the entertainment sections of the tabloids, which typically encompass
nearly half of the issue. When we compare Table 14.11 with Table 14.7 we see
signiªcant diŸerences. First, comics do not play an important part in the
tabloids. Typically there is only one and it is usually of a steamy romance
nature. In other words, the English broadsheets, which avoid Tagalog, include
more Tagalog comic strips than do the Tagalog papers. The Tagalog papers also
focus more on developing language skills through crossword and other word
puzzles than do the English papers. Horoscopes appear in all except Abante.
There is lots of showbiz gossip but few reviews. Movie ads are usually only for
Tagalog movies though English action movies may be advertised, reinforcing
the image that English is the language of violence and gore.
The most English appears in the showbiz gossip columns, in much the
same way that Tagalog was included in the English counterparts to give a
breezy style. However, unlike the English papers, which allow Tagalog only in
italics to show its foreign status, English is not in italics in these papers. The
usual format of the Taglish is either to insert English words and phrases into
Tagalog or to alternate between English and Tagalog clauses, following the
pattern that we saw in Chapter 9 when we looked at the linguistics of Taglish in
basketball commentary. At times there is also the same converging of the two
languages that we saw in the basketball commentary with the use of Tagalog
case markers in English, as in the following sentence from a column announcing that the British singer Boy George was coming to Manila: “Well, reminisce
no more, as the two new wave artists ng 80’s are coming to Manila para sa backto-back concert on May 30 and 31, 7:30 p.m. sa Areneta Coliseum.” (Pilipino
Star Ngayon, April 21, 1997)
The items listed under lifestyles in Table 14.11 are actually display ads. The
editors of Abante, Bulgar, and Remate must feel that Tagalog speakers do not
have time for or interest in fashion, the arts, books, or travel, but are in the
market for phone sex and various imported ointments, herbs, charms, and
other devices to enhance sexual performance, as well as treatments for various
sexually transmitted diseases. Surprisingly, even the Pilipino Star Ngayon with
its daily bible verse and good news message on the editorial page had one ad for
phone sex. Yet even this touch of decadence makes a comment about English.
Generally the copy is in English or Taglish with the headlines and much of the
other large print in English. The gay and heterosexual phone sex is “for fun
250 Filipino English and Taglish
excitement across the seas.” The women and men pictured are Americans.
English warnings in smaller print remind the caller that international rates
apply. In other words, the English language is a sex elixir from abroad, which, if
taken, will cost Filipinos dearly.
Table 14.11 Entertainment and Tagalog tabloids
Entertainment
comics
crosswords
puzzles
horoscope
Showbiz
movie/tv review
gossip
movie ads
Lifestyle
phone sex
sex treatments
Abante
Daily
Balita
Bulgar
Pilipino Star
Ngayon
Remate
1
1
0
0
1
2
1
2
1
2
0
1
3
1
0
1
2
1
0
1
2
3
6
0
6
1
1
3
3
0
7
13
2
5
8
7
2
0
0
9
5
1
0
6
3
14.2.4 Advertisements
Let us turn now to the other advertisements in the tabloids. As we compare
Table 14.12 with 14.8 and 14.9 we can see that although the ads are few in
number, they illustrate in interesting ways how the tabloids are taking over
from the English language broadsheets the task of improving the lives of
ordinary Filipinos. The language of advertising remains English except for ads
for insurance, watches, face creams, prickly heat powders, and engine repair.
The ads classiªed under business development were mostly for jeepneys, delivery trucks, and motor repair for small businesses. Bulgar included international exchange rates. The other ªnancial services were lottery results, signaling
the unlikelihood that a bank would ever help a struggling Filipino.
An interesting English feature I have listed under personal advertisements.
Several of the tabloids include the names and addresses of people seeking pen
pals and new friends. These included addresses, which seemed a dangerous
gamble since these newspapers focus on the personal nature of crime and
violence in Filipino society. Birthday greetings in English were also common.
Mixed among the ads were English exhortations such as “Say no to drugs” and
“Support the gunless society.” The notion that English is the language of noble
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 251
Table 14.12 Advertisements and Tagalog tabloids
Business development
motors/machines
ªnances
Announcements
legal notices
jobs:professional
jobs: skilled labor
jobs: unskilled labor
Personal
health/beauty
education
clothes/furnishings
housing
greetings/connections
Abante
Daily
Balita
Bulgar
Pilipino Star
Ngayon
Remate
5
0
0
0
0
4
1
3
55
0
3
0
1
0
18
0
0
0
1
0
6
33
0
0
0
4
2
16
18
22
4
0
4
2
7
1
0
0
0
0
4
1
3
0
8
0
0
1
1
9
2
1
5
0
0
thoughts runs strong even in Tagalog tabloids that are positing a contrary
message by the way they use Taglish.
Under announcements we can see that some of the Tagalog tabloids are
taking over from the English broadsheets the task of ªnding jobs for Filipinos.
Though still not at the level of the Manila Bulletin, these tabloids oŸer more
job opportunities than the other English language broadsheets. A high percentage of the jobs advertised in Remate require a college education, such a
nurses, x-ray technicians, and computer programmers, indicating that some
employers realize that their prospective employees do not look to English
language reading material to enhance their socioeconomic advancement. Still,
most of the jobs being advertised are for unskilled labor, such as cooks, maids,
drivers, receptionists, candy packers, and service crews at restaurants. Several
of these job oŸerings also specify the need for high school and college diplomas, hardly the kind of reward one would expect for successfully completing
an English education. In other words, the promise that mastering English will
result in a good job rings hollow. It simply means that you might get a low
paying job working for the rich.
We see then that the Tagalog tabloids present a social message regarding
English that is similar to the one that we saw in the television shows. English is
the language of violence, sex, drugs, and various corrupt practices. Rather than
empowering Filipinos and enriching and ennobling their lives, it exploits and
degrades them. This task of empowering, enriching, and ennobling Filipinos is
slowly but surely being taken over by Tagalog.
