IIosty and Stuart
Sledge, S. 1977 The Wreck hvestigation Program at the
Western Australian Museum: Responsibilities, aims and
Papers from the First Soulhmethods. In J.N. Green (d.)
e m Hemisphere Conference on Maritime Archaeology,
pp.80-90. Melbourne: Ocean's Society of Australia.
Staniforth, M. 1986 SS 'Monumental City': First Steamship to
Cross the Pacific. Melbourne: Victoria Archaeological
Survey. Occasional Report Series, No. 26.
Staniforth, M. 1987 The casks h m the wreck of the William
Salthouse. Australian Journal of Historical Archaeology,
5:21-8.
Staniforth, M. and Vickery, L. 1985 The William Salthoue Test
excavation - An Interim Report. Fremantle: The Austra-
lian Institute for Maritime Archaeology. Special Publication No. 3.
Strachan, S. 1986 The History and Archaeology of the 'Sydney
Cove' Shipwreck (1797): A Resource for Future Site Work.
Canberra: Department of Prehistory, Research School
of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University.
Occasional Papers in Prehistory, No. 5.
Stuart, I.M. 1991 Glass bottles h m the Loch Ard shipwreck
(1878): A preliminary study. Australian Journal of Historical Archaeology 9:31-6.
ROCK ART RESEARCH IN AUSTRALIA 1974-94
M.J. Morwood and C.E. Smith
In 1969, John Mulvaney wrote that:
It is difficult for a prehistorian to assess Aboriginal art. Until recently it possessed no time
depth ... Neither can an Australian prehistorian
escape the conditioning influence of ethnographic data. A prehistorian may infer the methods of application or techniques of engraving
from observation, but comment concerning motivation and meaning is beyond the scope of
normal archaeological activities.
Despite some later qualification (Mulvaney 1975:275), this
Department of Archaeology and Palaeoanthropology.University of New
England, Armidale. NSW 2351, Australia.
statement aptly sums up feeling towards archaeological
research on rock art that existed in the archaeological
community in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Rock art
was seen as irrelevant to the major issues then being addressed by Australian archaeology. Times have changed.
Nevertheless, Mulvaney was justified in his opinion.
Indeed, a range of ethnographic sources had shown that
the specific meanings, or even identification of subjects, in
rock art cannot be reconstructed without knowledgeable
informants (e.g. Elkin 1961; Maddock 1971; Macintosh
1977) and that, in addition, a specific motif or rock art
panel may have many meanings depending upon the
particular context of interpretation. Differential access to
esoteric knowledge, including the 'stories' encoded in art,
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19
Rock Art Research in Australia 1974-94
is a basic mechanism in the creation, maintenance and
perpetuation of status and decision-making hierarchies in
Aboriginal society (Morphy 1977; Taylor 1987). The idea
that there is a complete, definitive and unchanging meaning for a rock painting is not tenable. However, the solution to the apparent problem of using rock art assemblages
as archaeological evidence was pointed out by Elkin
(1961). when he cautioned that the 'meaning' of Aboriginal art was best considered, not in terms of superficial narrative content, but in the light of its functional
relationship with ideology, social organisation, rights to
resources and the general inheritance of culture. There
is now general acceptance that 'meaning' in the latter sense
- that is, as systems of meanings - is the proper target
for both anthropological and archaeological study of Australian Aboriginal art (e.g. Morphy 1991:6; Rosenfeld
1992:232).
The purpose of our paper is to provide an historical
overview of Australian rock art research over the past
twenty years. We emphasise major turning-points in
method, theory, personnel and peer acceptance and attempt to relate these to more general developments in
anthropology, archaeology and social attitudes.
Major factors affecting the development of Australian
rock art studies over the last twenty years have included
the influence of overseas researchers and ideas; the appointment of people with a professional commitment to
rock art research at Australian universities and other
institutions; a cumulative increase in the number of known
rock art sites, as well as evidence for their diversity and
antiquity; the passing of Federal and State Heritage legislation; the emergence of the Aboriginal Land Rights
movement; the founding of the Australian Rock Art
Research Association and its journal Rock Art Research,
and technological advances. These factors set the historical context for developments in rock art research, but the
part played by individuals at particular times has been
critical.
Historical overview
Personnel
The 1970s saw an increasing professionalisation of
rock art studies in Australia and consequent changes in
approach. A similar phenomenon had occurred in Australian archaeology generally in the previous decade and this
led to an increase in the pace and calibre of research, and
to greater emphasis upon quantification by researchers,
such as Lesley Maynard and John Clegg, in their studies of
rock art in the 1960s and 1970s. The arrival of Peter Ucko
in Australia in 1972 to take up the position of Principal of
the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies (AIAS) was
a definite turning point. He was primarily responsible for
the 1974 'Schematisation in Art' symposium, which was
highly influential in the development of Australian rock
art research. In addition, he also promoted a change in
AIAS funding priorities so that rock art wa5 given greater
precedence than previously and encouraged other European researchers with a commitment to rock art studies,
such as Bob Layton and Michel Lorblanchet, to come to
Australia. At around the same time, the appointment of
Andrk Rosenfeld to The Australian National University
(ANU), was another benchmark. Ucko and Rosenfeld had
already established international reputations in rock art
research (e.g. Ucko and Rosenfeld 1967) and after her appointment at ANU Rosenfeld moved quickly to initiate an
archaeological project in southeast Cape York Peninsula
which attempted to relate rock art to changes in excavated
evidence (Rosenfeld 1975).
