Regions and Cities:
The Economic Crisis
and Recovery
Regions
and Cities:
in OECD
Regions
and Cities
The information in this document was supplied by delegates
of the Working Party on Territorial Indicators.
Inside Perspective: The economic crisis and recovery in OECD regions
and cities
These short notes describe the impact of the economic crisis and the recovery of regions and cities, as
well as other key challenges for regional development policy. They have been prepared by the
Countries’ Delegates to the OECD Working Party on Territorial Indicators to better understand
challenges and opportunities for territorial development policy in the next years.
The notes are available for the following countries:
CANADA…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5
CHILE…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………6
DENMARK………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….8
ESTONIA……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………10
FRANCE……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………12
GERMANY……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….13
GREECE……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………17
ITALY……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….19
JAPAN……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..22
LUXEMBOURG…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………25
MEXICO…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..27
NORWAY………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...29
POLAND……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….....32
PORTUGAL……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...35
SPAIN……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...38
SWEDEN………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………....40
SWITZERLAND…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………42
UNITED KINGDOM………………………………………………………………………….…………………………...…44
3
4
CANADA
Business statistics to monitor territorial performances: insights from
Canada
Business demographics are key indicators of economic well-being and performance, but the use of
these statistics at the local and regional level remains constrained by confidentiality concerns and
the technical challenges which are inherent to the use of business microdata. As a result, relatively
few business statistics have a territorial dimension.
At Statistics Canada, the Centre for Special Business Projects (CSBP) has been working with various
departments and agencies in order to find ways to address these challenges and expand the use of
business microdata at the regional level, while preserving confidentiality and data quality. One of
the main outcomes has been the creation of custom tabulations of business performance
indicators, which have the potential to be used to track and report on regional programs in a
uniform manner across Canada.
This approach was recently used in a project designed to monitor the performances of businesses
that benefited from federal support programs in major macro-regions of Canada: Atlantic, Quebec,
Southern Ontario, Northern Ontario, and Western Canada. In this project, the departments which
operate in each region provided Statistics Canada with a list of businesses that had benefited from
their programs over a given time frame. CSBP used this information as a basis to link to the
business numbers of supported enterprises with a variety of administrative databases such as
those containing taxfilers data and those containing employment records.
Using this method, it was possible to compare the performance of the supported businesses with
the performance of the rest of the business population in that region using a set of custom
indicators such as sales, gross profits, operating profits, gross margins, and wages and salaries
expenses. Comparisons of this nature can be done for businesses in the same geographic areas,
same industry sector, and with similar employment sizes. In addition, business entry, exits and
survival rates can also be used as performance indicators in each region.
The use of microdata also permits analysts to create more specific comparison groups within a
region. In this case, a matching algorithm can be used to generate a comparison group with similar
profile of the beneficiary groups in any given base year, using a set of key attributes such as
industry sector, revenues, sales, employment and geographic location. In this way the
performances of the comparison group and beneficiary groups, in each region, can be tracked over
time and following any specific program delivery.
For some of this analysis, CSBP used a recently established business microdata linkage
environment, called the Linkable File Environment (LFE), which allows the creation of powerful
analytical databases which can include both administrative and survey data.
Most of the tabulations done rely on administrative databases which are updated annually, hence
the tabulations can be produced on an annual basis to enable the regional departments to
effectively track and manage the performance of the indicator over time. This ensures that there is
sufficient performance data available to effectively evaluate and manage a program.
The developments so far suggest that there is a substantial and still largely unexplored potential
for using business microdata in order to develop regional indicators of economic performance.
This note was prepared by Statistics Canada
5
CHILE
The economic crisis in Chile
The Chilean economy had a growth rate of – 1% in the
time period 2008 – 2009. Thus, the economic crisis of
2009 caused a significant reduction in the growth rate
of the Chilean GDP.
Annual GDP growth rate
In addition to the crises, the country suffered a huge
earthquake and tsunami in February 2010. The Central
Bank of Chile estimated that the catastrophe had an
impact of 4% of economic growth in the first quarter of
2010. 1
Source: Ministerio de Hacienda de Chile.
http://www.dipres.gob.cl/594/articles-105498_doc_pdf.pdf
Afterwards, the GDP growth rate overpassed the annual
mean level of economic activity of the last decade. In
fact, the GDP growth rate for the time periods 2009 –
2010 and 2010 - 2011 were 5.8% and 5.9%,
respectively.
1
Banco Central de Chile, Informe de Política Monetaria Junio 2010. Página 23: “Los antecedentes hasta ahora disponibles hacen suponer
que el efecto de la catástrofe en el PIB del primer trimestre fue del orden de 4 puntos porcentuales de menor crecimiento…”.
Annual regional GDP growth rate
The economic contraction of the period 2008 – 2009
had a heterogeneous distribution among regions.
Roughly speaking, most regions of the north, IX and X
regions suffered an economic contraction of larger
magnitude than the average national average.
Región 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-2011
XV
-5,9%
6,0%
4,5%
I
3,1%
-0,7%
-6,0%
II
-1,3%
4,1%
-6,1%
III
-1,8%
15,2%
11,5%
IV
-6,1%
16,9%
8,6%
V
-3,6%
1,9%
6,2%
RM
-0,6%
6,7%
6,5%
VI
3,4%
3,0%
6,2%
VII
2,5%
1,9%
11,9%
VIII
0,5%
-0,2%
13,2%
IX
-2,0%
8,2%
8,2%
XIV
0,1%
8,2%
6,0%
X
-6,7%
1,1%
9,5%
XI
1,8%
3,4%
8,1%
XII
2,5%
1,7%
2,3%
Total
-1,0%
5,8%
5,9%
In the period 2009 – 2010 most regions had positives
growth rates. There were only two exemptions: I
region, which is a copper mining intensive area; and VIII
region, where some of the areas mostly affected by the
earthquake and tsunami of 2010 are located.
Finally, data showed that the recovery was most
difficult for those regions with an economy based in
copper mining. Indeed, I and II regions had negative
economic growth rate in the time period 2010 – 2011.
Source: Banco Central de Chile.
6
CHILE
City GDP growth
Region City
2006-2009
XV
Ari ca
I
Iqui que
II
Antofa ga s ta
III
Copi a pó
IV
Coqui mbo-La Serena
V
Va l pa ra ís o
XIII
Sa nti a go
VI
Ra nca gua
VII
Ta l ca
VIII
Concepci ón
VIII
Chi l l á n
VIII
Los Angel es
IX
Temuco
XIV
Va l di vi a
X
Puerto Montt
XI
Coyha i que
XIII
Punta Arena s
2009-2011
Chile does not have national accounts at
a city level. In order to estimate GDP at
city level we followed the OECD
methodology. It is worth to say that it is
impossible to construct a yearly time
series for city GDP; and that we only
considered the main city in each region
and cities with more than 150 thousand
inhabitants.
At an annual basis, we calculated
differences among GDP growth rate of
the cities and the national GDP growth
rate for each period. On the one hand,
cities for which the value of this
indicator was over 1% are shown with
green arrows. On the other hand, cities
for which the value of this indicator was
below -1% are shown with red arrows.
The cities with arrows in yellow have an
indicator from -0.5% to 0.5%.
Source: OECD, Banco Central de Chile y Encuestas Casen 2006,
2009 y 2011.
This exercise shows that the effects of
the crisis and recovery were
heterogeneous within regions. See, for
example, the cities of VIII region. It
seems that Temuco had a lower impact
of the crisis than the region to which it
belongs; or that the recovery in
Rancagua was less dynamic than the
one it took place in the VI region.
This note was prepared by the Commission of Housing and Urban Studies of the Ministry of Housing
and Urban Development in Chile.
For further information, please contact Felipe Zamorano [email protected]
7
DENMARK
The economic crisis and recovery in Denmark
Danish national GDP per capita declined 1.3 percent from 2007 to 2008 and 6.1 percent from 2008
to 2009. The following years have been characterized by a slow recovery, and as of 2011 the
Danish national level GDP per capita was still more than five percent below the level in 2007.
The 11 Danish provinces (NUTS-3 regions according to EU criteria)
Recovery of regional GDP per capita, GDP per capita 2011
in relation to GDP per capita 2007 (index 2007=100)
Different degrees of economic recovery
in regions
There has been a somewhat large
dispersion in regional recovery, but most
provinces (OECD TL3 regions) are still
significantly below the GDP per capita
level in 2007.
Note: GDP per capita - Fixed prices (2005). DKN-average includes
GDP produced outside the provinces.
Source: Statistics Denmark, National Account
The provinces located in and around the
capital area are back at, or close to, the
GDP per capita level of 2007; on the
other hand, the provinces of Bornholm
and Vest- og Sydsjælland (which are
located more peripherally) are still more
than 10 percent below the level of 2007.
The
remaining
provinces
are
approximately 6 percent below the GDP
per capita peak of 2007.
The provinces with the fastest recovery
are also the provinces with the highest
initial level of GDP per capita, resulting in
an increasing dispersion in regional
wealth.
All Danish provinces experienced declining GDP per capita in 2009. The growth pattern across the
provinces in the period 2007 to 2008, and the years after 2009 are characterized by considerable
diversity. Some areas experienced an increase in GDP per capita both before 2009 and the period
after 2009 (e.g. the provinces located near and in the capital), while other areas have experienced
a much more wide spread decline.
8
DENMARK
Regional employment
The aggregate employment fell by approximately 5 percent from 2008 (where the employment
peaked) to 2011.
Recovery of regional employment, 2011 employment in
relation to 2008 employment (index 2008=100)
The regional diversion is significant, but
less pronounced than the variations in
GDP per capita growth.
