India in the World India in the World Edited by Cristina M. Gámez-Fernández and Antonia Navarro-Tejero India in the World, Edited by Cristina M. Gámez-Fernández and Antonia Navarro-Tejero This book first published 2011 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2011 by Cristina M. Gámez-Fernández and Antonia Navarro-Tejero and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-3289-8, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-3289-2 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Illustrations ..................................................................................... ix List of Tables.............................................................................................. xi Introduction .............................................................................................. xiii Part I: Postcolonial Issues Chapter One................................................................................................. 3 The Idea of India in Early Medieval England Mark Bradshaw Busbee Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 17 Exoticism Stops at the Second Hyphen Elisabeth Damböck Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 39 All the Raj: French-Speaking Comics about India Corinne François-Denève Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 61 Indian Response to El Quijote Shyama Prasad Ganguly Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 75 From Inscrutable Indians to Asian Africans Felicity Hand Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 87 “Indias in Mind”: The Literary Recovery of Absent India Juan Ignacio Oliva Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 101 The Redefinition of the Concept “Anglo-Indian” in Contemporary Narrative Laura Peco González vi Table of Contents Chapter Eight........................................................................................... 109 Poe’s “A Tale of the Ragged Mountains,” Macaulay and Warren Hastings—From Orientalism to Globalisation? Christopher Rollason Part II: Literature Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 123 Daughter Forsaken: La Résistance of the Indo-Mauritian Girl Child in Ananda Devi’s Novels Rohini Bannerjee Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 135 Principles of Sanskrit Poetics in Contemporary Context: The Rasadhvani Approach to J. M. Coetzee’s Slow Man Bhavna Bhalla Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 143 Framing Interpersonal Violence in A Married Woman Olga Blanco-Carrión Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 157 Identity in Jhumpa Lahiri’s The Namesake Cristina M. Gámez-Fernández Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 163 The Search for Female Identity in R. K. Narayan’s The Dark Room Emma García Sanz Chapter Fourteen ..................................................................................... 173 “She had been certain the river would sustain her”: Modernist Aestheticism in Anita Desai’s Fiction Maria J. Lopez Chapter Fifteen ........................................................................................ 183 Manju Kapur’s Difficult Daughters and the Deconstruction of Traditional Binary Oppositions Javier Martín Párraga India in the World vii Chapter Sixteen ....................................................................................... 191 Amitav Ghosh’s “Imaginary Homelands”: The Question of Identity in The Shadow Lines María Elena Martos Hueso Chapter Seventeen ................................................................................... 203 Orpheus and Eurydice as Indian Rock-and-Roll Superstars: Salman Rushdie’s The Ground beneath Her Feet Ana Cristina Mendes Chapter Eighteen ..................................................................................... 211 A Paradise Lost: Kashmir as a Motif of Rift in Salman Rushdie’s Shalimar the Clown Maurice O’Connor Part III: History and the Arts Chapter Nineteen ..................................................................................... 223 The Internal Exile of Dalit Women in Andhra Pradesh Alida Carloni Franca Chapter Twenty ....................................................................................... 233 About the Role of India in Contemporary Art Eva Fernández del Campo Barbadillo Chapter Twenty One................................................................................ 247 “City and Non-City”: Political Issues in In Which Annie Gives It Those Ones Joel Kuortti Chapter Twenty Two ............................................................................... 257 A Brief Overview on Feminism in India Antonia Navarro-Tejero Chapter Twenty Three ............................................................................. 265 Bollywood and South Asian Diasporic Films in the U.K.: Gurinder Chadha’s Female Road Movie Esperanza Santos Moya viii Table of Contents Chapter Twenty Four............................................................................... 277 Sati: A Construction of Reality in With Krishna’s Eyes Rosalía Villa Jiménez Chapter Twenty Five ............................................................................... 289 Nativism versus Imperialism? Debates and Interpretations in the Ancient History of India Fernando Wulff Alonso Contributors............................................................................................. 