“THE NEW MUSLIM FEMINIST IMAGE IN FINLAND:
CHANCES AND CHALLENGES”
“MUSLIM WOMEN ACTIVISM IN FINLAND”
MARIAM H.S. FATH
STUDENT NO. 165546
2009
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Table of Contents
Abstract
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Chapter One: Introduction
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Chapter Two: Literature Survey
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2.1 Introduction
o 2.1.1 Minorities – Definition
o 2.1.2 Muslim Minorities in Europe & Finland
2.2 Overview on Feminist movements in the world
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o 2.2.1 Secular Feminism Verses Islamic Feminism
2.3 Muslim women Activism & Presence in Europe
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In comparison to early Finnish women activism
2.3.1 Muslim women Activism
2.3.2 Muslim women activities in Europe
2.3.3 Early women activism in Finland
2.4 Overview on women conversion to Islam in Europe & Finland
o 2.4.1 An Overview on Islamic reformation in associate with the
Current Islamic ideologies
2.5 European Culture verses Islamic culture on converts
o 2.6 Roles of New European Muslims in their own societies
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o 2.6.1 Finnish Muslims serving Muslim community in Finland
2.6.2 Other social events
Chapter Three: Hypotheses
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3.1. Emergence of the Study
Chapter Four: Data and Methodology
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4.1.Data Analysis
Participants criteria, Interviews, Questionnaire
Part One: Description of the participants
Part Two: Group‟s membership and participant in society
Part Three: Future expectations of Muslim women in Finland
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Chapter Five: Discussion
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Chapter Six: Conclusion
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Appendix l: Questionnaire
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References
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Abstract
This thesis aims to study Muslim women activism in Europe generally and in Finland,
in particular. The scope of this study discusses the fact that Islamic religious teachings
and their interpretation can still help Muslim women have a role in society, and seek for
equality between men and women as active members in their communities.
The aspects considered include: a comprehensive literature survey carried out and
analyzed which qualitatively assesses the sharing of role activity which Muslim women
perform as part of the role of minorities in Finnish society. The activities were analyzed
using questionnaires, interviews, observations and internet data collection.
The analysis results indicated that there have been positive trials from different active
groups (Islamic Feminists) in Finland, but many obstacles continue to stand in their
way. Therefore, Muslim women groups in the minority still need to use different
supportive governmental programs or non-governmental programs, so that their
contribution can integrate more into Finnish culture and society. Whereas the results
show that Finland has traditionally been characterized as a relatively homogeneous
country, currently Finnish society is becoming increasingly international and both
ethnically and culturally diverse.
Keywords: Muslim women, Activism, Minority group, Integration in the West, Islamic
Feminism, Finnish Society.
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CHAPTER ONE
1.1 INTRODUCTION
" ٌ۬‫شعُوبً۬ا وَقَبَآٮِٕلَ لِ َتعَارَفُوٓاْۚ إِّنَ َأڪۡ َر َّمكُمۡ عِّندَ ٱللَهِ أَتۡقَٮٰكُمۡۚ إِّنَ ٱللَهَ عَلِيمٌ خَبِير‬
ُ ۡ‫يَـٰٓأَيُہَا ٱلّنَاسُ إِّنَا خََلقّۡنَـٰكُم ّمِن َذكَرٍ۬ وَأُّن َثىٰ وَ َجعَلّۡنَـٰكُم‬
O mankind! Lo! We have created you from male and female, and have made you
nations and tribes that ye may know one another. Lo! The noblest of you, in the sight of
Allah, is the best in conduct. Lo! Allah is Knower, Aware.
Ref.: (13) - Al-Hujraat – Al Quraan Kareem
Over the last few decades, Islam has become an increasingly important religion and a
critical international political factor. A concurrent phenomenon is the global rise of
Islamic feminism, a discourse grounded in the Quran, that articulates full gender
equality and social justice across the public, private spheres, and activism based upon
these premises. The spread of conversions to Islam, especially in western countries, is a
phenomenon of the late twentieth century continuing its rapid growth into the present
century with women constituting the largest numbers of new Muslims.
Conversion to Islam and Islamic feminism address intersecting religious, societal, and
cultural needs, and both raise hard questions. The acceleration of Muslim conversions
and the rise of Islamic feminism both occurred in the wake of the surfacing of political
Islam and subsequent broader Islamic cultural revival (Badran, 2006).
The sub-title of this paper “Finnish Muslim Women Activism” has two components that
have been focused on in the past decades: first, Finnish Muslims which leads to
European Islam, and, second, Muslim women's status in European societies. Both
components are related to politics, religion, society and globalization. These concepts,
at the same time, are also contradicting nationalism, and national classical theories.
Regarding European Islam, there has been a debate concerning whether a particular
European Islam or Euro – Islam should develop, in the sense of an Islam that is clearly
recognizable as European. Many speculations are insufficiently specific about what
elements such a European Islam would contain (Steinbach, 2005). Many Muslims in
Europe have isolated themselves within their own, seemingly secure, parallel
5
communities, because they have sometimes an obsessive fear of losing their religious
identity. These enclaves are supported in their reluctant accommodation to their
immediate surroundings by existing Islamic doctrines on how to live as a minority in
non-Muslim countries.
Different scholars, including Tariq Ramdan a Swiss philosopher, call upon Muslims to
abandon this self-definition as a minority and to give up their relative isolation from
European society (Abu Zayed 2006).
Another example is Bassem Tibi, a professor of international relations in Cornell
University, who emphasizes the need for Muslims to completely accept dominant
European culture. In Tibi‟s view, this means that the Muslim minority in Europe must
embrace democracy, human rights, and pluralism, but also must accept that religion is a
private matter. Only in this way can Muslims prevent the creation of parallel societies
that turn away from the principles of the democratic constitutional state.
Both authors attach great importance to overcoming the “We and They” situation and
to stimulating full citizenship for Muslims. As Tibi stresses, Islam‟s common frame of
reference can and should flourish in the European public space; if Muslims embrace
democracy and constitutional principles, Tariq Ramadan, cherishes hope for a future
European Islam that embraces the democratic constitutional state.
The motivation of the present study on Muslim women is to assess the role of Finnish
Muslim women in the Finnish society, with an overview on the activities of Muslim
women in Europe. All groups of the Muslim community of women, as immigrants, dual
citizens, and converted Muslim women, can practically contribute to enriching society
as citizens.
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The objective of the present study is to explore the areas of possible contribution, and
the related challenges. The study is divided into different chapters, summarized as
follows:
Chapter One: The introduction covers the main conflict issues between East and West.
Chapter Two: The chapter is a comprehensive literature survey leading to the
identification of Muslim women activities presently in Europe in general, and Finland in
particular. The chapter shall discuss both terms “Islamic Feminism” and “Activism”.
Chapter Three: This chapter will offer the research ypothesis and the questions
addressed by this study.
Chapter Four: This chapter contains analysis of the data collection and discussion of
the case study results. In addition, this section identifies both the government and nongovernment roles, while the analysis covers different items including statistical data, the
activity of Muslim women (Immigrant, converted Muslims activities in Finland), and
then the role, future perspectives, and social events.
Chapter Five: The main concluding remarks and recommendations are summarized, as
well as the areas that need additional future investigation.
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CHAPTER TWO
2.0 LITERATURE SURVEY
2.1 Introduction
The European Union‟s population is highly diverse and is becoming increasingly so.
Alongside established minorities, such as the Roma and national minorities,
immigration from outside the EU has played a significant role in recent years in shaping
the ethnic and cultural diversity of Europe (EU-MIDIS, 2009).
There has been various research investigating minorities‟ integration into European
societies, as well as the role of their increasing population in different countries in
Europe.
There are an estimated 15 million Muslims living in Western Europe today, or about 4%
of the population, and they are larger than combined populations of Finland, Denmark,
and Ireland (Modood, 2007)
According to the European Union minorities and Discrimination survey published in
2009, compared to 20% of non-Muslim ethnic minorities 51% of Muslims surveyed
believe discrimination on grounds of religion or belief to be “very” or “fairly”
widespread. When investigating the reasons for the discrimination, 79% of Muslims
have experienced discrimination and did not report their experiences anywhere. And
when investigating the reasons for not reporting discrimination to the state bodies or
non governmental agencies, 59% of the victims believed that nothing would happen or
change by reporting, in comparison to 33% who didn‟t know how or where to report.
Looking at the statistics for these cases emphasizes the need to study and empower
minorities in Europe. A detailed literature survey on Muslim women in Europe and
Finland will be conducted in this thesis. The literature survey shall examine minorities‟
success and challenges in Finnish society.
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2.1.1 Minorities - Definition
According to Kettani, minorities are those groups of people who for one reason or
another become the first victims of the despotism of the state or of the community that
constitutes the majority. According to Kettani (1986), most of these minorities are
inclined to degenerate and lose their identity as few care to support their struggle for
survival.
Suojanen (1993) defines a minority as a group of people who freely associate for an
established purpose where their shared desire differs from that expressed by the
majority.
Even the term minority itself points to the fact that the group described is minor – in
other words, smaller. Therefore, minority issues are often regarded as issues of minor or
imbued with less influence, power or rank. On the other hand, minority parties are
defined here as parties which openly aim at representing chosen minorities on issues
such as the local autonomy of the group, language rights and cultural matters (Suojanen
2007).
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2.1.2 Muslim Minorities in Europe & Finland
As mentioned previously, there are over fifteen million Muslims in the European
population, as immigrants, dual citizens (second generation raised in Europe), or
Muslim converters (Modood, 2007). There has been significant research conducted
post 9/11 about Muslims' daily lives and religious practices in Europe.
In their daily lives, minorities encounter a lack of identity, oppression, injustice and
experiences with negative psychological dimensions. Muslim minorities have to realize
that minority status is limited in many aspects and should work on freeing themselves
from the stereotypes by building bridges between minorities and majorities (Kettani,
1986)
Kenneth Ritzen (Roald 2001), a Swedish historian of religions, in his numerous lectures
on the relationship between Muslims and majority societies uses the following model to
illustrate the relationship between Muslims as a minority and “the others” as the
majority. As minorities, Muslims judge the majority as one group who is different from
their own behavior and characteristics, not in their own view but their Islamic ideal. The
same judgment occurs apparently in reverse from the majority group, not of their own
perspectives, but in relation to the European ideal conception towards the Muslim
characteristics (See figure 1).
The ideal level
The „European‟ ideal
The Islamic ideal
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The practical level
-----------------
---------------
------------------
Muslim reality
„European‟ reality
Figure 1 – The relation between Muslim minority & European majority
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The Finnish Muslim minority started before 1990, as Marja Tiilikainen and Isra
Lehtinen studied (2004), the number of Finnish converts to Islam was very small, not
more than 50. The most well known convert at that time was Mikko Telaranta, who had
been a Muslim since the beginning of 1980s. Mikko Telaranta had studied in Al Azhar
(a well-known Islamic university in Cairo, Egypt), and he was active in lecturing,
commenting and writing articles on Islam.
Since the beginning of the 1990s, a growing number of Finns began to embrace Islam.
This growth has been steady and the converts numbered between 600 - 700 in 2003. By
embracing Islam, a Finnish woman becomes part of a minority, which is a strange
experience in one's own county. A convert still regards herself as a Finn among other
Finns, although she does not necessarily share the values of the majority anymore. The
majority, however, often easily notes the change, especially if a Finnish woman starts
using Hijab (Islamic women dress code).
A convert is a Muslim by choice, not by birth and inheritance; thus, convert may find
the situation problematic. A Finnish convert in this case belongs not only to a minority,
but also to a minority within a minority (Roald, 2006).
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2.2 Overview on Feminist Movements in the world
According to Lorraine Code (2000), feminist theory is the system of concepts,
propositions and analysis that describe and explain women‟s situations and experiences
and support recommendations about how to improve them.
Feminism has started as a movement focused on exposing and breaking down power
structures which privilege men, in general, and white, heterosexual, middle class, ablebodied men, in particular. Feminism, as a new consciousness of gender and women‟s
subordination, first emerged among the upper and middle classes in the spaces of
unevenly gendered modernity at different moments in various countries (Badran1999).
Unlike most academic theories, born out of the institution, feminist theory emerged out
of political a movement, and then became institutionalized (Women Resources Center in
University of Calgary, 2008).
Feminism has passed through three different and distinct waves which can be
summarised as follows;
First Wave Feminism (1850 – 1945) can be characterized as:
•
Focusing on North America, Europe, Australia and New Zealand.
•
Industrialization undermined household production and established a hierarchy
between the male-dominated public sphere and the female-dominated private
sphere.
•
Liberal-democratic ideologies, socialism, evangelical Protestant Christianity,
and social reform movements (abolitionism and temperance) propel a wide
spectrum of women to challenge their exclusion from the public realm.
•
1850s to 1870s women advocate a single sexual standard for women and men,
primarily within marriage, dress reform, equal property and other legal rights,
including higher education, especially in medicine and law.
•
Early 1900s suffrage movements
•
Second World War: women move into the public sphere and then are forced
back into the home when soldiers return home.
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Second Wave Feminism (1960 - 1980s) can be summarized as follows:
•
Civil rights movement and other movements influence women‟s social
consciousness.
Women come out of isolation and begin to take part in
consciousness raising groups where the phrase „the personal is political‟
becomes popularized.
•
Key elements of women‟s campaigns to control their bodies: sexual freedom;
legalized birth control and abortion; legal reform for victims of domestic
violence, sexual harassment, sexual violence and rape; liberalized divorce laws;
and rights for lesbian mothers.
•
Elements of economic and work related campaigns: equal pay for equal work,
equal pay for work of equal value that is traditionally female, access to nontraditional areas of employment, and childcare support.
•
Women‟s Studies emerges as a new academic area of study.
•
1980s organizations of non-western, visible minority, immigrant, refugee, and
aboriginal women complicated and diversified feminist notions of a female
condition.
•
Differences rather than commonalities were emphasized.
Van Nieuwkerk (2006) argues that second wave feminism in the west in the 1970s and
1980s must go hand in hand with secularism Religion is viewed as irredeemably
patriarchal and has contributed to the shrill responses to Western women‟s conversions
to Islam.
Third Wave Feminism - Post Feminism (1990s: to Present) is characterized as:
•
Post feminism (feminism is no longer needed as women have achieved their
rights); backlash (fundamentalist religious and patriarchal movements involving
both women and men in pushing neo-conservative values of tradition and
moving women back into the home and traditional roles); and the emergence of
the third wave feminism.
•
Postcolonial Feminism and Third World Feminism: women of limited resource
nations challenge white western feminisms as hegemonic.
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•
Contemporary and Young Feminisms emerge as young feminists use new
language, technology and forms of communication. (Women Resources Center
in University of Calgary, 2008).
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2.2.1 Secular Feminism versus Islamic Feminism
There has been a long-term focus on feminism among Muslims in the East. With the
coming of female Muslim leaders such as Huda Sha”rawi (an early twentieth century
Egyptian nationalist and feminist, 1879-1947), and Benazir Bhuttoa
(a Pakistani
politician who chaired the Pakistan Peoples Party, and Pakistan's first and to date only
female prime minister, 1953 – 2007).
In addition to the increased demand for extended female political participation in the
Muslim world in general, and in the Arab world in particular, the matter of female
involvement in politics on various levels has become a hotly debated issue, known as
“secular feminism”.
Secular feminism emerged in late nineteenth century in Egypt (a pioneering country) in
the context of modernization, Islamic reform, and the nationalist struggle against British
colonialism.
This feminism drew upon secular nationalist and Islamic modernist
discourse. Secular feminists in Muslim societies demanded full equality in the public
sphere, calling for access to education, work, and political participation as part of
women‟s self-development and an important aspect of empowering the entire society in
the decolonizing process. When Muslim women (for example, the Egyptian women)
have a precise feminist identity, they did not see it as threatening to their religious
identity. On the contrary, they felt their feminism enhanced their lives as Muslims
(Badran 1995).
As Badran (1995) discusses, besides the feminism movement in the late nineteenth
century, and for the first two – thirds of the twentieth century, the reforming of Islamic
modernism accorded space for feminism within the framework of the religious culture
and provided a congenial climate for its evolution.
While the official purview of the Islamic establishment was contracting, Shaykh
Muhammed Abduh articulates the discourse of Islamic modernism. He advocated a
return to the practice of Ijtihad (independent inquiry), calling upon Muslims to look to
scriptural sources of their religion for fresh inspiration. This gave Muslims, men and
women alike, a tool to interpret religion and to apply Islam in their lives (Badran, 1995).
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Islamic feminism arose and continues to spread simultaneously in both established
Muslim societies and the West. In 1990, some Muslim journalists, writers, and activists
began to refer to a newly emergent form of feminism as “Islamic feminism”. There has
been a paradigm shift in Muslim feminism from a secular feminism to Islamic
feminism, which takes a somewhat wider view by focusing on gender equality and
social justice as basic and intersecting principles enshrined in the Quran, and by
disputing men‟s exclusive authority to define Islam (Badran, 1995).
As Moghissi (1999) discusses, feminism today has grown large and includes many
brands, both conservative and radical, religious and atheist, as well as white and nonwhite. Islamic feminism is a global phenomenon; it is part of global Islam and part of
the global feminism with all its political affiliations.
Attempts at all-encompassing theories, concepts and the earlier ideological commitment
to universalizing the perspectives of women have turned out to be significant only in
relation to specific culture, class and race. Iran, for example, is an important pioneering
country of the production of Islamic feminist discourse. There are reports of an increase
in the visibility and professional activities of Muslim women.
Women in Black
“chador” (dress code in Iran) are now representing Islamic Iran at international
conferences, addressing issues of interest to feminism globally, such as economic
development, birth control, gender violence and women‟s human rights (Moghissi,
1999).
There have been different positions taken up within Islamic feminism, from either
secular feminists or fundamentalist's groups. The secular group‟s point of view rejects
the possibility of co-existence between Islam and feminism. For the secular group,
hostility towards feminism and feminist demands is inherent in divine laws, while
women‟s liberation in Islamic societies must start with de-Islamization of every aspect
of life.
Also, we find feminists who speculate that feminism within an Islamic framework is the
only culturally sound and effective strategy for the region‟s women‟s movement. They
see Islamic feminism as a „feminism true to its society‟s traditions‟, and a resistance to
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cultural conversion attempts to release western women‟s claim on feminism. (Moghissi,
1999, 134). Fundamentalist movements in different regions have a different point of
view, more than any other group, women in their view
create the most urgent
challenges, in words, actions, and to re-Islamification policies. Their main claims
indicate that Islamic feminism is a rebirth of the existing westernized secular feminism
term, transformed simply to fit Muslim women.
Badran discusses that Islamic feminism is used increasingly as a term to identify the
beliefs and activities of Muslim women who are trying to improve the lot of their sex
within the confines of their faith. As there are women who demand equal rights and
who have adopted Islam as their personal faith and cultural identity.
This future
feminism will increase for the following:
Islam is becoming a dominant cultural and political paradigm
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Muslim women are highly educated in greater numbers than ever before