As of 2011 all Danish provinces are below
the employment level of 2007 and
additionally, all but one province (Byen
København) has experienced an ongoing
decline in employment from 2008 to
2011. The most recent employment data
for the aggregate Danish employment
indicate a minor increase in the
employment from the second quarter
2011 to second quarter 2012.
Source: Statistics Denmark, National Account
Peripheral areas in Denmark, both urban
and rural, have experienced a higher
decline in employment compared to
more centrally located areas.1
1
LAU2 (parish) based typology categorizing by distance to major city-areas and urbanization. Source: Regional- og
Landdistriktspolitisk Redegørelse 2013 – Regeringens redegørelse til Folketinget.
The unemployment level has increased significantly in continuation of the economic crisis and the
employment decline. Compared with other OECD countries, the Danish unemployment rate is still
below the OECD-average.2
The regional dispersion in the unemployment rate does not reflect the decrease in employment as
pictured above. The province (Byen København/City of Copenhagen) has the highest
unemployment rate, while Vestjylland is among the provinces with the lowest unemployment rate
in 2013. This is to some degree reflecting the baseline level of the unemployment in 2008. The
provinces with the highest unemployment today did also have a proportionally higher
unemployment in 2008.
2
Source: OECD (2013), Economic Outlook No. 93, Annex Table 22.
This note was prepared by the Danish Business Agency, the Danish Ministry of Housing, Urban and
Rural Affairs together with Statistics Denmark.
www.evm.dk
www.regionalt.dk
9
www.mbbl.dk
www.dst.dk
ESTONIA
Regional socio-economic disparities can be large in Estonia
Given the small geographic size of Estonia, quite remarkable regional social-economic disparities
can be seen across different parts of the country. Regional disparities especially come forward at
GDP, productivity, internal migration, unemployment and average incomes.
During the economic crisis these regional imbalances have not increased. The crisis has even
slightly incurred territorially more balanced social-economic situation across different areas of
Estonia.
Economic crisis impacts on economic growth
Estonia experienced considerable economic growth after joining the EU. During 2004-2008
national GDP at current prizes accounted for an increase of 67.6 per cent. But since 2008 it turned
to a decline and was accounted for a total decrease of 11.8 per cent in 2010 compared to the precrisis level.
GDP at sub-national level decreased at the same time by 5.9 to 20.7% across different LAU1
regions. Also decreasing productivity can be clearly visible during the years of crisis, when the GDP
growth per employee accounted for a decrease from 52.1% (2004-2008) to 1.4% (2008-2010).
Compared with the entire Europe the decline was more evident in Estonia. In 2008 the GDP at
national level (TL2) extended to 40% of the EU27 average (21-76% across different LAU1 regions)
and in 2010 it amounted only to 36% (20-70% across LAU1 regions).
Regional GDP growth, 2008-2010
Despite of these drastic changes of
GDP there was rather minor increase
of the general government gross
debt rate of GDP during the crisis
(from 4.5% to 6.7% in 2008-2010). At
the
same
time
sub-national
disparities in GDP rather decreased –
in general these LAU1 regions that
had benefited from higher GDP
growth before the crisis experienced
also slightly higher GDP decline
during the crisis.
Impacts on labour market functioning
The economic crisis reduced employment in all areas of Estonia. During 2004-2010, the
employment rate at national level increased from 57% to 63% and by 2010 it decreased to 55%.
After 2010 there has been a recovery to 61% again by 2012. Across LAU1 regions the increase of
employment rate varied between 1.2 to 9.6% during 2004-2008 and then turned to decrease of 0.6
to 21.4% during 2008-2010, except a South-Eastern county of Võru that experienced 0.8%
employment growth.
Also the unemployment rate has increased from 2-6% to 8-19% across different LAU1 regions
during 2008-2010. The unemployment has increased proportionally more in more dynamic labourmarket areas, where unemployment had been lower during the pre-crisis times. Although, the
former regional pattern of labour market development in Estonia has sustained also during the
crisis – the higher unemployment is converged mostly to the North-Eastern and South-Eastern
areas and peripheries of labour market areas.
10
ESTONIA
Impacts on social welfare and incomes
The economic crisis has also significant influence on peoples’ social welfare and quality of life.
Drastic changes come forward when looking merely at the dynamics of net income per household
member. Before the crisis, during 2004-2008, many households benefited from the 98.5% increase
(84-130% at LAU1 level) of average income per household member, but since 2008 they had to
manage with a decrease of average income of 9% at TL2 level (extending until 18% at LAU1 level)
during 2008-2010. Since 2010, incomes have started to increase again in all areas of Estonia.
Although in general higher wage rate has rather concentrically converged towards larger urban
areas in Estonia, then the changes of incomes during 2004-2010 have still not reinforced this
spatial pattern. Thus it can be seen that the regional disparities of the level of incomes have
slightly decreased during the last decade, and no particular changes have occurred in this trend
during the crisis as well.
Income tax accrual, 2008-2010
Similar trends have also
being reflected by dynamics
of income tax accrual across
local municipalities (LAU2
units) of Estonia - slightly
more considerable decrease
can be still seen in central
area of Estonia, where
income tax accrual has
decreased from 20% to 36%
in majority of municipalities
during 2008-2010.
The economic crisis has still not had significant impact on basic migration trends of Estonia. When
looking merely the migration balance, the population convergence towards larger urban areas has
continued also during the years of crisis and the areas in Central-, Southern- and counties’
peripheries have most suffered the depopulation. Some irregularities can still be seen by positive
migration balance of some rural municipalities in North-Eastern, Western- and South-Eastern
Estonia during 2008-2010.
As a conclusion, the fact that larger urban areas which in long term have experienced more
dynamic development due to advantages of their higher critical mass of people and institutional
density have suffered often relatively further degradation during the years of crisis reflects that
positive effects of preceding economic boom had mostly accumulated also to those areas of
Estonia. As Estonia is a small country with open economy and its previous economic growth based
largely on intense flows of expedient loans from foreign ownership banks, the international
financial crisis also inflicted relatively more extensive anomalies in relation to previous socioeconomic development trends of Estonia.
This note was prepared by the Estonian Ministry of the Interior.
Eurostat, Estonian Statistics Board and Labour Market Board databases were used as primary data
sources for conducting this survey.
11
FRANCE
La crise de 2008 en France : un choc majeur qui accroît les inégalités entre
territoires
Entre fin 2007 et fin 2012, la France a perdu environ 400 000 emplois (- 1,5 %). Cette variation,
relativement modeste comparée à d’autres Etats de la zone euro, a néanmoins eu des effets
importants en termes de progression du taux de chômage dans un pays où la population active
continue d’augmenter et où certaines régions connaissent une croissance démographique souvent
plus rapide que celle de l’emploi. En outre, la crise a frappé inégalement les secteurs d’activité
avec un fort impact sur l’emploi industriel, renforçant sensiblement les écarts entre territoires. Les
zones ayant le mieux résisté se caractérisent par une surreprésentation des emplois de cadres et
correspondent pour la plupart aux espaces métropolitains.
EMPLOI : Des disparités structurelles qui s’aggravent avec la crise
Un renforcement des disparités territoriales en termes de taux de chômage
Sur la durée (2007 à 2012), le chômage s’est aggravé dans les zones d’emploi où il était déjà
important. Pour 49 zones d’emploi de métropole qui présentaient un taux de chômage compris
entre 9 % et 13,9 % au 4e trimestre 2007, le taux enregistré fin 2012 est compris entre 12,3 % et
18 %. Globalement, le classement reste inchangé.
La crise a donc renforcé les disparités préexistantes. Ainsi, parmi la soixantaine de zones d’emploi
où la progression du taux de chômage a été la plus forte entre 2007 et 2012, 44 affichaient déjà
des taux supérieurs à la moyenne métropolitaine fin 2007. De plus, l’écart à la moyenne nationale
a augmenté de 20 %.
Un choc asymétrique sur l’emploi
Cette hausse du taux de chômage traduit en fait trois phénomènes concomitants :
¾ Le choc sur l’emploi industriel qui aggrave significativement la situation du quart nordest du pays et du grand bassin parisien (hors Ile-de-France). Ces territoires avaient déjà un
taux de chômage élevé et voient leur situation se dégrader sensiblement.
¾ Des pertes d’emploi qui se poursuivent dans la « diagonale aride » qui relie la Lorraine à
l’Aquitaine ; ces pertes d’emploi ne conduisent toutefois pas à des taux de chômage très
élevé compte tenu de la faible densité de population, du poids des retraités et de la part
importante des emplois publics existants. Ces territoires continuent de perdre leur
substance en termes d’économie marchande mais ils ne connaissent pas pour autant des
situations comparables à celles des anciens espaces industriels.
¾ Des créations d’emplois insuffisantes pour faire face à une demande qui augmente
rapidement pour des raisons démographiques (mobilités et solde naturel); c’est
typiquement le cas du Languedoc-Roussillon.
Par contre les activités de conception, concentrées pour la plupart dans les espaces
métropolitains ont connu un ralentissement ou un léger repli suivi d’une rapide reprise. Cet effet
est particulièrement net dans la zone centrale de l’Ile-de-France, en forte opposition par rapport à
ce qui avait été observé par rapport à la crise de 2013.
La crise a donc eu un double effet: conjoncturel sur l’ensemble des secteurs mais aussi structurel
en renforçant des évolutions préexistantes tant au plan sectoriel que territorial, ces deux réalités
étant étroitement mêlées.