252 Filipino English and Taglish
14.3 English tabloids
As we have seen, the English broadsides, with the exception of the Manila
Bulletin, are resisting the spread of Taglish by aligning themselves with the
interests of rich businessmen and professionals who use English to maintain
their status. No longer do they feel that it is their task to use English to improve
the lives of common Filipinos. That task is being assumed by the Tagalog
tabloids. As these tabloids advise and inform Filipinos, they use Taglish in such
a way that sends a subtle message to their readers that English corrupts them
and that their future happiness lies with Tagalog. Where do the English tabloids ªt in this language battle for the hearts of Filipinos?
On this Monday I bought ªve English tabloids: Isyu, Tempo, which is
the tabloid version of the Manila Bulletin, Bandera, People’s Journal, and its
evening counterpart the People’s Journal Tonight. A closer look reveals that
they suŸer from identity problems. Are they supposed to be serious purveyors
of the news or are they supposed to be scandal sheets for the entertainment of
the masses?
Isyu, with its “bold news on the hottest issues” is the size of the tabloids yet
costs the same as the broadsheets, perhaps to indicate that it is a serious
newspaper. Isyu is the Tagalog spelling for issue. This paper takes the Filipino
love of editorializing to the extreme. It covers a wide range of news topics from
economics, politics, and entertainment to sports from the viewpoint of twentythree of Manila’s self-appointed opinion makers. There is no straight news.
Although the name implies that the tabloid is in Tagalog or perhaps Taglish, the
only Tagalog appears in a political cartoon, in a gossipy show biz column, in a
jab at the International Monetary Fund, and in one of the four advertisements.
All ªve of its cartoons are editorial in nature. One of them, Doonesbury, signals
the arrogance of the newspaper and its disconnect from Filipinos. The humor of
this cartoon from the USA depends on an understanding of American culture
and current events in the USA. As we have seen in our look at Filipino
broadsheets, such information is not available through Filipino sources.
The editors of Bandera, “the all-day newspaper,” cannot decide if it should
be an English or a Tagalog tabloid. The evening version is in Tagalog. Its layout
and features closely resemble the Tagalog tabloids we just looked at except that
the news and sport articles are in English. There are no editorials. The rest is in
Tagalog, including two sex advice columns and six showbiz columns. Only
Tagalog movies are advertised. The three crossword puzzles and two horoscopes
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 253
are in Tagalog, as are the two cartoons. There is even a Taglish phone sex ad.
Tempo, with its “news in a ¶ash, the nation’s fastest growing newspaper,” is
the tabloid version of the Manila Bulletin. A headline at the bottom of the front
page reminds the reader that the Bulletin is the workhorse of English broadsheets. “To help you ªnd a job or buy anything, etc. Read — Manila Bulletin
Advertisements & Classiªed Ads.” The news section presents an abbreviated
version of its broadsheet counterpart with a wide selection of local, national,
and international news covering economics, politics, and crime. In line with
the premise that English ennobles as well as enriches and empowers Filipinos,
the paper honors college graduates and highlights leadership seminars, pastoral development courses, and youth camps. The editorials focus on eŸorts to
improve the economy by developing new sources of energy, overcoming temporary setbacks in the environment, and ªnding ways to improve the political
process. The editorial page even has a prayer for the day. The entertainment
section talks about uplifting developments in movies and television. Three
pages report on a wide range of sports popular among all classes of Filipinos
from chess and cock ªghting to basketball and golf. The minimal use of Tagalog
resembles that in the larger broadsheet except that the crossword puzzle, the
cartoon, and one of the showbiz columns are in Tagalog. No movies are
advertised. As mentioned earlier, the reader is referred to the Manila Bulletin
for classiªeds and employment opportunities,
The People’s Journal, “everybody’s newspaper” is a tabloid that thinks it is a
broadsheet. It is twenty-four pages long, twice the size of most tabloids, and is
larger than most of the smaller broadsheets. The print is smaller than in the
other papers so that more news can ªt on every page. As does Tempo, it covers a
wide range of ªnancial and political news as well as news about crimes. It is
weak in international news, covering only three items concerning Filipinos
working overseas. The advertisements cover a wide range of products of interest to the upwardly mobile. It also includes SuperFerry shipping schedules.
Five pages are devoted to a wide range of sports. Two pages of classiªed ads are
packed with job advertisements for a wide range of positions, mostly for
unskilled or skilled labor. The pattern for using Tagalog resembles that of the
broadsheets. Most Tagalog is in the advertisements or in the four-page entertainment section. All but two of the movies advertised are Tagalog. Following
the pattern of the broadsheets, showbiz columns are in English with Tagalog
words or phrases for eŸect. Longer stretches of Tagalog are usually quotes of
people being interviewed. There are six ads for phone sex.
254 Filipino English and Taglish
14.4 Conclusions
English was introduced to the Philippines one hundred years ago as a tool for a
social revolution that would help common Filipinos improve their lives. Newspapers played an important part in educating the public about the issues and
helping them develop and maintain their literacy skills. After Tagalog was
introduced as a national language, English began to lose its focus. It became a
language that protects the elite rather than one to promotes the well being of all
Filipinos. This shift in focus can be seen in the English language broadsheets.
Only the Manila Bulletin maintains the original focus of helping Filipinos of all
social classes. Through its pages it oŸers products, services, and employment
opportunities as well as domestic news of interest to everyone who wants to use
English as a tool for socioeconomic advancement. The other broadsheets have
turned towards the business and professional classes who often have more
interest in international than domestic aŸairs. The smaller English language
newspapers have become little more than vehicles for expressing personal
opinions while entertaining the reader with sports news, show biz gossip, and
crossword puzzles. Although the business and professional classes in the Philippines commonly speak Taglish, it is almost absent from the papers. It is used
mostly to quote common Filipinos to show their lack of education or to quote
politicians to indicate that they pander to the masses. It is also used sparingly in
the showbiz gossip columns. As a result, the image that the English language
press presents to the masses is one of arrogance and elitism.
To the English-speaking outsider the Tagalog tabloids appear to be cesspools of sex and violence. However, a closer look shows that they are assuming
the role of helping Filipinos improve their lives. Whereas the English broadsheets try to improve the lives of Filipinos by promoting “good thinking”
through editorials and articles about ªnance and the good life in the international scene, the Tagalog broadsheets oŸer legal, health, and spiritual advice as
well as help with relationships. They are also taking over the job of oŸering
employment opportunities. The way they use Taglish subtly implies to the
reader that English is the language of violence, sex, drugs, and various corrupt
practices. The message of the Tagalog press is that rather than empowering
Filipinos and enriching and ennobling their lives, English exploits and degrades them.