The appointment of academics with a commitment to
rock art research at Australian universities and other
institutions was crucial to the development of rock art studies in two principal ways. Firstly, these appointments
were a necessary precursor to the establishment of (rock)
art studies as a sub-discipline within archaeology since
they were the means by which this field of study was made
available to students. As a result, there has been a significant increase in numbers of archaeological and anthropo-
mmmmmmm.mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm~mmmmmmmmmm~mm~~mmmmmmmmmmmm~m~mmm-mmw~mmmm~m~~~m~mm~mm~~mmm~mmm~~m~m~mmm~~mm~mm
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Australian Archaeology, Number 39, 1994
Morwood and Smith
logical research theses into Australian Aboriginal art,
especially at the ANU2 (e.g. Morphy 1977; Morwood
1979; Green 1982; Taylor 1987; Taqon 1989; Lewis 1990;
Officer 1994; McDonald 1994) and Sydney University
(e.g. Maynard 1976; Clegg 1978). This interest is also
evident at other universities (e.g. Franklin 1992; David
1994; Smith 1994). However, archaeological courses in
rock art are still only taught at three Australian universities - ANU, Sydney and University of New England
(W).
Secondly, the increase in the numbers of studies of
Australian Aboriginal art was associated with use of new
methods and theories - some of local origin, others influenced by work overseas. A healthy aspect of this work was
the continuing high level of interaction between anthropological and archaeological approaches in these analyses.
This was particularly apparent at the ANU, where John
Mulvaney, as Professor of Prehistory, actively encouraged
such interaction.
Theory
In the 1960s and 70s a general reassessment of archaeological theory and research methodology took place.
The focus of this reassessment was the work of the American researcher Lewis Binford (e.g. 1972) and other proponents of the now inappropriately entitled 'New Archaeology' (or processualism), which advocated an emphasis
on cultural process rather than culture history; the explicit
'testing' of ideas using deductive logic; quantification; and
the investigation of contemporary processes as a means of
better understanding the archaeological record. Changes
2
We note here only postgraduatetheses but a fuller range includes - at
ANU (Taylor 1979; Papajohannis 1980; Forbes 1982; Lewis 1983;
Officer 1984; Tier 1986; Thompson 1987; Dickins 1992); at Sydney
University (Jones 1982; McDonald 1982; Smith 1983; Franklin 1984;
Sefton 1988; Bell 1989; Drew 1991; Sale 1992) and elsewhere (West
1976; Tumer 1981; Rola-Wojciechowski 1983; Hane 1984; Nagle
1984; Bullen 1987; Cole 1988; Collins 1989; Hale 1989; RudolphBorger 1989; Smith 1989; Sonter 1989; S a n 1992; Bursill 1993).
in Australian rock art research closely follow those resulting from the triumph of processualism in Australian archaeology. Notably there has been a shift from an emphasis
on cultural diffusion as the explanation for chronological
changes in Australian Aboriginal art (e.g. McCarthy
1968). to investigations which seek to understand the integrating function of art in Aboriginal society; how a range
of social and economic information is encoded in art and
its distributional characteristics; and how it may reflect
fundamental changes in social organisation, group interaction and the pattern of land use. Such investigations
require information on the cultural and natural contexts of
rock art production, whereas previous studies had tended
to be more focused on rock art in isolation.
Important steps in the development of current perspectives on the study of Australian rock art were taken by
Maynard (1976 [1979], 1977) and Clegg (1978, 1979).
Both called for a purely archaeological approach to the
analysis of rock art. Maynard (1977:86) contended that
meaning is always 'highly specific and usually esoteric'
and, as such, is 'probably completely intractable'. Clegg
(1978) extended this position to argue against attempting
to construct the meaning of motifs on the grounds that it is
impossible to securely ascertain either the subject or motivation of the artists. In order to indicate that he was allocating names, not labels, to motifs Clegg developed the
typographic convention of an exclamation mark before his
own categorisations of motifs. He refers to !fish, !tracks
and so forth. This convention has been adopted by some
other researchers into rock art (see for example, Franklin
1984; Layton 1992) and his fundamental point has been
long absorbed into the Australian rock art literature. However, the problem of intentionality is an issue still under
debate in some of the overseas literature (e.g. Davis 1992).
As well as general changes in theoretical perspective,
the work of particular individuals in Europe and South
Africa have been very influential on Australian rock art
research. For instance, the publications by Leroi-Gourhan
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Rock Art Research in Australia 1974-94
(1968) on European Palaeolithic art and later Vinnicombe
(1976) on South African rock art both indicated the value
of structural approaches to analysis - of quantitatively
demonstrating how rock art assemblages could be nonrandom in their distribution within sites, portrayal of animal species and so on. Such structure in rock art clearly
reflected the ideological concerns of the artist. The work
of Leroi-Gourhan and Vinnicombe set the agenda for a
number of Australian studies which have extended the
basic principle and examined within-site structure in rock
art (Forbes 1982), the distribution of motifs between sites
within the same artistic system @avid 1994) and selectivity in the cultural context of rock art (Morwood 1979,
1984).
