United State History, Since 1877 Rosen Born in 1882, Franklin Delano Roosevelt was raised to strive for the high-minded doctrines of public service and Christian duty to help the poor and weak. After a two-year stint in the New York legislature, he ascended to national office when Woodrow Wilson appointed him assistant secretary of the navy. During the summer of 1921, Roosevelt was infected with the polio virus, paralyzing both his legs. While visiting a polio therapy facility in Warm Springs, Georgia, Roosevelt courted southern Democrats and became a rare political creature: a New Yorker from the Democratic Party's urban and immigrant wing with whom whites from the Democratic Party's entrenched southern wing felt comfortable. Roosevelt won New York's 1928 gubernatorial election and used his position to showcase his leadership and his suitability for a presidential bid. Roosevelt believed government should intervene to protect citizens from economic hardships, rather than wait for the laws of supply and demand to improve the economy. In 1931, Roosevelt created the Temporary Emergency Relief Administration ( TERA ), the highlight of Roosevelt's efforts to relieve the economic hardships of New Yorkers. To his supporters, Roosevelt seemed to be a leader determined to use the resources of the government to attack the economic crisis without deviating from democracy or from capitalism. Democrats convened in Chicago in July 1932 to nominate their presidential candidate; opposition to Republicans and hunger for office united Democrats, but the party remained divided by religion, region, culture, and commitment to the status quo. When Roosevelt accepted the Democratic nomination, he stated his determination to govern decisively and pledged himself to “a new deal for the American people,” but few details about what Roosevelt meant by a “new deal” emerged in the presidential campaign. Roosevelt won in a historic landslide; his victory represented the emergence of what came to be known as the New Deal coalition, attracting support from farmers, factory workers, immigrants, city folk, African Americans, women, and progressive intellectuals. In order to design and implement the New Deal, Roosevelt needed ideas and people; Harry Hopkins and Frances Perkins, both activists from the social gospel tradition and veterans of Roosevelt's New York governorship, became two of the most important new cabinet members. No New Dealer was more important than the president himself and his wife, Eleanor, who became the New Deal's unofficial ambassador. Many Americans benefited from Roosevelt 's programs either directly through jobs and relief or indirectly from economic improvements. As Roosevelt and his advisers developed plans to meet the economic emergency, their watchwords were action, experiment, and improvise. The New Dealers' experimentation and improvisation was driven by four underlying ideas. First, Roosevelt and his advisers sought capitalist solutions to the economic crisis. Second, Roosevelt was persuaded that the greatest flaw of America 's capitalist economy, underconsumption, was the root cause of the current economic paralysis. Third, New Dealers believed that the immense size and economic power of American corporations needed to be counterbalanced by government and by organization among workers and small producers. Fourth, New Dealers felt that the government must somehow moderate the imbalance of wealth created by American capitalism so that working people could share more fully in the fruits of the economy. New Dealers first tackled the nation's failing banking system, declaring a four-day bank holiday, working around the clock to draft the Emergency Banking Act, which released funds from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation in order to bolster bank assets. In his “fireside chats,” Roosevelt addressed the millions of Americans over the radio to explain the first of the New Deal initiatives and to reassure Americans about the safety of their money in banks. The banking legislation and fireside chats worked; most of the nation's banks reopened and remained solvent under federal regulation and oversight. To prevent fraud, corruption, insider trading, and other abuses that had tainted Wall Street and contributed to the crash of 1929, Roosevelt pressed Congress to regulate the stock market, leading to the creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Since its founding, the federal government had not assumed responsibility for needy people except during natural disasters or emergencies such as the Civil War. To persuade Americans that the depression necessitated unprecedented federal relief efforts, Harry Hopkins, a New Dealer in Roosevelt's administration, dispatched investigators throughout the nation to describe the plight of impoverished Americans. Reports of families living in desperate poverty galvanized support for the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), which provided $500 million to feed the hungry and create jobs. The