301 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. 1-1 The World According the Geographer Paulus Orosius in Historia Adversus ad Paganos ........................................................................................ 6 Fig. 1-2 The “Host” (From Cotton Tiberius folio 81v.) ........................................ 11 Fig. 1-3 The Donestre or divine one (From Cotton Tiberius, folio 83v.) .............. 12 Fig. 20-1 Baranov-Rossiné’s Adam and Eve (1912) ........................................... 234 Fig. 20-2 Delaunay’s Circular Shapes Sun 1 (1912)........................................... 235 Fig. 20-3 Brancusi’s The Beginning of the World (1925).................................... 236 Fig. 20-4 Relief Carvings of the Borobudur stupa............................................... 237 Fig. 20-5 Gaugin’s Never More (1897) ............................................................... 237 Fig. 20-6 Pechstein’s Woman with Indian on a Carpet (1910) ........................... 238 Fig. 20-7 Ernst Ludwig Kirchner’s copy of an Ajanta painting (1910)............... 239 Fig. 20-8 Ernst Ludwig Kirchner’s Bathers (1910)............................................. 239 Fig. 20-9 Ernst Ludwig Kirchner’s poster for the MUIM Institute (1911).......... 240 Fig. 20-10 Bhupen Khakar’s Potrait of Salman Rushdie (1995) ......................... 241 Fig. 20-11 Acharya Vyakul (1986) exhibited at Magiciens de la Terre .............. 242 Fig. 20-12 Syed Haider Raza’s Surya (1986)...................................................... 243 Fig. 20-13 Anish Kapoor’s Tarantara (2000) ..................................................... 244 Note The illustrations are used for purposes of citation only and in accordance with the fair use principle. The copyright, if the case arises, belongs to their authors. LIST OF TABLES Table 11-1. Evolution of Anger in Astha’s father ................................................ 147 Table 11-2. Evolution of Astha’s emotions in Target Text 1 ............................... 147 Table 11-3. Evolution of Astha’s emotions in Target Text 2 ............................... 149 INTRODUCTION The title of the present volume, India in the World, quickly reminds of the Indian diaspora, a dispersion of population from their homelands to a new world, either from the original perspective of the term—as it was applied to Jewish diaspora—or an exile framed within capitalism’s global expansion. The unrelenting idea lingering behind exile and migration points towards the notion of a pending sense of belonging based on shared beliefs, whether historical, religious, political or cultural. However, diaspora is no longer tied to land exclusively; instead diasporas go beyond national borders to make of it an ungrounded cultural phenomenon. Thus, exile necessarily entails that cultural identities are essentially characterized by fluidity, mobility, and become therefore a process themselves. Such ongoing-ness exacts an unceasing creation of new connections, bonds and links as well as its counterparts with their fracture. In other words, this continual course is what becomes crucial. Moreover, some critical approaches to diaspora also focus, after Salman Rushdie’s well-known “Imaginary Homelands”, on the informing role of imagination as a tool which allows the re-creation, re-formulation and re-shaping of the home through identity. In this sense, migrancy has been also applied to a transitory state within identity, not only as an action. In relation to India, the issue of Indian-ness has adopted manifold and kaleidoscopic forms no matter where such identity/-ies, with all its/their many possible adjectives, was/were. This problematic and multifaceted view full of possibilities led the editors, as members of the Permanent Seminar on India Studies at the University of Córdoba (SPEI-UCO) to organize the I International Conference India in the World, aimed at both students—who could attend intensive workshops on Hindi language and Indian Cuisine for two days—and for a wider community of researchers and experts on India. Contributions from a variety of fields, including politics, literary criticism, sociology, philosophy, history, ecology, anthropology, and others, were invited, but specially those considering the relationship between India and the world in all its possible manifestations— states of the mind, commerce, colonization, travel exoticism, the internet, and so on—and this could only be approached from an interdisciplinary approach. Therefore, India in the World includes a selection of essays produced by a variety of South Asian, European, and North-American xiv Introduction scholars who attended the Conference, and which provided the academic grounds for the founding of the Spanish Association for Interdisciplinary India Studies (http://www.aeeii.org). The AEEII is a scientific association which promotes studies on India with an interdisciplinary approach as well as it focuses on activities within the scope of university academics. Consequently, the twenty-five essays gathered in this volume, which explore from an interdisciplinary perspective the most recent critical approaches to India Studies, deal with a wide range of topics and do so from equally diverse viewpoints. This mosaic of essays