Islamic feminism can reach different social classes, and both Islam and
Feminism can reach different people and ideologies

The increasing globalization and growth in Muslim communities, both Muslim
women and new Muslim women who practice Islam want to embrace feminism
and Islam
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Globalized media and technology (for example, Facebook), are connecting
Muslim women inside and outside Muslim communities.
Islamic feminism is the new feminism of the future in Muslim societies include Muslim
communities in the west (for example, in Europe and North America) . In formulating
an explicit, independent feminist discourse of gender equality inside the Middle East,
the new Islamic feminists are at the vanguard (Badran1999). Muslim women who have
pursued an intellectual critical reflection on their faith have begun to propose a
„feminine‟ rather than „feminist‟ view of Islam. This consists in a re-appropriation and
re-affirmation of their own identity and autonomy that passes through their personal
experience, and internalization, of faith (Silvestri 2008). However, Islamic feminism
requires playing role awithin the global activism feminism.
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2.3. Muslim Women Activism & Presence in Europe in comparison to Early
Finnish women activism
2.3.1 Muslim Women Activism
Along with other concepts such as Islamism, fundamentalism, extremism, and political
Islam, in the current context the term Islamic activism often evokes associations with
extremist actions performed in the name of Islam; this is something that should not be
ignored. Abu Zayed agrees with Badran‟s description of “Islamic feminism” as part of
Islamic activism.
Abu Zayed (2006) explains Islamic activism as the revival of „Islam‟ as a political factor
in the Muslim world. This refers to the endeavors of people for whom Islam is an
important source of inspiration in the organizing of contemporary politics and society.
The word Islamic emphasizes that Islam functions as a common vehicle and idiom for
raising the political and social consciousness of large groups of Muslims. Activism
indicates that many different kinds of efforts may be included and these may be highly
subject to change. Abu Zayed (2006) explains that recent Islamic activism arose in
precisely the same period as human rights activism.
Bullock's research about Muslim women activism in North America is an initiative
study evaluating Muslim women activities. As Ikram Beshir, an interviewee said:
Islam is all for activism”. I believe it‟s everyone‟s job to promote Islam in
whatever from they are capable of. Islam is not an individualistic religion; as a
matter of fact it‟s at the opposite end of the spectrum. There‟s a lot more to Islam
than locking yourself up in the local mosque and praying 24/7. (Bullock
2005:23)
As this paper links the relation between activism of women before and after conversion
to Islam. Bullock (2005) mentions that it is interesting to study the activism of the
people before and after conversion. Bullock (2005) writes concerning herself:
“I wasn‟t Muslim yet, but when I did become a Muslim, it was natural to turn my
energies to the Muslim community” (Bullock, 2005, 135).
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Bullock (2005) continues that she had never really considered her “extracurricular”
efforts to change and improve the world, unusual, or anything out of the ordinary. To
her, the term “activist” describes someone who goes beyond the call of duty to work for
changes in society.
This paper discusses Bullock‟s point of view concerning the role of woman in Islam as
of grave importance which Muslims seem to be unaware of it at times.
On the other hand, we should take into consideration other trials from Western Muslims
which indicate a hopeful sign that the new generations of women may break the cycle of
unemployment and poverty prevalent among Europe's migrant populations. By
encouraging young Muslim women wearing Islamic headscarves to integrate in
different fields in society to help bridge the cultural divide between the Western
mainstream and Islam, tolerance and understanding is promoted. For example, Muslim
women entering the military, police or other professions in which they are
underrepresented in Europe. Bullock (2005).
There are new styles of Hijab (Islamic dress code) worn by modern, young Muslims
within Western societies which has less to do with following traditions. These fashions
are close to modern styles and have famous western brand names, which decreases the
gap of integration.
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2.3.2 Muslim Women's Activities in Europe
As Abugideiri (2004, 223) pointed out Muslim women in Europe have increasingly
exposed how such European laws have afforded Muslim women a more visible role in
public, yet paradoxically, women have also been accorded more restrictive rights within
the home.
It has been argued that Muslim women are likely to take on the role of wife and mother
(for example, accepting formal marriages as normative and having higher and longer
sustained periods of reproduction, influenced by acculturation and educational
achievement). And despite the calls for “Emancipation of Women” around the world,
we find that it has been proven that these calls have not accomplished their mission yet.
This call has come to signify much wider political and social attitudes towards social
change and modernization as women come to occupy an important role in this change.
Meanwhile, Silvestri (2008) in her research conducted in Europe discuses Muslim
advocacy networks, in their campaigns in particular against ethnic, racial and religiousbased discrimination.
The main Muslim advocacy networks include:
1- The Brussels-based European Forum of Muslim Women (EFOMW)
2- The London-based Forum Against Islamophobia and Racism (FAIR), a service
open to all genders and ages but which up to 2004 was run by two very dynamic
young women
3- The Flemish Vereniging voor Ontwikkeling en Emancipatie van Moslims
(VOEM, organization for the development and emancipation of Muslims – Al
Hedaya) in Belgium.
There are also nondenominational advocacy groups where women of Muslim
background are involved. These include for instance
1- The National Assembly Against Racism (NAAR, UK) and SOS Racism (France).
2- The German Zentrum fur Islamische Frauenforschung (Islamic Women‟s Center
for Research and Encouragement).
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As Silvestri (2008) continues to show in her research, there are also various local
services run by NGOs or public authorities in many European cities where Muslim
women are actively involved as members (serving Muslim women clients who face
violence). These NGOs are a combination of information campaigns, education, and
dedicated community-based social services, including:
1- The South all Black Sisters, SPIOR in the Netherlands
2- The Muslim Women Helpline in London – seeking the best avenues to find
solutions to these complex problems. This community network has proved that
legal measures alone can lead to a breach of trust between public authorities and
ethnic and faith communities.
Also, there are a number of feminist groups that involve people of Muslim background
but that are mobilized primarily in secular terms. Silvestri (2008) lists:
1- The French network, Ni Putes Ni Soumises.
2- The Association of Moroccan women in Italy (ACMID)
As a Muslim advocacy network, the Forum of European Muslim Women is one of the
numerous organizations run by European Muslim women who want to fight stigma and
promote their participation in European society and politics Silvestri (2008).
Their first European Forum of Muslim Women (EFOMW) summit was held in Brussels
in 2006 As an NGO dedicated to defending the rights of Muslim women in Europe, the
aim to:

Analyze how to bridge dialogue between different religions

Promote cooperation between Muslim women organizations

Battle discrimination against Muslim women in Europe
In Finland, an interesting study by Marja Tiilikainen and Isra Lehtinen (2004)
researched the minority Muslim women and their attempts of activism, as a
heterogeneous new group in Finland.
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Within the Finnish organizational system, there is a tendency that associations or
organizations with few members receive relatively little financial support. Religious
activities often fall outside public support systems. Hence, due to the lack of economic
resources, the activities in the mosques or Islamic associations often lie in the hands of
volunteers (Tiilikainen & Lehtinen, 2004).
Finnish Muslim women have been active inside the mosques; convert women have been
particularly active in organizing Islamic teaching and other communal activities.
Besides these mainly Finnish women, converts and Tatars who are used to gender
equality and are familiar with the Finnish organizational system have been in charge of
these Mosques. This topic shall be discussed in the next chapters.
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2.3.3 Early Women Activism in Finland
Finland was known as one of the most agricultural countries in Europe. Women worked
alongside men on farms and were familiar with all the jobs that had to be done in the
early twentieth century. In the harsh Finnish climate, everyone had to take part in the
work when the time came to do it. The year 1906 represents an important milestone for
women's social and political participation as early Finnish feminists made Finland the
first country in Europe where women could fully exercise their voting rights and
eligibility for parliamentary elections. Altogether nineteen female members out of two
hundred were elected to Parliament. Finland was an autonomous grand duchy of the
Russian empire at the time.
The post Second World War economic expansion shifted the economic base from fishers
and agriculture to industrial- and service- based sectors. By the 1970s, women had
emerged in politics. Although women entered rapidly into political life throughout
Scandinavia, their position in the family and in the workplace did not progress as
rapidly.
The proportion of women members of Parliament has increased in the last few decades.
A record level of representation was achieved in the 1991 elections: 77 women out of a
total of 200 seats (38.5%). In Parliament, women have been particularly involved with
legislation concerning social issues, culture and education. In the last elections, in 2003,
74 women were elected, or 37% of the members of the house.
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Table 1: Percentage of Women in National Parliaments – Regional Averages
Regional Districts
Nordic Countries
Americas
Europe - OSCE
member countries including Nordic
countries
Europe - OSCE
member countries
excluding Nordic
countries
Sub-Saharan Africa
Asia
Pacific
Arab States
Single House
or Lower
House
Upper House or
Senate
Both Houses
Combined
41.4%
-----
----
21.6%
19.8%
21.3%
20.9%
17.9%
20.3%
19.0%
17.9%
18.8%
17.3%
21.2%
17.8%
17.0%
14.8%
16.7%
12.9%
31.8%
15.0%
9.6%
7.0%
9.1%
Regions are classified by descending order of the percentage of women in the lower or
single House.
Source: Inter- Parliamentary Union, 29 February 2008
According to Inter – Parliamentary Union on 29 February 2008 (See Table 1), the lower
or single House of Finland ranks 4th. Due to the Election in 3/2007, of the 200 seats,
women have taken 83 seats making the percentage 41.50%. As impressive as these
percentages are, the majority of decision-making bodies in Nordic countries are still
dominated by men (Women in Power).
24
According to the Human Development Report 2007/2008, includes a report of the
building of the capabilities of Women in Finland as follows:
The HDI: measures average achievements in a country, but does not incorporate the
degree of gender imbalance in these achievements.
The gender-related development index, or GDI, which was introduced in the Human
Development Report 1995, measures achievements in the same dimensions using the
same indicators as the HDI, but captures inequalities in achievement between women
and men. GDI is simply the HDI adjusted downward for gender inequality. The greater
the gender disparity in basic human development, the lower is a country's GDI relative
to its HDI.
Finland's GDI value of 0.947 should be compared to its HDI value of 0.952. Its GDI
value is 99.5% of its HDI value. Out of the 156 countries with both HDI and GDI
values, 50 countries have a better ratio than Finland.
The following table (Table 2) shows how Finland‟s ratio of GDI to HDI compares to
other countries, and also shows its values for selected underlying values in the
calculation of the GDI (measure of gender disparity).
Table 2: Building the Capabilities of Women - Finland
GDI as % of HDI
Life expectancy at
birth(years) 2004
1. Maldives (100.4%)
Female as % Male
1. Russian Federation
(123.1%)
49. Bolivia (99.5%)
54. Albania (108.7%)
50. Moldova (99.5%)
51. Finland (99.5%)
52. Jamaica (99.5%)
55. Spain (108.6%)
56. Finland (108.6%)
57. Portugal (108.5%)
Combined primary,
secondary and tertiary
gross enrolment ratio2004
Female as % Male
1. United Arab Emirates
(126.0%)
36. United Kingdom
(107.3%)
37. Niue (107.3%)
38. Finland (107.0%)
39. Dominica (106.8%)
53. Kyrgyzstan (99.4%)
58. Venezuela (108.4%)
40. Spain (106.6%)
156. Yemen (92.7%)
194. Niger (96.9%)
194. Afghanistan (55.3%)
Source: Human Development Report 2007/ 2008 – Building the Capabilities of
Women - Finland
The gender empowerment measure (GEM) reveals whether women take an active part
in economic and political life. It tracks the share of seats in parliament held by women;
25
of female legislators, senior officials and managers; and of female professional and
technical workers; as well as the gender disparity in earned income, reflecting economic
independence. Differing from the GDI, the GEM exposes inequality in opportunities in
selected areas. Finland ranks 3rd out of 93 countries in the GEM, with a value of 0.887,
according to the Human development report 2007 2008.
26
2.4. Overview of Women's conversion to Islam in Europe & Finland
The conversion toward Islam has apparently accelerated significantly after September
11, 2001. These religious shifts generally are given political weight. Conversion to
Islam, in particular, has a political dimension and indicates that Islam has become one
of the players on the religious market in the West, and further that its message makes
sense to individual converts.Van Nieuwekerk (2006).
One of the main reasons for conversion to Islam in Europe, and the Nordic countries is
the simplicity of Islamic theology. Van Nieuwkerk (2006) maintains that Islam is
considered rational, scientific, and logical; therefore it is deemed the most convincing
religion.
According to Van Nieuwkerk (2006), Islamic guidelines are providing reasoned answers
to the quest for a structured life as a “Guide for life” or “Way of life”. As a religious
system Islam has been seen attractive because it is grounded in nature, and is a social
and moral religion.
Van Nieuwkerk (2006), argues that the concept of conversion is difficult to define. The
common definition of conversion as an act of freely willed choice, as an authentic
experience, or, as an inward transformation after a thorough search and/or divine
inspiration, has been criticized before. Conversion takes on a wide variety of forms and
meanings, which can only be understood in the specific contexts and power relations of
the individuals and groups involved. Conversion is analyzed as a complex social
phenomenon rather than simply as an individual spiritual transition.
It is important to mention that early Muslims and companions of the prophet
Muhammed were converts. The first Muslim convert was a woman, Khadija, prophet
Muhammed‟s wife, who supported her husband morally and financially. In Christianity,
the first Christian, that is the first person who was asked to believe in Jesus' resurrection
was also a woman, Mary Magdalene.
One of the main questions regarding gender and religion in the West is: “Why are
women interested in conversion attracted to Islam?”
27
Does Islam liberate Western
women? The discourse on gender mainly centers on gender roles, sexuality, and
motherhood. Does Islam provide converts with constructions of gender that allow them
to live according to their feminine nature (Fitrah), without being treated as sex objects?
Do they feel more respected as women?
According to different surveys studied, “Conversion to Islam” occurs in different cases:
by marrying a Muslim, meeting Muslims, dealing with immigrants or travelling, and
there is also rational conversion which occurs not through personal contact, but rather
an intellectual search.
The decisions surrounding conversion to Islam might lead to several changes in life.
These changes occur in daily life practices, including praying, fasting, and allowed
(Halal) food. Personal markers like name or personal appearance (Hijab) could also be
changed. Conversion could also lead to changing social and cultural practices, such as
Muslim celebrations (Eid), opposite sex relations, and the family of origin.
With a close view of Finland, an estimated 200 Finns have converted to Islam in the
1990s. A new Finnish translation of the Quran was published in 1995, which was
prepared by a Finnish scholar of Arabic language and culture. The translator later also
published an introduction to the Quran in Finnish (Lehtinen, 2004) and has been a key
envoy for explaining Islam in Finland.
The vast majority of converts in Finland are women who have married Muslim men.
Most of these converts live in cities, typically in metropolitan areas like Helsinki or
Tampere.
With respect to educational background, female converts in Finland are a heterogeneous
group. Some women have higher university degrees, while others have not studied
beyond the comprehensive school level (Peruskoulu) and only quite few female
converts have an average university level of education. The age structure of the group
seems to have changed during these ten years. In the beginning of the 1990s, most
female converts in Finland were between 25 and 35 years of age. Within the past few
years, however, the majority of new converts have been younger, around twenty years
old. One explanation for the decreasing age of converts might be that the importance of
28
marriage as a catalyst to conversion has decreased for young women who are not yet
married, but they individually search for religious and spiritual alternatives Lehtinen
(2004).
2.4.1 An Overview of Islamic Reformation in Association with the Current Islamic
Ideologies in Europe.
Throughout Islamic history, there have been dynamic responses to the idea of renewal
or revivalism in Muslim societies. The concept of renewal itself, embodied in the terms
tajdid, meaning “regeneration” or “renewal”, and the related term mujaddid, meaning
the person who leads renewal (Voll, 1991).
As Hadad (1991) discusses, the contemporary Islamic revival is one of the phases that
reflect the history of Islamic world's encounter with the West. This ongoing relationship
began in the sixteenth century when European conquests of Muslim land began. As
Muslims believe that Islam is a religion for every time and place, they had to search for
a motivational purpose for these trials of Islamic revivals. Muslim scholars found their
support on change in Surah (13:12) of the Quran “God will not alter what is in a people
until they alter what is in themselves”.
Hadad (1991) continues that Muslims saw how Islam affirmed both religion and the
world. The export of Muslim activists to Europe gave them the opportunity to learn
more about European ideas and techniques and helped encourage a literature in dialogue
with the West, one that stresses the ideals of Islam and proposes Islamic solutions in
opposition to western societies.
The Islamic revival movements in the West had significant effects on the rejection of
any nationalist ideologies and replaced them with an Islamic revival ideology.
An important focus of revivalist writing is the proper role for women in Islamic society.
As this paper discuses in Chapter Two, secular feminism persuaded that the women‟s
liberation movement in the Muslim world has been one of the unwelcome influences of
western hegemony. And, in fact, part of the increasingly obvious western agenda to
undermine the religion of Islam, contemporary Muslims have made the issue of the role
29
of women one of the major arenas in which the debate between western and Islamic
values is taking place (Hadad, 1991).
There are differences among writers in the Muslim world in the degree to which women
are allowed to participate in the public realm. In general, women are restricted to the
home or allowed to work as teachers, social workers and medical or personnel taking
care of the female population. The task of the woman, however, has been greatly
enhanced in that this literature now validates her shared responsibility of inculcating the
elements of the Islamic faith in the members of her family (Hadad, 1991).
Roald (2001) has explained the main dominant Islamic schools or groups which exist in
Europe. She has distinguished these main groups according to nine categories, and this
paper will highlight the active groups that function and play a main role among the
Muslim community in Finland. Some of these groups are working on increasing the role
of Muslim women in society as part of Islamic revivalism.
1. The Salafi Trend “Wahhabi movement”
The term Salafi refers to al-aslaf (the first three generations of Muslims), the practice of
Wahhabism is to adhere firmly to the traditional Islam in Arab lands. As the group‟s
main concept is “the return to Quran and Prophet‟s Sunna”, without referring to modern
scholars' opinions, they consider the problems of Muslims to be a result of diverse
understandings of Islam. The Salafi school has been spread by the graduates of the
Islamic teaching universities, which were established in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere.
They have a strict view of women‟s role in society, as they encourage women to stay in
their homes as they represent temptation (fitna), women also should wear face veils
(Niqab) as the Salafists, generally take the strictest legal position in Islam. As this
thesis discusses the dominance of the Salafi school in Finland, in particular, Roald's
research discussing the strong footholds of Salafists in Europe, particularly among Arab
and Somali groups, is very helpful. Salafists is an initiative group in Islamic book
translations, but is strongly supported by materials from Arab oil states. With the
urgency of integration in Europe, some immigrants have been modifying their Salafists
ideas and become more moderate, on the other hand, many have become more strict and
more isolated from society because of unemployment and poverty. Al Huda Mosque is
known to be associated with the Salafi domination in Helsinki, Finland.
30
Roald (2001) explains that the Salafi movement is quite different compared to to her
groups, since it was developed in a closed, non-colonized atmosphere.
2. The Muslim Brotherhood (Al-ikhwan al muslimun)
Early movement started in Egypt back in 1928 and it has spread throughout the Middle
East and other Muslim countries. This organization is concerned with high level of
political activities, and are a predominantly political group. The Muslim Brotherhood
are known for their well organized structures and clear focus on education. The Post
Ikhwan is the current trend developing a more independent view and free-thinking
atmosphere. They support an increase of Muslim women's role in the society. Members
of these groups are actively successful in administration, for example of the “Islamic
Rabita” in Helsinki, Finland.
As Roald (2001) explained western colonization has played a role in developing some
group's traditional ideas through encountering modern or western ideas as the Muslim
Brotherhood.
3. Sufi group
The Sufi's main concept is the reparation of the heart and turning away from all but God
(Allah). This group‟s activities occur mainly as dhikr or spiritual lectures in local
mosques. The Habashi movement is quite active movement in Sufism, and they do
have active groups in Europe and in Nordic countries. Normally, Sufi groups are not
concerned with political decisions, but the Habashi group is quite socio-politically
involved in Europe. Their main conflict with others is that they exclude some Islamic
thinkers and accuse them of being non-Muslims. At the same time, they do have some
lenient interpretations of Islamic rulings or laws in comparison with other groups (e.g
Salafi group).
4. Other Islamic movements; Shii groups, Tabligh movement
Shiia groups are mainly from Iraqi, Lebanese, Iranian or Afghani origins. These are
people belonging (hizb allah) to the Amal party, and they are quite active groups, and
considered religio-political groups. The main obstacle for this group is that they are not
accepted by the Sunni religious schools, and are usually excluded. There is centre is
located in Turku, Finland.
31
The Tabligh movement is an active group in Dawa (Call to Islam), using their main
concepts of Dawa and Tabligh (Preaching) to provide a basic level of Islamic message
in the Muslim community.
Converts play an important role in society and often function as cultural and political
mediators between the state and Muslim communities. Some of them are engaged in the
interpretation of Islamic sources and developing new discourses, as the following
chapter explains.
32
2.5 European Culture Versus Islamic Culture on Converts
When two cultures meet, a necessary outcome is the blending mixing and interaction of
customs and traditions. Since Islam is universal, as Muslims believe, its manifestations
cannot be confined to a particular nationality, social sphere, culture, or language.
Therefore, it must reflect the name, attire and cultures of communities where it begins
to take root. There is no religious requirement for converts or others to change their
names or appearance, and they should pass up the “Arabization” of Islam, since it can
flourish in any culture and among any individuals as long as it is modest and not
offensive to anyone (Hassan 2006).
Professor Tariq Modood at the University of Bristol explains there are three different
social integration terminologies, assimilation, integration and multiculturalism.
As Modood (2008) explains “assimilation” is where the processes affecting the
relationship between newly settled social groups are seen one way and the desired
outcome for society as a whole is seen as involving change in how things are done for
the majority of the country and its institutional policies. For example, when newcomers
do little to disturb the society, they are settling in and become as much like their new
compatriots as possible.
“Integration”, on the other hand, is the processes of social interaction seen as two-way
interaction and members of the majority community as well as immigrants and ethnic
minorities are required to do something. In this way, the latter cannot alone be blamed
for failing (or not trying) to integrate. The established society is the site of institutions including employers, civil systems and government – in which integration has to take
place, and accordingly must take the lead in establishing connections.
“Multiculturalism” assumes a two way process of integration but, additionally, it works
differently for different groups.
Multicultural accommodation of minorities is different from integration because it
recognizes the social reality of groups (not just of individuals and organizations). For
33
example, a sense of solidarity with people with similar origins, faith or mother tongue,
including those in a country of origin or a diaspora.
Multiculturalism is not opposed to integration, as without multiculturalism there would
not be a form of integration as apparent in hyphenated identities such as JewishAmerican or British-Muslim. These hyphenated identities, on this understanding, are a
legitimate basis for political mobilization and lobbying, and not attacked as divisive or
