Resisting Homelessness: Global, National, and Local Solutions
Author(s): Talmadge Wright
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 1, Utopian Visions: Engaged Sociologies for the
21st Century (Jan., 2000), pp. 27-43
Published by: American Sociological Association
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Symposium 27
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Global, National, and Local Solutions
WRIGHT
TALMADGE
Loyola University, Chicago
twright@forion. it.Iuc.ed u
Introduction
The increasein numbersof people without
homes both nationallyand internationally
reflectsthe deepneglectof basichumanneeds
society a "socialindiwithinmoderncapitalist
cator"markingthe declineof the welfarestate
neoliberaleconomic
andthe riseof monetarist
willend
(Teeple1995).Homelessness
strategies
that all
recognition
the
widespread
with
only
to providetheir
societieshave a responsibility
housing,
citizenswith descentand affordable
excellenthealthcare,stable,meaningful,and
andfreedomfromarbiwell-paidemployment,
traryexerciseof stateand privateauthority-
Endinghomeandwhentheseareimplemented.
lessnessis aboutcreatinga trulydemocratic
of the curhumansocietybeyondthe barbarism
and economic
rentstockof socialinequalities
andpoliticalviolence.
First,I commentbrieflyon the increasein
thoselivingwithouthomesbothin the United
Second,I examine
Statesand internationally.
howthe prevalentwaysof thinkinghaveled to
confusingeffectswithcauses,andsuggestother
waysto thinkaboutthe problemof homelessness.Third,I introducea theoreticalargument
diversithatattemptsto integratethisapparent
ty of causes.Briefly,my argumentassertsthat
28 Symposium
the combinationof rapid integrationand cent of thosewithoutshelterare singlemales
monopolization
of transnational
corporations andapproximately
30 percentarewomenwith
(TNCs)andthe application
of neoliberaleco- children.Ofthelattergroup,childrerl
andyouth
nomic policiesof deregulation,
privatization, comprisea growingcategoryof the homeless
andimposedfinancialausterity
measures,
privi- population.While mostof the shelterpopulalegesfinancecapitaland accelerates
the accu- tionis comprised
of singlewomenarldchildren,
mulationof capitalat the expenseof working mostof those livingon the streetsare single
familiesandthe poor,locally(city),nationally, males.
and internationally.
Theseprivileges,in turn,
Studiesconductedin the 1980susedwidely
generateinternational,
national,andlocal(city) inflatedestimates,in the millions,to dramatize
extremesof socialinequalities,
puttingpopula- the natureandscopeof peoplewithoutshelter.
tions at riskof losingtheirshelter.Fourth,I However,
theU.S. Bureau
of Census,in a deeply
examinepossiblesolutions.I havebrokendown flawedstudy,cameup with a figureof about
thesesolutionsinto global,national,andlocal 200,000unhoused
peoplein 1990.Sincecount(city)levels,withthe understanding
thatglobal ing the numbersof peoplewho are actually
solutionswillbe carriedoutat the nationaland homelessis a majormethodological
challenge,it
local level, and acrossnational boundaries. is saferto usethe estimatesof increased
shelter
Giventhe limitedscopeofthisessay,mostof my andfoodbankuseas wellashomelessepisodes.
solutionsaredesignedforthe UnitedStates.
Mostpeoplewhoexperience
a lossofhousingdo
so occasionally,
existingat or nearthe poverty
Descriptive Trendls
level.Thissegmentof the population
movesin
Sincethe 1980s,whenpeoplewithouthomes and out of homelessness
dependingupon the
firstengagedthe publicconsciousness,
the poor
have grownpoorerand have includedmore state of the economyand the availabilityof
womenwith children,and highernumbersof resources.From1985 through1990, over 5.7
AfricanAmericans
andLatinos.Withoutdebat- million people reportedhaving episodesof
(Link,Susser,Sueve,andPhelan
ing definitional
problems
of whathomelessness homelessness
26 millionpeopleareestimatedto
is, I will simplynote thatmoststudiesindicate 1994:1907);
thatpeoplewithouthomescomepredominantly have experiencedtimes withoutshelterover
fromthe bottom20 percentof the population, theirlifetimein the UnitedStates.Wolchand
thatbetween840,000
fromthe ranksof the verypoor.As Hopperand Dear(1993:32)estimated
Milburn ( 1996) and Baker ( 1994) have and 1 millionpeopleexperiencedepisodesof
in 1991alone.Ifwelookatshelter
observed,
mostof theurbanhomelesstendto be homelessness
requests,
what
is clearis the steadyincreaseof
African American, Latino, and Native
demand
for
needed
homelessservicesoverthe
American,those segmentsof the population
overrepresented
amongthepoor.Fromthe 1990 past two decades.In 1998,requestsfor emerbyan averageof 11percount of homelesspersonsconductedby the gencyshelterincreased
cent
from
1997,
in
72
percent
of the 30 major
U.S. Bureauof the Census,AfricanAmericans
makeupcloseto halfof familieswithouthomes cities surveyedby the U.S. Conferenceof
(54 %)andoverone-thirdof individuals
with- Mayors(1999). Twenty-sixpercent of the
forshelterweredenied.Dueto a lackof
out homeslivingon the streets(Hopperand requests
resources,
67 percentof the citiessurveyed
had
Milburn1996:123).Giventhatpeopleof color
who had
are disproportionately
represented
within the to turnawayfamiliesand individuals
ranksof thepoorandverypoor,it is notsurpris- no shelter,at a timewhenthenumberof shelter
ing to find sucha representation
amongthose bedsin the surveyedcities remainedconstant
housingunitsincreased
byonly
livingwithoutshelter.It is generally
agreedthat andtransitional
approximately
one-quarter
to one-thirdof peo- 11 percent.City officialsidentifiedlack of
housingasthe leadcauseofhomelessplelivingon thestreethavesomekindofserious affordable
mentaldisability,
anda higherpercentage
suffer ness.