has been divided into three parts, each of them arranged alphabetically by the last name of the contributors. The first section deals with Postcolonial issues, where articles discuss themes related to transnational identity such as hyphenation, diaspora, and orientalism. The present collection starts with Bradshaw Busbee’s article, which analyses three of the oldest existing Anglo-Saxons’ commentaries on and images of India as a paradise inhabited by monsters. He proposes “frustrated desire” as an innovative alternative to the traditional oversimple explanation to this phenomenon. Damböck argues that the visible “other” is increasingly made use of and fetishised in the consumer market based on expectations of “the exotic”, and consequently its reduction to hetero-stereotypes, and concludes that authors of multiple ethnic backgrounds like Shani Mootoo or Farida Karodia subvert stereotypization of the market as they stress the complexity, hybridity and ambiguity of definitions of cultural heritage. The next four essays focus on specific locations such as the reconstruction of India in France, India in East Africa, Spain in India, India in the UK, and Indias in the mind. François-Denève’s essay aims at exploring the new Indian “craze” in France as an epiphenomenon derived from globalization, and debates if the English foe came back to France through the new guise of the Indian diaspora. Professor Ganguly describes the Indian reception of Don Quixote, highlighting the reflection of specific realities of the Indian space in the limited engagements with the text, seen as an expression of some elements of the Indian national biography. Hand explores in her essay the ambiguities that constituted the position of East African Asians in the socioeconomic make-up of the colonies, and examines to what extent they have had to reassess their subject position within the larger South Asian diasporas of the world. She starts with a brief introduction to the historical background of South Asian immigration to East Africa to later outline the basic ethnocultural differences among all the South Asian communities. Professor Oliva treats the image of “the self and the Other”, the exploration of territories, and the mapping of problematic identities in the literary India in the World xv production of contemporary Indo-Canadian and Indo-American writers. Peco González makes an overview of how the term “Anglo-Indian” has been re-defined in contemporary narrative. This section ends with a reading of Poe’s narrative by Rollason. He argues the Poe’s narrative points to the subversion within the text of the Orientalist discourse, resulting in an anticipation of the “reverse colonialist” dynamic of today’s Indian economy vis-à-vis the Anglo-American empire, offering an uncanny parallel to the post-Macaulayan appropriation of the English language by a resurgent India to counter-hegemonic ends. Section two closely examines specific literary texts and authors such as Ananda Devi, J.M. Coetzee, Manju Kapur, Jhumpa Lahiri, R.K. Narayan, Anita Desai, Amitav Ghosh, and Salman Rushdie, from feminist or comparative approaches. Bannerjee analyses the girl child in two of Devi’s novels based on Roland Barthes’ term the image déformée of the girl child employing Ross Chambers and Michel de Certeau’s oppositionality theory in order to explore the Mauritian identity of girl children. Bhalla delves into Sanskrit poetics, seeking to prove that the rasadhvani theory is appropriate not only for Indian literature, but also for culturally alien texts, as she demonstrates with J. M. Coetzee’s Slow Man. Blanco-Carrión approaches Manju Kapur’s A Married Woman from a cognitive linguistics perspective in order to explore the construction of violence and the scenarios in which such violence takes place by paying attention to the linguistic expressions used in these situations. Gámez-Fernández delves into the strong relationship between identity and naming in Jhumpa Lahiri’s The Namesake, as the main character struggles with being the descendant of an Indian family in the U.S. and having a Russian name. García Sanz deals with female identity as it is constructed through the different roles they play in life and the relationships they establish with male family members in R.K. Narayan’s The Dark Room. Lopez maintains that Anita Desai’s novels are clearly indebted to modernism as regards human consciousness and scrutinizes features and scenes where there is a conflict between inner desires and social conventions, or where those inner impulses are conveyed by an intense sense of aestheticism. Martín Párraga unveils the special ways in which Manju Kapur’s Difficult Daughters deconstruct traditional binary oppositions such as individual vs. social or story vs. history. Martos Hueso borrows Salman Rushdie’s famous “Imaginary Homelands” in order to look into the nuances of identity in Amitav Gosh’s The Shadow Lines, as they follow Gosh’s endeavor to undermine the myth of cultural purity and the rigidity of national discourses. Mendes studies Salman Rushdie’s The Ground Beneath Her Feet by focusing on Rushdie’s re-invention of the Greek myth of Orpheus xvi Introduction and Eurydice as rock superstars in substitution of Orpheus’ lyre. She ends her article by acknowledging Rushdie’s move into a worldwide fictional