We saw in the other chapters in this section that this clash of cultures
permeated the media in 1997. Yet our look at the television commercials and
interviews in Chapters 11 and 12 and our look at the broadsheets in this
The language face oŸ in the newspapers 255
chapter revealed that those who believe in the power of English are oblivious to
this social revolution that is being fomented in the Tagalog media. Even the
English tabloids that have been created to recapture market share from their
Tagalog counterparts miss the mark. To promote English more must be done
than adding blood, guts, and sex, or simply downsizing the broadsheets. Even
the editors of the Tagalog press and the writers for the Tagalog television
programs may not be aware of the messages they are sending, but they are
there. In the afterword, we will see how this culture clash came to a dramatic
head in political events that took place soon after I returned to the United
States.
Chapter 15
Afterword
The future of English
We have come to the end of our look at English and language switching in the
Philippines. By looking at English and Taglish from multiple perspectives, we
have been able to gain new insights into the role that English plays in the
Philippines. In part A we looked at the historic role that English has played as a
tool for social engineering. One hundred years ago it was introduced by the
Americans to ennoble, enrich, and empower the masses. Following Moag’s
model of how English has invaded the world, we saw how English was transported to the Philippines, how it expanded in use among the common people
through the eŸorts of the Thomasites, or imported American teachers, and
how the language was enthusiastically adopted by Filipinos as one of their own
as it was nativized and institutionalized as the language of education, the press,
government, business and ªnance, and in many cases even religion. By all
accounts, the Philippines became bilingual, proclaiming itself to be the thirdlargest English speaking country in the world.
We also saw the beginning of the restriction phase in its life cycle when
President Marcos introduced bilingual education in 1974. Previously, Tagalog,
the o¹cial national language, also known as Pilipino or Filipino, had been only
a subject in school. Because of its similarities to other Philippine vernaculars,
street Tagalog spread rapidly as a second language among the masses under the
tutelage of the media, mostly comic books, movies, and the radio. There is
evidence that this street Tagalog included some English, or Taglish, since the
Tagalog tabloids in the 1960s only became popular reading after they started to
include Taglish rather than pure Tagalog on their pages. However, Taglish
became more fully developed among the educated classes with the coming of
bilingual education. Since Filipinos through the years had developed a proªciency in street Tagalog rather than intellectual Tagalog, when the schools
switched to using Tagalog as the language of instruction for all classes except
for mathematics, science, and technology, the teachers and students were not
258 Filipino English and Taglish
prepared to speak only in the intellectualized variety. They solved the problem
by switching between English and Tagalog. Once the educated accepted
Taglish in the schools, it rapidly spread to other domains that had once been
reserved for English, making it less important to use pure English.
Taglish broke the spell that English had cast over Filipinos. Within a few
short years they changed their attitudes towards the language. As the public
schools struggled to keep up with the demands of a growing population, the
best English education was provided by private schools in urban centers. As the
English language proªciency of students in public schools dropped, English
became identiªed as the language of the rich rather than as the language for
becoming rich. Yet even in the private schools, Taglish was commonplace. As a
result, even the children of the wealthy saw little reason to use English in
extended discourse with other Filipinos whether at school or in other public
spheres. Already by 1984 Llamzon was declaring that English had shifted from
being a second language to a foreign language in the Philippines. At the 1988
Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development the participants noted that
with the coming of bilingual education and the increased use of Tagalog in the
media, a substantial portion of the upcoming generation were unwilling to
communicate in English (Gonzalez 1988c). Sibayan (1998) remarks that Filipinos speaking good English today are viewed with ridicule or at least with
suspicion of showing oŸ. Even the notion that good English should be required
for entry into the university is being rejected both by politicians and the people.
Filipino has replaced English as the lingua franca of the Philippines.
However, those who believe in the power of English have not been ready to
admit that English is no longer a second language. They believe that English
still enriches, ennobles, and empowers Filipinos in their daily lives. We looked
at this premise more closely in part B. When do Filipinos use English with each
other for extended discourse? Are there enough opportunities outside the
classroom to use English so that even the poor can develop their skills? This
would be prima facie evidence for building the case that English remains a
second language. Or do only the a§uent and the talented have opportunities to
develop their English language skills?
Looking at data from the Social Weather Stations, we found that contrary
to popular opinion, the ability to use English is more widespread than ever and
it is more so in the upcoming generation than in the older. We also saw that
English proªciency is highest in the urban setting. However, the language
proªciency survey did not look at when Filipinos use English and whether they
are using English or Taglish with each other. Since the middle class probably
Afterword 259
believes most strongly in the power of English to improve their lives, we looked
at the language usage of a sampling of English teachers in Metro Manila and in
urban Visayas as representatives of the middle class.
Looking ªrst at when they interact with English in the media, we found that
they were more likely to interact with English in Metro Manila than in urban
Visayas. Both groups preferred to sing in English. The teachers in Metro Manila
preferred English language radio whereas those in urban Visayas preferred
broadcasting in Tagalog or the local vernacular. Only the teachers in Metro
Manila usually went to the movies in English. Cable television was the key to
how much television was reinforcing English language skills in both groups. If
they did not have cable television, only in Metro Manila did they watch more
English than Tagalog television programs. Only literacy skills were almost
universally in English. Both groups usually read in English and usually wrote
reports in English. However, even the hold that English has on literacy is starting
to break down. About one quarter of both groups also read Tagalog tabloids.
In interpersonal relations, we found again that English was usually more
prevalent in Metro Manila. Metro Manilans were more likely to start a conversation in English at a business whether in person or by telephone. They were
also more likely to use English with their coworkers, though for both groups,
Taglish rather than English or Tagalog prevailed. However, in church, those
who lived in the Visayas were more likely to use English than were those in
Metro Manila, though both English and Taglish were the expected languages in
sermons and discussion groups. In short, the media provides the most common extended contact with English, with cable television having a profound
eŸect in promoting English. Otherwise, Taglish has replaced English in the
lives of middle-class Filipinos.