12
FRANCE
Donc au final, les territoires qui ont le plus souffert en matière d’emploi (dans un premier sur la
période 2007-2009) temps, sont les territoires industriels mais avec une économie résidentielle
faible (espaces éloignés des grandes villes et/ou à faible attractivité démographique). Ces
territoires ne disposent pas d’une capacité de rebond post-crise, un emploi industriel perdu l’étant
définitivement et n’étant pas compensé par un emploi résidentiel, y compris lors d’une situation
de retour de la croissance
Taux de chômage et évolution par zone d’emploi (2007-2012)
Source : Insee, (taux de chômage localisé, 2012)
Fonds cartographique IGN-Datar ©
PIB : un impact initialement contenu mais durable loin des grandes villes
Entre 2008 et 2009, le PIB français a baissé de 2,5% (en valeur) avant de progresser de 2,7% entre
2009 et 2010.1 Cette évolution d’ensemble masque toutefois des disparités importantes entre les
régions françaises.
1
Les données pour l’année 2011 sont encore provisoires et susceptibles d’être modifiées de façon significative.
13
FRANCE
Evolution du PIB en volume entre 2008 - 2009 et 2009-2010
Seules quatre régions (l’Île-de-France, PACA, Aquitaine et Corse) voient leur PIB croître durant
cette période, dépassant ainsi leur niveau de 2007. L’Ile-de-France se caractérise toutefois par un
choc significatif en début de période suivi d’un rebond entre 2009 et 2010. Ce schéma s’observe
également en Haute-Normandie, Rhône Alpes et Franche-Comté, les seules régions industrielles
qui paraissent en capacité de rebondir, au prix néanmoins d’une baisse significative de l’emploi
sur la période de référence.
Aquitaine et PACA connaissent pour leur part une évolution plus lisse tout en connaissant un
léger gain en emplois sur la période considérée.
On retrouve également l’impact de la crise sur la diagonale allant de la frontière avec la Belgique
et l’Allemagne jusqu’à la côte charentaise: Lorraine, Champagne-Ardenne, Bourgogne, Centre,
Limousin, Auvergne, Poitou-Charentes. Il s’agit souvent de régions industrielles mais pas
uniquement. Elles ont par contre un point commun: l’absence de métropole.
L’arc atlantique est globalement moins affecté, à l’exception de la Bretagne qui se caractérise
par une stabilité de l’emploi global mais un recul significatif du PIB (et donc du PIB par emploi). Il
s’agit donc d’une région fragilisée par la crise avec des disparités territoriales croissantes en
termes de dynamisme économique.
La note a été préparée par la DATAR
14
GERMANY
The economic crisis and recovery in German regions
Looking merely at GDP, the economic crisis in Germany accounted for a decrease from 2008 to
2009 by EUR 100 billion, but from 2009 to 2010, the German economy expanded again by EUR 121
billion. This could be interpreted as a complete recovery. But it would be wrong to conclude that
only one year of economic growth was lost.
For example, the percentage of public debts according to the Maastricht criteria rose from 66.8 %
(2008) to 74.5 % (2009) and climbed again to 82.4 % in 2010. Thus, the implications are visible in
other fields of action.
Recovery of economic performance, 2008 to 2010
Reaction to the crisis –
fragmented regional pattern.
a
As the look on only one indicator
does not tell the whole story, the
regional perspective – here the
level of the counties and cities – is
equally
important,
because
aggregated data cannot explain
everything either.
The glance on data for small spatial
units reveals a picture of Germany
which does not provide typical
maps with East-West, North-South
or urban-rural disparities. On the
contrary, it is a patchwork with
only a few familiar observations,
such as the positive situation in
large parts of Bavaria.
Source: Federal Institute for Research on Building, Urban Affairs and Spatial
Development and Federal Statistical Office
Different degrees of economic recovery in regions
¾ On the one hand, some 12 % of Germany’s counties and cities (i.e. the NUTS 3-level
according to EU criteria) did not see at all any negative development between 2008 and
2009 as well as between 2009 and 2010. The group is quite heterogeneous, as it includes
rather peripheral areas, Berlin or attractive smaller cities like Bonn or Freiburg. Landkreis
München, i.e. the suburban county of the city of Munich, with a sound economic structure
and a GDP of EUR 110 000 per employee in 2008, but also Eisenach with a much weaker
performance (merely a GDP per employee of EUR 36 000 in the same year) belong to this
group.
¾ On the other hand, 6 % of the counties and cities face a continuous fall of GDP in all the
three years. Also in this class, no connecting criteria can be detected, for instance that only
peripheral administrative units or counties and cities of East Germany belong to this group.
E.g. Starnberg, one of the counties with the highest income per capita in Germany and also
Mecklenburgische Seenplatte with one of the highest unemployment rates belong to this
15
GERMANY
class.
¾ In between these two extremes, there are many counties and cities with different degrees
of economic recovery. This can be measured by comparing GDP in 2010 with the value in
2008 to see to which extent the decrease in GDP between 2008 and 2009 was
compensated in the following year. This compensation ranges from some 90 % in Börde in
Saxony-Anhalt and the city of Münster in Northrhine Westfalia, again two structurally
completely different areas, up to 133 % in Pfaffenhofen an der Ilm in Bavaria.
Automotive regions again strong
As the financial crisis was a global phenomenon, it can be hypothesized that the export quota of
industry might affect the regional economic performance during the crisis – but there is no
correlation between the decrease of GDP from 2008 to 2009 and the export quota in industry.
However, places with large automotive plants seem to be fast recovering. By considering the seven
counties with the best relation of GDP 2010 to GDP 2008, five of them have a high importance in
automotive industries. Apart from global demand for German cars, the introduced car premium
for old vehicles as an incentive to buy a new car seems to have contributed to this development.
This incentive was designed in a federal program and was part of the economic stimulus package
in 2009 with an overall budget of EUR 50 billion to overcome the financial crisis.
This note was prepared by the Federal Institute for Research on Building, Urban Affairs and Spatial
Development within the Federal Office for Building and Regional Planning together with the
Federal Ministry of Economics and Technology and the Federal Statistical Office.
www.bbsr.bund.de
www.destatis.de
16
www.bmwi.de
GREECE
The regional impact of the crisis in Greece
Debt crisis and the fiscal policy program have serious consequences for the Greek economy and society.
The Greek economy is in recession for six consecutive years and the country's GDP has contracted
cumulatively by about 25% with a tremendous impact on the economic prosperity and living standards of
the country and its regions. The decrease is due to the reduction of consumption and investment.
Regional GDP and Unemployment rate: a similar regional pattern of the crisis
One of the main effects of the current Great Recession is the high and persistent unemployment rates.
Regional unemployment impacts on the under-utilization of regional workforce and the social exclusion of
unemployed.
In 2012, the level of unemployment in Greece reached 24.2% of the workforce (27.3% Sept 2013) whereas
youth unemployment exceeded 60% in the second quarter of 2013. The unemployment rates in Greece
are 2.5 times higher than the EU27 average with a steady increase throughout the study period. Regional
unemployment follows the national trend. However, there are differences in unemployment trends across
regions.
Dytiki Makedonia has been the region with the highest unemployment rate (29.9%) followed by Sterea
Ellada (27.8%), Kentriki Makedonia (26.0%), Dytiki Ellada (25.5%) and Attiki (25.3%) with rates above the
country average. Islands Regions show the lowest unemployment rates mainly due to tourism activity Ionian Islands (14.7%), Notio Aigaio (15.1%) and Voreio Aigaio (21.2%).
GDR growth rates
Euro per inhabitant in 2005 constant prices
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
EU27 EU27
EL
Greece
-0,2
-0,2
-4,7
-3,7
1,9
-5,4
1,9
-6,6
-0,9
-6,9
2008-12
-1,9
-20,8
Source: Eurostat
The prolonged recession of the Greek
economy, for more than five consecutive
years, concerns all regions. Cumulatively,
Greece has lost 20.8% of its GDP per
capita during the years 2008-2012 (-4%
forecast 2013). Examining regional data
before 2010, because of unavailable
recent data, the most vulnerable regions
during the period 2008-2010 were Ionia
Nisia with a loss in GDP of -14.8%,
Thessalia (-11.8%) , Voreio Aigaio (-11.2%)
and Kentriki Makedonia (-10.9%).
Composite indicator: a comprehensive picture of the impact of the economic crisis on Greek regions
The composite indicator could provide a more comprehensive picture than merely portraying the impact
of economic crisis on the Greek regions through GDP and unemployment rate.1
At NUTS II geographical level, the most affected by the crisis are the regions of Attiki, Dytiki Makedonia
and Anatoliki Makedonia and Thraki. The most resilient regions are Notio Aigaio, Ipeiros, Dytiki Ellada and
Kriti.
1
This indicator includes variables that reflect the socio-economic, demographic and welfare changes in the Greek regions before
and after the economic crisis. Variables that are included in the analysis are population density, employment rate, exports per
capita, non-residential energy consumption per capita, volume of new constructions per capita, nights spend for foreign tourists
per capita, nights spent for domestic tourism per capita, per capita savings, per capita residential energy consumption, per capita
new car sales. Estimations yield significant results for the Greek regions (NUTS II) and Nomoi (NUTS III) geographical areas in the
country.
17
GREECE
Mapping regional impact of the economic crisis: an analysis with a composite index
Red = more vulnerable, Blue = more resilient
Results indicate that the impact of the economic crisis on the Greek regions is asymmetrical. Continental
regions are more vulnerable to recessionary shocks (metropolitan areas Athens, Thessaloniki and
Continental Greece). Certain islands are more resistant to the crisis (Cyclades and South Aegean Islands,
Crete). Northern and Central Greece seem to be more vulnerable to crisis. North-Western, Western
Greece and certain islands seem more resilient. These results could be considered as preliminary with
more and recent data needed to strengthen the analysis of the crisis’ impact.