territory, consistent with his beliefs of postcolonial identities. Finally, O’Connor carries out an analysis of Salman Rushdie’s Shalimar the Clown as it, together with Midnight Children, is strongly engaged with the motif of Kashmir as a terrainal Paradise which, O’Connor points out, unveils several Rushdie’s personal stances. And finally, section three focuses on History and the Arts, that is, there are contributions on films, anthropology, Ancient history, sociology, and contemporary art. First, Carloni Franca describes the life of a Dalit woman in the Rural Development Trust Vicente Ferrer, in Anantapur, as an example of the strategies to overcome double discrimination, that of gender and caste. Fernández del Campo Barbadillo examines the role played by India in the “Art Autre”, a contribution largely ignored up until now. Kuortti and Santos Moya take up on films. The first analyses how In Which Annie Gives It Those Ones by Arundhati Roy expresses social concerns and critiques political and gender issues, and the second focuses on Gurinder Chadha’s Bhaji on the Beach, which offers its viewers a female perspective on diversity within ethnic minority groups. Navarro Tejero offers an overview on the history of women’s movement in India, which dates long before Independence from the British Empire, although the concept of identity politics acquired currency mainly in the early 90’s. Villa Jiménez examines how the practice of sati has possibly been constructed and likely reconstructed under Eastern and Western eyes. And finally, Professor Wulff Alonso presents some innovative thoughts related to the Ancient history of the Indian subcontinent, setting his argument in the current debate about collective identities, in the critique of nationalist models and, specifically, in their application to history and Ancient history. This volume, thus conceived and designed, wishes to promote highly academic research on India Studies and to provide an interlocking network of ideas that emerges from the contemporary social-cultural and political world. This is just the departure point for future publications of the AEEII, the year zero so to say. The first forthcoming volume, which focuses on the relation India-Canada, promises to be as thorough as this one. We would not like to end this introduction without acknowledging our editor Carol Koulikourdi at Cambridge Scholars Publishing and the contributors of this volume their enormous patience. We are glad this book saw the light of day in spite of the obstacles. We would also like to thank our colleagues and students who helped to organize the I International Conference India in the World with enthusiasm, and the institutions India in the World xvii implied. Our special thanks go to Professor Bernd Dietz, our favorite ideologist, for his implication in this project, his expert guidance, and for continuing to be such an important advocate for the value of India Studies in general and the Association in particular. This book is dedicated to all the founding AEEII members, who unconditionally supported the idea to create this Association and who encouraged us in many ways. Cristina M. Gámez-Fernández Antonia Navarro-Tejero Editors PART I: POSTCOLONIAL ISSUES CHAPTER ONE THE IDEA OF INDIA IN EARLY MEDIEVAL ENGLAND MARK BRADSHAW BUSBEE What part did the idea of India play in the collective imagination of the Englishmen living in the ninth and eleventh centuries? Where did they think India was located? What did these Anglo-Saxon peoples imagine the topography, natural resources, and people of India to be like? And in a broader line of questioning: what were their attitudes toward the unknown land called India?1 This essay offers some answers to these questions by briefly surveying some early appearances of “India” in three broad categories of Old English writings: Anglo-Saxon statecraft and history, Christian legendary history, and Anglo-Saxon imaginative literature. In these three areas, India was appreciated as a place of world importance, as an exotic, threatening place where tests of spiritual purity might be held, and as a remote world of fantasy where hopes and fears intertwine. Throughout these writings in the Old English language, one tendency remains constant: the Anglo-Saxons relate the idea of India with notions of exoticism, sometimes with fear and sometimes with wonder. “India” in Anglo-Saxon Statecraft and History A group of interrelated manuscripts begun during the reign of King Alfred the Great (r. 871-899), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is the most important source for the political history of early medieval England, from the time of the earliest settlements to the Norman Conquest in the mid eleventh.2 It is a record of Anglo-Saxon statecraft and a manifestation of King Alfred’s desire to strengthen his people’s sense of their place in the world and to enhance the potential for foreign diplomacy. For the year 883, “India” appears in the following entry: 4 Chapter One In this year the [English] army went up the Scheldt to Condé, and stayed there for a year. And Pope Marinus sent some wood of the Cross to King Alfred.3 And that same year Sigehelm and Athelstan took to Rome the alms, and also to India to [the shrines of] St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew, when