Decliningincomesforthebottom20 percent
fromsubstance
abuse.Attributing
thesedescriptorsof disability
to causes,however,is problem- of the population,the declinein the absolute
atic(Snow,Baker,Anderson,
andMartin1986). numbersof low-incomehousingrelativeto the
community-based
While the figuresvarydependinguponwhich need, and an impoverished
context
study one wishes to quote, it is generally healthcaresystemdefinethe immediate
not only in the UnitedStates
acknowledged
thatapproximately
60 to 70 per- of homelessness
Symposium 29
of peoplelivingwithout
(Shinn and Gillespie1994) but increasingly not reducethenumbers
Thishasforced
Accordingto the United Nations shelter,eliteattitudeshardened.
worldwide.
40 millionpeo- a morepunitiveresponsefromlocalpoliticians
CenterforHumanSettlements,
(National
to be withoutshelterglobally and policy makers,criminalization
plewereestimated
andPoverty1999;
Green,andWhite LawCenteron Homelessness
duringthe 1980s(Bingham,
heldin Barak1992:75-99;Stoner1995;Fischer1992),
1987).In 1996,theHabitatIIconference
loiteringin pubDiscouraging
of andcontainment.
Turkey,estimatedthatthe numbers
Istanbul,
and anti-panhandling
worldwide lic places,anti-camping
peoplewithouthomeshad increased
ordetentionfor"quality
andarrests
to 100million,withoveronebillionpeoplesuf- ordinances,
bythe attempt
shelter.The fall of the of life"crimesarecomplemented
feringfrominadequate
SovietUnionandthe riseof a marketeconomy to contain homelesspersonsin institutional
in Russiawitnessedan increasein peopleliving sheltersandfacilities outof sightof the generfamilieslookingfor al public,especiallythe touristtrade.Shelters
on the streets.In Germany
and
regulations
widespread
shelteroftenliveunderbridges,in tents,andin have implemented
that sanctioning systems, not unlike TANF
camps.Glasser(1994:89)estimated
squatter
forNeedyFamilies)regAssistance
in Cologne45,000peoplewerelivingin emer- (Temporary
peoplelivingin the
more
and
more
As
ulations.
15
gencyshelters.Mayer(1996:15)documented
each containingabout streetsare arrestedfor violatinglocalpanhanhousingencampments
300peoplein andaroundBerlin.InJapan,single dlingor campingordinancesor harassedinto
livein thetunnels hidingin remoteareasof a city,theirdisappearmenwithouta fixedresidence
fromsomevariationof ancefromtouristareasandotherpublicspaces
of Tokyo,oftensuffering
asa social
mentalillnessor substanceabuse.Even in a createsthe illusionthathomelessness
ending.
is
problem
countrywith a veryhigh socialwagesuch as
canbe
arrest,andincarceration
Harassment,
haveworked
Sweden,socialhousingauthorities
policies
state
and
city
up
back
to
therefore,
used,
to excludepeoplerenderedhomelessby the
peoplewholackshelterfrompublic
open housingmarketwhen those peopleare of removing
policesweepsfail.Thispointsto a
when
places
perceivedascostly,where"costs. . . exceedthe
of usingprisonsandsheltersas
trend
disturbing
possiblerevenuefromrents"(Sahlin1997:151).
resortforthe verypoor,but
of
last
housing
the
While the Netherlandsclaims an unhoused
of color.With1.63milpeople
poor
specifically
populationestimatedat between17,500 and
the United
throughout
incarcerated
people
lion
to
34,000,thecauseshaveoftenbeenattributed
the 1980s,
from
increase
large
a
1996,
in
States
suchas subtraditionalformsof disaffiliation,
juscriminal
that
argues
1031)
(1999:
Western
stance abuse and loss of family supports.
nonmarket
sizable,
"a
to
led
have
policies
tice
However,DebenandGreshof(1997)arguethat reallocation
stateinterof labor,overshadowing
urbangentrification,
themovetowardincreasing
is
Incarceration
policy."
social
through
vention
forsocial
subsidies
of government
the reduction
men,who
forAfrican-American
frequent
most
without
housing,and the influxof immigrants
makeup 51 percentof the prisonpopulation.
adequateincomeguaranteeswill expandthe Headley(1990-91)seesthe increased
incarceraranksof the homeless,convertinga problemof tionofAfrican-American
men,homelessorothof erwise,as a consequenceof deindustrialization
intoone of poverty.The numbers
disabilities
peoplewithoutshelterareevenhigherin devel- and job relocationby industriesseekingto
suchasBrazil(Burns1987)and increasecapitalaccumulation
opingcountries,
bymovingto lowMexico, that have embraced"free"market wageareasandnon-unionstates.
economles.