We then took a brief look at rural Mindanao and northern Luzon. We
found that local languages rather than English or Filipino serve as the lingua
franca. Though English has more prestige than Filipino, Filipino rather than
English is rivaling the local lingua franca because it can be learned informally
through comics, tabloids, radio, and television. English is limited to middleclass Filipinos who have ªnished high school. Even in this case English plays a
limited role in interpersonal relations because of limited English proªciency in
the general population. Because of the lack of electricity, television programming plays a limited role in supporting English, though that may change with
rural electriªcation and the spread of cable television.
Since television and newspapers seem to play such an important role in
developing and maintaining language skills outside the classroom, in part C we
260 Filipino English and Taglish
looked at a sampling of television programming and newspapers. We found
that English language commercials, television programs predominantly in
English, and the English broadsheets continued to promote the traditional
message that English is the key to the good life. We even looked at the role that
commercials play in developing language skills. However, when the language
used on television was examined more closely, we found that English projects
itself to the viewers as the language of arrogance and corruption. Rather than
enrich the lives of common Filipinos, it degrades and humiliates them. The
language in the newspapers projects a similar image.
Thus hidden in the media is the damning message that the promise that
English will enrich, ennoble, and empower Filipinos is hollow. English brings
to the masses little more than low paying jobs where they serve the rich either
in the Philippines or abroad. These are hardly the messages that encourage
Filipinos to master English. As a result, although studies show that more
people claim proªciency in English, and although there are increased eŸorts to
improve English language education, the people are turning against the language and its promises. The hidden messages in the media signal a brewing
rebellion against those who promote English.
15.1 Putting down the language rebellion of 1998
It might seem far-fetched that hidden in the media are signs of a brewing
language rebellion if it were not for the events surrounding the presidential
election of 1998, which was held one year after I returned to the USA. There
were eleven candidates. One of them, Joseph Estrada, was considered the joke
candidate by the English language media. A former star in Tagalog action
movies who played the part of a tough guy with a heart of gold who fought for
the poor and downtrodden against the rich, Erap, as he is aŸectionately known,
campaigned to be the president for the masses. Given his ªlm persona and his
warm, personal way with people, the masses loved him.
Though he came from a wealthy upper middle class family, Erap was the
black sheep who dropped out of college to become an actor. His anti-establishment actions so embarrassed the family that his father forced him to use his
mother’s last name Estrada rather than his father’s name Ejercito. After his
movie career ended, Erap moved to politics where he continued his antiestablishment ways as mayor, senator, and later vice president. Early in his presidential campaign while serving as vice president, he bragged that he was proof that
Afterword 261
you did not need English and a university education to succeed in the Philippines. “My brothers and sisters are all professionals. I did not ªnish college but
they’re known today as the brother or the sister of the Vice President” (Daily
Balita April 21, 1997).
The English-speaking establishment was shocked when the joke candidate
became president with 10 million votes, the largest landslide in Philippine
history. He was the ªrst president to be elected by the poor without the
endorsement of the elite. What is often referred to in the press as the “Makati
crowd” lost their inside connection to the ªscal and economic agencies of the
government that they had cultivated during the Aquino and Ramos presidencies after the fall of Marcos. Makati, located in the heart of Metro Manila, has a
large concentration of gated communities for the wealthy and is the ªnancial
center of the Philippines. The establishment could not bear to deal with a
movie star and school dropout, especially one who declared his intention to
drop English in the schools and in the government.
The English language broadsheets began their attack immediately. He was
ridiculed when he gave his inaugural address in Filipino, the ªrst president to
do so. They were appalled when he told them he planned to address the United
Nations in Filipino rather than English. The newspapers noted whenever the
president spoke in English, Filipino, or Taglish. The Manila Times and the
Philippine Daily Inquirer were especially outspoken. The Times oft detailed his
grammar errors, mispronunciations, and misreadings in public addresses. The
Philippine Daily Inquirer questioned every action he took. After a year of
personal attacks, President Estrada shut down the Manila Times by having a
friend purchase the newspaper. He tried to quiet the Philippine Daily Inquirer
by hitting them in the money belt by organizing an advertising boycott of the
paper. He also ªled a sedition complaint saying that the Inquirer was defaming
the president by portraying him as a buŸoon and a nitwit to gain readers. News
reporters for a time wore black armbands to presidential news conferences in
protest to the perceived attack on press freedom.
The newspapers then turned to publicizing scandals. Business and government dealings in the Philippines have always been ªlled with kickbacks and
“commissions,” sex and scandals, but traditionally they received only light
coverage in a press that was controlled by the establishment. Now that an
outsider was in charge of approving contracts and the money was ¶owing in
new directions, the newspapers were ªlled with stories of crime and corruption
attributed to the president and his advisors as though these were a new phenomenon. That 65 percent of textbook costs for the public schools went to
262 Filipino English and Taglish
bribes was linked to the president. Long-standing irregularities in accounting
practices in government agencies were now the fault of the president. He was
faulted for improving the kitchen facilities in the presidential palace. Accounts
of gambling scandals, dealings with the Marcoses, poor work habits, attacks on
the English language, shady business partnerships, mistresses and illegitimate
children ªlled the newspapers. Every morning when I turned on my computer
in my o¹ce in Florida to read the online versions of the English language
broadsheets, I wondered what the latest surprise would be.
Erap’s real problem was revealed in a report of an interview with Cardinal
Sin, the archbishop of Manila and an ardent opponent of the president. During
the previous administration the archbishop had been upset that President
Ramos was a protestant, thus limiting the in¶uence of the Catholic Church in
setting public policy. Now he was even more upset that this Catholic president
not only preferred to take his spiritual advice from the leaders of El Shaddai, a
charismatic oŸ shoot of the Catholic Church that is popular with the masses,
and other spiritual advisers from folk religions, but that he bragged that their
advice was better than any advice the Virgin Mary or the Church could give
(Manila Times May 7, 1999). Note the self-righteous tone of this report of an
interview with Cardinal Sin that appeared in the Philippine Daily Inquirer (July
23, 1999). “The cardinal said he was praying that the 62-year-old President, a
college dropout and former movie star who is also a self-confessed former
adulterer ‘may learn statesmanship and diplomacy in public service.’” In other
words, the president should be more discrete with his sins and play the game
the way the establishment does.