Another turning point in rock art studies generally,
which is very apparent in Australia, was when style became reconceptualised as a means of communicating information. The theoretical foundation for this was semiotics, the study of signs. This reassessment of the potential
uses of style in archaeology was partly attributable to the
increasing influence from anthropological studies of cultural material (e.g. Adarns 1973; Forge 1973; Munn 1973;
Morphy 1977; Taylor 1979, 1987; Megaw 1982; Layton
1991 [1981]), which demonstrated the communicative
capacity of style. The fust major manifestation of this was
the 'Schematisation in Art' symposium at the Australian
Institute of Aboriginal Studies Biennial Conference in
1974, later published as Form in Indigenous Art (Ucko
1977). The thematic and interdisciplinary focus of the
symposium provided a unique forum for the exchange of
ideas between people working on different aspects of
Australian Aboriginal art.
The increased emphasis on social explanations that
emerged in archaeology in the 1980s (e.g. Lourandos
1984) manifested in rock art studies primarily as a concern
with information exchange theory. The seminal paper in
archaeology using this theory was that of Wobst (1977) in
which he suggested that the main functions of style are
22
related to cultural processes, such as group integration and
differentiation and boundary maintenance. This notion
was extended by Gamble (1982), whose ideas were shaped
in part by ethnographic information on the role of art in
Central Australia (e.g. Strehlow 1970).
There was a time-lag of several years before rock art
researchers in Australia started to use the concept of information exchange as an explicit theoretical tool for interpreting rock art but since then it has been used to interpret
a wide range of rock art (see Morwood 1984, 1987; Lewis
1988; Tqon 1988; David and Cole 1990; Smith 1992).
Morwood (e.g. 1979, 1992a) developed a contextual approach to the archaeology of art which integrates the function of rock art with regional archaeological sequences.
Through CO-examiningthe characteristics and chronology
of economic, technological and artistic evidence, he has
been able to identify a tightening of social networks
through time. His general approach is based on the notion
that the functional interdependence between art and other
cultural components which is so evident in ethnographic
case studies suggests that art, and changes in art (both
spatial and chronological), can tell much about the complexity of prehistoric cultural systems. This same functional interdependence indicates that archaeological studies of art need to be undertaken in the light of all available evidence for systemic context, one basic component of
which is resource use (see Morwood 1992b:424). Fundamental to this approach is the notion of style as information.
Another early foray into this area of research was made
by Lewis (1983, 1988), who related changes in the perceived degree of regional homogeneity in rock art in northem Australia to changes in environment, population
densities and alliance networks. He argued for the existence of a relatively open social network in the Pleistocene
on the basis of stylistic similarities in the early rock art of
the Kimberley and Arnhem Land and contrasted this with
the greater stylistic heterogeneity of more recent rock art,
Australian Archaeology, Number 39. 1994
Morwood and Smith
which he linked to an increase in territorial bounding Cooper 1987) and as part of the assessment of cultural
through time. The important point about the use of infor- resources in the region by the Australian National Parks
mation exchange theory in Australian rock art studies is and Wildlife Service (e.g. Gillespie 1983; Jones 1985). In
that it moves beyond a simple correlation between stylistic other cases, funding has been obtained to 'take stock' of
similarity and social interaction to consideration of the previous site records and other documentary sources by
causes underlying these interactions. However, the lack of organisations with statutory authority for site management
independent dating evidence is still a major problem in (e.g. Walsh 1984a; McDonald 1985, 1987, 1990b). These
many studies.
syntheses have provided a stimulus to further work and in
some cases have shown inadequacies in the database to be
Increase in the database
rectified in future site recording programs. For instance,
By itself, growth in the number of recorded Australian rock art site researchers and managers now require a
rock art sites did not lead to associated changes in method higher quality of contextual data and more accurate site
and theory. But it helped. By the 1970s there was detailed locations. There is thus a feedback apparent between the
information from many parts of Australia on rock art num- increase in the database on Australian rock art, the amount
bers, diversity and character. There was also some evi- of research initiated, and further developments in method,
dence for rock art chronology. Overwhelmingly, these theory and the database.
records resulted from the activities of committed individuals, rather than institutions. The same trend continues Technological developments
More than anything else, the problem of dating rock art
today (e.g. McCarthy 1960, 1961, 1962, 1976; Crawford
1968; Wright 1968; Trezise 1971; Brand1 1973; McBryde has been the major impediment to its acceptance as useful
1975; Chaloupka 1977,1994; Quinnell 1976; Lewis 1988; archaeological data. The advent of radiocarbon dating in
Walsh 1988, 1994; McNickle 1991; Gunn 1992; Welch Australia in the 1950s allowed absolute dates for some
1993). These reports provided the basis for continental- rock art to be estimated but only in a very restricted range
wide overviews of the geographical and chronological of circumstances. For instance, engraved fragments and
variation in Australian Aboriginal art (e.g. McCarthy 'buried' panels or fragments of rock engravings have both
1968; Maynard 1979). In many cases, extensive site been found in archaeological excavations (e.g. Mulvaney
recording programs led to more specialist work on rock art 1975289; Rosenfeld et al. 1981). Rock art can also be
chronology and excavations of associated cultural deposits. stratified when covered by mineral or biogenic coatings,
For instance, the recording work of Trezise in southeast which may be dateable using the standard radiocarbon
Cape York Peninsula over the past 30 years has provided a technique (e.g. Dragovich 1984; Watchman 1987).
platform for all later researchers in the region (e.g. RosenThe development of the Accelerator Mass Spectrometer
feld et al. 1981; Flood and Horsfall 1986; Flood 1987; (AMS) for radiometric dating has allowed the ages of extremely small samples of organic matter to be calculated,
Cole 1988; Morwood and Hobbs 1994).