The initialpolicyresponseby the United
States and other countriesto the expanding
numbersof peoplelosingtheir homeswas to
servicessuchas sheltersand
expandemergency
foodbanks.In the UnitedStates,the passageof
the StewartB. McKinneyHomelessAssistance
that federalsupport
Act in 1987 guaranteed
fisforhomelessservices;
wouldbe forthcoming
from$180millionin 1987
calsupportincreased
to almost$1.8 billionin 1994.Whenthis did
Conceptualizing Causes: Individual,
Social-Structural, Political-Economic
Developing solutions to shelter people
of thecausesof
dependsuponourunderstanding
aboutthe
discussion
Historically,
homelessness.
causesandeffectsof, andsolutionsto, homelessness has revolved around the differences
betweenindividualcauses,normallyattributed
orability,and
character
to deficitsin individual
to the lackof
causes,attributed
social-structural
30 Symposium
housing,and ade- ual peoplebackon theirfeet. "Lackof proper
humanservices,affordable
routeis seruices,that is, causedthe problem,andonly
productive
more
quateincome.A third,
betweenindividual moreandbetterserviceswill solveit"(Wright,
to examinethe interactions
causes,and how Rubin,and Devine 1998:11).While the first
and social-structural
"causes"
asoneof moralchoice,
fit withinwiderpolitical-eco- positionseestheproblem
thoseinteractions
and the secondpositionseesit asa treatable
disease.
nomic strugglesfor capitalaccumulation
criticalpolitical-ecoracial privilege.The struggleto understand Inthesecondexplanation,
deficit nomiccausesare supplanted
by individualized
as morethanan individual
homelessness
the "languages
(Snow,Anderson,and
or a lackof housinginvolvesunderstanding
of disability"
contextof social,economic,andpoliticalpower Koegel1994)orientedtowardclienttreatment,
emerges.Therefore and a "politicsof compassion"(Hoch and
withinwhichhomelessness
andulti- Slayton1989)thatprivileges
betweenproximate
wemustdistinguish
charityandthegift
matecauses(Wright,Rubin,andDevine1998: relationship.
of the
Adherenceto the standards
canthenbe usedto markthose
giftrelationship
9)
people without shelter who are "deserving"
IndividuaWProximate Causes?
(womenwith children)from those who are
Koegel, Burnam,and Baumohl ( 1996) "undeserving"
(singleadultmales).
those
"causes,"
markedone set of explanatory
Forthe firstposition,punitivesolutionsare
limitation whatwecould necessary
definedbya personal
to shapemoralbehavioranddiscourcauses.Mentalillness,sub- age "bad"behavior.For the secondposition,
defineas proximate
stanceabuse,inabilityto sustainrelationships, compassionate
because
solutionsare important
and other individualfactors make up this peoplecanenduphomelessthroughno faultof
Whilecon- theirown,butratherthroughtheprogression
in explaininghomelessness.
"cause"
of
to
framework
servativesuse a religious/moral
and Devinecall
Rubin,
Wright,
addiction.
an
invitehomelesspeopleto repentof theirsins,a thesetwotheories"homeless
bychoice"versus"
treats
builton these"causes"
liberalperspective
these positions,
of
Both
services."
inadequate
homelesspeopleasvictimsin needof treatment,
1993),arerefut(
Burnes
and
Baum
by
embraced
worksto promotebetterrehabiliandtherefore
becausethey
Devine
and
Rubin,
Wright,
by
ed
carenetworks
andcommunity
tationprograms
These
factors.
social-structural
of
role
the
ignore
(Koegel,Burnam,and Baumohl1996: 25).
conpoverty,
increased
of
creation
the
factors
to individReducingthe causesof homelessness
housing
of
loss
the
areas,
in
inner-city
centrated
allows
ual behavioror visible characteristics
of the social
to claimthatpeoplewithoutshel- and jobs,and the abandorlment
conservatives
and disloca"defects
that
suggest
net
safety
ter chooseto live on the streetsbecausethey
a
population
create
.
.
.
structure
of
social
tions
lackthe motivationand will to competesucdeterof
persons
defects
homelessness;
of
risk
at
cessfully,andthusendup at the bottomof the
actually
social ladder.Quick to distinguishbetween minewhowithinthe at-riskpopulation
(Wright,Rubin,andDevine
housed and homelesspersons,conservatives becomeshomeless"
of analysisthatfocuses
model
A
causal
1998:9).
reactto homelesspeopleas crazy,free-loading,
misleadsus into
therefore,
defects,
personal
on
needing
characters
or troubledand dangerous
police action to contain their movements pursuingthe wrongsolutions."Analysesthat
positionis focuson personaldeficitsof the homelessmis(Barak1992:54).Sucha traditional
ofpeoplewhoarehomeof takethecharacteristics
mostcloselyrelatedto the socialperceptions
of
the homeless"(Wright,
causes
the
for
less
accompanied
that
or"bum"
"tramp,"
the"hobo,"
Rubin,andDevine1998:6).ThisconfusioncreEra.
the 1930sDepression
positionviews the personal ates problemsin so far as the applicationof
The "liberal"
designedto corrector
or "solutions"
defectsof homelesspeopleas treatable morea treatments
thebasicissues
because
fail
defects
personal
help
failing.
personal
or
moral
a
disease than
andincome
poverty,housirlg,
Adopting a "medical"model, those who of socialstructural
on treatThe overemphasis
by assisting arenot addressed.
embracethispositionaremotivated
does
abuse
or
substance
illness
mental
for
ment
homelesspeople.Thischaritymodel
irldividual
natureof the
typicallyis embracedby shelterand service not considerthe heterogeneous
Theexpansionof shelterservicesarld homelesspopulation-thefactthatwhilerates
providers.
othermedicalservicesare thoughtto provide of mentalillnessand substanceabuseappear
the solutionto homelessnessgettingindivid- higherin this populationthan in the housed
Symposium31
for concealedthe extentto whichthe numberof
it doesnot followthattreatment
population,
from29.2
to takepeople thoselivingin povertyhas increased
thesedeficitsis allthatis required
millionin 1980 to 36.5 millionin 1996, an
offthe street.