disloyal because these minority identities do not necessarily compete with a sense of
nationality (e.g. Britishness) (Modood, 2008).
To summarize, multiculturalism or the accommodation of minorities is different from
integration because it recognizes groups, not just individuals, at the levels of: identities,
associations, and belonging, including diasporic connections, behaviour, culture,
religious practices, and political mobilization. Multiculturalism appreciates that groups
vary in all kinds of ways and will become part of the social landscape in different ways.
This means that minorities cannot necessarily be accommodated according to a single
plan and will in different ways change the society into which they are integrated
(Modood, 2008).
A closer point of view on “Multiculturalism” is articulated by Tariq Ramadan at the
University of Genève, raised in Switzerland from an Egyptian background. He is the
only one to propose the concept of European Islam or European Muslim citizenship. He
believes that there is a “European Islam” as there is a separate "Asian Islam" and an
"African Islam", which take into account cultural differences.
Ramadan identifies
himself as a European who does not deny his Muslim roots, but wants to develop an
identity that combines Islam with European-based identities. With some 15 million
Muslims in Europe, he feels it is time to abandon the dichotomy in Muslim thought that
defines Islam in opposition to the West. This is possible if one separates Islamic
principles from their culture of origin and anchors them in the cultural reality of
Western Europe. Ramadan says: “I am a European who has grown up here. I don‟t deny
my Muslim roots, but I don‟t vilify Europe either” (Abu Zayed, 2006). Ramadan
(2002) discusses that the future of a Muslim presence in Europe must entail a truly
“European Islamic Culture” disengaged from other cultures. The formation of this new
34
Islamic culture is a pioneering endeavour, making use of European energy while
respecting Islamic values and guidelines.
According to Roald (2006), the case is quite hard on converts when they when they
begin living Islam as a religion and they are faced with a culture – or better cultures of
Islam. Islam offers the possibility of distancing oneself from an ethnic background,
either through a discourse on the universality of Islam and the irrelevance of the ethnic
dimension, or by critical reflection on such Western values as materialism,
individualism, or views on sex and gender.
Both Roald and Tezcan (2006) agree that most converts identify themselves as their
birth-origin and as a Muslim. Converts put their identity together in a single label as
Dutch Muslim, German Muslim or Finnish Muslim. They stress that they have become
Muslims, but did not adopt another nation‟s identity , and live within a prediction and
hope for a version of Islam called “national Islam”. By reclaiming their culture, they
can claim an ethnicity distinct from the "Arabic", "Turkish" or "Kurdish" label, which
often connotes different ideologies. Even though their views have changed concerning
their own society and they have become critical of several aspects, they are not often
very estranged. They may have moved away from central Western values, but they
don‟t feel they are outsiders.
Roald (2006) stresses that converts have a vested interest in remaining "Scandinavian",
with all that its implications.
By reclaiming their Scandinavian heritage, they can
effectively distance themselves from the social, economic, and political problems that
are weighing down the Muslim community and keep some of the superior status
inherent in belonging to their majority community.
Van Nieuwkerek's (2006) research on women embracing Islam indicates that for some
families the appearance of Hijab is a shock, more than the decision to convert itself.
For the West, the Muslim woman is, by definition, downtrodden, and the symbol of her
oppression is the Hijab, or veil which she is forced to wear. The Hijab is no longer seen
as an innocent mark of a woman intent on maintaining her cultural or religious identity,
but as a threatening symbol of a pathologically anti-Western ideology. The veil (Hijab,
or occasionally Niqab face cover) has various connotations in a WEestern context. A
35
Christian nun wearing a veil might be seen as an image of sincere religiosity, purity and
peace, whereas a Muslim woman wearing a veil is likely to be seen as a symbol of the
oppression of women and as a person making a political and religious statement (Roald,
2006).
This inner conflict with society, the culture's identities‟ clash could lead some converts
to step out of Islam and not remain Muslims. Some converts turn away from Islam,
either because of the pressure they have been through, as a result of cultural changes or
disappointment with some born–Muslims behaviour and ideas (e.g., unsuccessful
marriage to Muslim men and cultural difference in notions).
Frank Flinn , a researcher on conversion, discusses that a convert community might
work in a revolutionary way by defying accepted rules and establishing new movements
(Roald, 2008). New Scandinavian Muslims are active in shaping a "Scandinavian
Islam" (Roald 2006). Being a "European" Muslim is becoming a safer and less stressful
option which looks increasingly attractive to many.
36
2.6. Roles of New European Muslims in their own Society
Defining a European, Norwegian, Swiss, or Finnish Islam has been attempted many
times. Although successful trails have been made into defining the direction of an Islam
from a Western perspective (Tripp 2006), there is no definitive meaning. As Tripp
(2006) articulates these tryouts were efficiently executed by both converts and second
generation Muslims who were both raised in the western society.
European Muslim converts are the mediators in society and one of the only links
between both nations and their different ideologies. The insistence on their role is one
of the main challenges toward a positive beneficial direction to the whole society. New
Muslims and second generation Muslims play the role of “local actors” in society, and
sometimes outsiders do not realize and feel the need to consult with local actors about
their facts or strategies. Outsider involvement can cause damage, especially in cases of
insufficient collaboration with those on the ground who are the most knowledgeable
about their own circumstances. There are many cultural cases in Europe where local
actors were excluded and disempowered by the interventions, and further some were
endangered rather than helped (Tripp 2006).
2.6.1 Finnish Muslims Serving Muslim Community in Finland
Finnish Muslim converts have attempted to form organizations over time. The first
organization founded by Finnish converts to Islam – Information (association), was
established in 1994.
Due to inner conflicts, a decision was made not to form an
association, but a committee (Lehtinen, 2004).
As Lehtinen (2004) explains, a female convert and a Tatar man ran the committee. It
functioned well for the first year, but due to lack of economic and human resources, the
activities gradually ceased. The second year started with only two volunteer women
who were able to donate their time to the committee. Although associations have not
been a successful way to carry out activities, a lot has been done by the activity of
individual converts (Lehtinen, 2004).
37
A Finnish journal on Islam called, An – Nur Journal, which means the Light, , was
established in 1994. Published first as a private journal, it has become a monthly
periodical ever since, mainly as a result of the activity of women. Contributors write
articles and translate texts from English. In 1996, An Nur joined the Islamic Society of
Finland as they shared the same policy of moderate Islam in Finnish circumstances.
Today An - Nur reaches about 470 private subscribers and 50 libraries. The Islamic
Society of Finland and others cover printing costs through subscription fees and
donations.
An - Nur has been an important channel providing information and
knowledge about religious issues as well as practical information on current events
(Lehtinen, 2004).
According to Lehtinen (2004), the religion of Islam has started to be taught in many
Finnish schools. Most books on Islam in the Finnish language are translations. Some
books, however, had converts as translators. In 2003, the National Board of Education
published the first school book on Islam written by Muslims, two converts and a Somali
immigrant (Lehtinen , 2004).
Lehtinen (2004) continues her discussions about the convert‟s activities in Finland, as
converts have also been active in trying to bring converts from different mosques
together. These attempts have often been successful and there have been seminars for
Finnish Muslims on an annual basis since 1997. Converts from different European
countries have been invited as lecturers, and local converts have held some other
lectures as well. Furthermore, mother-children Islamic groups and children's groups
have also been arranged.
It is essential to mention that seminars, lectures and study circles (Halaqs) have been
important ways to train converted women on Islam, since many women cannot read
books in English.
Furthermore, they have provided converts with valuable
opportunities to meet and share experiences.
Another important activity has been dialogue between Muslims and Christians. By the
end of 1990s, in a suburb called Vuosaari in Eastern Helsinki where many immigrants
live, a discussion group attended by Christian and Muslim women had been active for
38
five years.
Finnish converts and immigrant Muslim women, especially Somalis,
participated in this group (Lehtinen, 2004).
2.6.2 Other Social Events
For Emile Durkheim, religion was a source of knowledge and knowing. It was the
original source of all man‟s knowledge. Durkheim also thought religion was integral to
society, so knowledge was also social. In a “Mechanical Society”, one finds religion is
preponderant, dominating social life at every level on a daily basis (Dingley 2008).
Finland
This model of mechanical society is the case in the Muslim community because it is
hard to make a distinction between social and religious events. Many religious events
are, at the same time, social events, and vice versus. Many Muslim women's gatherings
also have religious elements (e.g., preparing food can be a religious activity if it is
prepared for fasting people during Ramadan).
Typically, women prepare special
traditional foods for religious ceremonies and rituals. Many social events and activities
of Muslim women in Finland follow ethnic lines (Lehtinen 2004).
Friends, who often belong to the same ethnic group, visit and support each other, and
are invited to different celebrations. For some years, Finnish converts have had social
evenings together, sharing food, discussing Islam, praying and getting to know each
other. But for many women it was difficult to attend without children, especially in the
evenings (Lehtinen 2004).
Despite the fact that the activities of Muslim women belonging to different ethnic
groups are somehow segregated, women have also co-operated and joined their efforts,
to some extent. Ramadan and pilgrimage time are important sacred periods, which
unite the whole Muslim community. Since the end of 1990s, converts and their children
have had their own Eid celebrations.
As Lehtinen (2004) stresses, one crucial social event that has to be mentioned is that
immigrant and convert women have also been active in creating opportunities to swim,
39
as well as guidance for themselves and their daughters. After long discussions with
public swimming pool staff regarding proper swimsuit and showering arrangement, they
managed to arrange a separate hour of swimming just for Muslim women and girls in a
public swimming pool in Helsinki.
In addition, other swimming opportunities for
Muslim women have been arranged in smaller pools. For instance, one Somali women's
association has organized swimming for Somali women only.
In a study by Tiilikainen and Lehtinen (2004), they explain how the media has handled
Islam in Finland and how it was mainly connected to Somalis, refugees, criminals and
problems in general.
The negative image of Islam, such as connections to threat, war and terrorism, created
by news, television programs and articles, create stereotypes about Muslims, including
those living in Finland. Although the official policy of Finland has changed in order to
encourage the development of a multi-religious and multicultural society, the attitudes
of ordinary citizens change slowly. Muslim women who wear a headscarf or a veil are
exposed to discrimination, and often rude remarks. This happens to not only immigrant
Muslim women, but also Finnish convert women.
With this overview on Muslim women activities in Finland, we find that Islam has
united women belonging to different ethnic and cultural groups, despite differences in
their religious interpretations. In addition, Muslim women in Finland share a sense of
belonging to a minority. Muslim women have become part of the ongoing multicultural
discourse in Finland and possible future debates on Islam and minority rights will affect
them and their families.
Future developments following the growth of second
generation converts and immigrants will be of special interest.
40
Norway
Roald (2006) discusses a gradual convergence of "Islamic" and "Norwegian" activities
into a new kind of "Islamic" activity. Norwegian converts have, for instance, started up
Islamic kindergartens and have initiated a specific form of Eid- celebration .
In the Muslim community in Norway, there was no real Eid-celebration for children
until female converts decided to arrange children's celebrations in the Al-Rabita
mosque.
The new Muslims Eid-traditions in Scandinavia resemble those of the
traditional Christmas observance, as most converts tend to skip Christmas celebration
(Roald, 2006).
One example of this is the Norwegian converts who have introduced the Norwegian
tradition of the "Advent calendar", or "Julkalender", which contains little pictures and
small pieces of candy for each day of Advent,adapted it for Ramadan (Roald, 2006).
The calendars are homemade, with shaped pieces of mosques, crescents, and other
"Islamic" motifs. As Roald (2006) writes, these calendars are unusual in that the
children are not to open the gift of the day until after sunset, when Muslims break their
fast.
As Roald (2006) continues in discussion of the role of Muslim Norwegians,
the
publication of a book of Norwegian – Islamic children's songs becomes another
example of how "Islam" has evolved in the Norwegian context. The texts are mainly
Islamic songs translated from English, but the new Muslims have composed some songs
themselves. It is interesting to observe that the melodies are often taken from wellknown children's songs, even Christian songs from the Norwegian context (Larsen
1995, 167).
As Roald (2006) explains, there have been other activities during Ramadan like telling
stories in one of the mosques in Oslo.
Children queued up to participate in the
activities, even those children who often refused to participate in mosque activities were
enthusiastic about going to the mosque the year activities were initiated.
41
Sweden
In the Swedish town of Gothenburg, a group consisting mainly of Swedish female
converts has started up Islamic kindergartens. It is interesting to note that the main
methodology used in these kindergartens is the Montessori system, in which many of
the new Muslims have taken classes. They regard this model to be in accordance with
the "Islamic" pedagogical ideal (Roald, 2006).
Yet another interesting phenomenon in the development toward a "Scandinavian Islam"
is the new Muslim undertaking of "walking with poles". Over the last few years, this
sport where one walks with ski poles in order to increase the exercising effect, has
become popular in Sweden and Norway and particularly in Finland, where it started.
Some converts walk regularly several miles with poles (Roald 2006).
These examples of convert activities typify how new Scandinavian Muslims form their
own "Islamic" traditions by transferring Scandinavian traditions into an Islamic context.
The new Islamic model draws on elements both from the Muslims' own cultural context
and from a Scandinavian cultural sphere
The role of converts as mediators in the society has added to both Muslim societies and
Western societies in general. For example, in North America different magazines like
“Azizah” and “Muslim Girl” were published for the Muslim American woman in her
voice, and from her perspective. www.azizahmagazine.com. (Bullock 2005:195). Other
roles occupied by American converts is the preacher “Hamza Yusuf”, who has played an
urgent role as an advisor to the former American President, George W. Bush, in the
“War
against
Terror”
Campaign
in
the
fall
of
2001.
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hamza_Yusuf )
In Britain, the famous convert Yusuf Islam (former singer Cat Stevens) has played a
significant role as an British honorable ambassador to Bosnia & Herzegovina, while the
civil war in Bosnia back in the 90`s. (http://www.yusufislam.com/articles/2000s/catstevens-returns-with-smal/).
42
To summarize, we find that converts are crucial mainly in three fields. Converted
intellectuals, in particular, offer legitimatization in the eyes of society.
Besides,
converts can provide confirmation for immigrants of the rightness of their faith.
Moreover, converts form an element of guarantee, since they are citizens who cannot,
even if they act as militant Islamic leaders, be expelled from the country (Allievi &
Roald, 2006). Female converts also play a role in the development of new discourse on
gender and Islam. They are important in the Islamic feminist production of knowledge.
Recent research indicates that Islamic feminism is also gaining ground among female
converts in the Netherlands, England, and South Africa (Roald 2006).
The role of New Muslims as mediators in society should be considered as they have the
most intimate knowledge of issues, other players, conditions, laws, and cultural
sensitivities. They have greater legitimacy than outsiders. Taking action that affects a
community and a whole society requires consulting local organizations, taking in
consideration many factors (e.g. timing, frame out) and other local dynamics (Tripp
2006).
43
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 Hypotheses
3.1 Emergence of this study
Many studies have portrayed Muslim women as incapable to deal with modern issues
(Aune, 2008). And despite these calls for “Emancipation of Women” around the world,
we find that it has been proven that these calls are not done with their mission yet. It
has come to signify much wider political and social attiudes towards social change and
modernization as women occupy an important role in this change (Davis 1997).
Aune (2008) conducted different surveys and has found that 18% of Muslims in general
look after home, in comparison to 7% of the population nationally, and Muslim women
have the highest rates, 34%, of being housewives and higher proportion of children
(three children or more from the age 0 to 15 years).
Aune (2008) continues to say that in comparison with other eastern minorities, Muslim
women are more likely than any other group to be economically inactive. Hindu, Sikhs
and other women are 1.6 times more likely to be economically inactive than their males.
If this were an indication that Muslims are slightly less inclined towards “traditional
family types”, economic inactivity may be an indication of Gender Specific roles within
these communities. According to national surveys in England and Wales, we find
English language proficiency, as an indication of participation in the public sphere 73%
for Muslim women, 76% for Buddhists, 81% for Sikhs. We find that 75% of Muslim
women are not on paid employment or self-employment, but yet remain dependent in
comparison to 49% of Buddhists.
As women tend to occupy the role of nurturer or homekeeper, rather than being
breadwinners or contributors to bread winning (a family member whose wages supply
its livelihood), 18% of Muslim women look after their homes in comparison to 7% of
the national population in England and Wales. National census (2001).
The reasons many are household caretakers or economically inactive depend on several
factors:
44