In a few instances, rock art recording programs have and significantly increased the number of dating options
also been initiated as impact assessments. This occurred for rock art (Nelson et al. 1977). From the early 1980s the
in the Pilbara in response to industrialisation of the Burrup possible application of AMS to dating of organics in rock
Peninsula (see Vinnicombe 1987) and in western Arnhem art pigments was realised (e.g. Van der Merwe 1982). The
Land in relation to Uranium Mining (Edwards 1979; first actual results came several years later (e.g. Hedges et
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Australian Archaeology, Number 39,1994
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Rock Art Research in Australia 1974-94
al. 1987; Van der Merwe et al. 1987). There was another
delay before the AMS technique was first applied to
Australian rock art assemblages (e.g. Loy et al. 1990;
McDonald et al. 1990). but there has since been an accelerating pace here in both application and the development
of technical refinements for dating of rock art and associated materials (e.g. Watchman 1989P0, 1991, 1993a;
David 1992; Nelson et al. 1993; Watchman and Cole
1993; Morwood et al. 1994; Cole et al. 1995). The dates
for rock painting, for instance, have now been pushed back
to a minimum of 25,000 years (Watchman 1993~).For the
first time, there is also the possibility of obtaining well
dated rock art sequences for comparison with other evidence for cultural and palaeo-environmental changes. The
establishment of the first high precision AMS facility
in Australia at the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation in 1993 should accelerate this process. One of the major aims for the facility is dating rock
art (Tuniz and Watchman 1994).
Cation ratio dating is another technique by which extremely small samples of rock varnish overlying engravings may be dated. Cation ratio and AMS dates back to
40,000 BP have been obtained for varnishes covering pecked engravings at the Olary site, northeastern South Australia (e.g. Nobbs and Dorn 1988, 1993). This is the oldest direct dating of Australian rock art, but the processes
by which rock varnish accumulate are not well understood
and these results have been questioned (Watchman 1992%
1992b). Research is also in progress on the use of Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) for dating rock art
(Morwood et al. 1994).
New techniques for analysis of geological samples have
also been applied to rock pigments and associated mineral
coatings. These techniques include X-ray Diffraction
Spectrometry (XRD),X-ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy
(XRF),Proton Induced X-Ray Emission ( P E )and use of
the Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM). Such techniques can be used to study the processes of rock art deterio-
ration, identify the composition of paints and track paint
sources, (e.g. Cook et al. 1989;'Watchman et al. 1991;
Cole and Watchman 1992)
The increased availability of computers and software
for mathematical analysis and display of data has revolutionised the way all categories of archaeological evidence,
including rock art are processed. Mainframe computers
were first utilised for rock art analysis and production of
graphics in Australia in the late 1970s and early eighties
(e.g. Monvood 1979, 1980; McDonald 1982). Mainframes
were relatively difficult to use but gave access to software
packages, such as the Statistical Package for the Social
Sciences (SPSS), for frequency calculations, crosstabulations between variables, cluster analyses, factor analyses
and so on. The development of user-friendly personal
computers with the power to undertake such analyses over
the past ten years means that multivariate analyses are
now standard fare in most academic theses concerned with
rock art (e.g. Sefton 1988; Drew 1991; Franklin 1992;
David 1994; McDonald 1994). Sometimes these approaches have yielded very useful results for the interpretation of rock art variability. In other cases, a black box
approach to computer and software use has resulted in
rock art analyses of appalling standard.
At this stage computer based Geographical Information
Systems (GIS) are being increasingly used by State and
Federal Authorities concerned with management of cultural and natural resources (National Parks and Wildlife Service 1989). GIS allows the spatial distribution and context
of sites to be viewed at many levels, and therefore would
seem ideally suited to contextual analyses of rock art sites
as a research tool. This is a likely development in the near
future.
Technological developments are also affecting the way
in which rock art sites are recorded. Computers are now
routinely taken into the field both to archive information
and begin analysis of the data. Hand-held Global Positioning Systems (GPS) are also becoming more common for
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X A PHOTOGRAPHIC GALLERY X 20
YEARS OF AUSTRALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY
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24
Australian Archaeology, Number 39.1994
Morwood and Smith
accurate pin-pointing of rock art site locations - a major
problem apparent in many previous (rock art) site recording programs.
An International Congress convened under the auspices of AURA is held every four years. The first was in
Darwin in 1988 and saw the establishment of the International Federation of Rock Art Organisations (IFRAO).