Academic researchers,foundations,and increaseof 7.3 percent.In addition,the bottom
5.4
whichcommanded
the frag- fifthof the population,
forthe homelessencouraged
advocates
mentationof the verypooras a constituency percentof the total nationalincomein 1970,
a declinein incometo 4.2 perdefinedbyspecialneeds hasexperienced
categories
intoseparate
(homelessteenagers,homelessfamilies,home- cent of the totalnationalincomein 1996.The
a massive
homelessHIVdrugusers,andthe upperfifth,by contrast,experienced
lessVeterans,
people increasein their shareof the total national
of "deserving"
like).This individuation
of the
impoverishment
(HopperandBaumohl1994;Katz1989)without income.Thisincreasing
ashavinga variety bottomfifthconcealsthe degreeto whichthose
homes,whowereunderstood
by in extremepoverty,thosemakinglessthan50
of socialandpersonaldeficits,wassupported
an institutionalfundingagenda.This agenda percentof the povertywage,haveexperienced
fromthe medicalfieldandwassupport- even moredramaticdeclinesin fortunes.The
emerged
ed by the NationalInstituteof MentalHealth. economic vulnerabilityproducedby these
As Blasihaspointedout in a searchof the liter- decliningincomesincreasesthe riskof home354 lessness.
539entriesincluding
ature,whichproduced
andcalcuUsingvarioustimemeasurements
of the artitwo-thirds
articleson homelessness,
in journalsdevotedto psychiatry, lationsof povertyrates,Devine and Wright
clesappeared
andmedicine,withfive percentin (1993)concludedthat indeedthe bottomfifth
psychology,
hasexperienced
journalson politicaleconomy,economics,or of theUnitedStatespopulation
socialscienceis longerand longerepisodesof povertycorrehousing(1994:580)."American
culturein whichvirtual- spondingto the decliningsharesof national
in a broader
embedded
spatialandsocialisolaly all social phenomena particularlythose income.The increasing
in the
relatedto poverty are seen as reflectingper- tion of the poor,notedby researchers
personalchoice,andper- 1980sandintothe present,revealsthatthe vast
sonalcharacteristics,
majorityof the poorresidein inner-cityareas,
(Blasi1994:581).
sonalfailings"
to highandsubjected
isolatedfromjobmarkets
Social-StructuralL Proximate Causes?
withabusepatterns
ercrimeratesandsubstance
The secondexplanationis that "homeless- in their neighborhoods.
These communities
forces"(Koegel, consistpredominantly
ness was causedby structural
of peopleof color,a feaandBaumohl1996:25),usuallydefined turethatalsocharacterizes
Burnam,
mosthomelessindias a lackof low-costhousingor lackof income. vidualsin urbanareas.Whathasproduced
this
Wright,Rubin,andDevine,refusingthe indi- dropin incomeandthe expansionof the poor
vidualcausalmodelof personaldefects,assert population
at riskof losingshelter?
of
is a resultof a wide"variety
thathomelessness
(1998:4) Reducing Government Support for the
complexsocialsystemdislocations"
ofpeopleatriskof los- Poor
thatrenderlargenumbers
as a wayof
ing their shelter.The three social-structural The end of welfare,trumpeted
is
dependency,
of
federal
poor
off
the
taking
to a
mostoftenquotedas contributing
"causes"
the livesof someof the poorwhile
income,declining improving
lossof shelterareinadequate
of others.Before
the impoverishment
increasing
welfareservices,andlossof housing.
and Work
the 1996 PersonalResponsibility
OpportunityReconciliationAct was passed,
Increasing Income Inequality and
Poverty
supportlevels of the priorprogram,Aid to
Forovertwodecades,the UnitedStateshas Familieswith DependentChildren(AFDC),
a growingpopulationin poverty,a weresteadilydecliningaroundthe countryrelaexperienced
priceindex.Not
consumer
deepeningof poverty,an increasein the dura- tiveto the increasing
spatial surprisingly,
therefore,poorfamilieswith chiltionof episodesof poverty,andincreased
andsocialisolationof the poor(Wright,Rubin, dren have madeup an increasingportionof
to whatone might those withoutshelter.Althoughthe average
andDevine1998).Contrary
expectin a growingeconomy,theoverallpover- earningsand overallincomesof low-income
familieswithchildrenincreased
ty rate-decliningonlya smallamountin 1998 female-headed
to 13.3percentfrom13.7percentin 1996 has between1993and 1995,with an expansionof
32 Symposium
theecorlomy,
the irlcomes
of thepoorest20percentof these(2 millionfamilies,6 millionpeople)fellanaverageof $580perfamilyfrom1995
to 1997,aswelfarereformtookhold.Thesefamilies have incomesbelowthree-quarters
of the
povertyline.Cutbacksin government
cashand
food assistancecan explain this decline.