After two years his opponents tried to impeach him on various politically
motivated charges. The case presented against him related more to his life style
than to the charges of corruption. They did not succeed. In January of 2001 in
response to a call from Cardinal Sin and the English broadsheets, tens of
thousands of people ªlled Edsa, an expressway loop that links the cities that
form Metro Manila, to stage a second People Power Revolution modeled after
the one Filipinos had staged in 1986 to oust President Marcos. But the participants in Edsa II did not include the common people who had elected Estrada.
Foreign news reporters noted that they saw neatly-dressed school girls from
exclusive private schools clutching mobile phones, who were dropped oŸ by
their parents in air-conditioned cars; lawyers, businessmen, and secretaries
who had left their o¹ces early; and bunches of Roman Catholic nuns, priests
and seminarians, who were working to keep the morale up. Professors and
students from exclusive universities joined them to conduct teach-ins. Private
Afterword 263
citizens and corporations paid for information kits. Doctors, nurses, dentists,
and physical therapists organized marches. Even rock bands appeared to entertain the demonstrators. Although the local English broadsheets praised the
demonstrators for restoring honor and decency to the Philippines, the foreign
press noted that the poor had been excluded except as vendors of snacks along
the side of the road. One vendor remarked to a foreign reporter, “This is just
the rich, ganging up on our president because he supports us, the poor” (BBC
News, January 28, 2001).
The establishment made deals with the military so they would join in.
Within 24 hours President Estrada had resigned, replaced by Vice President
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, the antithesis of Erap Estrada. She is the churchgoing representative of the establishment, born into privilege, the daughter of a
president, educated in America, and married to a wealthy man. She is also
known as being cool and aloof, a princess who looks uncomfortable when
trying to reach out to the masses. A week later in remarks to military leaders,
GMA, as she is referred to in the press, said that she had helped lead Edsa II
because President Estrada was “an incompetent leader” and that a sense of
professionalism needed to be restored to government (Philippine Daily Inquirer January 28, 2001).
Three months later GMA staged for the media the arrest, ªnger printing,
booking, and jailing of former President Estrada. The poor who had elected
him were outraged at this public humiliation. An estimated half million poor
took to the streets and staged Edsa III or Edsa Tres. The rich and privileged who
had staged Edsa II were taken by surprise. Cardinal Sin denounced the demonstrators for desecrating the Edsa Shrine with their human ªlth. While El
Shaddai and Iglesia ni Cristo, the two major religious organizations that supported President Estrada, encouraged further support of Edsa III, the English
broadsheets decried the criminal element who they felt had obviously organized the masses. They were upset that the masses had no obvious leader, no
obvious organization. They circulated stories that these half million protestors
had obviously been paid for their eŸorts and reassured themselves that the
money would soon run out. After all, how could anyone oppose the decency
and goodness that English was restoring to the Philippines? Still the demonstrations continued to grow and rumors abounded of a counter-revolution on
May 1 with a storming of Malacañang, the presidential palace. However, before
that happened, the two populist religious organizations withdrew their support and Edsa III became part of history.
Two weeks later the elite who had lead the Edsa II revolution had another
264 Filipino English and Taglish
unexpected shock. In the senatorial elections that were held on May 14, 2001,
there were 37 candidates for thirteen positions in this election cycle. In the
Philippines, the thirteen candidates who receive the most votes nationwide
win. The powers behind Edsa II, who wanted to restore the primacy of English,
ªelded thirteen candidates in the People’s Power Coalition, appropriately an
English name. The backers of ex-president Estrada, who had participated in the
Edsa III demonstration to defeat the power of the English language establishment, ªelded eleven candidates under the Puwersa ng Masa banner, Tagalog for
People Power. The establishment counted on a sweep of the election to demonstrate that they had widespread public support for ousting President
Estrada. In the surprise results, the top vote getter was an independent, Noli De
Castro, a Tagalog newscaster for the most popular evening television news,
who was running for his ªrst public o¹ce. He joined ranks with Puwersa ng
Masa. Another four were elected from the Puwersa ng Masa party. Only eight
of the People’s Power candidates were elected.
In other words, the revolution is still going strong even though there are
only hints of it in the English broadsheets today. Periodically they report the
¶ight of middle-class families from the Philippines because English language
jobs in the Philippines pay so poorly. Or there might be intellectual discussions
in the editorial pages of how other countries in Asia are prospering without
English while the Philippines stagnates. Otherwise, things seem to have returned to the way they were before the short-lived populist revolt lead by
President Estrada. The establishment, with its ªrm trust in the power of English, is in charge again. The poor have been put back in their place. The
language revolt has been driven underground.
The Internet versions of the news from the Philippines are no longer ªlled
with scandals. There is no more talk of protecting English from Tagalog
encroachments. Financial news in English once again reigns supreme. The
broadsheets talk of the civilizing in¶uences of English. New programs are being
instituted to help Filipinos learn English so they can be employed as maids and
laborers overseas. As before, the newspapers portray the Philippines as an
English-speaking country. In other words, the arrogance of English has returned, oblivious to the language revolution fomenting among the masses. Yet
Edsa Tres showed that the population no longer believes the promise that
English is the key to prosperity. It also showed how out of touch the establishment is with the feelings of Filipinos.
Afterword 265
15.2 Conclusion
The future of English in the Philippines does not look good. It no longer is
viewed as a useful tool for socioeconomic advancement except for ªnding work
overseas. All that is keeping English alive in the Philippines is literacy for the
professions. However, only the highest paying jobs require English. For the
others, Taglish su¹ces. Once an intellectualized version of Filipino is accepted
for a wide variety of scientiªc, technical, and professional purposes, English will
die out except among an elite few, as French did centuries ago in England.
English will then have completed its life cycle in the Philippines.