AURA
The second was in Cairns. Both were very successful,
Another turning point in the development of rock art with the Darwin congress attracting 340 registered particiresearch in Australia was the founding of the Australian pants and the Cairns congress 450, including 59 AborigiRock Art Research Association (AURA) in 1983 and the nal delegates. These meetings have resulted in a number
publication of the first issue of Rock Art Research in May, of important publications (Bahn and Rosenfeld 1991;
1984. Robert Bednarik was the motivating force here and Pearson and Swam 1991; McDonald and Haskovec 1992;
acted in response to his perception that interest in rock art Morwood and Hobbs 1992; Ward 1992a; Lorblanchet and
research was not being met by the journals of the day Bahn 1993; Steinbring et al. 1993). Rock Art Research
(Bednarik 1994 pers. comm.). AURA currently has 850 and the AURA Occasional Series of publications have
members and has been instrumental in encouraging a become the major international publication outlets for rock
higher level of Aboriginal participation in rock art re- art studies.
search. The basic aims of AURA are:
It is notable that the current pace of rock art research
The principal objectives of the Australian Rock
in Australia is not reflected in the two mainstream archArt Research Association are to provide a forum
aeological journals in Australia - Australian Archaeology
for the dissemination of research findings; to
and Archaeology in Oceania. Out of 401 major articles
promote Aboriginal custodianship of sites exterthat have been published in AA over the last twenty years
nalising traditional Australian culture; to coonly thirteen were on rock art. A 0 also published thirteen.
ordinate studies concerning the significance,
In addition, there has been a delay evident between the
distribution and conservation of rock art. both
appearance of breakthroughs in rock art method, theory or
nationally and with individuals and organisaresults, as reported elsewhere, and its reporting in these
tions abroad; and to generally promote awarejournals. In the early days, this probably reflected the
ness and appreciation of Australian's prehistoric
relatively marginal place of rock art studies in archaeology
cultural heritage.
but more lately may be due to publication in other forums,
The stated commitment to Aboriginal custodianship of such as Rock Art Research and Antiquity.
sites was considered quite radical at the time that AURA
was established and is indicative of the fact that AURA, LegislutionlConservation
In the mid-1960s Robert Edwards was instrumental in
along with the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torthe
establishment of a major site recording program fundres Strait Islander Studies (formerly AIAS), has been in
the vanguard in recognising indigenous rights in cultural ed by the AIAS. The passing of Federal and State legislaheritage (see also discussions in Bednarik 1993; Rowland tion during the 1960s aimed at protecting cultural heritage
and Franklin 1993; Ward 1993). This influence can be sites led to the establishment of administrative bodies with
perceived in some of the research now being carried out professional staff and archives for site documentation.
with indigenous people in other parts of the world (e.g. One important role of these bodies was the funding of site
recording programs.
Querejazu 1994).
Australian Archaeology. Number 39,1994
25
Rock Art Research in Australia 1974-94
In the mid-1970s and early 1980s heritage institutions
became increasingly concerned with conservation issues,
including those relating to rock art. Under the auspices of
the Joint Academies' Committee on the Protection of Prehistoric Places a symposium on rock art recording, management and conservation was held in Sydney in 1980,
while a smaller meeting of the people most closely concerned with these matters was held in Canberra in 1981.
The Canberra meeting formulated a number of proposals
concerning directions and priorities in rock art conservation (Rosenfeld et al. 1984). One of the recommendations
was for a study of the behaviour of tourists visiting rock art
sites in Kakadu National Park and this was eventually conducted by Fay Gale (see Gale 1984, 1985; also Gale and
Jacobs 1986, 1987). It was funded in part by AIAS.
Another recommendation was that funds be sought to
commission a review of the present state of knowledge on
rock art conservation applicable to Australian conditions.
This study for the Australian Heritage Commission was
undertaken by An& Rosenfeld (1985). It was an important first step which drew together all existing research
and experimental data that had a bearing on rock art conservation in Australia. The report was designed for those
concerned with, but not necessarily working in, the field of
rock art conservation.
Ward and Sullivan (198956) point out that around this
time the Federal Government was encouraging public
discussion of Aboriginal demand for land rights. A public
opinion survey commissioned in 1985 found that rock art
was one of the very few Aboriginal associations which
were viewed favourably by the public (ANOP 1985: 19,
44ff., cited in Ward and Sullivan 198956). Ward and
Sullivan suggest that this survey was one impetus for the
Federal Government's decision in 1986 to provide AIAS
with supplementary funding to develop a rock art conservation program. The three main aims of this program
were the physical preservatioh and management of endangered sites including those threatened by the natural ele~
m
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ments, interference from humans or other animals; survey
and documentation of new and major sites; and research
into the Aboriginal significance of sites. Since then, that
program has been funded annually at $150.000 and has
been used to support around twelve to fourteen major
projects each year (Ward 1989,1992b).
The rock art protection program funded publication in
the Institute Report Series of two important studies complementary to the seminal work of Rosenfeld (1985). The
first of these was a regional study of Victoria River rock
art that focused on the significance of rock art sites for the
local communities. An important conclusion of this study
was that 'physical intervention by Europeans has the
potential to seriously undermine Aboriginal cultural significance' (Lewis and Rose 1988:68). The authors then outlined a series of conservation proposals with the view of
protecting both the sites themselves and their cultural significance to their Aboriginal owners. A second volume in
this series (Lambert 1989), recognised the needs of people
actively working in the field of rock art conservation. It
has been especially useful to 'the Aboriginal site officers,
rangers and others who are increasingly taking on responsibility for managing their own communities' sites' (Dix
1989:vi). More recently, Pearson and Swam (1991) have
edited a volume on the conservation, management and
recording of rock art which is part of the AURA series of
occasional publications.