Between1995and 1997,the numberof people
livingin povertydeclinedonly3 percentwhile
thosereceivingfoodstampsdeclined17percent.
In 1995 some 88 percentof poor children
receivedfoodstamps;in 1998only 70 percent
receivedfood stamps.From1995 to 1997 the
numberof peopleon AFDCand then TANF
(Temporary
Aid to NeedyFamilies)declinedby
3 millionor 22.2 percent.Had the safetynet
programs
beenas effectivein 1997as in 1995,
therewouldhavebeen700,000fewerpoorchildren.Reductions
in benefitsthusexceedednew
familyeamings(Primus,Rawlings,Larin,and
Porter1999).
While somewelfaremothersdid find jobs
and moved off of welfare,othershave languished,trappedin low-payingjobs with few
benefits,andstillothersarewaitingforanytype
of job.It is mostprobable
thatwhilesuchfamiliesmaybarelyholdon duringthistimeof economicexpansion,
giventhe inevitablerecession
we can expect these familiesand otherpoor
individuals
to floodthe ranksof the homeless.
Whileit is truethatsomepeoplearepullingout
ofpovertyasa resultof economicexpansion
and
the elevationof the minimumwage,manyare
workerlongerhoursat lower-paying
jobsjustto
stay in place.Given an economicdowntown,
thesesegments
of theworkingpoorwilljointhe
extremepoorin increasingratesof homelessness.The resultof welfarereformamongpoor
familiesis mixed.Forsome,the reformhastemporarilyloweredthe riskof homelessness.
For
manyothers,remainingin povertywith few
benefitsmarksthemas at riskforan episodeof
homelessness
.
Decreasing A,ff!ordableHousing
Inadditionto decliningincomesandreduced
govemmentsupport,the pictureof low-income
housinglooksquitebleak,at leastin the short
term.As the pool of nationalandglobalpoor
populationsexpands,the availabilityof lowincomehousingissimultaneously
shrinking,
creatingan"affordability
gap"(ShinnandGillespie
1994;Dolbeare1996).Forexample,thenumber
of poorrentersin the UnitedStatesmakingless
than$10,000a yearincreased
from7.3 million
in 1970to 9.6 milliorlin 1989.The rlumber
of
affordable
housingunitsdeclinedby 14 percent
duringthe same time period,to 5.5 million
housingunits,generating
a shortfallof 4.1 million units (Timmer,Eitzen,and Talley 1994:
19). Accordingto a recentU.S. Department
of
Housingand UrbanDevelopmentstudy,The
WideningGap, 372,000affordable
unitsavailableto thoseat 30 percentof the areamedian
incomewerelostbetween1991and1997alone.
Rentsareincreasing
at twicethe rateof general
inflation.In 1998,rentsincreased3.4 percent
while the CPI increaseda mere 1.7 percent.
Between 1995 and 1997 the number of
Americansmakingless than30 percentof the
area median income increased3.1 percent,
expandingfrom8.61 millionto 8.87 million.
Thisis one outof fourhouseholds.
As indicated
above,the growthof the bottom20 percentof
incomegroupings,
andthe poorpopulation
as a
whole acceleratedin the l990s, as has the
declineof low-income
housingunitsrelativeto
the need.Too manypoorarechasingtoo few
units.Unlessincomesareraisedsufficiently
and
rentsare lowered,or both, this gap between
incomesandhousingavailability
is expectedto
growintothe nextmillennium.
Housingdiscrimination
continuesto mark
the housingchoicesforbothpoorandmiddleincomeAfricanAmericans.In a tighthousing
market,such discrimination
guaranteesthat
AfricanAmericans
willhavefewpositivechoices and a disadvantage
in competingfor what
limitedaffordable
housingis available.African
Americansas a grouparestill lockedin segregatedneighborhoods
within urbanareas,and
increasingly
in suburban
areas,evenwhilesome
citiesandsuburban
areashavemanaged
to overcomethesebarriers
to integration
(Masseyand
Denton1988,1993).
Besidestheescalating
costofhousingandthe
decliningincomesof the poor,housingoften
associated
withlow-income
populations,
suchas
single-roomoccupancyhotels (SROs), has
declinedrapidlythroughgentrification
of urban
areasandcondominium
conversions
thatfavor
upper-income
home buyers.Homelessshelters
havecometo replacethehousingoftenassociated with the Skid Rows of the past. Federal
attemptsto grapplewiththis declinein affordablehousinghave been weakand inadequate.
While it is true that budgetallocationshave
increased
to coverSection8 housingvouchers,
the StewartB. McKinneyFundsfor homeless
Symposium33
support,
andvariousotherhousingprograms
tar- an industrial-based
capitalisteconomyto a
getedat the poor,the ratesof increasehave postindustrial
capitalistserviceeconomywithin
declinedand the growthof the problemhas the contextof internationally
developing
global
expandedfarfasterthangovernment
planning relations."
The declinein averagerealwages,
can accommodate.