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Index
A
abakada, Tagalog alphabet 33, 38, 59
accommodation theory 192, 200, 203, 205,
208–09
advice, language of
English 43, 88–89, 170–173, 214, 222,
238–39
Tagalog 204–05, 222, 247–48, 254,
Aguinaldo, Emilio 17, 19, 22, 28
American teachers 21, 26, 31. See also
Thomasites
Angara, Edgardo 44, 234
report on education 44-47
Arabic, voluntary language 65
Ateneo de Manila University 51, 62, 194,
197
attitudes, changing language. See also
English, attitudes towards
towards
English 35–36, 55–56, 120–21,
258
Tagalog 33, 69
Spanish 64
Australia, in¶uences Filipino English 54
B
benevolent assimilation, policy of 18
bilingual policy of 1974
language of school subjects 39
British
encourage USA to retain the Philippines 15
develop English teachers 51
Spanish 16
English 23
promotes English 34, 101–02
Cebuano
regional lingua franca 28–29, 74, 108,
114, 118–19, 198
speakers
oppose Tagalog 29, 33, 78
reject bilingual education 39–40
Chabacano 16–17, 57, 60, 65, 108, 118
disappears in Manila 63
Chinese mestizos, embrace Spanish 16–17,
60–61
comics
preferred reading 88–89, 92, 112–13,
116, 120–21
promote Tagalog 29, 33, 38, 113, 116,
259
Tagalog and English in newspapers
241–42, 244, 249–50
Commission on Higher Education
(CHED) 71
Commonwealth
established 27
constitutional convention in Spanish
63
congruent lexicalization
discourse markers
conjunctions 148
rejoinders/tags 147–48, 202
case markers/prepositions 149–52
word order considerations in 146–47
Cuba 13-15
C
Catholic Church
clerics oppose spread of
D
De La Salle University 51
Democrats, favor Philippine independence
280 Filipino English and Taglish
14, 18–19, 27
Dewey, Admiral 14–15, 17
diglossia 70–71
E
Edsa Revolution 44, 65, 211
Edsa II and III 262-264
English, see also Filipino English
academic, promotion of 38, 43, 56–57
a§uence, sign of in commercials 181
arrogance of 189–90, 209, 260, 264
case study 201–203
in newspapers 252, 254
as equalizer 26, 30, 56
attitudes towards 22, 34. See also attitudes, changing language
avarice, symbol of 188
best speakers of 50, 108
call to Filipinize 34–35
corruption and
in schools 50, 226, 261–62
in Tagalog tabloids 247–48, 251,
254
on television 220, 225–27, 228
decadence and 185–86, 248, 249
deªnes Filipinos 34, 74–75
display language rather than interpersonal, as 173–74, 202, 216
empowers Filipinos 20, 54, 245, 260
for special purposes needed 43, 51
hollow promises of 189, 218–20, 227,
251, 254, 260
informalization of 38, 52, 54, 57–58
in the media 123–25, 127–28,
152–54, 191, 232, 258
literacy and 24–25, 31–32, 87-92, 120–
21, 254–55, 259
middle class and 55–56, 95–96, 117–
18, 155, 258-60
missionaries promote in Cordillera
Mountains 108
moral education and good citizenship, language of 21, 34, 39
motivation to learn 34–35, 191
national unity, language of 27
o¹cial language 27, 37, 40, 65
proªciency drops 30, 41–42, 55, 258
proªciency in 22–23, 27, 30, 38, 62,
72–74, 258
pure
avoided 41, 95–96, 127–28
begin conversation in 99–100,
206. See also English, social
routines in
considered formal 41, 54, 127–28
denotes ªnancial success 196–98,
201–02, 245–46
Visayas traditionally prefer 75
school dropouts and 24–26, 37, 45,
56–57
social routines in 104, 214, 216, 222
success, language of 191, 193–98, 201–
03, 205, 209
Visayas shifting away from 104
establishment, opposes President Estrada
260-264
Estrada, President Joseph 234, 260-264
F
Filipino English, see also English
pronunciation of
in commercials 160, 162–63, 167,
188
rhythm 52
Spanish loans 65–66
vowel reduction 52–53
grammar
elliptical sentences 129, 167
determiners 53
tense 53
verb agreement 53
stylistic characteristics 232
Tagalog insertions into, see also
Taglish
adverbial clitics 144, 145, 193,
207
discourse markers 205
conjunctions 144, 146, 152
Index 281
rejoinders/tags 144–45,
152, 202, 206
focus/case 144–45, 146, 150, 152,
153–54, 175. See also congruent
lexicalization
locative sa 150, 152, 154
interjections 153
nouns 144
verbs 144
vocabulary, see also congruent
lexicalization
borrowing 53–54
classroom basis of 23–24, 232
neologisms 54, 86, 239
Filipino language, see also Tagalog,
Pilipino
academic 40, 56. See also Tagalog,
intellectualizing
Cebu opposes 40
Manila lingua franca as 58
materials development in 38–40
national language 33, 40, 65
President Estrada promotes 260–61
street 40, 56
Fulbright 47, 49, 51
G
Germany, covets Philippines 14
I
ilustrados 16–17, 19, 60
Institute of National Language 28, 32, 35
J
Japan
bans public use of Spanish 63
covets the Philippines 15
produces propaganda in English 30–
31
Taglish in 153
Jones Act 27
L
language mixing, begins in schools 29
Language Study Center 31, 35, 38
lingua franca
English as 9, 69, 182, 237
Cebuano as 33, 37, 72, 74, 108, 114,
119
Filipino as 55, 116–17, 121, 258
Ilocano as 107, 111, 117
regional languages as 20, 28, 107, 259
Tagalog as 58
linguists
encourage using vernaculars in
schools 31
trained in US 32
study Philippine languages 32, 131–32
linguistic programs 39
Linguistic Society of the Philippines 32, 72
M
Macapagal-Arroyo, Vice-President Gloria
263
Manila Times, opposes President Estrada
261–263
Marcos, President Ferdinand 37, 44, 65,
74, 231, 262
develops Ilocos 108, 110
McKinley, President William 13-15, 18–19
Monroe Commission 24–26, 37, 44
suggests using local languages in
schools 25
O
Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) 42, 55,
76, 219, 237, 244, 264, 265
P
Peace Corps 20, 32, 47, 51
pensionados 22, 28, 62
People Power Revolution 44, 65, 108, 262
People’s Power Coalition 264
Philippine Commission 19–20, 62
Philippine Daily Inquirer, opposes President Estrada 261–63
Philippine Insurrection 15–17, 19
Philippine languages
282 Filipino English and Taglish
number of 20, 28
similarities of 28, 38, 132
Spanish in¶uence on 60–61
studied 32
Philippine Normal College 31, 35, see also
Philippine Normal University