The current climate of tensions

Prejudice

External forces on social activities

Less exposure to secular influenced institutions

Religion as obstacle

Preferring additional time for worship
A number of the chapters have also confirmed the idea that home-centered women find
reinforcement for their position in traditional religion (Davis, 1997). And one of the
paradoxes associated with fundamentalism is the fact that women collude, see comfort
in, and even gain a sense of empowerment within the spaces allocated to them by
fundamentalist movements. Women attend religious gatherings generally more than
men in all categories, as they have their inner calling for spirituality (Aune 2008).
Many have this believe inside them, even if they do not belong to or follow a constant
theology. We find spirituality exists with all these changes in women lives and it is
related to active participants or volunteers. For women of racial and ethnic minorities, it
can also provide the means by which to defend themselves, as well as to defy the racist
hegemonic culture. However, the overall effect of fundamentalist movements has been
very detrimental to women, limiting and defining their roles and activities and actively
oppressing them when they step outside their preordained limits (Aune, 2008).
45
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 Data and Methodology
The research methodology in the area of women activism has depended mainly on
methods involving qualitative and quantitative research. Both research methods were
required in order to reach a numerical result supported by feminist feelings.
As
minority activities trend had to measured, it was essential to use questionnaires as a
qualitative method. In addition, to transfer a feminist point of view in this research, it
was less essential to use structured interviews.
This empirical research was conducted in Helsinki which contains large concentrations
of Muslim populations. The study involved questionnaires, structured and semistructured interviews with a total of 26 Muslim women, mainly Finnish citizens, some
with diverse ethnic backgrounds. The data analysis is prefaced by an overview of the
status of women in Islam and of socioeconomic and legal issues surrounding the history
of the Muslim presence in Europe over the past years.
There was a very enthusiastic and large participation of Finnish Muslim women in this
research. The research participants welcomed a study that would finally set out Muslim
women‟s experiences and aspirations rather than talk “about” their conversion to Islam
and their headscarves, or “Hijab”.
46
4.1. Data Analysis
This research consisted of interviews of a group of Finnish Muslim women. The
questionnaire (See Appendix) was distributed be email, and has been sent to over 35
women from different cities in Finland. Twenty questionnaires were returned.
Interviews have been done with six women in Helsinki. Interviews were interactive,
specifically about the role of new Muslim women in Finland and their activism inside
the Muslim community. Field observations were made mainly during the Jomaa
(Friday) prayer and were completed in Helsinki.
4.1.1. Participants' Criteria
The participating group has been categorized by personal information to determine
some of their activities, as follows:
General criteria for the selection of the key informants and interviewees:

Present Activities: Their current activities and whether they were highly active,
or moderately active in the Muslim community

Islamic knowledge of literature: as a new Muslim, it was important to know how
they learn Islam, and methods to improve their learning

Ethnic background or origin: since this research is investigating the Finnish
Muslim community, it is important to understand the ethnic backgrounds of the
participants.

Educational standard: it is vital to this research to know the level of the
participant's educational achievement.

City‟s population: since most of the Muslim community were located in the
main cities in Finland, like, Helsinki and Tampere.

Employment status/professional organizations: In order to search the
community‟s percentage of working women, it was important to discuss the
participants' employment status or membership in professional organizations.
47
4.1.2. Interviews
Interviews were conducted in different places in Helsinki. One of the interviews was
hosted in a key informant‟s house. The remaining five interviews took places in public
places or the Mosque. All of the six participants were from different groups. The
interviews were semi-structured, and the questionnaire was discussed fully with the
participants.
The interviews were important opportunities to discern many of the
participant‟s visions and feelings. As feminist research, the study had to be supported
by feminist feelings and the interviews shared in gathering this information.
4.1.3. Questionnaire
The questionnaire was divided into three parts. The first part contained six closed text
questions, with a possibility to add more information through the option of specifying
other answers if needed. This questionnaire structure helped in gaining more
information as open ended text questions. The six questions were general questions,
measuring the main outlines of the participant‟s activism before and after converting to
Islam, main resources for learning about Islam and how Islam gives back to each
participant.
The second part of the questionnaire contained eight Likert-scale questions; these
questions were considered the core of the thesis topic as they sought to understand how
the Muslim women participate in the Muslim community as vital members. These
questions also measure the motivation of Muslim women to take on a wider space and
more responsibilities, not only inside the Muslim community, but also to work and serve
the majority society in their own country. The Likert-scale method accurately measured
the participant‟s thoughts and feedback on the current role of Muslim women both
minor and major communities, as well as measuring possibilities for growth.
48
Part One
Description of the Participants
1. Key Informants
Three participants out of the six are considered the research‟s key informants. As two of
these women hold positions in the community. The first key informant is a head of
“International Muslim Women Union of Finland”. The Union was established in 2001
and their activities include: providing counseling, offering access to a small library,
conducting seminars, and running summer camps. She was elected to presidency in
year 2004/2005. Their office opens everyday in the al-Huda cultural centre and mosque
in Pasila. The Association‟s website is www.mnunioni.org.
The second key informant was active earlier in the 1980s. She started translation and
editing the first Islamic Journal in Finland “An - Nur”. She is also an active member of
the “Finnish Islamic Council”, that recently organized and participated in the event
which was hosted by the Finnish Islamic Council (SINE), an association, "whose single
mission is to increase dialogue with the different religions living together in Finland.”
Its purpose is also to promote respect for and awareness of Islam in Finland and Finnish
culture within the Muslim community. The Council seeks to prevent both Islamism and
the emergence development of anti-Islam as extreme phenomena in Finland.
The third key informant is an executive secretary in one of the main mosques in
Helsinki “Masjid Al-Iman Islamic Multicultural Da'wah Centre”. The informant is a
young active woman, who is aware of many sociological problems in the Muslim
community. She spends most of her free time volunteering in the Mosque besides her
daily job.
2. Identity

23 of 26 participant were Finnish, only 3 were from different origins like
Swedish or French.
49
3. Targeted Group

Participant‟s ages were divided from 18-35, 36 and above.
18 of the
participant‟s age categories were between 18 to 35 and 8 of the participants were
over the age 36.