the English were encamped against the enemy [Viking] army at London; and there, by the grace of God, their prayers were well answered after that promise (Whitelock 1961, 50). The oldest manuscript of the Chronicle, known as the “Parker Chronicle,” ends after the first sentence in this entry. The “C” manuscript (also known as Cotton Tiberius B. i.) gives 884 for the year.4 All of the other six existing manuscripts include the passage about India, with its many verifiable, historical details. Sigehlem was likely the army-leader and nobleman whose death is recorded for the year 905, and Athelstan was possibly the priest who assisted Alfred in his studies (Stevenson 1904, 290). Later historical records of this event further corroborate The Chronicle entry, with slightly differing details. The Latin manuscripts of Florence of Worcester (ca. 1125) state that in 883 a churchman, rather than a soldier, named “Swithelm” bore Alfred’s alms to the shrine of Saint Thomas in India (Thorpe 1848, 98-99). Athelstan is not mentioned. And in History of the English Bishops), William of Malmsbury, a thirteenthcentury English historian writing in Latin, asserts that a journey to India was successfully carried out by Bishop Sigehelm. Sigehelm was sent across the seas, to further the almsgiving of the king and also to visit [the shrine of] St Thomas in India, successfully completing a journey that anyone nowadays might well regard with wonder. He brought back with him exotic gems of the kind abundant in that country; some can be seen still, set in objects ornamenting the church (Winterbottom 2007, 279). William also does not mention Athelstan, but his point that treasures were brought back from India agrees with the 885Chronicle entry. Despite these historical accounts, inconsistencies within The Chronicle text itself cause raise doubts that Alfred sent an emissary to India. The most blatant problem lies in the orthography of the entry: all manuscripts give the word Iudea (Judea?). Most attribute this spelling to scribal error: “J” and “I” are interchangeable and mistranscription of “n” and “u” is common in medieval manuscripts. The idea that Saints Thomas and Bartholomew were martyred in India, not Judea, seems to support the reading of “Indea.”5 Also, the phrase “and also to India to St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew” seems artlessly appended to the previous line or couched between two sentences that carry historical merit. It is possible The Idea of India in Early Medieval England 5 that Alfred sent emissaries to Rome—Alfred himself was sent there in 853, when only four years old6—but no enemy Viking army was in London between 883 and 884. Skeptics also point out that Alfred promised to send alms to India rather than that he actually sent them (Lees 1919, 191). (The promise, not the mission, is what God rewarded by answering the prayers of the Anglo-Saxons.) Most strange is that the outcome of this mission—whether Anglo-Saxon emissaries ever made the trip, ever returned or, if they did, ever recorded what they saw—receives no mention anywhere in Old English literature. These inconsistencies, however, do not undermine the fact that India was important enough to be mentioned in conjunction with historical events for the year 883/4. Some scholars contend that Anglo-Saxons used the term “India” to refer to the “East” in general. Mary Campbell (1988, 48) writes, for example, that “‘the East’ is a concept separable from any purely geographical area. It is essentially ‘Elsewhere’.” Campbell’s point finds support in the writings of the late eighth-century English priest Alcuin of York (ca. 730-804), who uses “India” to describe Asia in general (Ruge 1881, 5). The simple fact that the name consistently appears in relation to the shrines of saints means that the Anglo-Saxons shared a common appreciation of India’s spiritual importance. It is also reasonable think that, if King Alfred did promise to send an emissary to particular shrines there, he must have had some (though confused) idea of its physical location. After he supposedly sent his emissary, Alfred commissioned a translation of Orosius’ History against the Pagans, which contains a chapter on world geography. It attempts to locate India geographically.7 We know that India is bounded by the Himalayas to the north, the Indian Ocean to the south, the Arabian Sea to the west, and the Bay of Bengal to the east. Depending as he does upon Orosius’ geography, King Alfred situates India south of the Caucasus Mountains, north of the Red Sea, east of the Indus River, and west of the Indian Ocean. He reports that the mouth of the Ganges flows into an ocean in the middle part of Asia, and he mentions “Caligardamana” (modern Calcutta) as an important port city on the Indian Ocean (Sweet 1883, 10). King Alfred may have used a mappa mundi, a traditional map of the world, as an aide (Bately 1972, 45). The following map is a recreation of the theologically inspired geography of the known world as Alfred (and Orosius before him) understood it. This map gives a sense of Anglo-Saxon practical and ideological conceptions of India.8 6 Chapter One Fig. 1-1 The world assumed a tripartite shape, divided between Europe in the west, Africa in the south, and Asia in the east. India (which is visible at the top of the map) lay