Philippine Normal School 22, see also
Philippine Normal College
Philippine Normal University 51
Pilipino, see also Tagalog; Filipino
language
attitudes towards 33, 64
intellectualizing, see Tagalog, intellectualizing
materials development 31, 38, 59
national language 30, 32–33, 35
o¹cial language 37, 40
proªciency in 38
purists control 32–33, 40, 59
renamed Filipino 33
Spanish in¶uence in 59
street 38
Visayas oppose 33, 76, 78–79
Puwersa ng Masa 264
Q
Quezon, Manuel 27-29
R
Ramos, President 79, 110, 262
rebellion
against English 28, 37, 260–64
in the media 205, 209, 211, 218–
20, 223–24, 228–29, 254–55
against Spanish 63–64
regional languages, see also lingua franca,
regional languages as
auxiliary o¹cial languages, as 65
religion
domain for English 34, 101–04, 120
Republicans, delay independence 14–15,
27
Roosevelt, President Theodore 19
Roosevelt, President Franklin D. 27
S
schools
facilities 20, 23, 31, 47–49
primary
Spanish establish 16, 20, 61–62
private
best English in 30, 55–56, 101–
02, 128
enrolment in 25, 45
materials, use own 48
resist Tagalog and vernaculars 37
switch to English 23, 62–63
Taglish in 258
public
American soldiers open 18
curriculum in 23–24, 29, 39, 43, 46
eŸectiveness of 24–26, 29–31, 44–
47, 258
enrolment in 22–23, 25, 45
materials in 20–22, 38–39, 43–44,
45, 48–49, 50–51
Schurman Commission 18, 20
Sin, Cardinal 262–63
singing
English
masks decadence in media 227–
28
sign of love 186–87, 215, 227–28
promotes
English 24, 78–80, 102–03, 158,
168, 174–75
Filipino in parts of Mindanao 114
social engineering through English
American experiment in 15, 19–20,
26, 124–25, 257–60
role of
commercials in 177, 181–85, 230
newspapers in 242–45, 250–51,
254–55
Spanish language
disappears from schools 23, 29
o¹cial language 27 63, 65
proªciency in 16–17, 60–62, 65
voluntary language 65
Index 283
Spanish-American War 14–15
Summer Institute of Linguistics 32, 47, 72,
107, 110–12, 117–21
T
Taft, Governor William Howard 19–20,
23, 101
Tagalog, see also Pilipino; Filipino
language; Philippine languages
despair, language of 197, 199
English insertions into, see also Taglish
adjectives 142, 153, 193
adverbials 140, 141, 142–43, 193
discourse markers
conjunctions 141, 143
rejoinders/tags 141, 143
nouns 141–43, 153, 203, 208
social routines 153, 175–76, 214,
216, 222–23
verbs 141, 142–43, 222
grammar
focus/case system 133–36
verb agreement 134–35
word order 131–32
intellectualizing 32–33, 38, 40–41, 63
national language 27–29, 37
poverty or low status, sign of 96,
180–81
pure
avoided 33, 41, 95–96
considered formal 41
school language, as 30
street 33, 59, 69, 257
vocabulary, see also congruent
lexicalization
English borrowed 41, 229–30, 248
similarity of among Philippine
languages 28, 38
Spanish borrowed 33–34, 38, 61,
63
word frequency count 153
Taglish, see also Filipino English, Tagalog
insertions into and Tagalog, English
insertions into
academic Tagalog 40–41
characteristics of 152–54, 193
class consciousness and 191–206,
208–09
conªdence builder, as 194
intellectualized Filipino 41, 56
English-based, see also Filipino
English, Tagalog insertions into
competent English speakers,
requires 154
informal English, see English,
informalization
respect, sign of 207–98
solidarity, sign of 148, 191, 198
truthfulness, sign of 191, 206
prevents Filipino from replacing
English 56
Tagalog-based, see also Tagalog,
English insertions into
informal Tagalog 193
teachers, see also Thomasites
pay of 42, 45, 46
training 21–22, 25, 30–32, 45, 46
teaching materials, see schools, public,
materials
Thomasites 20–22, 34, 257
U
University of California, Los Angeles,
trains scholars 32
University of Michigan, trains scholars 32
University of Santo Tomas 20, 62
University of the Philippines 22, 25, 51, 62,
218
vernaculars, see also Philippine languages
media, in the 77–78, 81, 89
public spheres, in 100
religion, in 102–04
schools, in
encouraged 25, 31, 45
used 31, 37–39
work, at 97
Index of commercials
A
Ajax soap 188
Axe body spray 187, 221
Axion dishwashing detergent 176, 184
H
Hanford underwear 187
Head and Shoulders shampoo 167
Hi-Nulac infant formula 185
B
Bioderm ointment 167
Biogesic cold medicine 175–76
I
Isuzu Fuego 163–64, 166
C
Cell Card 184
Chippy Treats 168
Close-up toothpaste 186
Clover Chips 176
Club Roman jeans and shirts 163
Coat Saver paint 183
Coca Cola 159, 160, 166
Condura air conditioners 160, 183
Cookie Delight 174
D
Decolgen cold medicine 163, 221
Del Monte 169, 183
Doublemint gum 186–87, 221
E
Eden cheese 175
Eggnog cookies 186, 221
G
Gain baby formula 185
Gatorade 182
Gem table napkins 163, 167
Gilbey’s Gin 159, 166, 221
J
Johnson & Johnson diapers 159, 166, 170,
183
Johnson & Johnson baby oil 185
Jolibee fast food 188
K
Konica Photo Express 167
L
LG Corporation 188
Lux shampoo 186
M
Magnolia milk 167
Marlboro cigarettes 163
Maxx menthol candy 163
Mazda Powervan 162, 166
McDonald’s fast food 188
Minute Burger 189
Mobiline cell phones 174, 182–83, 221
Motolite batteries 184
Motorola StarTAC cell phones 162, 166–67
Motorola MemoJazz pagers 167–68
N
Nestle’s Milo 164, 170, 182
Nike 166
286 Filipino English and Taglish
Nissan Ceªro 174, 185
Northwest Airlines 185
O
Oxygen shirts 169
P
Panda pens 158, 166, 168
Pantene Pro V shampoo 174
PCI bank card 183
Pennshoppe jeans 220
Philips Liteline 161
Polymagma diarrhea medicine 184
ProKids diapers 185
Prudentialife 183
PS Bank 190
Q
Quaker Oats 160, 166
R
Red Horse beer 186
S
Sanyo washing machine 175
Shell gasoline 185
Skycable 185
Sprite 169, 171-73
STI College 175, 221
Strepsils sore throat relief 174, 183, 186
Sun Silk shampoo 166, 167, 186, 221
T
Timex 185
Toyota 174, 185
W
Winston cigarettes 166, 185, 221
Wonderseal 188
Z
Zesto milk 175
In the series VARIETIES OF ENGLISH AROUND THE WORLD (VEAW) the following
titles have been published thus far:
G1. LANHAM, L.W. & C.A. MaCDONALD: The Standard in South African English and
its Social History. Heidelberg (Groos), 1979.