This questionnaire reached participants from different cities. The majority of the
participants were living in cities with populations over 100 000 (around 50%
participants). About 7 participants ranked themselves in cities with population
estimates of 50 000 – 100 000. A small percentage participated from cities with
populations less than 50 000. Electronic questionnaires reached distant cities
such as Oulu and Tampere.

The electronic questionnaire proved that all participants have general computer
literacy. More than 15 out of the 26 participant volunteer by updating online
Islamic forums in Finland, while two interviews mentioned that updating forums
requires a good knowledge of computer and new software.
Online Islamic
forums have different point of views and ideologies, many of the forums in
Finland represent their local group's ideology in the city, such as Tampere‟s
webpage (www.sunnanpolku.com), as the Shiaa‟ group. Other new blogs carry
moderate ideas and try to attract younger generations by presenting advanced
and highly discussed topics among young generations (http://muxlim.com). A
key informant brought up the issue of young Muslim generations in Finland, as
confronting “Cultural Identity” problems, and receiving less attention in most of
the activities.

By searching the daily activities and daily presence for the participants, as
mentioned over 23 of the participants wore the “Hijab” (Muslim women dress
code). With the Hijab dress code, 10 of the participants attend gym classes and
other sports (gym has been the most popular sport activity among the
participants).

On the other side, four participants volunteer in different fields (e.g. Mosque
administration assistant), not only serving the Islamic community, but also
volunteering within the majority society.

15 participants hold driving licenses. Their daily driving is required either on
their way to work or children to schools.
50
PART TWO
Group‟s Membership and Participation in Society
1. Moderate Active Involvement vs. Highly Active Involvement

The objective was to measure the whole picture of involvement within the
Muslim community generally in Finland. A high percentage have described
their participation in the Muslim community in Finland by “moderately
involved”, 9 out of 20 chose the average amount of participating or performing
roles inside the Muslim community in Finland. The “highly involved” were
mainly answered by the key informants who are currently in charge of positions
inside the community.

The activity average after conversion to Islam in comparison to before : 6 out of
the 20 participant described their participation before converting to Islam with
“Highly involved” in comparison to 5 out of the 20 participant were “Not
Involved” at all before conversion to Islam.

9 out of 20 participants were considered to be “moderately involved” in the
Muslim community (after conversion to Islam). In comparison to 8 out of 20
who where already “moderately involved” before conversion to Islam.

3 out of 6 key informants where “highly involved” in different activities, before
and after converting to the Islam; they are in charge of some positions inside the
community. It was important to measure and connect each participant‟s
measuring activities, how she can define herself and compare participant‟s
activism both before and after conversion to Islam.
According to both answers, there has been a connection between participants' majority
answers with the “moderately involved” before and after Islam. This response is related
somehow to one‟s personal attitude, and personal perspective in being active, as it has
been mentioned earlier in this paper by Bullock (2005) who wrote about herself ʺI
wasn’t Muslim yet, but when I did become a Muslim, it was natural to turn my energies
to the Muslim communityʺ.
But having this high percentage of highly involved individuals before Islam raises the
question, “Has converting to Islam anything to do with it? Or does the difference in the
51
activity involvement
come
from differences
in
life
stages
(marriage
and
responsibilities)?”
The answer to these questions could be answered through an analysis of the personal
data. 55% of the participants are married and 50% have children, and besides it has
been raised that the lack of children care, while having ongoing events requires
participants, volunteers and organizers is problematic for participation. This complaint
was raised by some of the interviewees, and has been one of the main obstacles for
many Muslim women to participate actively in the community.
2. Relation with the Muslim community

The Finnish Muslim women group is considered to be a heterogeneous minority
“minority within minority” as they belong to different Islamic ideology schools
in Finland. It was important to have participants from different Islamic
perspectives and measure their vision equally.
5 out of 20 considered
themselves generally as Muslims and not belonging to any specific group, 9 of
the group identified themselves as Sunni Muslims, 2 belonged to the Sufi group,
and 2 belonged to the Shia Group. 3 interviewees and Key informants belonged
to the Salafi (radical Islamic group), while the other 3 participants were
following moderate Islamic schools and did not belong to a specific group.
These above mentioned groups are playing an important role inside the
heterogeneous Muslim group in Finland, and some ideologies have prevented
Muslim women from being active and raised conflicts in the community.

Participants serve the Islamic community by arranging weekly Islamic
gatherings (Halaqa), or volunteering to assist in Mosque administration.

Around 10 of the participants have participated in online Islamic forums, as two
interviewees have mentioned that they are widely popular in Finland and require
updating). These interviewees mainly volunteer by updating Islamic forums.
Online Islamic forums have different point of views and ideologies. Many of the
forums in Finland represent a local group in a city, such as Tampere‟s webpage
(www.sunnanpolku.com), but some of the new blogs are carry moderate ideas,
and are more fashionable to reach a high percentage of the younger generations
(http://muxlim.com). A key informant brought up the issue of young Muslim
52
generations in Finland, as those who confront “cultural identity” problems, and
face less attention in most activities.
3. Integration in the Muslim community

Half of the participants (13 out of 26 participant) preferred to be called by
the name Sister (Sisar), as the term base of sisterhood is highly appreciated
in Islam.
By exploring name changes after conversion to Islam, it was observed that many new
Muslims prefer to change their origin name (name by birth) to a Muslim name
(normally Arabic name). In statement no. 4 (See Appendix 1) the case of integration
was explored and how would one choose to change from a majority society name to a
minority group name? A high percentage of the participants explained the change of
name case as a personal choice, in order to help in integration with the new group.
They have also mentioned in the interviews that it has been easier to know with these
new Muslim/Arabic names inside the Muslim community, another group mentioned that
keeping both names (birth name and a new name after conversion), has helped in
integrating in both the major society and minor society. Two interviewees of the six
mentioned that their own family (including husbands), prefer calling them by the origin
name, not the new Muslim one. A key informant has choose to have a unique name
which half of it is Arabic and the second half is Finnish, which is understood by both
sides.
According to the questionnaire 13 out of 26 of the whole group preferred to be called by
neither their birth name nor their new Muslim name, but by Sister (Sisar).
This highly percentage choice has leaded to search the choice of this term “Sisterhood”.
What is the basis of sisterhood in the feminist movement and Islam?
Searching in the feminist theory and movement, the term Sisterhood, has been
articulated in second wave feminism (1960 - 1980s), as mentioned in these papers (for
details, consult Chapter 2).
Feminists, themselves, faced the initial challenge of convincing women that they needed
feminism. These early active feminists addressed a need for women‟s “sisterhood”, and
this consciousness – raising group stressed the need for both psychological and
politically pragmatic activity to express their new understand, as it offered women who
were isolated through bourgeois domestic conventions a framework for understanding
53
potential loyalties to one another.
Like the ideology of fraternité in the French
Revolution, “sisterhood” provided a metaphor for women‟s solidarity even while
constructing radical terminologies within the explicitly bourgeois codes of family
(Dever, 2004).
The concept of “Sisterhood” is also an important aspect in Islam. Sisterhood entails
many rights, responsibilities, mutual duties and obligations, and has been dealt with as a
religious matter in Islam. This has been brought up from different Islamic references in
the Quran, the Prophet‟s sayings (Sunnah) and. related fields like, Islam for women,
Muslim women, Women in shariah.
From the Quran “The Believers, men and women, are protectors one of another: they
enjoin what is just, and forbid what is evil: they observe regular prayers, practise
regular charity, and obey Allah and His Messenger. On them will Allah pour His mercy:
for Allah is Exalted in power, Wise.." (At-Tauba 009:71)”
And from prophet‟s sayings as narrated by Ibn Muslim "Do not be envious of other
Muslims; do not overbid at auctions against another Muslim; do not have malice
against a Muslim; do not go against a Muslim and forsake him; do not make an offering
during a pending transaction. O' servants of Allah, be like brothers (or sisters) with
each other. A Muslim is the brother (or sister) of another Muslim; do not hurt him (or
her), or look down upon him (or her) or bring shame on him (or her). Piety is a matter
of heart (The Prophet (SAW) repeated this thrice). It is enough evil for a person to look
down upon his Muslim brother (or sister). The blood, property and honor of a Muslim is
inviolable to a Musilm."
Participants declared by a high percentage the importance of Sisterhood and the practice
of this term inside the community. Both feminist movements and Islamic notions have
also emphasized the deep meaning of sisterhood and its healthy benefits as an outcome.
4. Personal Meanings of Religion

To identify the participants' opinion on Islamic belonging, if the case is to
feel attached and secure to a specific religion? Or is it the fact of belonging
to a group of “sisterhood” as discussed? Only three participants have
54
chosen the Islamic faith to belong to a group. 19 out of the 26 participants
believed in the faith, and 4 participants mentioned that Islam made them
secure.

In this term, it was hard also to get one clear answer or choice. Most of the
participants, either choose all three above choices, or at least wanted to add
more, such as that Islam has giving them meaning as women in terms of
dignity, a meaningful life, peace of mind, righteousness in every aspect of
life, and peace in their hearts.

The internet has recently been a main source of developing their faith,
instead of reading and attending Muslim gatherings (Halaqas).

By searching the source of developing faith in Islam, Internet and reading
options are considered to be more independent and self learning methods, in
comparison with Muslim gatherings (Halaqas - Circles) which normally
depend on frequent attendance, listening to the speaker, and writing notes.

As the participants were computer users with good literacy, 11 participants
depended on the Internet as a main source in comparison to 13 participants
who preferred both sources as their own educational sources.

Also, it raised in the interviews by 4 out of 6 interviewees that a shortage of
time and babysitting issues are main reasons for depending on both sources,
instead of attending any Islamic classes.

Generally, reading either from online resources or books has helped many of
the participants learn about their new religion. Many mentioned that almost
all books are translated and written by specific scholars who belong to the
Salafi school (most books were published and printed in Saudi Arabia).
Despite the existence of other Islamic ideologies in Finland, most of the
available books don‟t present different ideologies, but focus mainly mainly
Salafi or Sufi ideologies in Islam.

One interviewee stated that she is volunteering by arranging the Muslim
gatherings (Halaqas), which are moderated in Finnish and take place in
Oulu. The other participants who are volunteering in the community by
working on the online Islamic forums and Islamic activities, in both
languages Finnish and English (and sometimes Swedish).
55
5. Relations to Former Friends

Relationship with former friends and relatives are considered the first link with
surrounding people from the majority society. In what terms, do these relations
still remain?

13 out of 20 participants strongly agreed that their relation haven‟t been affected
by their conversion or even dress code, while one of interviewee out of 6 agreed
that her family was even supportive of her as she is a single women. Her family
take into consideration her status now as a Muslim and respect her. Five other
participants somewhat agree that their relations remain but with some changes,
as some wrote that only half of the family is still in contact, or that only a few
friends are accepting of the idea. Many participants haven‟t decided, regarding
this issue.

Also, the time of conversion was raised by one of the participants as she
converted 10 years back, and the action wasn‟t understood in that time. She had
lost many contacts by the time, but she added that it is not the same case for
others in this time, as many factors have changed. One key informant also
supported the fact that the time factor is a good reason for them to be accepted.
6. Relation with the Majority society in Finland

5 out of the 26 Participants mentioned another type of volunteering, which was
considered untypical “As a president of a dog association”, or “Translations for
Immigrants.”
These types of volunteering are considered to be not quite
common among Muslims, but yet benefit both the minority community and the
major society.

Being a member in both the Finnish Society and the Muslim community was
strongly agreed upon by 11 participants out of 20 as important. 5 out of 6 key
informants also agreed on the importance of having their Finnish identity. One
key informant insisted on her Finnish roots and loyalty to serve the Finish
Muslim community.
It is important to differentiate and discuss the role of Muslim women in both the
Muslim community and the Finnish society. Whether acting as a mediator between both
56
the Muslim community and the Finnish society was not decided upon by 11
participants, in comparison with 10 participants who were also not decided in relation to
being a member in the Muslim community. Being Muslim women with a role in the
both the Finnish society and the Muslim community was strongly agreed upon as
important by 15 of the participants, as a choice of being both members in the major
society and the minor society.
As a member in the Muslim community by itself, one Interviewee has stated that
although she chose being both mediator and member in the Finnish Society and Muslim
community, her personal belonging is as a member in the Muslim community rather
than in the Finnish society. On the other hand, one key informant (interviewee) has
insisted on her Finnish roots and loyalty to serving the Finnish Muslim community,
expressing her Finnish identity clearly. Four interviewees strongly believed in being
both mediator and member in the Finnish society and Muslim community.
57
Part Three
Future Expectations of Muslim Women in Finland
1. Muslim Women & Feminism
Researching the possibility of Muslim Women occupying high or sensitive positions in
the Finnish society from the participant‟s personal opinions and point of views is
important. There has been a debate generally among Muslims in different societies
discussing the capability of Muslim women to fulfill sensitive positions, for example, a
judge.