This note was prepared by the Ministry of Development and Competitiveness based on a Study
Commissioned to Panteion University, Athens, Greece,
[email protected] www.evm.dk
18
ITALY
The impact of the economic crisis in Italy
In Italy the recession has been longer and deeper than in most other EU countries and has affected
regions and territories in different and long-lasting ways. Last year’s output was almost 7
percentage points less than in 2007. On an average, over 2007-2012, Italy’s GDP in real terms
decreased by 1.4% versus the slight 0.2% contraction recorded for EU27. The crisis resulted in a
contraction of domestic demand, particularly strong for gross fixed capital formation. The main
positive contribution to growth instead stemmed from net foreign demand.
Italy and EU27 by main economic and social variables – 2007-2012 average annual variation (%)
Source: DPS on Eurostat data
Public Investment in General Government expenditure
Source: DPS UVAL - Regional Public Accounts database
19
ITALY
Over the same period, also due to increasingly critical labour market perspectives, the number of
poor persons rose, with an average 3.7 percent annual increase in Italy’s at-risk-of-poverty or
social exclusion rate, against 0.8 per cent in EU.1 Signs are now that the contraction is drawing to a
close.
1
Persons at risk of poverty or social exclusion (Europe 2020 indicator) are those persons living in households at risk of
poverty after transfers, experiencing severe material deprivation or living in households with very low work intensity.
Differentiated impact of the economic crisis on Italy’s territories
Over 2007-2012, Italy’s employment rate decreased by overall 1.9 percentage points, whilst the
national unemployment rate increased by 4.6 percentage points. The phenomenon turned out to
be more critical in consideration of the youth unemployment rate (15-24 years), which increased
by 15 percentage points over five years, passing from 20.3 per cent to 35.3 per cent.
2
Between 2008 and 2012 Italy’s number of total employed decreased by 506 thousand units (of which 301 thousand
units in lagging-behind Mezzogiorno Regions).
Employment rate aged 15-64 in Italy’s Provinces: 2007-2012
average annual variation (percentage points)
A map of the crisis effects on Italy’s
production system stems from the
percentage points variation in
Provinces’ employment rates over
2007-2012.2 The situation strongly
varies across Italy’s territories,
traditionally characterised by different
levels
of
human
resources
employment. As a matter of fact,
some territories were strongly
impacted by the economic crisis,
whilst others proved relatively sound
– even within the same Region – thus
confirming the response to recession
is strongly diversified and also linked
to the different contexts and diverse
sectoral specialisations involved.
2
Source: DPS on Istat data. For Sardinia, variations start from 2008
onwards
Between 2008 and 2012 Italy’s number of
total employed decreased by 506 thousand
units (of which 301 thousand units in laggingbehind Mezzogiorno Regions).
Over 2007-2012, enterprises’ growth rate showed a decrease dynamic across the country (with the
exception of the 2010 slight recovery).3 As a matter of fact, in 2012 the national rate was 0.31
percent, versus 0.82 percent in 2011 and 1.19 percent in 2010. In spite of the insufficient domestic
demand, over such difficult years several enterprises – notably export-oriented medium-sized
enterprises – nevertheless managed to improve and strengthen their position.
3
Source: Unioncamere. The growth rate results from the ratio between the registrations and cancellations identified in
the related period and the stock of enterprises registered at the beginning of such period. The Register of Enterprises
may also include registered enterprises which are not operational yet and/or failed enterprises which have not been
removed/deleted yet. As such, the registrations/cancellations do not coincide with data on business demography, but
should instead be considered as a proxy thereof.
20
ITALY
Exports
Exported goods, in current values, have supported Italy’s economy through the economic crisis.
The increasingly weaker domestic demand was offset by slightly lively foreign demand, which, in
spite of the international crisis, recorded a significant fall throughout the country only in 2009.
Over 2007-2012, the export trend was rather dynamic, yet not homogeneous across territories.
In particular, Central Italy recorded a rather lively dynamic, and good performances were attained
by some Tyrrhenian Provinces. Conversely, inland and main Adriatic Provinces experienced export
decline, with the exception of nearly all of Apulia Provinces. The rest of the Country recorded a
more heterogeneous trend. Conversely, the trend of Italy’s two main islands was notably affected
by the sale of refined oil products.
Provinces’ export net of oil products: 2007-2012 average annual variation (percentages)
Souce: DPS on Coeweb - Istat data
This note was prepared by the Department for Development and Economic Cohesion of the
Ministry of Economic Development, in collaboration with the National Statistical Office (ISTAT)
www.dps.tesoro.it
www.istat.it
21
JAPAN
Japan: Low fertility and long term demographic trends in regions
Fertility rates are low in metropolitan areas compared to non-metropolitan area
Low fertility is a central issue of territorial development policy in the next years in Japan. Demographic
trends in Japan are characterised by the extremely low fertility rate of 1.41 in 2012 (Tokyo metropolitan
area: 1.25, Nagoya metropolitan area: 1.46, Osaka metropolitan area: 1.32, Non-metropolitan areas:1.50),
as well as a large share of elderly population: 23% in 2010.
During 1965-2000 the fertility rate (TFR) was
decreasing in all regions, while slightly
increasing since 2005. The fertility rate of Tokyo
metropolitan area and of Osaka metropolitan
area, which are composed only of the
prefectures classified as predominantly urban
regions, are lower than the national average,
while those of the Nagoya metropolitan area
and of non-metropolitan areas exceed national
average.
Fertility rates of the three metropolitan areas and nonmetropolitan area
National average
Tokyo metropolitan area
Nagoya metropolitan area
Osaka metropolitan area
Non-metropolitan areas
2.4
2.2
2.0
1.8
1.6
1.4
1.2
2012
2011
2010
2009
2008
2007
2006
2005
2004
2003
2002
2000
1995
1990
1985
1980
1975
1970
1965
1960
1.0
Source: MLIT based on “Vital statistics “by Ministry of Health, labour
and welfare
The case of Tokyo prefecture: fertility rates
In Japan, 418 islands within the
archipelago are inhabited and 13
belong to Tokyo prefecture. TFR of
those islands is significantly higher
than those of 23 wards located in
the mainland. Amongst the 23
wards, TFR of the centrally located
three wards are rising slightly as
well.
Source: Tokyo prefecture
Share of vacant houses
Vacant houses are increasing
In 2008, amongst all the housings of 58 million, unused housings
amount to 7.5 million, equivalent to 13.1%.
The number of vacant housings has been increasing since the
1960s and the share reached more than 10 % in all the prefectures,
from 20.3% in Yamanashi prefecture (predominantly rural) to
10.3% in Okinawa prefecture (Intermediate).
Source : Statistics Bureau ”Housing and land
statistics “(2008)
22
JAPAN
Population increases are limited to Tokyo and
Nagoya
Demographic projections 2050/2005
In 2050 compared to 2005, less than 2% of the 180
thousands 1km grid of population, will see growth
of population, most of which are located in Tokyo
metropolitan area or Nagoya metropolitan area. In
more than 60% of the inhabited grid squares,
population will decrease by half or more.
Population growth
is limited to the
areas in red
Ageing in metropolitan areas and non-metropolitan areas
All regions have been experiencing decrease of young and working age generations and increase of aged
population. Aged population is however projected to peak first in non- metropolitan area at around 2030,
2040 in Osaka and Nagoya metropolitan areas and 2050 in Tokyo metropolitan area.
Population projection by age group
Age groups ■0-14 ■ 15-64 ■ 65＋
Source: 2010-2040:National Institute of Population and Social Security Research(IPSS). 2050: Preliminary projection by MLIT
23
JAPAN
Female workforce participation
The total fertility rate remains relatively high in non-metropolitan areas and low in metropolitan area. The
share of female workforce population is low in Tokyo and Osaka metropolitan areas, and high in nonmetropolitan, predominantly rural (PR) and intermediate (IN) regions, many of which overlap the nonmetropolitan prefectures of relatively high fertility rates. Relatively shorter commuting time in PR and IN
prefectures may partly explain the higher workforce participation among women, compared to urban
regions.
Total fertility rate
Share of workforce population : Female 15-64 years old
Commuting time and female participation in the workforce
■Tokyo metro area
■Nagoya Metro area
■Osaka metro area
■Non-metro area
Average
daily
commuting time
for female full
time employed
Share of workforce population: Female 15-64 years old
Source: Statistics bureau (2010) “Population census” "Survey on Time Use and Leisure Activities (2011)
Note: Definition of metropolitan areas:
Tokyo Metropolitan area: Tokyo (PU),Saitama (PU), Kanagawa (PU) and Chiba (PU)
Nagoya Metropolitan area: Gifu (IN),Aichi (PU) and Mie (IN)
Osaka Metropolitan area: Kyoto (PU), Osaka (PU), Hyogo (PU) and Nara (PU)
Non-Metropolitan areas: prefectures outside the above-mentioned metropolitan areas.
This note was prepared for an expert group meeting launched in October 28th 2013, to discuss a Territorial
Grand Design toward 2050 by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and tourism, MLIT
24
LUXEMBOURG
The economic crisis in Luxembourg
Preliminary remark: Given the small size of the country, an analysis of the impact of the economic crises at
the local or regional level is not indicated for Luxembourg.
Total employment and unemployment rate, 2005-2012
2005
Domestic
employment
Unemployment
rate
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
307.8
318.8
333.0
348.8
352.2
359.7
370.1
378.6
4.1
4.2
4.2
4.2
5.4
5.8
5.6
6.1
Since November 2008, the economic
crisis had an impact on the labour market
of Luxembourg. From that moment on
the domestic employment started to slow
down after a long period of high
economic growth.