The problemstems from thereduction
in healthcare,andthe inabilityto
boththe decisionby the federalgovernment
to secureadequatehousingarepartof a "national
removeitselffromconstructing
and financing crisis of profitabilityand productivity"
that
newhousingforthepoor,anda wholesaleaban- emergedin the 1970s (Barak1992:53).U.S.
donmentto theprivatemarketto provideneed- corporatecapitalistsresponded
to this crisisin
ed housing.
capitalaccumulation
with extensivelayoffsof
Unfortunately,
mostexplanations
of home- blue-collar
workersin the 1980sandwhite-collessnessin the literaturehave fallenbetween larworkersin the 1990s,accompanied
by outthesetwinpolesof personaldeficitsandsocial- sourcing,an accelerationof technological
structural
causes.The oppositionbetweenthese innovationin communications
andcomputers,
two explanationsis a false one. In fact, as and overseasexpansion(Blau 1992:33-47).
Koegel,Bumam,andBaumohlpointout,"lives Withwagesdrivendown,familieshadto work
of all people,homelessor not, areembedded
in harderandlongerto stayahead,increasing
famcircumstances
shapedas muchbystructural
fac- ilystressandfrayingfragilesocialnetworks.
torsas personalandbiographical
ones"(1996:
Othercountries,
suchasJapanandGermany,
26). Boththe personaldefectandsocial-struc- withmoreadvancedlevelsof politicalstruggles
tural modelsfall short becausethey remain andhighersocialwages,resistedthe "American
detachedfrom a criticalanalysisthat could model."They have attemptedto regaintheir
explainwhythoseconditionshaveemergedin marginsof profitabilityand productivityby
the firstplace.Theydon'taskthe deeperques- innovatingtechnologically,
expanding
markets,
tions. Why has incomedroppedfor the very subsidizingindustryand education,retaining
poorrelativeto otherincomeclasses?
And why skilledworkers,
andimporting
immigrant
workhave governmentbenefitsbeen reducedand ers,even whilecarrying
on a limitedprivatizaaffordable
housinglost relativeto needfor the tion of state assets.However,even for these
past20years?
An answerrequires
a causalexpla- countriesthe Americanmodelhasbeckonedas
nationthatunderstands
lossof housing,income, their financialsituationsdeteriorated
and as
andwelfareservicesaseffectsof a moreprofound elites have movedtowarda marketmodelof
restructuring
of capitalisminducedby political allocativeefficiency.
elites workingfor their self-interestwithin a
Historically,in the traditionof Keynesian
marketeconomy a restructuring
thatallocates
liberal
politics,governmentspendingin the
greaterbenefitsto the wealthyand privileged
United
Stateswasunderstood
as the mosteffithanto thepoor,working,
andmiddleclasses.If
cient
vehicle
for
addressing
and
correcting
social
workersare renderedvulnerablebecauseof
ills
produced
by
the
market.
Raising
money
for
downsizing,
andthenstartdrinking,
havingfamneeded
social
programs
through
increased
taxes
ily problems,
andendingup on the street,is it
socialserviceswasan important
theproblem
of theworker
ortheproblem
ofwhy andexpanding
part
of
this
vision
of creatingcivility.Federal
the downsizing
occurred
in the firstplace?Who
of anti-segregation
laws,combined
benefitsfromandwhopaysforthisarrangement enforcement
with
the
Civil
Rights
Movement,
wasessential
of socialpower?
Andhowdo thesebenefitsand
in
ending
legal
racial
segregation.
In
California,
liabilitiesmanifestthemselves?
the struggleof the UnitedFarmworkers
Union
to createdecentworkingconditionsfor farmPolitical Economic Ultimate Causes?
wouldnot havebeensuccessful
without
Individualand social-structural
causes as workers
explanations
forthe expansionof homelessness the establishmentof the state Agricultural
can be subsumedunder political-economic RelationsBoardto enforcethe new policies.
forjusticewenthandin hand
explanations,
whichincorporate
a historical
per- Socialmovements
commitment
to
spective,the roleof cultureand ideology,and with an increasedgovernment
the role of marketsin capitalaccumulation. helpingthe poorand to curbracistand sexist
Barak(1992:6) explainsthat "homelessness
as policies.However,with the stagnationof the
characteristic
of the newpovertythatemerged 1970s economy, the conservativebacklash
in the 1980sis a productof the transition
from againstthe movementsof the 1960s,and the
34 Symposium
questioningof democracyby nationalelites, forthe fewat the expenseof the many,the disconcemaboutendingpovertyshiftedto concem integration
of localcontrols,and a fragmentaaboutloweringdeficitsand endingstagflation. tionof civilsociety(Bauman1998).
The solutionadoptedby policyelites was to
The limitations
of the individual
andsocialembrace
neoliberal
marketideologies
privileging structural
explanations
areapparent.
Deepening
supply-side
economics,deficitreduction,priva- povertyandhomelessness,
decreasing
amounts
tization,and socialconservatism.
Publicatti- of low-income
housing,anda failinghealthpoltudes sympatheticto reduced government icy arethe surfaceeffectsof a deepercause:the
spendingand rationalizations
for those reduc- successof the neoliberalmarketmodelof capitionsbypoliticalelitesmovedbeyondthe mar- talismin transferring
wealthand powerto an
ginal right-wingpoliticalgroupsof the 1970s expandedandconsolidated
globalandnational
into mass acceptancein the 1990s, partly eliteat the expenseof the majority
of U.S. citibecauseof the attractiveness
of thesesimplistic zens (Blau 1999). I don't want to give the
antistatistmetaphorsand allegories(Block impression
thatindividual
factorsarenot impor1996). Liberalgovemment'sattemptsto help tant,only that they constitute"nested"
causes
the poor,not povertyitself,werenowredefined withinsocial-structural
causes,whicharein turn
as the problem.