in Asia on the eastern borders of the world, which, according to Genesis (ii, 8), is also the position of the Judeo-Christian Paradise. India is inaccessible through experience, but still fascinating and provocative to contemplate. “India” in Anglo-Saxon Christian Legend The idea of India also resonated in the teachings of the Christian Church. Tenth-century Old English saints’ lives establish India as a stage for scenes of spiritual endeavor. Seventh-century churchman Aldhelm (ca. 640-709), whose poetry was one of Alfred’s favorites, begins his Latin poem about Saint Bartholomew by asserting that “mighty India stands as the last of the lands of the earth” (quoted in O’Leary 2003, 110).9 Christian writers followed Aldhelm’s example so as to intensify the martyrdoms there. The tenth-century Old English poem “Fates of the Apostles,” for example, confirms the popularity of the passions of the Saints Thomas and Bartholomew when it states that “it has been no secret abroad that Bartholomew (…) went to live among the people of India” and that “Thomas bravely ventured into other parts of India” (Bradley 1982, 155156).10 Homilies by the tenth-century English priest Aelfric of Eynsham (c. 955-c. 1010) offer detailed accounts of these two saints’ reluctance to travel there, their encounters with Indian demons, their acts of healing and other miracles, and their eventual torture and deaths at the hands of cruel The Idea of India in Early Medieval England 7 Indian kings. These homilies appear in Aelfric’s Lives of the Saints, which the author acknowledges are in large part translations from the works of Augustine, Jerome, Bede, and Gregory. Aelfric’s Passion of “St. Bartholomew the Apostle” (composed in the early tenth century), however, offers additional insights into how the Anglo-Saxons had come to imagine the religion and physical location of India. Aelfric writes, There are three nations called India. The first India lies toward the Ethiopians’ realm, the second lies toward the Medes, the third on the great ocean; this third India has on one side darkness, and on the other the grim ocean. (Thorpe 1844, 454) Bartholomew travels to this third, darkest and most remote India to “render vain all the idols which these Indians worship” (Thorpe 1844, 457). After he heals the “foolish people” of India who had been under the spell of the god Astaroth, described as a black-faced devil, King Polymius tries to pay Bartholomew with gold, silver, precious gems, and purple garments. Bartholomew refuses the gifts, saying that “the Lord Christ (...) has sent us among all nations, to drive away the devil’s ministers(...) But we receive not gold, nor silver, but despise [them], as Christ despised them; for we desire to be rich in His kingdom” (Thorpe 1844, 461). Won over by Bartholomew’s piety, the king is baptized and shown by an angel the real nature of Astaroth. Aelfric describes the demon as “immense Ethiop, with sharp visage and ample beard. His locks hung to his ankles, his eyes were scattering fiery sparks; sulphureous flame stood in his mouth, he was frightfully feather-clad” (Thorpe 1844, 467). Aelfric’s homily on “The passion of Saint Thomas” suggests that Indians might be won over by Christian ideology and Roman innovation. Thomas encounters no fire-breathing demons, but he has to overcome his fears of India itself. Christ tells him that the king of the Indians is seeking a skilled workman to build a palace in the Roman fashion. (The king’s interest in Western technology allows missionaries into the confidence of formidable, alien cultures.) Anticipating Christ’s request Thomas replies, “Oh! Thou my Lord, / Send me wherever Thou will, except to the Indians!” Christ consoles Thomas, telling him that He will be with him and that “after you have gained for Me the Indians, / you shall come to Me” in martyrdom (Skeat 401). Armed with knowledge of Roman architecture and the power to heal, Thomas has great initial success. He converts tens of thousands of Indians; he heals the blind and even raises the dead. The king of the Indians and his brother are so impressed with Thomas’ craftsmanship that they spare his life. His troubles begin when he travels beyond the protection of these Western-leaning monarchs, “to the 8 Chapter One farther India,” the “third India” mentioned in the “Passion of St. Bartholomew,” and when he begins to convert Indian women, particularly the sister-in-law of a king named Mazdai. He refuses to urge the Indian wives to return to their husbands, so Mazdai tortures him and leads him before “lifeless gods, / that he might lay his gift before them in offering.” Thomas responds by commanding “the devil who dwelt in the magic work that he should come out of the image” (Skeat 1881, 425). The devil obeys, the image is destroyed, and the furious idolaters kill Thomas. In the end, it seems that Thomas’ increasing dual intimacy with India and its people are what lead to his torture and eventual death. At the abrupt end, when Aelfric explains that Thomas’ body was moved to Syria from its resting place in India, there is lingering doubt that Thomas’ influence might endure. India once again falls back into anxiety-ridden obscurity. Other Old English texts from the late tenth- and early eleventh century indicate that the anxieties in Aelfric’s depiction of India