most popular relief program was the Civilian Conservation Corps, which offered unemployed young men a chance to earn wages while working to conserve natural resources; women were excluded until Eleanor Roosevelt demanded that a token number of them be hired. The New Deal also sought to harness natural resources for hydroelectric power. The New Deal's most ambitious and controversial natural resources development project was the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), created in 1933 to build dams along the Tennessee River in an effort to supply cheap electricity to impoverished rural communities. New sources of hydroelectric power helped the New Deal bring the wonder of electricity to the country folk, fulfilling an old progressive dream. New Dealers diagnosed farmers' economic plight as a classic case of overproduction and underconsumption. They sought to cut agricultural production, thereby raising crop prices and farmers' income; the New Deal's Agricultural Adjustment Act ( AAA ) accomplished this by paying farmers not to grow some crops. With the formation of the Commodity Credit Corporation, the federal government allowed farmers to hold their harvested crops off the market and wait for higher prices; the Farm Credit Act (FCA) provided long-term credit on mortgaged farm property and allowed debt-ridden farmers to avoid foreclosure. Crop allotments, commodity loans, and mortgage credit made farmers major beneficiaries of New Deal policies. In the South, landlords controlled the distribution of New Deal agricultural benefits and shamelessly rewarded themselves while denying funds to sharecroppers and tenant farmers, whose privation worsened. Unlike farmers, industrialists cut production with the onset of the depression, a strategy that created major economic and social problems for Roosevelt and his advisers, because declining industrial production meant that millions of working people lost their jobs and, in turn, their ability to buy consumer goods. The New Deal's National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) opted for a government-sponsored form of industrial self-government and established the National Recovery Administration (NRA) in June 1933. NRA codes encouraged employers to define fair working conditions, set prices, and minimize competition in order to stabilize existing industries and maintain their workforces; in exchange for relaxing federal antitrust regulations, the NRA made participating businesses promise that they would recognize workers' rights to organize and to engage in collective bargaining. New Dealers hoped that the NRA codes would encourage businesses with a social conscience to enact fair treatment for workers and consumers and promote the general economic welfare; instead, NRA codes tended to strengthen conventional business practices. New Deal programs rescued capitalism, but did not prevent business leaders from criticizing Roosevelt, despite the fact that their economic prospects improved more than those of most other Americans during the depression. By 1935, two major business organizations, the National Association of Manufacturers and the Chamber of Commerce, had become openly anti–New Deal. Economic planners who favored rational planning in the public interest and labor leaders who sought to influence wages and working conditions by organizing unions attacked the New Deal from the left. In May 1935, the Supreme Court stepped into the crossfire of criticism and declared that the NRA unconstitutionally granted powers reserved to Congress on an administrative agency staffed by government appointees. The Agricultural Adjustment Act ( AAA ) also weathered harsh criticism from opponents but managed to outlast the NRA. Agricultural processors criticized the AAA because the tax on processed crops funded the programs that aided farmers while disadvantaging processors; the Supreme Court struck down the tax and the AAA rebounded, getting funding instead from general government funds. Protests stirred among those who did not qualify for allotments, arguing that the act enriched large farmers, rather than small farmers, especially sharecroppers in the South, who rented rather than owned land. Roosevelt's political dependence on southern Democrats caused him to avoid confronting such economic and racial inequities in the South's entrenched order. With few other options, displaced tenants often joined the army of migrant workers that straggled across rural America during the 1930s. Politically, the New Deal's staunchest opponents were part of the Republican Party—organized, well-heeled, mainstream, and determined to challenge Roosevelt at every turn. Socialists and Communists accused the New Deal of being an instrument of business elites, rescuing capitalism from its self-inflicted crisis. Many intellectuals and artists decided that the time was ripe to advance the cause of more radical change; they joined left-wing organizations, including the American Communist Party, which reached the height of