Population and GDP growth
Despite this fact, the population growth continues to be very high. The graph below shows that the
population growth is more related to the increased economic difference in the absolute growth of GDP
between the immigrants’ countries of origin and Luxembourg. Even with the declining of the GDP and the
impact of the crises, in Luxembourg the situation is still relatively better than in other European countries
and particularly better than in the southern countries.
Total population and GDP growth, 2002-2012
Source: STATEC
The number of immigrants in Luxembourg continues to grow since 2008.
Years
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Immigrants
14,397
14,352
16,675
17,758
15,751
16,962
20,268
20,478
25
LUXEMBOURG
Local labour markets
Between 2006 and 2011 the unemployment level at national level was significantly increasing from 5.09%
of the active population to 7.02%, which means a nearly 2 percentage point higher unemployment. In
absolute terms this represents 5,862 unemployed persons, for an active population that increased during
the same period of 27,861 individuals (Statec, 2012).
At local level, there is concern that
the crisis has as consequence for
an increase of regional disparities
regarding employment (see map
below). Those municipalities that
were
most
affected
by
unemployment in 2006 are the
same, where the unemployment
was increasing most over the five
last years. In general terms the
southern part of Luxembourg and
the urban areas are the most
affected by this development
Unemployment rate change 2006 and 2011
In times of economic crisis and rising unemployment the tolerance between local population and
foreigners is sometimes under pressure, especially when jobs are disappearing and social policies are
threatened by the burdens they place on the state budget and, consequently on the taxpayers. For several
decades the in other countries positively considered integration of foreign populations in Luxembourg is
relying on a strong economic performance. This growth has largely contributed to facilitate cohabitation
by providing good living conditions for everybody in the country. But if the country's economic growth,
which has largely slowed down since the global financial crisis of 2008, is not able gain new momentum
and the labor market does not change to the benefit of the employees, social tensions could return as this
has happened in previous times.
This note was prepared by the Ministère du Développement durable et des Infrastructures
Département de l’aménagement du territoire
26
MEXICO
Measuring the 2008 global crisis in Mexico
The indicators give us a frame of reference as to where we are and the path is set to follow in relation to
the goals and objectives, likewise we help evaluate and measure impact of what was done during a period.
In this sense, we show two indicators: labour productivity and remittances, which can help us understand
the impact of the global crisis on the economy of Mexico regions.
Labour productivity contracted sharply in 2009 but recovered in 2011
The effects of the global economic crisis in 2008 in Mexico may be identifiable in different economic
indicators, one of these and that is of importance is labor productivity, since in its calculation incorporates
two traditional sources of economic growth: capital and labour.
Note that in OECD countries the contraction of the economy was 6.6% in 2009 and 4.7% in Mexico. In this
context, the Labor Productivity indicator reflected the global economic and Mexico downturn, contracting
6.3% in the first quarter of 2009, while the rate of GDP fell by 5.3% and the Working Hours in one percent,
all in the same period.
The economic downturn in the United States, who accounted for 80.5% of exports in 2009 hit this
indicator, contracting 21% in this period, which in turn into production, and to a lesser extent in hours
worked, as referred above.
The measurement of labour productivity is a major area of opportunity to improve our economy by
focusing actions to improve productivity in the different sectors.
In this context, the Federal Government set up in 2013 the National Productivity Committee, which seeks
to improve the capacity of Mexican finance growth with the help of workers, academia, trade unions and
employers.
Labour productivity index
27
MEXICO
The decline in remittances to Mexico affected negatively the school attendance in rural regions
The decline in remittances to Mexico, as a result of the economic crisis of 2008, had as one of its effects in
the short term the increase in child labour and the decrease of school attendance in (TL3) many regions.
This effect is significantly higher in predominantly rural regions than in urban regions.
In this case, socio-demographic statistics represents better the impact of the recession, recovery and
growth in TL3 regions and predominantly rural regions than financial or economic statistics.
This estimation focuses only on short-term direct effects of remittances on the decisions of households
and not the longer-term overall effect that migration could have on this election
Public policies that address the above effects must be generated, since 36% of the population is located in
predominantly rural regions.
Annual change of remittances and variation of young population attending school
This note was prepared by the Instituto Nacional de Estadistica y Geografia (INEGI)
www.inegi.org.mx
28
NORWAY
Regional labour markets and industrial dynamics in Norway
Compared to previous periods of economic slowdown during the last quarter of a century the current
economic slowdown so far had only moderate impacts on Norwegian economy and labour market.
Regional impacts also seem much less distinct than for instance during the deeper downturn of the first
half of the 1990s. Contrary to the general European experience there have been no austerity policies. The
Government countered the emerging slowdown by increased public sector consumption particularly from
2008 to 2009, matching a slight fall in private household consumption. A moderately expansive financial
policy also characterized the years after 2009.
The labour market
Employment growth seems to continue throughout the downturn but the labour force grows even more,
implying a slower fall or even a moderate growth in unemployment rates.
Labour market recovery from 2005 (the peak year of the former economic slowdown) until 2012 was most
marked in the three northernmost counties, in the two mid-Norway counties, the north-western county of
Møre og Romsdal, and the two western counties, all predominantly rural or intermediate regions. But
even the region of the capital city of Oslo saw a marked positive change. There seem to be no clear urbanrural pattern according to the OECD typology.
The moderate unemployment growth in the period 2008 – 2012 seems to have affected more the
predominantly rural and intermediate regions of the south-eastern counties of Østfold, Vestfold and
Telemark, together with the two southernmost counties.
Coefficients of variation in the employment rates by
age groups; Norway, 2005-2012
There was a very slight fall in employment rates
during the on-going slowdown for the age group 2539, and a more pronounced fall for the youngest
age group (20-24) – to below the level of the peak
year of the previous slowdown. Regional variation
in employment rates increased moderately after
2008, and again most pronounced for the youngest.
The decline in employment rates is partly due to
exceptionally high population growth in the period,
affecting all counties although to different degrees.
The maps indicate, respectively, the
employment rate in 2012 and the annual
change in employment from 2007 to 2012
for the 20-24 years old, the age group most
affected by the current economic situation.
Dark blue indicates the lowest employment
rate and the largest decline. The
northernmost county of Finnmark (rural with
very low population density and small urban
settlements) is among the counties with the
highest level of employment and the least
decline in employment rates in this age
group.
29
NORWAY
Net domestic migration
The centre-periphery dimension of net domestic migration is sensitive to business cycle change; periods of
slowdown (like the first half of the 1990s, the period from around 2000 to 2004/2005, and for a couple of
years following the commencement of the current downturn from around 2008) display a somewhat less
centralized net migration pattern than the long-term trend when measured at municipality level, the
municipalities classified according to their degree of centrality.
The impact of the present downturn seems far less pronounced than it was the case in the first half of the
1990s, and less enduring than in the last downturn.
At county level (OECD TL3 regions) the picture is less clear. Regional disparities in domestic net migration
rates are most pronounced for the age group 20-29, those who are entering the labour market, but
disparities seem to be narrowing in the period following the peak of the former economic downturn and
levelling out again from the start of the current downturn. After 2010 the disparities seem again to
increase slowly. Regional disparities increased for the age-group 16-19 during the first two years of the
current downturn (2008-2010), but soon fall back to their former level.
Net domestic migration (per 1 000 people) for the age group
20-29 in the 19 Norwegian counties, 2004-2012
In the period 2004-2012, the capital county of
Oslo, as well as the other three counties
containing large cities, displayed a high net inmigration for the age group 20-29. However,
the neighbouring county of Akershus
(containing a large share of the Oslo urban
settlement) and the nearby county of Vestfold
loose population in this age-group. All
predominantly rural counties display negative
net migration rates in this age-group,
particularly the North-Western counties and
other counties with a relatively rural and smallscale settlement pattern. This regional netmigration pattern seems more pronounced
after 2010 following a couple of years with a
somewhat less centralizing path. The
exceptions are the two northernmost counties
(PR) and the counties of Østfold and Buskerud
(PR), which are neighboring to the capital
county.
The age-groups 16-19 and 30-39 are marked by lower regional disparities in domestic net migration rates,
the youngest however displaying a similar regional pattern to the age-group 20-29, with high in-migration
rates to Oslo (PR) and Sør-Trøndelag (IN), both counties with nationally important higher educational
institutions. This age-group even seems to experience an immediate migration push during the years
2008-2010.The oldest age-group (30-39) deviates from the other age groups, by displaying a net migration
flow towards Oslo’s neighbouring county Akershus (IN)), a pattern which increases steadily from 2004 with
a peak in 2012.
Acknowledging the “normal” cyclical regional pattern of net-migration over the last three decades, the
observed changes in net-migration rates at TL3 level during the last 5 years cannot be directly attributed
to national and regional economic situation following the financial crisis.
30
NORWAY
Industrial dynamics
In periods of business-cycle slowdown several industrial dynamic changes are expected to take place, for
instance a reduced number of new firm establishments and/or an increased number of firm closures. In
Norway all counties (OECD TL3 regions) experienced a marked fall in the net growth-rates of firms only in
the very early phase of the downturn, from 2006 to 2007, most pronounced in the capital region and its
neighbouring county of Akershus (IN). Also three other IN-counties were among the six counties with the
fastest falling net growth-rates of firms. The sixth county, Vest-Agder (PR), includes the city of Kristiansand
and is the neighbour of Rogaland (IN), the latter including the larger city of Stavanger.
All the six counties with the largest decline in net firm growth-rates in the period are including or located
close to one of the four largest cities. They were also – together with Rogaland - the counties with the
highest net firm growth-rates in 2006. Except Rogaland, the “petroleum capital” of Norway, all counties
displayed negative net firm growth-rates in 2007 and low or zero/negative (Oslo and four PR-counties)
rates even in 2008 (with the exception of Vest-Agder).