In response to a request from the Australian Joint
Academies, a one year full-time Graduate Diploma Course
on the Conservation of Rock Art was conducted at the
Canberra College of Advanced Education in 1989 (Pearson 1991). Financial assistance was provided by the Getty
Conservation Institute. The course, under the direction of
Alan Watchman, amacted 14 Australian and overseas students. Despite the intensity, depth and breadth of the curriculum and an emphasis on practical experience, few of
the Australian graduates are now actively involved in rock
art conservation and none have permanent jobs in this
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Australian Archaeology, Number 39. 1994
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m
m
Monvood and Smith
field (Ross Brown, Katharine Sale 1994:pers. comm.).
There are two obvious lessons to be learnt here. Firstly,
State and Commonwealth agencies responsible for rock art
management should change their priorities in order to employ qualified rock art conservators on a permanent basis.
Secondly, the need for long-term planning and funding to
meet future rock art conservation requirements is not met
by one-off training courses or sources of funding.
This year the Australian Cultural Development Office
allocated $500,000 towards a program aimed at the protection of indigenous cultural heritage sites, with particular emphasis on rock art (Truscott 1994). The project,
which is being overseen by the Australian Cultural Development Office, Australian Heritage Commission and the
Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Tomes Strait Islander Studies, is structured so that it includes a high level
of input by indigenous Australians. The principal consultants involved are Kate Sullivan, Katharine Sale and
Nicholas Hall. The three main components of the program are to prepare guidelines for protection, management
and use of indigenous cultural heritage sites; to run a
training course on site management; and to conduct an
exemplar site management project. Despite unreasonable
constraints on the time initially envisaged to carry out the
work and negotiations with Aboriginal communities, as
well as other concerns (see Watchman 1994), this level of
funding indcates a strong political commitment to cultural
heritage matters and a high public profile for Australian
rock art.
Indigenous involvement
The level of Aboriginal management and control of
rock art sites has increased greatly over the last twenty
years. However, this has to be seen in a wider sociocultural perspective, especially in terms of the changes in
community attitude and legislation, which have effected
Aboriginal land rights. Although a detailed analysis along
these lines is beyond the scope of this paper, events of
Australian Archaeology, Number 39,1994
particular importance include - the beginning of the modem Aboriginal land rights movement in 1966, when the
Gurindji walked off Wave Hill Station; the 1967 referendum, which overwhelmingly supported the inclusion of
Aboriginal people in Australian census figures; the 1972
election of the Whitlam Labour Government with its platform for major changes in Aboriginal social policy; the
setting up of the well publicised Aboriginal Tent Embassy
in the grounds of Parliament House in 1972; the passing of
Land Rights legislation by the States, beginning with the
Northern Territory in 1976; and the recognition of native
title to land by the High Court of Australia in 1992 (the
Mabo Decision).
Property and political rights are both fundamental aspects of land rights (Peterson 1981:3), and increased control of cultural heritage sites is just one manifestation of
the empowerment of Aboriginal communities. The trend
is likely to continue at least partly because of on-going
Aboriginal concerns with the legislative processes that
affect their cultural material and the high level of indigenous politicisation in Australia ( M e n 1983; Ucko 1983;
Davidson 1992; Burke et al. 1994). Rock art has been important to the reaffirmation of Aboriginal corporate identity in many regions. As such, rock art sites can be seen to
be integral to indigenous political processes. In addition,
rock art sites have been an important component of Aboriginal land claims in the Northern Territory since the passage of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory)
Act 1976 (e.g. Layton 1992:22, 30) as often these sites are
the material embodiment of aspects of the Dreaming.
Aborigines, with the support of archaeologists and anthropologists, have worked to establish the legal validity of
these indigenous relationships to land.
However, there is also potential for conflict between
the Aboriginal significance of rock art sites and other heritage values. Some of the complexities of this issue are apparent in a recent example - that of the 1987 repainting of
Wandjina sites in the Kimberley, northwestern Australia.
Rock Art Research in Australia 1974-94
This project was funded with a grant of $109,019 under
the Community Employment Project (Mowaljarlai and
Peck 1987; Mowaljarlai et al. 1988). It involved senior
custodians and young Aboriginal people from Derby in the
repainting of several major rock art galleries in the Gibb
River area, about 300 km to the northeast. The original
proposal included consultation with traditional site custodians and on-site supervision of the rock art renewal by
elders. However, there were complaints from Lorin
Bishop (1987), the non-Aboriginal lessee of Mt Barnett
Station, over the level of consultation with local Aboriginal people and the standard of repainted art. Eventually, the project was discontinued and funds returned on
the initiative of the Aboriginal people involved. This
generated much subsequent debate both locally and wider
afield.
The matter is still controversial and no consensus on
the merits of the project has emerged, either in academia
(e.g. Bowdler 1988; Clarke and Randolph 1992; Vinni; Walsh 1992). or in local
combe 1992; Ward 1 9 9 2 ~ cf.