its influence in the United States in the 1930s. More powerful challenges to the New Deal sprouted from homegrown roots. Charles Coughlin, a Catholic priest in Detroit , spoke to, and for, many worried Americans in his weekly radio broadcasts that reached a nationwide audience of 40 million and espoused virulent anti-Semitism. Dr. Francis Townsend proposed the creation of an Old Age Revolving Pension that would pay every American over the age of sixty a pension of $200 a month that had to be spent within thirty days, thereby stimulating the economy. Caughlin and Townsend merged forces in the Union Party in time for the 1936 election. A more formidable challenge to the New Deal came from the Southern wing of the Democratic Party. Louisiana senator Huey Long introduced a sweeping “soak the rich” tax bill to outlaw personal incomes of more than $1 million and inheritances of more than $5 million; when the Senate rejected his proposal, Long decided to run for president on a platform that promised to “Share Our Wealth,” but was assassinated in 1935. Challenges to the New Deal from Republicans as well as more radical groups stirred Democrats to solidify their winning coalition and in the midterm elections of 1934, New Dealers won a landslide victory. By 1935, 8 million people were jobless; Roosevelt and his advisers launched a massive work relief program, creating the Works Progress Administration (WPA). By 1936, WPA funds provided jobs for 7 percent of the nation's labor force, discriminating in favor of men against women and racial minorities. About three out of four WPA jobs involved construction and renovation of the nation's physical infrastructure; other WPA jobs employed artists, musicians, actors, journalists, poets, and novelists. Depression-era factory workers who managed to keep their jobs saw their wages and working hours cut and worried constantly about being laid off. With legislation and political support, the New Deal encouraged an unprecedented wave of union organizing among the nation's working people. Battles on the nation's streets and docks showed the determination of militant labor leaders to organize unions that would protect jobs as well as wages. The 1935 Wagner Act, which created the National Labor Relations Board and guaranteed workers the right to organize unions, along with renewed labor militancy, made great strides for labor unions during the New Deal era. Most of the new union members were factory workers or unskilled laborers; many were also immigrants and African Americans. In 1935, under the leadership of John L. Lewis and Sidney Hillman, a coalition of unskilled workers formed the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO), which mobilized organizing drives in major industries. The bloody struggle by the CIO -affiliated United Auto Workers (UAW) to organize workers at General Motors climaxed in January 1937 when striking workers occupied the main assembly plant in Flint, Michigan. After the “sit-down” strike slashed the plant's production of 15,000 cars a week to a mere 150, the automaker capitulated, recognizing the UAW as the sole bargaining agent for all the company's workers and agreeing to refrain from interfering with union activity. CIO organizers hoped to ride their success in auto plants to victory in the steel mills, but they encountered fanatic opposition from small steel mills. The single most important feature of the New Deal's emerging welfare state was Social Security. The political struggle for Social Security highlighted class differences among Americans. The large majority of New Dealers carried the Social Security Act through Congress in August, 1935; the act provided pensions for the elderly funded by workers and their employers, and unemployment insurance funded by employers' contributions. The Social Security Act excluded domestic and agricultural workers, thereby making about half of African Americans and half of all employed women ineligible for benefits. Social Security also issued multi-million-dollar grants to the states to use to support dependent children, public health services, and the blind. Strong objections to federal involvement in matters, traditionally left to individuals and to local charities, persuaded the framers of the Social Security Act to strike an awkward balance among federal, state, and personal responsibility. Fervent opposition to Social Security struck New Dealers as evidence that the rich had learned little from the depression. While the WPA and other work relief programs aided working people, the average unemployment rate during the 1930s remained high at 17 percent, about one of every six workers. Many working people, including domestic workers— mostly women—and agricultural workers—African, Hispanic, or Asian Americans—remained largely untouched by New Deal benefits. Millions of women, children, old folks, the unorganized, unskilled, uneducated, and unemployed, often fell through the New Deal safety net, but the New Deal neglected few citizens more than it did