However, the net firm growth-rates resumed an increasing trend and in 2010 most counties had reached
growth-rates equal to or higher than those displayed in 2006 (with the northernmost county of Finnmark
as the most prominent of the three exceptions). Regional variation in net firm growth-rates were
significantly lower in the years 2007-2009 than in the years 2006 and 2010 (measured as standard
deviation), reflecting a more level (less centralizing) urban-rural pattern of net firm change rates during
the economic slow-down years.
Per cent of firms established in 2004, 2007 and 2010 still existing three
years later, by county
With a few exceptions, 3-years
survival rates of firms seem to be
higher for firms “born” in 2007
(the year with generally negative
net firm growth-rates) than in
2005 (the peak year of the former
slow-down). The exceptions seem
to be the three most sparsely
populated counties. Firms “born”
in 2010 display higher or almost
equal average survival rates
compared to firms “born” in 2007,
with only few exceptions. Regional
variation
in
survival
rates
(coefficient of variation) is
significantly lower for firms “born”
in 2007 than for firms “born” in
2005, but increasing slightly from
the “birth-year” 2007 to the “birthyear” 2009.
This note was prepared by the Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research
www.nibr.no/en
31
POLAND
The territorial impact of the economic crisis in Poland
In the period 2004-2008, until the surfacing of the global economic crisis, Poland, like most of the new EU
member states, experienced high economic growth, with the average annual GDP growth amounting to
5.4% (as against 2.4 % in the EU). In 2009, Poland was the only EU country to avoid recession (with the
GDP growth of 1.6 %, while in the economy of the EU-27 contracted by 4.5%). However, the adverse
external conditions affected the Polish economy, leading to significant slowdown in the rate of growth –
which was particularly evident in 2012, with the GDP growth amounting to 1.9%. Therefore, average
annual rate of GDP growth in the period 2009-2012 slowed down to 2.9% (while the EU as a whole was in
recession with the average annual GPD growth amounting to -0,3%).
As a result of these divergent growth paths in Poland on one hand and in the EU on the other, there has
been an acceleration of the convergence process towards the EU average in terms GDP per capita. In 2012
the GDP per capita in Poland reached 66% of the EU-27 average, indicating an improvement by 14
percentage points compared to the year 2007 and signifying the most pronounced progress in this field
among the new member states of the EU.
However, due to severe economic turbulences in Europe and in the world, the macroeconomic situation in
Poland was in a number of dimensions worse the in the pre-crisis year 2007, as evidenced by the data on:
GDP growth, unemployment rate, inflation, and general government balance. In 2012 the number of
employed in the national economy increased mere 0.2 % per year (while in 2011 it grew by 0.6%). Total
unemployment rate remained lower than the EU average, but the youth unemployment (15-24 years)
increased to 26.5%, and remained significantly higher that the EU average. Investment rate fell from 21 %
the of GDP in the years 2007-2009 to 19.4 % in 2012. Economic forecasts point out that in the coming
years Poland will not return on the path of high growth observed in the period 2006-2008 .
In all regions, investment has descreased
At the level of (OECD TL2) regions, the process of real convergence towards the EU average was observed
in all voivodeships, though it was slow in the less developed regions of a country. Five provinces of Eastern
Poland remained in the group of 20 NUTS 2 regions with the lowest GDP per capita in the EU –with the
GDP per capita ranging from 42% of the EU average in Lubelskie voivodeship to 47 % in świetokrzyskie
voivodeship.
It should be underlined that adverse effects of the economic crisis were felt in all regions, particularly from
the year 2010, leading to declining investment activity, low supply of new job openings, decrease in own
revenues of territorial self-government units, higher number of companies going bankrupt (especially
small firms and construction companies), as well as growing delays in payment of wages and salaries. This
was particularly evident in regions characterized by lower investment attractiveness. In 2010 investment
rates in large and economically strong regions (sląskie, mazowieckie, dolnosląskie and wielkopolskie
voivodeships) were not only lower than the national average, but also below those recorded in 2007. Quite
the opposite situation was observed in case of smaller regions (including those in Eastern Poland).
These developments may reflect growing problems of metropolitan areas with financing their
development needs. Long-term unemployment (over one year) was the most widespread in the regions of
Eastern Poland. A number of voivodeships singled out the growth in unemployment rate (including longterm and youth unemployment) as the most serious problem of socio -economic development in the
region. They also pointed out to sizeable intraregional differentiation in this regard. High unemployment
constitutes the most common cause of poverty – in general in poviats (equivalent to NUTS 4 level) with
high and persistent unemployment high proportion of people relies on social assistance.
32
POLAND
Regional GDP per capita compared to national average
In the years 2005-2010 the highest growth in
the GDP per capita was observed in NUTS 3
units characterized by high level of economic
development, including major cities and their
metropolitan areas (Warsaw, Wroclaw, Lodz )
and in highly industrialized sub-regions
(legnicko-glogowski in dolnoslaskie, Tychy and
Gliwice in the slaskie voivodeship and płockociechanowski in mazowieckie voivodeship), as
presented on the map. It should be noted,
however, that in the crisis years of 2009 and
2010, only a very limited number of NUTS 3
units (subregions) witnessed the decrease in
their GDP.
Source: CSO
Compared to the situation in the European Union, Poland is not characterized by strong regional
differentiations. The indicator which measures differentiation in GDP per capita at the OECD TL2 regional
level, though slightly increasing, is significantly lower than its average value for the EU -27. At the subregional level (NUTS 3) the coefficient of dispersion is above the EU average and is also slightly growing - as
in the majority of the EU countries. It should be underlined that the diversification has been mitigated by
the beneficial impact of the EU Cohesion Policy’s instruments.
GDP per capita in small regions (OECD TL3) in 2010 (as a % of Poland=100)
350
max
m. Warszawa
min
average
300
250
200
m. Poznań
legnicko-głogowski
m. Kraków
150
trójmiejski
tyski
m. Łódź
m. Szczecin
bydgosko-toruński
100
50
lubelski gorzowski
zielonogórski
wałbrzyski
radomski
grudziądzki
sieradzki
nowosądecki
puławski
opolski
nyski
rzeszowskibiałostocki
łomżyński
przemyski
kielecki olsztyński
gdański
bytomski
sandomiersko
ełcki
-jędrzejowsk
pilski
stargardzki
0
Source: Elaborations based on CSO data
In 2010 the GDP per capita at the NUTS 3 level ranged from 53,2% of the national average in the Przemysl
subregion (podkarpackie voivodeship) to 301.1 % in Warsaw; indicating the differentiation of 1:6. There
are also significant intra-regional differentiations observed in voivodeships in which large urban centers
are located – most of all in mazowieckie (1:4 relationship between Radom subregion and Warsaw
subregion), wielkopolskie (1:2.5 ratio between Pila and Poznan subregions) as well as in dolnośląskie
voivodeship ( 1:2.5 ratio between the Wałbrzych and Legnica-Głogów subregions). The differences have
widened due to lower rate of growth in less developed regions, however it should be noted that EU
Cohesion Policy slows down the process.
33
POLAND
Urban areas and large cities are better off in terms of income, education and health
The study carried out in Poland by UNDP on the level of socio-economic development of voivodeships
(NUTS 2) and powiats (equivalent to NUTS 4 level) based on the methodology used to calculate the Human
Development Index (HDI), which took into account essential elements of human existence such as health,
knowledge and level of wealth, revealed that the highest level of human development was observed in
large cities, metropolises and their metropolitan areas, while the lowest one was identified in the districts
with a dominant share of the rural population and with a large share of agricultural employment.
However, significant improvement in the values of the HDI was observed in the period 2007-2010 also in
the peripheral areas of territorial units of the economically less developed regions (podkarpackie and
podlaskie in Eastern Poland, malopolskie in the south as well as lubuskie in the west of the country).
This note was prepared by the Department of Structural Policy Coordination of the Ministry of Regional
Development
34
PORTUGAL
Two long-lasting faces of economic crisis in Portugal: (under)investment and
(un)employment
Why is this crisis different?
Main macroeconomic indicators
Among the macroeconomic indicators there are
two that present a severe evolution, notably
facing the previous crisis:
• Investment (Gross Fixed Capital Formation)
with a significant (and persistent) negative
contribution to GDP;
•
Unemployment, with a significant and
persistent increase.
Data source: Statistics Portugal (INE)
Business investment
Investment Shortage
•
Across all institutional sectors (public administration, firms and households).
•
After 2008 a relevant decrease in investment in equipment that accumulates with the
negative contribution from investment in construction that started in 2002.
•
Constraints the immediate growth but, in particular, the ability to grow in the future
(not improving the production capacities).
•
With a complex set of foundations, from uncertainty in the global markets (very low
levels of national and international confidence) to the funding problems (credit
market for private investment and fiscal framework for public investment).
Variation of investment rate (2005-07 vs. 200911)
Investment rate (as GDP share) in Portuguese regions, 2005-07 and 2009-10 and
evolution of Investment rate in Portugal, OECD and EU27, 2005-2012
Data source: INE, Business statistics
Municipal investment Variation of
acquisition of capital goods in total
expenditure (2005-07 vs. 2009-11)
•
Across all regions, but with greater accuracy in Algarve and Madeira (construction and
real estate effect). Alentejo is an exception due to significant major private (FDI) and
public (major networks) investments;
•
Affected 21 out of the 30 regions NUTS III considering the business investment rate.