6 of the participants strongly agreed that Muslim women could obtain such
positions in the future and should not face any obstacles, 2 participants were
divided equally between somewhat disagree and strongly disagree. 3 have not
decided if Muslim women can occupy sensitive positions, and 3 were agreed
somewhat. Two interviewees out of 6 strongly disagreed for this possibility
chance for the Muslim women, their disagreement came from a religious point
of view that these proposed positions are more masculine positions than
feminine ones. In other words, these positions could fit the nature of the man
more than women‟s nature as one interviewee has mentioned.

In relation to the general Muslim women's perspective on their roles in the
Muslim community, 10 strongly agreed that women are part of the dominant
force and vital part in the Islamic revival and awareness.
5 participants
somewhat agreed and also another 5 participants did not decide. It is important
to mention that these new terms “Islamic revivals”, “Islamic reform” and
“Islamic awareness” are new initiative terms raised by new educated Muslims
scholars and generations in both Islamic countries and Western countries. These
initiatives
hardworking and sometimes work together to defeat violence,
ignorance, and create an understanding for moderate Islam and Muslims.

Much research explores the role and position of current women inside the
Muslim community. Discussions of the factors that could be responsible for
giving women fewer roles in the community, and whether the influence of the
media, Eastern cultures, or ignorance of women‟s rights could be main factors,
are all important.
58

In relation to the factors that could be the responsible for giving women fewer
roles in the community, and if the influence of the media could be the main
factors, participants had the smallest reaction toward this factor, in comparison
to the other two factors (Eastern cultures and ignorance of women‟s rights). 9 of
the participants strongly agreed equally that both influences of Eastern cultures
and ignorance of women‟s rights are the main factors. In comparison to 2
participants who strongly agreed that the influence of the media is the main
factor. This could lead to the mainstream negative image of Muslim women by
the media, it is not one of the main practical reasons, as 10 participants could not
decide if the influence of the Media is the main reason
The influence of Eastern cultures is somehow observed inside the Muslim communities,
as the majority of Muslims belong to Eastern cultures which make them consequently
the general impression of the Muslims community.
One key informant, the “President of Islamic women organization”, has stated openly
that women‟s voices are not listened to since it is a male dominated community; few
participants shared the same opinion that women are left out from the decision-making
and their effort or potential in sustaining and developing conditions is mostly ignored.
They added that sometimes women do not even get to vote on important issues
concerning a mosque or Islamic organization which theoretically touches upon the
Islamic message of both gender rights to equality. This explains why 9 participants
have strongly agreed on the dominance of Eastern cultures in comparison to 6
participants who could not decide it the influence of the Eastern cultures is one of the
main factors, while 5 participants disagreed somewhat.
As mentioned earlier in this paper, consciousness-raising is a mode of activism that
aimed to shape any distinction between the abstract and the material, the personal and
the political, the individual and the collective. This consciousness-raising has turned to
face women‟s self-consciousness as their inner feeling. As Vivian Gornick explained,
“the battle for women‟s liberation is not necessarily a battle for economic and legal
reforms; it is a battle for minds and feelings and psychologies” (Dever, 2004).
In other words, ignorance of women‟s rights, her required activism and awareness to
take place with her remain rights is a one of the main reasons for taking fewer roles
inside the community. 9 participants strongly agreed that the factor of ignorance of
women‟s rights was another main factor, in comparison to 2 participants who somewhat
59
disagreed with this factor. A very small number of the participants could not decide
whether the ignorance of women‟s rights is a vital factor.
Both the factors of influence of Eastern cultures and the ignorance of women‟s rights
were supported by four interviewees out of six, as they found it both factors are vital
and effective.
2. Election‟s Participation

Participation in elections, either as union elections or member elections is an
important factor. Only 16 participants out of the 26 were not members in any
organization or trade union in comparison to 8 participants who belonged to
their own trade unions.
On the other hand, 13 participants have agreed that they participate in National voting in
Finland, in comparison to 6 participants who don‟t vote or participate in any votes, and
a small number chose to be neutral. Two interviewees have mentioned the discussions
of the “Muslim Teachers Union” in Finland, and its emergence as a way to discuss the
required curriculum and type of education for the Muslim community.
3. Future Expectations
Researching Muslim Women future expectations and activism in Finland requires
examining women's views of future participation. There were statements in the
questionnaire trying to determine women‟s mainstream in the Muslim community.
Many participants raised generally that female Muslim activism faces many
obstacles and challenges.

9 Participants strongly agreed facing these challenges, in comparison to 5
participants who strongly agreed that there were many active tryouts from the
new Muslim's demographic, while 3 participants strongly agreed that there are
not as many active tryouts.
In discussion about obstacles facing Muslim
women‟s activism, there were different factors discussed. Few participants
mentioned that having some “Hard Liners” or strict religious trends inside the
community is an obstacle they are facing in order to be active and not criticized.
They also added that more balanced trends appeared recently helping to decrease
the tension they face. Two out of six interviewees supported this idea and
discussed it openly, that having such difficulties or clashes of different
mentalities has stopped many events and activities from being organized.
60

Focusing on the personal data, 14 of the participants are parenting from one to
three kids, are working or a housewife, are having a problem of babysitting their
kids, which has been an obstacle to participating in many ongoing activities.

Around 4 participants strongly agreed that there were not as many active tryouts,
as there should be. But on the other hand, 30% have not decided if there were
enough active tryouts or not from their point of view.
This paper has discussed many active tryouts in Finland. As a key informant has
organized and participated in the most recent event in Helsinki, which was the Islam
Expo Helsinki 2008. The event was hosted by the Finnish Islamic Council (SINE), an
association,
whose single mission is to increase dialogue with the different religions living
together in Finland. Its purpose is also to promote respect for and awareness of
Islam in Finland and Finnish culture within the Muslim community. The Council
will seek to prevent both Islamism and the emergence development of anti-Islam
as extreme phenomena in Finland. The First Islam-Expo is a part of the Year of
Dialogue, the year 2008 has been designated the European Year of Intercultural
Dialogue. The Year aims to bring European nations closer to each other, to bring
together the cultural backgrounds of the people and get them to understand each
other's idea of the world.
Other topics were the same as those challenges faced in the community, and should be
taken
in consideration, such as Finnish legislation, and political interest's roles (i.e.,
finding a cemetery for Muslims, building new Mosques) and the effects of
institutionalized Islamophobia on and within Finnish culture.

Despite the challenges and obstacles Muslim women are facing, there were still
a high percentage of participants who strongly agreed that there are chances
opening in the Future.
An optimistic vision of Muslim women's future
expectations has led 12 participants to strongly agree with the possibility of
opportunities coming in the future. One key informant (a head of a women's
organization) assured that opportunities are based only upon qualifications and
the high standard of education. Around 6 participants have not decided whether
they have the same vision of these opportunities in the Future. On the other
hand, three interviewees agreed
61

Three out of the six interviewees raised the ”Hijab” (Muslim dress code) as an
obstacle and issue confronting these opprotunities and the future path of the
Muslim women in Finland.
Hijab was the dress code for 23 of the
questionnaire‟s participants, and all the six interviewees. Many of them said that
they still face some obstacles by wearing Hijab. Despite that this paper does not
discuss deeply the concept of”Hijab”, organizations are involved in campaigns
for the rights of women and in particular for respect for the “hijab” in terms of
freedom of religion and freedom of expression.

8 participants were working either entry levels or highly advanced levels. Their
type of jobs were not mainly confronting their dress code ”Hijab”, as many of
them were teachers, administrators and working with immigrants or Muslim
communities. On the other hand, when for example some of them tried to
change careers or contact other marketing or sales representatives areas, their
“Hijab” was an obstacle to being accepted. One interviewee added that they
were mainly accepting the Hijab when you were already working in the position
for some time, but the problem arises when you are interviewed and getting
recruited for a new position.

There was not a high percentage of participants who thought that nothing much
will be changed, only 3 participants strongly agreed and supported that nothing
will change in the future, in comparison to 11 participants who were undecided .
On the other hand, 7 participants strongly agreed that the situation is not clear so
far, and 10 participants were undecided and were not sure if the situation is clear
to them at all.

Discussing different solutions to mobilize Muslim women activism inside the
community, participants had a range of responses. Participants made comments
that they aren‟t being asked to participate in many vital issues in the community.
When we analyse educational standards, a good percentage of the participants
and interviewees of this study were educated people as 12 participants are
university graduates (some working on post graduate studies). 13 participants
are high/vocational schools graduates; therefore, this is considered a small, but
educated community.

Researching possibilities to develop Muslim women activism in the community,
a high percentage could not decide which option is better than the other, whether
62
substituting current leaders in Muslim communities or a more advanced
governmental awareness programs. A small percentage of the participants (3
participants) strongly agreed on the option of “substituting current leaders in
Muslim communities”. (A key informant had critical remarks about the scarce
level of education of the Imams (Preachers) are interesting especially in the
light of the high position of women's education mentality, in general, given that
most of the respondents seemed to concur on the fact that education is the recipe
for upward social mobility). Education, access to European languages, and
religious knowledge are the way forward for the elaboration of new
conceptualizations of Islamic identity – and potentially, also activism that is
compatible with democratic values.

The option of having more governmental/non governmental programs or
awareness programs were supported ideas. Around 5 participants strongly
agreed
with
governmental
programs
or
even
the
non
profit
organizations/programs addressed to women. Also around 3 participants agreed
somewhat with the requirement of awareness programs for the community.
One key informant also mentioned that most of the governmental programs target
immigrants and refugees groups in Finland. The key informant said, “Minorities are
subsidized from Finnish government to study culture and language”. This paper is
trying to highlight the different types of programs that could be addressed specifically to
women of minorities, such as leadership & advanced skills programs that can activate
these women‟s motivations and shall benefit both the community and the majority
society.
To conclude, the Muslim community in Finland requires more in the future. As key
informants and participants, Muslim women have raised and currently work on these
topics within their agendas;

Building an Islamic school for children and younger generations.

The younger generation‟s membership and identity problem that needs to be
worked on in both Muslim community and the Finnish society.

Building a mosque architecturally as a mosque. Since most of the existing
places were mainly either rented or non prepared places used as mosques