African Americans. Disfranchisement prevented southern blacks from protesting their plight at the ballot box; other forms of protest risked retaliation from local whites and, after years of decline, lynching increased during the 1930s. Roosevelt responded to criticism cautiously, because New Deal reforms required the political support of powerful conservative, segregationist, southern Democrats who would be alienated by programs that aided blacks. Nonetheless, Roosevelt's overtures to African Americans prompted northern black voters to shift in the 1934 elections from the Republican to the Democratic Party, helping elect New Deal Democrats. Eleanor Roosevelt sponsored the appointment of Mary McLeod Bethune—the energetic cofounder of the National Council on Negro Women—as head of the Division of Negro Affairs in the National Youth Administration, where she used her position to guide a small number of black professionals and civil rights activists to posts within New Deal agencies. Despite making a few gains, by 1940 African Americans still suffered severe disadvantages, as did Hispanic Americans and Asian Americans. Native Americans also suffered neglect from New Deal agencies, but the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 did restore the Indians' right to own land communally, to have greater control over their own affairs, and provided an important foundation for Indians' economic, cultural, and political resurgence a generation later. Roosevelt believed that the presidential election of 1936 would test his leadership and progressive ideals. Republicans turned to the Kansas heartland and selected as their presidential nominee Governor Alfred Landon, who stressed mainstream Republican proposals to achieve a balanced federal budget. Roosevelt put his faith in the growing coalition of New Deal supporters, who he believed shared his conviction that the New Deal was the nation's liberator from a long era of privilege and wealth for a few and “economic slavery” for the rest. Roosevelt triumphed spectacularly in the election, winning 60.8 percent of the popular vote, pledging to use his mandate to help all citizens achieve a decent standard of living. After winning the election, Roosevelt focused on removing the remaining obstacles to New Deal reforms. He decided to target the Supreme Court, laden with Republican-appointed conservative justices, which had invalidated eleven New Deal measures as unconstitutional interferences with free enterprise. Roosevelt proposed a plan that would allow him to appoint to the Court up to six New Dealers, who could outvote the elderly, conservative, Republican justices. The president had not reckoned with Americans' deeply rooted deference to the independent authority of the Supreme Court and the court-packing bill failed. Ultimately, the Supreme Court justices got Roosevelt 's message and upheld New Deal legislation in subsequent cases. Emboldened by their defeat of the court-packing plan, Republicans and southern Democrats rallied around their common conservatism to obstruct additional reforms. Roosevelt himself favored slowing the pace of the New Deal and believed that additional deficit spending by the federal government was no longer necessary. Roosevelt's retrenchment soon backfired, as national income and production slipped steeply backward. The economic reversal hurt the New Deal politically; conservatives argued That New Deal measures produced only an illusion of progress, and staunch New Dealers felt that Roosevelt should revive federal spending. The New Deal's ad hoc methods received support from new economic ideas advanced by the brilliant British economist John Maynard Keynes. The recession scare of 1938 taught Roosevelt the Keynesian lesson that economic growth had to be carefully nurtured. Roosevelt gained new influence over the bureaucracy in 1938 when Congress passed the Administrative Reorganization Act, but resistance to further reform was on the rise and the New Deal was beginning to lose momentum. The last burst of New Deal reforms included farm reforms in 1937 that led to the creation of the Farm Security Administration (FSA), which tried to help tenant farmers become independent; further reforms in 1938 led to a second Agricultural Adjustment Act, which moderated price swings by regulating supply. Advocates for the urban poor also made modest gains after decades of neglect; the 1937 National Housing Act represented the federal government's first effort to provide affordable housing in urban areas. The last major piece of New Deal legislation, the Fair Labor Standards Act of June 1938, reiterated the New Deal pledge to provide workers with a decent standard of living through the regulation of wages and hours, standards that also curbed child labor. The final New Deal reform effort failed to make much headway against the hidebound system of racial segregation and by the end of 1938 the New Deal had lost steam and was encountering stiff opposition.
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