might result in part from a growing connection of India with the Islamic world and therefore these anxieties contribute to a negative picture of Indian culture. A tenth-century Latin text known as the Durham Ritual, an interlinear Old English gloss edited by Aldred the Provost (Bishop of Lindisfarne from 947 to 968), discusses where St. Thomas is said to be buried. Aldred glosses this part of the Latin text with the phrase “India saracina” (Lindelöf 1927, 196). Katharine Scarfe Becket (2003, 172) writes that “no other Old English text describes India as a home for the Saracens.” She conjectures that the adjective “saracina” might have been intended “to distinguish the land of India which Thomas visited from other regions with the same name.” In the hands of churchmen, “India” was commonly used in expressions for “ends of the earth”; therefore, Aldred’s gloss and even Alfred’s poetic addition to Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy may be purely figurative in their use of “India.”11 It stands to reason that if India represents the ends of the earth—a place as far away as can be from Britain—then it might become a convenient origination point for archetypal transgression. In a manuscript from the eleventh-century (BL Cotton Claudius B. iv), which contains notes on Genesis, the third India to which Thomas travelled is further distinguished as the location for the first murder. One of the notes states that Cain killed Abel there (Prinz 1985, 6), and later, a note explains that after Adam’s death, Seth divided his progeny from those of Cain, and Cain remained where he slew his brother (Crawford 1922, 421). Through these notes, the physical realities of India remain unrealized but ignoble spiritual associations begin to accumulate there. The Idea of India in Early Medieval England 9 India in Anglo-Saxon Imaginative Literature about the East Early eleventh century Anglo-Saxon scriptoriums began producing manuscripts that included imaginative texts about India. Among the most famous of these manuscripts are the so-called Exeter Book and the Beowulf Manuscript. One poem, known as “Widsith” (Wide Traveler), in the Exeter Book (folios 84b-87a), features a curious passage in which the poem’s narrator says that he was “with the Asyrians and with the Hebrews and with the Indians and with the Egyptians” (lines 82-83).12 This passage is not integral to narrator’s story; rather, the lines seem to have been “inserted at random, without very close attention to their appropriateness or to the smoothness of the transitions” (Krapp and Dobbie 1936, xliii). Possibly thinking about The Chronicle entry for 883/84, some editors of the poem have argued that instead of “Indeum” the word should be “Judeum.” Other scholars go so far as to print the lines featuring Indians and Egyptians separately in a footnote in prose thereby asserting that they have no place in the poem as it was originally intended. A few editors omit them entirely. One scholar of Old English argues that the lines give the poem a “grotesque effect” appearing as they do in the middle of a passage otherwise concerned with the world of Old English legends (Malone 1936, 6). The poet may have intended such an effect by including exotic peoples and places. Or it may be that the reference to India is an allusion to other Old English stories that mention India. At line 22 of “Widsith,” for example, the name “Wada Hælsingum” (Wade of the Hælsings) appears. Wade was well known in early Anglo-Saxon culture as a mythical hero with a link to India. The original tale has been lost, but a version of it was preserved by Walter Map in late twelfth-century Courtier’s Trifles. In Walter’s retelling, Wade (whom Walter calls “Gado”) left “England for the farthest parts of India (...) as one who was a sword in the Lord’s hand,” and “having freed the Indians from their difficulties and now hurrying by sea, was born by winds to his father’s kingdom [in England].” He returns “in likeness angelic and made glorious by God” (James 1983, 169-171). Wade’s ability to travel easily between India and England fits easily with Widsith’s claim of greatness for having been to India and back. As an implied cultural reference, the allusion to Wade also testifies to the evocative power of the idea of India as an exotic ingredient in Old English storytelling. In other manuscripts from the same period, exoticism is increasingly associated with the East. The most important of these Old English texts are 10 Chapter One The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle, the Liber Monstrorum, and The Wonders of the East.13 All are essentially translations from an ancient tradition of foreign exotica that started with the Greeks in the early fifthcentury B.C.14 These source texts about the East “determined the western idea of India for almost 2000 years, and made their way into natural science and geography, encyclopedias and cosmographies, romances and history, into maps, miniatures and sculpture” (Wittkower 1942, 159). Imaginative literature featuring India had likely made its way to England long before the ninth century and Alfred’s reign. English churchmen and scholars likely extended interpretive value to these tales in order to bring them in line with Christian theology and tradition. The text that best demonstrates the spread