The NUTS III of Norte and Centro regions presented the worst performances in the
investment rate variation;
• Around half of Portuguese public investment is undertaken by subnational
governments (below OECD average).The decrease of investment by the municipalities
affected the majority of NUTS III regions and it is higher than the national decrease in
Lisboa and Algarve – these two regions concentrate 18% of national acquisition of
capital goods by the municipalities in 2009-11.
35
Data source: Directorate general for local
authoritie
PORTUGAL
Registered unemployment in Portuguese regions, 20082012
Underutilization of human capital
•
Substantial unemployment increase in all regions, with relevant
structural consequences: social exclusion and poverty; outmigration and decline in birth rate; downgrading of human
capital and loss of competences.
•
But regions ranking positions changed significantly: Alentejo
had the highest unemployment rate in 2008 but in 2012 the
tourist region of Algarve occupies the first position together
with Lisbon. These changes are closely related to regional
specialization of economic activities.
Unemployment rate in Portuguese regions, 2008-2012 and
Unemployment rate in Portugal, OECD total and EU 28, 20052012
Data source: Institute of Employment and Professional Training (IEFP)
•
Young adults (unemployment rate: PT 37,7% vs. OECD
16,2%, in 2012) and older workers are the most affected
groups. In youth unemployment Açores and Madeira
regions changed their ranking position from below to
above average.
• Young people aged 15-24 not in employment and not in
•
Building and manufacturing sectors are responsible for half of
the jobs lost. Together with wholesale and retail trade and
hotels and restaurants it accounts for 80% of job losses.
•
Long term unemployment rate has been rising accordingly
(especially among older workers (68% of aged 55+ workers are
long term unemployed, OECD 44%) particularly in the Norte and
Island regions).
•
Not only male unemployment rate exceeded the female rate
but also the number of male unemployed outweigh the female,
for the first time. Two thirds of the jobs lost between 2008 and
2012 were occupied by men.
36
any education and training (NEET) rates rose significantly
across all regions (Algarve excluded).
PORTUGAL
The reply from structural policy (related guidelines for the application of the EU 2014-2020 funds in
Portugal):
• Strengthening the support to private investment that contributes to change the Portuguese economy
profile towards: tradable sectors; high-tech and knowledge intensive sectors; and more innovative
products (including in “traditional” sectors). The regional smart specialization strategies play a decisive
role to concentrate the resources within a collective approach and to full exploit the potential growth of
the Portuguese regions.
• Continue to promote the integration of local public investment under intermunicipal strategic plans.
• Strengthening the support to active labour market policies, with a major focus on youth
unemployment (under the EU Youth Employment Initiative).
• The exploitation of territorial approaches as a decisive contribution to more effective public policies
(territory as a cross-cutting issue in programming 2014-2020 EU funds, across four thematic domains:
competitiveness and internationalization; social inclusion and employment; human capital; and
sustainability and resource efficiency).
This note was developed by the Portuguese delegation to the Working Party on Territorial Indicators to be
presented at the 2013 ministerial meeting of the OECD Territorial Development Policy Committee
www.observatorio.pt
www.ine.pt
37
SPAIN
The economic crisis in Spain
A regional approach
The assessment of the impact of the economic crisis on Spain should be taken into account, first of all the
GDP series since 2008, both at National level and its breakdown into the 17 Autonomous Communities
(ACs) in which Spain is territorially divided. Most national real GDP decline occurred in 2009 (-3.8% annual
change) and dropped in all ACs (percentages between -2.4% and -6.0 %).
However, it should be noted that in previous years there had been a significant increase of the national
GDP (in 2008 the national real GDP was +12.6 % higher than in 2004).
Between 2008 and 2012 GDP dropped in all 17 ACs being -1.28% the average decline. It was reduced more
than -2% in Castilla-la Mancha, Asturias and Valencia, and less than -1% in Baleares, Castilla Leon, País
Vasco, Madrid, Navarra and Canarias while the other ACs experienced GDP reductions in between.
In 2010 and 2011 the national real GDP remained almost stable with a slight decline in 2010 and a slight
increase in 2011. Looking to the regional GDP figures, ACs 2010 GDP rose in 4 ACs while it fell in 10 ACs
while it remained stable in 3 (percentages between +1.2% and -1.6%) while in 2011 the regional GDP
figures rose in 10 ACs and diminished in 5 while it remained stable in 2 (percentages between -0.9% and
1.7%).
Finally, in 2012 there was a decrease of -1.6% in national real GDP compared to 2011 and all the ACs GDP
dropped (percentages between -0.3% and -3.0%). However, it should be noted that despite this decline,
recent figures advanced by the NSI for the third quarter of 2013 indicate that recession has left after nine
quarters of a technical recession.
Regarding the impact of the economic crisis on regional GDP figures, despite some differences, in general
terms there is a common trend and most of the ACs are similarly affected.
GDP PER CAPITA (EUROS)
2008
2012
PAÍS VASCO
CASTILLA Y LEÓN
CATALUÑA
GALICIA
NAVARRA
LA RIOJA
CANTABRIA
ARAGÓN
CANARIAS
Total Nacional
ISLAS BALEARES
MADRID
EXTREMADURA
ASTURIAS
ANDALUCÍA
CEUTA
C. VALENCIANA
R. DE MURCIA
30.947
22.538
27.620
21.121
29.917
26.372
23.114
26.536
20.464
23.858
25.634
30.944
16.327
22.350
18.365
20.989
21.701
20.340
30.829
22.289
27.248
20.723
29.071
25.508
22.341
25.540
19.568
22.772
24.393
29.385
15.394
21.035
16.960
19.335
19.964
18.520
Var €
20122008
-118
-249
-372
-398
-846
-864
-773
-996
-896
-1.086
-1.241
-1.559
-933
-1.315
-1.405
-1.654
-1.737
-1.820
Var%
20122008
-0,4
-1,1
-1,3
-1,9
-2,8
-3,3
-3,3
-3,8
-4,4
-4,6
-4,8
-5,0
-5,7
-5,9
-7,7
-7,9
-8,0
-8,9
CASTILLA - LA MANCHA
19.495
17.698
-1.797
-9,2
3,4
MELILLA
19.479
16.981
-2.498
-12,8
0,1
% of national GDP
6,2
5,2
18,9
5,4
1,7
0,8
1,2
3,2
3,9
100,0
2,5
17,9
1,6
2,1
13,4
0,1
9,5
2,6
Organic Law 2/2012 on Budgetary Stability and Financial Sustainability
One of the consequences of the economic crisis has been the increase in the deficit and public
indebtedness. In September 2011 the amendment of article 135 of the Spanish Constitution provides a
38
SPAIN
balanced budget provision and a strict limit on the indebtedness that all levels of government may incur.
This has been implemented by Organic Law 2/2012 on Budgetary Stability and Financial Sustainability
(BSOL) that entered in force as of May 1st 2012.
This Law is an improvement on previously existing fiscal rules as it regulates the budget stability and debt
targets for all levels of government, their implementation and the consequences of non-compliance,
providing for preventive, corrective and enforcement mechanisms. It creates additional funding
mechanisms (Regional Liquidity Fund and Suppliers Payment Mechanism) to inject liquidity to the ACs and
Local Governments. These mechanisms have improved payments at the due date. This new regulation and
the fiscal effort carried out at all Government levels are allowing significant positive results in fiscal
consolidation. Thus, the deficit (in percentage of GDP) in the Autonomous Communities was reduced by
46% from 2011 to 2012 and the deviation from the budget stability target was reduced from 2.1 pp of GDP
in 2011 to 0.34 pp of GDP in 2012.
As an example of the saving effort carried out, it can be noted the data from the autonomous community
of Castilla-La Mancha, with a deficit of 8.11 % in 2011 and a deficit of 1.57% in 2012 (a decrease of over
80 %).
Local Governments
The economic crisis had an effect on the local governments own resources and difficulties in access to
borrowing, as well as on the increase in commercial debt with suppliers.
Taking national accounts data from 2007 (before the crisis) to 2012 (last published) revenues decreased by
3.6%, mainly due to the decline in capital revenues (-44.8%).
On the expenditure side, there was an 11% decline mainly due to the restrictive fiscal policy in the field of
investments, with capital expenditure decreasing by 58%:
As a consequence of this situation the central government designed instruments that have enabled greater
own resources (increase in the real estate tax), the design of a mechanism of payments to suppliers that
has involved the conversion of commercial debt in financial debt, which has favorably influenced the real
economy, and that has required approval by the local authorities of adjustment plans. This has enabled in
terms of national accounts, a surplus of local governments in 2012, compared to deficit in previous years:
% GDP
Lending(+)
Borrowing requirement (-)
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012(P)
-0.32
-0.50
-0.56
-0.68
-0.79
0.22
Source: Intervención General de la Administración del Estado
Conclusion
To sum up, despite the strong impact of the economic crisis on Spain, the economic figures start to show
that Spain is leaving this phase of recession. It should be also emphasized that this gradual improvement of
the economic situation is being done in a context of fiscal consolidation and public expenditure restriction.
This note was prepared by the DG Coordinación de Competencias con las Comunidades Autónomas y las
Entitades Locales of the Ministerio de la Hacienda y Administraciones Públicas
39
SWEDEN
Regional GDP trends in Sweden during the economic crisis
During the economic crisis in Sweden, GDP showed a decrease from 2008 to 2009 and an increase from
2009 to 2010. The increase between 2009 and 2010 was larger than the decrease between the previous
years. That could have been interpreted as a complete recovery. However, when the GDP development
trend is calculated for the period 2000 to 2008, it shows that the development during that period was
relatively steady around a positive increase (R2=0.99). When that trend is projected for 2008 to 2010, it
indicates that despite a recovery that was bigger than the decrease, Sweden is still lagging behind the
development it had before the economic crisis. This is exemplified in Figure 1.