Aboriginal communities (e.g. Mowaljarlai 1992; cf. King
1992; Unghango et al. 1992). This is not a Black versus
White issue. In Kimberley Aboriginal communities the
fundamental concern is the relative custodial rights and
responsibilities of different Aboriginal people to cultural
heritage sites. For instance, David Mowaljarlai (1992:8),
a Ngarinyin elder and Chairman of the Wanang Ngari
Resource Centre, Derby, states that:
We need to teach the young men and women; to
teach them about bush learning, the old stories
and about the messages of the images, so that
they can continue to look after the country.
That's why we, the old men, started to train the
young people. A very important part of this
training was for them to learn about repainting
-body painting for ceremonies and to renew the
painted images on rock.
However, Billy Kmg (1992), a Ngarinyin elder and Chair-
man of the Kupungarri Community at Mt Barnett presents
an alternative Aboriginal perspective:
When these kids were brought from Derby we
didn't know they were a painting crew and they
just mined all our paintings, we've got no decent paintings to take our kids for learning our
law. We doing now our own law during the
wet
In addition. European reputations and finances suffered.
For instance, Nick Green, an anthropologist with the
Western Australian Museum successfully sued Lorin
Bishop in a defamation suit resulting from the latter's
comments on the project (West Australian 9 June 1990).
The controversy surrounding the Gibb River Repaint Project is another reminder that rock art research and management is not undertaken in an ethical or political vacuum.
Public interest
Over the past 20 years, there has been increasing public interest in Aboriginal culture and art. Relevant factors
include legislative changes, increased leisure time, higher
levels of population mobility and greater interest in 'ecotourism'. In addition, Josephine Flood (1983, 1990) has
recently produced a series of books aimed at a general
audience that emphasise Aboriginal rock art and which
have enhanced public interest. Visitor census figures at
major heritage sites, such as Uluru and Carnarvon Gorge,
clearly show a compounding interest in Aboriginal cultural heritage sites during this period (Walsh 1984x4;
Gale and Jacobs 1987:33). Longer-term changes in the
way people have used Aboriginal art sites and responded
to rock art are evident in a study of dated graffiti at rock
art sites (Morwood and Kaiser-Glass 1991; Morwood and
Walsh 1993; cf. Godwin 1992). These reflect a progressive increase in visitor numbers from the 1950s with a
corresponding increase in vandalism until the passing of
State Heritage legislation in the late 1960s, which pro-
mmmmms~mmmmmmmmmmmmm~mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmsmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm~mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm~mm~~mmm~~~~m~~~mmmmm~m~m
% A PHOTOGRAPHIC GALLERY %g 20
YEARS OF AUSTRALlAN ARCHAEOLOGY
1974 - 1994
8g
..mm..mmmmm.m..m.mmmm.m..~mmm~mmmmm~~m~mmmmmm~mmmmm~mm~m~m~~mmmm~~~mmmmmmmmm~~m~mmmmmmmms~m~~mmmmmm~mmm~~~~mmmmmmmsmmmmm~~mmm~m
Australian Archaeology, Number 39,1994
Monvood and Smith
scribed inappropriate behaviours. After this time, the
proportion of visitors vandalising sites fell abruptly.
Rock art sites remain a focus of public interest in Aboriginal culture. However, heavy visitation or scientific
investigation can constitute a serious threat to rock art
sites. Some recent rock art research has been directed
towards monitoring the effects of visitor impact and developing methods through which this might be minimised
(e.g. Dragovich 1986; Gale and Jacobs 1986, 1987; Morwood 1994).
Trends and developments
Anthropological and ethnoarchaeological studies of
Australian Aboriginal (rock) art have been very influential
on archaeological investigations of art here and elsewhere
in the world (see Jones 1967). This continent remains one
of the few places where it is still possible to obtain detailed
information on the function of indigenous art and how this
may be manifest in the archaeological record. The anthropological emphasis in Australian rock art research will
therefore continue, although the political context of research in Aboriginal communities has changed substantially. Sale (1992) has highlighted some of the social and
political complexities involved in the practice of remarking (or renewing) rock paintings, while Smith (1994)
has analysed the influence of social and material context
on style in an Aboriginal artistic system in the BeswickBarunga region. Other such work in progress includes
that of Tagon in Western Arnhem Land (e.g. 1988),
Rosenfeld (pm. comm.) in Central Australia and Flood in
the Victoria River District (e.g. Flood et al. 1992). These
studies are establishing a more fine-grained understanding
of Aboriginal artistic systems. Many show greater concern
with forms of social identity, especially as influenced by
processes associated with contact. They also demonstrate
an indeterminate boundary between archaeology and anthropology in rock art research (see also discussion in
Layton 1992). This trend is likely to continue, in contrast
Australian Archaeology, Number 39, 1994
to the general tendency noted by White (1994:95), which
is a divergence between sociaVcultura1 anthropology and
archaeology.