to the British Isles of fantastic ideas about India is Old English “The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle,” which dates from the beginning of the eleventh century.15 In it, Alexander, imagined as having recently reached India, sends his teacher a report “concerning the situation of the great nation of India” (Orchard 1995, 225). He tells how he came into “Indie lond” (the land of India), took control over “the entire nation,” and was “enriched with many royal honors.” But he is not satisfied and wants “to see the interior of India” (229) so that he can see first-hand “anything in that land had been hidden or concealed from me” (243). At first incredulous about what he is told about the wonders of India, Alexander’s tireless curiosity pays off. He encounters giants, two-headed snakes, white lions the size of bulls, giant bats (237), a rhinoceros (239), a crocodile, and an attacking herd of elephants, which he scares away with his own herd of pigs (243). As naïve as these images might seem to the modern reader, they were likely quite impressive to the Anglo-Saxons. Alexander carefully describes the various races of native peoples he meets. In particular, he notes habits of eating and clothing, as well as how the natives respond to him and his army. The following passage is representative of Alexander’s attitude towards the Indians he meets: We saw shaggy women, and men who were as shaggy and hairy as beasts. They were nine feet tall, and naked, not bothering about clothing. The Indians call these people Ictifafonas, and they snatch up whales from the neighboring rivers and lakes, and eat them and live on them, and drink the water afterwards. When I wanted to take a closer look and observe these people, they immediately fled into the water and hid themselves in stony hollows. After that we saw amongst the wooded groves and trees a great multitude of Cynocephali [creatures with dog heads] who came because they wished to wound us, and we shot them with arrows, and they soon fled away and went back into the woods (243-5). The Idea of India in Early Medieval England 11 Alexander also pauses frequently to praise the abundance of India: It was a place spacious and pleasant, and balsam and incense were there in abundance, and welled out from the boughs of the trees and the people of that land ate them and lived thereby. Then we took a closer look at that place, and went through the groves, and I was amazed at the loveliness and beauty of the land (247). Elsewhere Alexander describes India in language reminiscent of Christian descriptions of heaven. He tells how the palaces have golden and ivory walls and columns and how the leaves in the vineyard are gold, their tendrils and fruits crystal and emerald (229). Throughout, he assumes the attitude of a collector, alternatively full of wonder and awe. Another text known as “The Wonders of the East” follows the tradition set forth in “The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle.”16 Unlike “Letter,” “Wonders of the East” attempts to describe objectively the topography, plants, animals and legendary peoples of the East. There are people who are “fifteen feet tall and have white bodies and two faces on a single head, feet and knees very red, and long noses and black hair” who “travel in ships to India, and bring their young into the world there” (Orchard 1995, 191). The following set of images (Cotton Tiberius folio 81v.) gives an idea of the types of peoples inhabiting this imaginative India. Figure one depicts the “Host,” which translates as “enemy.” In the left frame, the creature appears to be stepping out of his frame in an attempt to greet viewers, in an inviting gesture; in the right image the results of the accepted invitation are depicted: another “Host” in the process of devouring a newly-arrived guest dressed in traditional Anglo-Saxon clothing. Fig. 1-2 12 Chapter One The text accompanying the image does not describe this series of events. It states only that Hostes catch and eat men. The image therefore reflects the illustrator’s imagination, inviting viewers to participate in the Indian creature’s world and to imagine the consequences of traveling there in body. Another image features the Donestre, or divine one (Cotton Tiberius, folio 83v.). Fig. 1-3 This image follows the text closely. Donestre are half-human, but they know all human speech and, by referring to the Anglo-Saxon visitor’s family by name, gain his confidence, eat him up except for the head, and weep over him afterwards. The melancholy of the Donestre after eating the visitor seems to lessen his monstrosity and emphasize his humanity. These imaginative texts and arresting images reveal that to the AngloSaxons India was “more than a dark region of uncertain danger or wild opportunism; it was also a place where […] fantasy and imagination met with uncertainty about an unknown land and people (Cohen 1996, 17-18). Alexander’s attitude of wonder at what he sees and his willingness to engage the native peoples encourages readers/viewers to entertain fantastic ideas about India “Wonders of the East” offers descriptions and images of India that pull the reader/viewer into imagined scenarios of interaction with intelligent, awesome beings in a land of wonders.
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