GDP development in Sweden between 2000 to 2010 (current prices)
Source: Growth Analysis (Raps) and SCB
Since GDP doesn’t tell the whole truth it is important to remember that this picture is only valid from a
GDP perspective. For example, it should be mentioned that between 2008 and 2009 the public
expenditure rose 49.7 % to 53% 2009 as share of GDP.
Regional GDP recovery between 2008 and 2010 in Swedish NUTS 3 regions
When looking at data for the 21 Swedish NUTS 3 regions, it shows that there are only two regions that did
not have any decline in GDP at all during the period from 2008 to 2010. When looking at GDP per
employee there was four regions that did not experienced any decline at all. There were also three regions
that have not reached back to its 2008 level in 2010. 18 NUTS 3 regions that 2010 had passed their
respective GDP level for 2008. Among these 18 regions, there were only four who also matched or passed
their estimated GDP level. Estimated GDP levels for 2010 is based on their respectively GDP development
between 2000 and 2008.
Among the regions that had the best development based on GDP during the period between 2008 and
2010, there were mainly three regions that excelled in different ways from the others.
¾ Norrbotten County is a region where the industry has clear linkage to raw materials. In relative
terms this region had the strongest recovery rate 2010 compared to 2008. The region had also the
biggest decline 2009. Despite this decline Norrbotten also was the region that had the strongest
recovery compared to the estimated development trend. This fact also applies to GDP per
employee. Norrbotten was also one of two regions that 2010 not only reached the estimated
regional GDP level but passed it with about 5 percentages.
¾ The other two regions is Stockholm County, which is the metropolitan region in Sweden and
Östergötland County, which houses Swedens fourth largest urban population. These two regions
where the only ones who did not have any decline in regional GDP during the period between
2008 and 2010 at all. The only effect that is visible in Stockholm when looking at regional GDP is
40
SWEDEN
that the GDP development slows down significant to 2.3 percentages between 2008 and 2009
from a yearly average at approximately 5 percentages during 2000 to 2008. Östergötland
experienced a little more pronounced affect thus that the increase in regional GDP almost stopped
between 2008 and 2009 (0.2 percentage).
GDP recovery between 2008 and 2010
Source: Growth Analysis (Raps) and SCB
Pattern in regional GDP recovery between 2008 and 2010
There is no clear pattern in which regions that have managed to pass the worst effects by the economic
crisis best in short-term. For example, looking at the ten counties with the best ratio between regional
GDP value for 2010 and 2008, it does show that there are counties with high population density areas and
with a big industry diversification as well as counties with a small and scattered population with a
relatively large raw material industry dependency.
On the other hand, it should be noted that the geographical units used are quite large and this may affect
the results shown above. For example, the second largest urban area in Sweden (Gothenburg) is in a
region which covers high population density areas as well as rural areas that have lower population
densities.
This note was prepared by the Swedish Agency for Growth Policy Analysis
For further information, please contact Marcus Jernström [email protected]
41
SWITZERLAND
Socioeconomic developments during the economic crisis in Switzerland
This note shows the variation of three indicators in relation to the economy and society, covering the
period of the crisis: gross domestic product (GDP), net migration rate and unemployment rate.
Regional disparities in GDP
Between 2008 and 2009 a decrease of the GDP by -1.9 % (in constant prices) is observed for Switzerland.
At regional level (OECD TL3 regions = cantons) the rates of variation extend from -6.5 % to +2.5 %.
Especially three cantons (Neuchâtel, Jura, Solothurn) in the north western part of Switzerland shows
decreasing GDP figures, mainly due to a decline in the industry sector (comprising manufacturing,
construction, mining and quarrying; not including the energy sector). These regions are famous for
clockmakers, other mechanics and the metal processing industry.
Financial services and insurances are important economic sectors in several cantons of Switzerland. They
have been considerably affected in the crisis period. The values of the Gross Value Added (GVA) coming
from this sector declined in the cantons with the most important financial centers from 2008 to 2009 by 4.2 % (Zurich) and -8.1 % (Geneva) (compared in prices of preceding year). Other branches helped to keep
the total decrease of GDP in the canton of Zurich (-1.8 %) close to the national average. The canton of
Wallis/Valais resisted the national trend and increased its GDP by 2.5 % in the analysed time span.
Decline and recovery of the economy in Switzerland,
2008 to 2010
The following years show a recovery of the
economy. In terms of GDP the national economy
grew between 2009 and 2010 by 3.0 %. In that
period some cantons in central Switzerland show
remarkable growth rates up to 9.2 %. The former
mentioned regions Neuchatel, Jura and Solothurn,
suffering a decline in the industry sector in 2009,
could reach in 2011 nearly the absolute GVA values
as before the crises in that sector or even surpass
them. This applies not for the sector of financial
services and insurances however. Geneva and
Zurich failed to achieve the values in 2011 they had
in the year 2008 in that sector, even while the trend
from 2010 to 2011 was positive in Zurich
(comparing the aggregate of both branches:
financial services and insurances).
Source: FSO
International net migration decreased during the crisis, although metropolitan areas showed above the
average net migration
The international net migration rate shows the difference between the number of migrants arriving in a
region from abroad and those leaving the same region for another country, relative to the population in
the region of observation. This figure reflects the attractiveness of the region for migrants and can be
regarded as an indicator for better living and/or working conditions in the area of destination than in the
areas of origin. In the year 2008 the net migration rate of Switzerland was +12.8 persons per 1000
inhabitants; a fairly high rate at European scale. The cantonal rates (TL3) varied from +5.9 (AppenzellInnerrhoden) to +22.4 (Vaud), most of them ranged between +8 and +17. In the year 2010 the Swiss net
migration rate dropped to 8.3 persons per 1000 inhabitants. Regional disparities at cantonal level
persisted.
The cantons of Zurich, Geneva and Basel-Stadt are classified as predominantly urban by the OECD and
42
SWITZERLAND
have a distinct international relevance. In both analysed years they show annual net migration rates over
the national average (2008: 17.2, 16.4 and 16.6 respectively; 2010: 10.5, 11.7 and 14.6 respectively). In
2008 these three cantons together attracted 32.8 % of the absolute net migration while accounting for
only 25.5 % of the total population. In the year 2010 they cumulated 34.4 % of the national net migration
and accounted for 25.6 % of the Swiss population. These figures thus show a clear above average
attractiveness of the three cantons – containing a metropolitan centre defined by OECD-criteria – as
destination for migrants.
In Switzerland immigration and integration are recent topics in focus. The strategies on how to deal with
the challenges deriving from high immigration rates are in discussion.
Variation of the unemployment rate: Development in correspondence with the economy
Switzerland shows a low unemployment rate compared to other OECD countries in the period 2002 - 2012.
We state an increase between from 2002 to 2004 for the national value (3.1 % to 4.4 %). This goes in line
with adaptations in the economy after the burst of the dot-com bubble (climax in 2000). Between 2005
and 2008 the national unemployment rate decreased to 3.4 %. In the period of the recent crises an
increase up to 4.5 % again occurred in 2010, the most recent figure in 2012 is 4.2 %.
Variation of the unemployment rate 2002 to 2012
The variations at regional level (TL2) follow
in general the national trend along the time.
Two regions show distinctly higher rates:
Ticino and Region lémanique (7.0 and 6.6 %
in 2012). The difference to the national level
in percentage points increased for these two
regions from 2008 (1.8 and 1.4) to 2012 (2.8
and 2.4). The region Suisse central has a
continuously low unemployment rate over
the whole analyzed period. There is no clear
connection of the data to urban-rural
polaritiy observable in that type of analysis.
Source: FSO, Swiss Labour Force Survey
Concluding remarks
All in all, it can be concluded that the crisis had an influence on the economy and on living conditions in
Switzerland, but in comparison to other (OECD-) countries the impact seems minor. The following aspects
may explain this resilience to the crisis: the absence of a housing-bubble; the absence of a credit crunch;
migration that stimulates private consumption and construction; a favourable export structure (industries,
countries); sound private business balances (high level of self-financing). The regional dimension is
important to analyse as remarkable regional disparities can be detected using socioeconomic indicators.
This note was prepared by the Federal Statistical Office Department of the Interior
www.statistik.admin.ch
43
UNITED KINGDOM
Regional impact from the economic crisis and recovery in the United Kingdom
London’s economy is outperforming the rest of the United Kingdom
Growth in output (nominal GVA), 2007 to 2011
From 2007 to 2011 London’s economy (GVA) grew
by a nominal 12.4% compared to between 2.3% and
6.8% across other UK regions. This led to London’s
share of UK output rising from 20.7% to 21.9% over
the period.
London
South West
South East
Scotland
Note: the nominal GVA statistic does not account
for inflation.
Northern Ireland
Wales
North East
North West
West Midlands
Yorkshire and The Humber
East of England
East Midlands
0%
5%
10%
15%
Source: ONS
London has also seen the largest increase in jobs.
There was a 449,000 (9.4%) increase in workforce
jobs in London between June 2007 and June 2013.
The rest of England only increased by 1.4% over the
same period. The devolved countries (Northern
Ireland, Scotland and Wales) however all
experienced a decrease in the number of workforce
jobs.
Percentage change in workforce jobs – June 2007 – June
2013
London
South West
South East
East of England
East Midlands
North West
Yorkshire and The Humber
West Midlands
Wales
North East
Scotland
Northern Ireland
-6% -4% -2% 0%
This note was prepared by the Office for National Statistics (ONS)
www.ons.gov.uk
44
2%
4%
6%
8% 10%