Thiseffectivelyrationalized
the nested within political-economic causes.
cutbacks
in welfarepayments
as"toughlove."By Followingthisargument,
it makessenseto supassuming
thatthe marketcoulddo a betterjob portserviceproviders
andincreased
fundingfor
of providinghousingand with the desireto detox centersand mental health treatment,
reducegovemment
budgets,
newfederalhousing whilealso supporting
better-paying
jobs,more
construction
wasthe naturalvictimforfederal low-costhousing,and comprehensive
health
budgetcutters.
care.But this supportis best servedwithina
The dominantculturalideologynow shared broader
struggle
forhumanrightsandeconomic
by both majorpoliticalpartiesin the United democracythat tacklesthe deepeningsocial
Statesreliesupontheassumptions
thatspending inequality,
globallyandnationally,thatcanput
on socialwelfareincreases
dependency
andthat individuals
at risk.
"excessive"
government
intervention
in markets
Simplyput,myargument
is asfollows:At the
andstateregulationmakesit difficultforbusi- level of appearance,homelessnessis about
nessesto staycompetitivein a globalmarket- povertyand ill health.However,thesecondiplace.This ideology,strengthened
by the "no tionsarecreatedby the normalcapitalistpronew taxes"rebellionof the 1980s, undercut ductionof low-wagejobs,high housingcosts,
attemptsto usegovernment
forsocialgood.The coupledwitha reductionin socialwelfarebene"nonew taxes"rebellionstartedin California fitsfromstatesattempting
to competewithone
with the passageof Proposition13 in 1978 anotheroverthe oriceof laborandthe costsof
(Schrag1999),andspreadto otherstatesin the benefits.Inaddition,suchcapitalstrategies
have
1980s.Coupledwith the twin ideologicalcon- alwaysdependedupondifferences
in racial/ethceptsof deficitreductionand privatization
of nic and genderprivilegeto operatefor the
publicservices,thereduction
ofgovemment
ser- advantageof the privileged.Socialconditions
vices increasedthe miseryof the poor while haveworsened
sincethe 1970sas the dualclass
advancing
the economyforthe benefitof upper compromise
betweenlaborandcapitalhasdismiddle-class
professionals
andwealthyinvestors. solvedandbeenreplacedby neoliberalideoloAccordingto Block (1996:166),attempts\to gies that subjectall international
andnational
reformthe marketbycountering
investorideol- policiesto thecriteriaofmarket"efficiency,"
the
ogycouldbe neutralized
effectivelyby the reac- privileging
of allocativeasopposedto coordinationsof bondtraders.
Integrated
globalfinancial tionefficiency(Block1996:56).
markets,high rates of social inequalityand
Globally,the neoliberalmodeldependson
incarceration,and the violence of poverty the strengthening
of international
bodiesthat
directedinto nationalistambitions,racistand willfosterfreetradeaswellas tradeagreements
sexistattacks,andanti-immigrant
fervorsappear thatallowforthe freecirculation
of capitaland
to definethe negativeside of this neo-Gilded commodities.
Nationally,neoliberalism
depends
Age.Theglobalization
of financialmarkets,
the on the"hollowed
outstate"(Jessop1994;Hirsch
easeof capitalmovements,
andendlesscurrency 1991) where budget deficits are reined in
speculation
haveproduced
widespread
pleasure throughprivatization,
deregulation,
and social
Symposium 35
wagecutbacks.
Accordingto Devine(seeBarak demands,
statesarenot powerless
(Weiss1998).
1992:58), who operationalizedthe links Governments
can re-regulate
capitalflowsand
betweenpoliticaleconomyand homelessness, increasesocialinvestments,
as we haveseenin
economicdevelopment
underneoliberalist
of Malaysiafromthe financial
poli- the withdrawal
cies lowerselite interestin helpingthe poor. markets
to curtailspeculative
investment
during
Locally,citiesareinvestedwith"entrepreneur-a crisis.Whilethepressure
fromcorporate
elites
ial"functionsactingasan independent
can also be
playerin is intense, counterpressures
private-publicpartnerships(Mayer 1994; increased.
Statesthathavemaintained
a strong
Wright 1997). These policy shifts have welfarestatetraditionarenow doingbetterin
increased
the vulnerability
of thepoor,withthe bothhumanandfinancialtermsthanthosethat
abolishmentof the safetynet, medicalization havenot, givinga lie to freemarketadvocates.
and criminalization
of the homeless,and the Contraryto freemarketpolemicsthatcriticize
shiftingof fundsfromthe civil welfarestateto theextensivesystemof socialbenefitscreatedby
countries,countriesthat have mainthe corporatewelfarestate.Citizenrightsand European
capitalresponsibility
via progressive
taxation tained their social wage have been able to
theirlevelsof poverty.This
andanexpanded
socialwagehavebeenreversed reducesubstantially
to capitalrightsand citizenresponsibility
via hasalsoallowedforshapingmoreeffectivepoliregressive
taxationanda shrinking
socialwage. ciesforendinghomelessness.
Whilehomelessness
Hence,wehavebothincreased
is increasing
numbers
globally,it
of peowithmorespeedin countriesthat
ple withoutsheltercombinedwith a reduced is increasing
haveadoptedthe neoliberal
marketmodelthan
commitment
to solvethe rootcauses.