The calls for a Muslim cemetery has been an issue in Finnish media and debates
in 2008.
63
CHAPTER FIVE
Discussion
This research paper “The New Muslim Women Activism in Finland: Challenges and
Chances” explores the new Feminist image in Finland and has attempted to discuss the
minority within a minority of new Muslim women and their activities in Finland. Many
interesting studies have discussed similar topics, focusing on immigrant integration in
Europe.
This paper has been welcomed and supported by the Muslim women community in
Finland. Researching new Muslim women without any label names or excluded titles
such as: converts or non-born Muslims has helped to generate interest and and
involvement from women who wanted to participate and to share more ideas and
experiences of their own. In general, most participants and interviewees have been
enthusiastic about this paper; they felt the need to work on independence and to counter
stereotypes about the submissive image of women in Islam.
Researching their sociological status and not discussing their religion or faith status has
evoked many other related issues in the community and withdrawn attention from some
serious social matters. This minority within a minority has a legally estimated number
around 700 back in 2003. But as key informants insisted, that number is now close to
2000 new Muslim women in Finland. She said,
There are so many Finnish sisters who have not registered themselves in any
Islamic organizations, but every month we hear about a new convert, so the
number is rising all the time! At this moment it seems that very young girls have
got interested in Islam, many girls 14-18 years old, some of them have already
taken Shahada (Conversion) and some are still studying more about Islam, they
just have this problem, that they are not allowed to leave the Christian church
without their parent's permission, so officially in all documents they are still
Christians, even in their heart they are Muslims. Then when they turn 18, they
can officially join any Islamic organization (Finnish, 39 years, Oulu).
Since this research is one of the ongoing subjects in the West, the paper discusses new
feminist trends in minorities. As early in 1970‟s, governments and different political
64
parties have adopted symbolic and material policies to enable women to achieve
positions in elected and appointed office, semi-public and public advisory boards,
political parties, trade unions, and more recently political representation policies (Mazur
2002). And despite ongoing problems, there is a strong overall trend in Europe toward
the improvement of minority rights. EU expansion has been explicitly linked to
minority rights protections: in order to join, aspirant countries must reach certain
benchmarks on their treatment of minorities
Finland has implemented a number of commendable measures in the area of minority
protection. These include the adoption of language laws covering the Swedish and Sami
languages, the development of anti-discrimination legislation and the establishment of
the Office of the Ombudsman for Minorities. New government programs have been
established to support minority participation in public life, including a permanent
regional advisory board for Roma affairs. However, despite these measures, problems
involving discrimination and intolerance remain. Acting faster toward what minorities
needs should help, most of the studies researching the integration of the immigrants, but
what about others belonging to the same minority (Tatars; New Muslims,etc).
This paper has discussed “consciousness – raising” of tvarious feminist terms; Islamic
feminism, global feminism, secular feminism (Dever 2004). In order to measure these
current situations in the Muslim community, as discussed by Mazur (2002), the
following list has been used;
1. The improvement of women‟s status or situation to be in line with men‟s, rights,
status, and situation culturally.
2. The reduction or elimination of gender-based hierarchies or patriarchy.
3. A focus on both the public and the private spheres or an approach that avoids
distinctions between the public and the private;
4. A focus on women initiatives or feminist groups inside the community
As discussed by Mazur (2002) there are many positive actions that can promote women
in decision-making positions such as, public information awareness campaigns, the
extension of basic political rights to women – voting and the right to stand for public
office, women‟s commissions inside political parties, development of
leadership
training programs for women, and public awareness campaigns for women on the
65
advantages of electing women to public office. A positive action is to take in
consideration various minorities and motivate women inside these minorities.
A vital notion relating to this paper, as Mazur continues, is positive discrimination
which occurs when official policies state the specific balance between men and women,
sex or gender balance, in decision-making hierarchies of organizations, and public
commissions. Achieving the particular balance between men and women is sometimes
set at 50:50, meaning that positions must be reserved for women rather than men. A
positive discrimination policy trend started in the1980s, and this concept discusses a
valuable matter inside the Muslim community in Finland.
A high percentage of
educated Muslim Finnish women inside the community with a presentable profile could
be selected to represent the Muslim Committee, their basis as both Finnish and Muslim
is the positive criteria that demands such positive actions and discrimination. These
mentioned political representation policies might be the only solution which guarantees
positive future for the Muslim community in Finland.
Many young Muslims and new Muslims are absolutely thirsty to find their own way, to
experience and understand Islam, intellectually, spiritually and bodily. So they should be
facilitated in this process, but not left alone. They should be exposed to a range of views
that exist within Islamic knowledge and religious traditions, to avoid the risk that they
are captured by narrow-minded and exclusive discourses. Sometimes, for fear of
trampling on someone else‟s religious beliefs and for fear of being accused of
discrimination, no-one dares to explore the needs and religious traditions of these
people and guide them, leaving them exposed to simplistic messages that are damaging
even if they are not about terrorism. Being women in a European country that had an
early feminism movement and a current successful woman president ʺTarja Halonenʺ,
is more than reason to empower all women in Finland.
66
CHAPTER SIX
Conclusion
This paper has answered the main research question and investigation regarding Muslim
women in Finland's mobility and ability to play an active role in the community. It also
has raised their ongoing topics of debate and items on their agendas.
The relation between the dominant Muslim ideologies should not affect their activism in
general. Finnish Muslim women have a positive vision on their future expectations
with hope to successfully benefit both the minor Muslim community and the society in
general in Finland.
 “The New Muslim Feminist Image: Challenges and Chances” has attempted to
discuss this minority within minority in Finland, as a mediator between both
Muslim minority and the major Finnish society.
 Because of a successful feminist history in Finland, the current president Mrs.
Tarja Halonen could associate with the rising term of Islamic feminism and more
chances and activities should take a place and a role in the society.
 This research has been welcomed and supported by many of the Muslim women
community in Finland as an opportunity and a channel to deliver their voices.
67
Muslim Women Activism in Finland Questionnaire
This questionnaire is for a study about Muslim Women Activism in Finland. The questionnaire is
available both in English and in Finnish. Muslim Women Activism is quite a new phenomenon in
the Finnish society; thus you are in very special position to mediate information about it and your
contribution in this research is extremely valuable.
Hopefully the questions will be clear and easy to answer. Please submit and return the
questionnaire by April 15, 2009. If you have any questions concerning the questionnaire, please
contact me on: 044 9662325 or [email protected]. Your anonymity is guaranteed when the
research report is to be published.
Thank you for your participation!
Mariam Fath, Cultural Diversity Student, University of Joensuu.
Tämän kyselyn tavoitteena on koota tietoa musliminaisten aktivismista ja osallistumisesta erilaisiin
yhteisiin toimintoihin. Lomake on saatavilla sekä suomeksi että englanniksi. Aihepiiri on Suomessa
lähes tutkimaton, ja siksi osallistumisenne tähän tutkimukseen on erittäin tärkeää ja tervetullutta.
Mikäli lomakkeessa on epäselvyyksiä, ota rohkeasti yhteyttä tutkimuksen tekijään puh.
04 4966 2325 tai [email protected]. Pyydän palauttamaan täytetyn lomakkeen minulle
huhtikuun 15.04. 2009 mennessä osoitteeseen [email protected].
Kiitos osallistumisestasi!
Mariam Fath, Cultural Diversity Student, University of Joensuu.
Please Double-click to mark your choice (Default Value – Checked)
1
-
How do you describe
your
participation in the Muslim
community in
Finland?
1 - Kuinka aktiivisesti osallistut muslimiyhteisön toimintaan Suomessa?
Highly Involved
Aktiivisesti
Moderately Involved
Not Involved
Joskus, jos asia on
Vain
satunnaisesti
tai
en
ollenkaan
päivittain/viikottain
minulle tärkeä
Please specify your way of contribution:
Millä tavoin osallistut toimintaan:
2 - Have you been an active person generally in your life (even before converting to Islam)?
2 - Kuinka aktiivisesti olet osallistunut erilaiseen kansalaistoimintaan ennen islaminuskoon
kääntymistäsi?
Highly Involved
Aktiivisesti
Moderately Involved
Not Involved
Joskus, jos asia on
ollenkaan
päivittain/viikottain
minulle tärkeä
68
Vain
satunnaisesti
tai
en
3- Do you belong to any particular Muslim Group, in Finland?
3- Kuulutko johonkin tiettyyn muslimiryhmään Suomessa?
Salafist
Ikwan Muslmeen (Muslim Brothers)
Sufi
Shiaa
Other/Muu (mikä?):
4 - How would you like to be called in the Muslim Community (e.g. inside the mosque)?
4 - Millä nimellä haluat itseäsi kutsuttavan muslimiyhteisössä (esim. moskeijassa)?
New Muslim Name
Convert
Musliminimelläsi
Sister
Käännynnäinen
Your origin name
Sisar
Syntymänimelläsi
Other/Muu (mikä?)
5 - What is your main source of developing your faith in Islam?
5 - Mistä lähteistä haet tietoa islaminuskosta?
Internet
Reading
Internetistä
Muslim gatherings (Halaqas)
Kirjallisuudesta
Muslimien
opintopiirikokoontumisista
Other/Muu (mikä?)
6 - What is Islam giving you as a woman?
6 - Mitä islaminusko antaa sinulle naisena?
Secure
Faith
Belonging to a group
Turvallisuudentunnetta Uskonnon
Kuulumista ryhmään
Other/Muu (mikä?)
69
Vastaa seuraaviin väitteisiin valitsemalla yksi annetuista vaihtoehdoista jokaisen väittämän
kohdalla.
Please mark your choice in the following statements.
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly Not
Agree
Agree
Disagree
Disagree Decided
Täysin
Jokseenkin Jokseenkin
Täysin
En osaa
samaa
samaa
eri mieltä
eri mieltä sanoa
mieltä
mieltä
7 - Do you think a Muslim woman can occupy high or
Sensitive positions in the Finnish society (e.g. Governor, Judge)?
7 - Musliminainen voi saavuttaa merkittävän aseman
suomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa (esim. johtaja, tuomari)
8 - Your role as a Muslim woman in the Finnish society is…
8 - Roolisi musliminaisena suomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa on…
Mediator in the Finnish Society
Välittäjä
suomalaisen yhteiskunnan ja muslimiyhteisön välillä
Member in the Muslim community
Muslimiyhteisön jäsen
Both mediator and member in the
Finnish Society and Muslim community
Sekä välittäjä että muslimiyhteisön jäsen suomalaisessa
yhteiskunnassa
9 - Women are part of the dominate force
of the Islamic revivals and Islamic awareness.
9 - Naisilla on valtaa vaikuttaa islaminuskon
leviämiseen tai ihmisten tietoisuuteen islaminuskosta.
10 - Muslim women seem to have fewer
roles than men inside the community, because of…
10 - Naisilla vaikuttaisi olevan miehiä pienempi rooli
muslimiyhteisössä, koska…
Influence of Media
Media
ylläpitää tätä vaikutelmaa
Influences of Eastern Cultures
Itämaisissa kulttuureissa tämä on tavallista
Ignorance of women's Rights
Naisilla on vähemmän oikeuksia kuin miehillä
Other/Muu (mikä?), / Comments/Kommenttisi:
11- Muslim Women Activism in Finland consist of
70
11 - Musliminaisten kansalaistoimintaan Suomessa sisältyy…
Many obstacles and challenges (Please specify-
)
Useita esteitä ja haasteita
Many active tryouts from the New Muslims side
Useita aloitteita muslimiyhteisössä
Not many active tryouts
Vain vähän aloitteita muslimiyhteisössä
Others/Muuta (mitä?) / Comments/Kommenttisi:
12 - The Future path of the
Muslim women in Finland means…
12 - Musliminaisilla on tulevaisuudessa Suomessa…
There are opening chances coming in the Future
Uusia
mahdollisuuksia
That nothing much will be changed
Samat mahdollisuudet kuin nytkin
That it is not clear so far
Mahdollisuuksia joista ei vielä tiedetä
Others/Muuta (mitä?) /Comments/Kommenttisi:
13 - The future path of Muslim women can be developed…
13 - Musliminaisten mahdollisuuksia tulevaisuudessa
voi parantaa…
With more governmental/non-governmental programs
Lanseeraamalla useampia valtakunnallisia tai hallituksesta
riippumattomia ohjelmia
With educational and awareness programs to communities
Tuomalla koulutusohjelmia muslimiyhteisön sisälle
By substituting current leaders in Muslim communities
Vaihtamalla muslimiyhteisöjen johtajia
Others/Muulla tavalla (miten?) Comments/Kommenttisi:
14 – My relationship with former friends
and relatives are still good (after conversion)?
14 - Suhteeni sukulaisiin ja ystäviin ovat säilyneet
muslimiksi kääntymisen jälkeen.
Please specify if there are any changes/Jos suhteissa on tapahtunut muutoksia, niin millaisia
muutokset ovat olleet?
71
15 - Personal Information (Taustatiedot)
These personal questions are asked so we can look for connections between people‟s backgrounds
and their views (Taustatietoja kysytään tutkimusteknisistä syistä. Tietoja käsitellään niin, ettei
yksittäistä vastaajaa voi tunnistaa annettujen vastausten perusteella).
Name
/Nimi
(Optional/vapaahtoinen):
……………………………………………………………………..
Age/Ikä:
……….
Origin/Syntyperä:
Finnish/Suomalainen
Location/Kotipaikkakunnan asukasluku:
<50 000 50 000 – 100 000
Level of Education/Koulutustaso:
Comprehensive School/Peruskoulu
Other/Muu
>100 000
High/Vocational School – Lukio/ammattikoulu
University/Polytechnic – Yliopisto/Ammattikorkeakoulu
Other (specify --------)/ Muu (mikä?)
Marital Status/Siviilisääty:
Single/Naimaton Married/Naimisissa
Number of Children/Lasten lukumäärä:
……….
Employment Status/Työmarkkina-asema:Working/Työssäkäyvä
Muu (mikä?)
Unemployed/Työtön
Household/Kotiäiti
Other (specify-----)/Muu (mikä?)
If Working/Jos olet töissä, olet…:
Entry Level / Alempi toimihenkilö tai työntekijä
Intermediate Level / Ylempi toimihenkilö tai asiantuntija
Advanced Level / Johtavassa asemassa oleva
Present Activities/Harrastukset:
Sports/Liikunta
Volunteering (specify) / Vapaaehtoistoiminta (mikä?)
Study/Opiskelu (millä alalla?) Other/Muu (mikä?)
Dress Code/Pukukoodi:
Driving Licence/Ajokortti:
Computer Literacy/Atk-taidot:
Hijab
Niqab
Yes/Kyllä
None/Ei ole
No/Ei
User/Käytän tietokonetta
Not User/En käytä tietokonetta
Member in a Trade Union/Kuulutko ammattiyhdistykseen
Yes/Kyllä
No/En Other/Muu
Do you vote or participate in any other professional organizations or political activities?
Äänestätkö vaaleissa tai osallistutko muuhun poliittiseen ja ammatilliseen toimintaan?
Yes, I participate in - Kyllä, osallistun (mihin toimintaan?)
…………………………………………………………..
No, I do not participate at all.
…………………………………………………………..
72
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