G2. DAY, R.R (ed.): Issues in English Creoles: Papers from the 1975 Hawaii Conference.
Heidelberg (Groos), 1980.
G3. VIERECK, Wolfgang, Edgar SCHNEIDER & Manfred GÖRLACH (comps): A Bibliography of Writings on Varieties of English, 1965-1983. 1984.
G4. VIERECK, Wolfgang (ed.): Focus on: England and Wales. 1984.
G5. GÖRLACH, Manfred (ed.): Focus on: Scotland. 1985.
G6. PETYT, K.M.: ‘Dialect’ and ‘Accent’ in Industrial West Yorkshire. 1985.
G7. PENFIELD, Joyce & Jack ORNSTEIN-GALICIA: Chicano English. 1985.
G8. GÖRLACH, Manfred and John A. HOLM (eds): Focus on the Caribbean. 1986.
G9. GÖRLACH, Manfred: Englishes. Studies in varieties of English 1984-1988. 1991.
G10. FISCHER, Andreas and Daniel AMMAN: An Index to Dialect Maps of Great Britain.
1991.
G11. CLARKE, Sandra (ed.): Focus on Canada. 1993.
G12. GLAUSER, Beat, Edgar W. SCHNEIDER and Manfred GÖRLACH: A New Bibliography of Writings on Varieties of English, 1984-1992/93. 1993.
G13. GÖRLACH, Manfred: More Englishes: New studies in varieties of English 1988-1994.
1995.
G14. McCLURE, J. Derrick: Scots and its Literature. 1995.
G15. DE KLERK, Vivian (ed.): Focus on South Africa. 1996.
G16. SCHNEIDER, Edgar W. (ed.): Focus on the USA. 1996.
G17. PETER PATRICK: Linguistic Variation in Urban Jamaican Creole. A sociolinguistic
study of Kingston, Jamaica. 1999.
G18. SCHNEIDER, Edgar W. (ed.): Englishes around the World, Volume 1. General studies,
British Isles, North America. Studies in honour of Manfred Görlach. 1997.
G19. SCHNEIDER, Edgar W. (ed.): Englishes around the World, Volume 2. Carribbean,
Africa, Asia, Australasia. Studies in honour of Manfred Görlach. 1997.
G20. MACAULAY, Ronald K.S.: Standards and Variation in Urban Speech: Examples
from Lowland Scots. 1997.
G21. KALLEN, Jeffrey L. (ed.): Focus on Ireland. 1997.
G22. GÖRLACH, Manfred: Even More Englishes. 1998.
G23. HUNDT, Marianne: New Zealand English Grammar - Fact or Fiction? A corpus-based
study in morphosyntactic variation. 1998.
G24. HUBER, Magnus: Ghanaian Pidgin English in its West African Context. A sociohistorical and structural analysis. 1999.
G25. BELL, Allan and Koenraad KUIPER (eds.): New Zealand English. 2000.
G26. BLAIR, David and Peter COLLINS (eds.): English in Australia. 2001.
G27. LANEHART, Sonja L. (ed.): Sociocultural and Historical Contexts of African
American English. 2001.
G28. GÖRLACH, Manfred: Still More Englishes. 2002.
G29. NELSON, Gerald, Sean WALLIS and Bas AARTS: Exploring Natural Language.
Working with the British Component of the International Corpus of English. 2002.
G30. ACETO, Michael and Jeffrey P. WILLIAMS (eds.): Contact Englishes of the Eastern
Caribbean. 2003.
G31. THOMPSON, Roger M.: Filipino English and Taglish. Language switching from
multiple perspectives. 2003.
T1. TODD, Loreto: Cameroon. Heidelberg (Groos), 1982. Spoken examples on tape (ca. 56
min.)
T2. HOLM, John: Central American English. Heidelberg (Groos), 1982. Spoken examples
on tape (ca. 92 min.)
T3. MACAFEE, Caroline: Glasgow. 1983. Spoken examples on tape (ca. 60 min.)
T4. PLATT, John, Heidi WEBER & Mian Lian HO: Singapore and Malaysia. 1983.
T5. WAKELIN, Martyn F.: The Southwest of England. 1986. Spoken examples on tape (ca.
60 min.)
T6. WINER, Lise: Trinidad and Tobago. 1993. Spoken examples on tape.
T7. MEHROTRA, Raja Ram: Indian English. Texts and Interpretation. 1998.
T8. MCCLURE, J. Derrick: Doric. The dialect of North-East Scotland. 2002.
T9. MÜHLHÄUSLER, Peter, Thomas E. DUTTON and Suzanne ROMAINE: Tok Pisin
Texts. From the beginning to the present. n.y.p.