The emphasis on regional studies, involving contextual
analyses and the dating of rock art continues, and such
studies are conducted in an increasingly more sophisticated manner. Tagon (1988, 1989), for instance, has shown
that the recent rock art of Arnhem Land is more stylistically complex than earlier rock art in the region. He interprets this as reflecting a change in the character of group
identities, involving an increase in territoriality and an
associated need for rock art to encode more levels of meaning. Other recent or in-progress work along these lines
includes that of Lewis (1990) on the stylistic manifestations of local and regional patterns of social interaction in
the Victoria River District; David WS.comm.) in a
multi-disciplined investigation of Aboriginal land use in
northeast Queensland which emphasises rock art evidence;
Cole (pen. comm.) on regional and chronological variation in the rock art of southeast Cape York Peninsula; and
McDonald (1994) in her investigation of the contextual
problems posed by a dual media rock art system in the
Sydney region and the different degrees of homogeneity
exhibited by local rock paintings and rock engravings.
An associated trend is to establish well dated regional
rock art sequences for comparison with other evidence for
cultural change and palaeo-environmental fluctuations
(e.g. Morwood et al. 1994; Morwood and Hobbs 1995).
Further developments in technology. minimal impact
sampling and on-site measurements, will accelerate this
trend. On a broader scale, Huchet (1993) is currently
undertaking a thorough and comprehensive overview of
regional styles in body art and rock art with the aim of
assessing the relationships between patterning in these art
forms and prehistoric and post-contact Aboriginal regional
identity.
New systems of classification are being developed.
Officer (1991, 1994) has developed a new approach to
29
Rock Art Research in Australia 1974-94
motif analysis that crosses the artificial boundary between
figurative and non-figurative that Rosenfeld (1992:236)
feels has been a fundamental problem for Australian rock
art studies since Maynard's seminal research in the 1970s.
Franklin (1986, 1992) has also focused on Maynard's
work, using an analysis of spatial variation in Australian
rock art bodies to reassess Maynard's stylistic categories.
McDonald (19921) has incorporated gender into her analysis of Sydney Basin rock art and has evidence that men,
women and children participated in the stencilling of
hands and implements. This is important because records
indicate that most recent rock art in Australia was the
business of men (e.g. Spencer and Gillen 1899[1968]:614;
Love 1936:24; Gould 1969:154 but see Smith 1991).
McDonald's work provides a timely reminder that the
function and production context of Australian Aboriginal
rock art over many thousands of years is likely to have
been far broader than is currently documented.
The nexus between art and ideology means that rock
art has been, and will continue to be, important to the
ways in which indigenous people conceptualise their identities. It is likely that Aboriginal people will take a closer
interest in rock art sites than in, say, stone tool assemblages (cf. David Homn in Burke et al. 1994:17). A
number of universities have recently established courses in
Aboriginal site management and this is indicative of future
developments. The increasing participation of Aboriginal
people in rock art research, conservation and management
will engender important changes in method and theory.
(Rock) art data is now highly relevant to some fundamental problems in (Australian) archaeology, including
the colonisation of the continent, the emergence of language and changes in social organisation and land use.
The recovery of high quality pigments from the basal
levels of the earliest occupation sites excavated in Australia shows that people were engaged in some type of artistic
activity between 53,000 and 60,000 Bp (Roberts et al.
1990:153). This has implications for human cultural and
evolutionary development worldwide (e.g. Davidson and
Noble 1989, 1992). Similarly, Pleistocene dates for Australian rock art and later evidence for regionalisation of
rock art systems provide important evidence for major
developments in Aboriginal land use and the emergence of
corporate landowning groups (see Smith 1992; Rosenfeld
1993:77; David 1994).
Conclusions
In the last 20 years rock art research has emerged as a
distinct and viable sub-discipline of Australian archaeology. As part of this general development, there has been
a marked increase in the nunber of archaeologists who are
recording, managing and researching rock art. In 1994,
rock art studies are an exciting and important part of Australian archaeology. The high standard of rock art research in Australia is recognised internationally. For instance, the 1991 annual report of the Rock An Association
of Canada (quoted in Bednarik 1992:113) states that:
Australian scientists have become the leading
authority on nearly every issue of prehistoric
rock art studies, including: conservation, site
management, research ethics, Native involvement issues, scientific dating and recording,
educational articulation etc. There is not an
organisation in the world which could embark
upon formulating their particular rock art strategies and policies without due consideration of
the Australian experience.
Acknowledgements
This paper has benefited greatly from feed-back provided by Jane Balme, Robert Bednarik, Ross Brown,
Heather Burke, John Clegg, Noelene Cole, Iain Davidson,
Nicholas Hall, Scott L'Oste Brown, Christine Lovell-Jones,
Josephine McDonald, Howard Morphy, Helen Nichol,
Victoria Paine, Andr& Rosenfeld, June Ross, Katharine
Sale, Marilyn Truscott, Grahame Walsh, Graeme Ward
and Alan Watchman.
mmmmm~mmmmmmm~mmmm~mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm~~mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm~mmmm~~mmm~mmmmmmmmmmmmm~~mmmmm~mm~~m~~
X
A PHOTOGRAPHIC GALLERY Bg 20 YEARS OF AUSTRALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY X 1974 - 1994 Bg
m . m m m m m m m . m m . m m m m . m . m . m m m m m m m m ~ m . m . . m m m m ~ ~ ~ m m ~ ~ m m ~ m m m m m ~ m ~ ~ m m ~ m ~ m ~ ~ m m ~ m m m m m m m ~ m m ~ ~ ~ m m ~ m m m m m m m ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ m ~ m ~ m ~ m m m ~ m
30
Australian Archaeology, Number 39.1994
Morwood and Smith
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