The spreadof neoliberal"free"
marketmod- in those that have attemptedto defendtheir
To be
els is alreadyunderattackfrombothconserva- socialwagewhilefightinghomelessness.
to readjustEuropean
economies
tives (Gray 1998) and progressives(Sassen sure,pressures
1998;Bauman1998;Bourdieu1998;Peckand have been great since the signing of the
Treatyencouraging
the integration
Tickell1994;Teeple1995)whounderstand
the Maastricht
marketsandsincethe creationof
mannerin whicheconomicchaosleadsto polit- of European
(WTO)to proicalauthoritarianism
andthe overalldeclineof the WorldTradeOrganization
wage
capitalism.
Evenastheseideologiescomeunder mote free trade.Limitedprivatization,
attack, they continue to spread through reductions,and the cutbackin somebenefits
countries.But
European
welfarestatesthreatening
to generate haveoccurredin mostEuropean
the degreeof suchfreemarketimpositions
has
newlevelsof homelessness.
been contestedthroughpopularprotests.For
Integrating Solutions: Global, National,
now,well-organized
laborunionsandLeftpolitLocal
ical partieshave managedto hold off the
Giventhe aboveanalysis,whatcan we put Americanization
of Europe.Howlongtheycan
forwardas positivesolutionsto end homeless- do so remainsto be seen.
nessat theglobal,national,andlocal/citylevels?
Proposed
solutionscannotbeframedmerelyasa Promote Global Human Rights to
nationalproblem
orasa localproblem,
butmust Regulute Capital
Intemationally,
citizenscanfightback;social
be thoughtof as a multidimensional
problem
problems
suchas homelessness
andhungercan
with global,national,state,andlocallevelsof
financialmarketsregulated,and
intervention.
Localactionswithoutglobalcom- be addressed,
increased.
A newglobalvision
mitmentsremaininsularand weak. Global socialinvestment
canbecome
actionswithoutlocalcommitments
remainelit- of endingpovertyandhomelessness
ist and disempowering.
Any solutionto end dominantthroughemployingmassmediatechhomelessness
mustconsiderhow to curbthe niqueswherepossibleand local, communitynetworkedinternationally.
In
excessesofcapitalism
andpromotethedemocra- basedorganizing
Covenanton Economic,
tizingof everylevelofsociety,including
theeco- 1966the Intemational
Social,andCulturalRightsprovidedone of the
nomicrealm(Blau1999).
firstattemptsto globalizehumanrights.Since
Possible Global Initiatives
adoptedby 135countries,thiscovenant along
Contraryto the globalization
thesis,which withongoingpressure
fortherealization
ofpolitmaintainsthat all nation-states
have to adjust ical, social, and economicrightsby member
their economies to internationalmarket states of the United Nations,humanrights
36 Symposium
groups,nonprofitdevelopment
groups,ecology tal respectforhuman,political,andeconomic
organizations,
andWomen'sRightsgroups has rights.This requiresa new modelof develophelpedshapethecurrentdebateon tamingglob- ment that places social capital, democratic
al markets.
International
socialmovements
and rights,andpublichealthaboveinvestorrights.
globalalliancesof laborunions,women'sorganizations,homelessadvocacygroups,andecology Develop G11obalCoalitions and Protect
groupscan workto curbthe powerof intema- Social Housing
The conflationof whatis "good"forglobal
tionalunregulated
capitalinvestments
andthe
withthegeneralgoodconceals
impoverishment
of workers,
andgivepriorityto marketinvestors
forprivatereal
the construction
and financingof low-income the realitythatwhatis profitable
estate
developers
is
not
necessarily
profitable
for
housing,jobswith descentwages,anddescent
healthcareforall.Accelerated
capitalmobility, thosewhocannotaffordto live in market-rate
of citiesworldwide
is forcthe threatof investmentwithdrawal,
can be units.Gentrification
ing
the
poor
(Smith
1996;
Sassen
1998)
to
combluntedby international
organizing
depriving
pete
for
limited
housing.
Resistance
is
possible,
capitalof its safehavens.Communication
networksandcomputer
programs
thathavehelped but homeless activists cannot resist alone.
free capitalfromnationaland local restraints Developingstrongcoalitionsthat crossrace,
nationallyand
canalsobeappropriated
byactivistsandextend- class, and genderboundaries,
internationally,
and
exploring
shared
ideologies
ed worldwide
(Evans2000).
for a just and equitableworldare essential.
Activistorganizations,
suchas the InnenStadt
Reform International Finance and
Deve1opment
Aktion(InnerCityActionGroup)andtheAnti
One stepin endinghomelessness
globallyis Racisti
Initiative
in Berlin,whoopposeracialdisinternational financial reform (Block crimination
againstimmigrants
andfightto stop
1996:266),which would returncontrol to gentrification,
canfindcommoncausewithsimnationaleconomiesby restoring
fixedexchange ilar groupsin the United States.The 1996
rateson currencyto preventspeculative
finan- HabitatII agendaof a rightto housing,sustaincialtrading,whichdoesnothingforlocalpopu- abledevelopment,
and"enabling"
partnerships
lations,and restrictingthe free movementof can also providean ideologicalframework
to
capitalacrossnationalborders.Accordingto link activistgroups.The rightto shelter,comBlock,a transaction
tax on international
cur- mon in mostindustrialized
countries,couldbe
rency exchangesof around1 percentwould extendedto the United States in legislation
reducethe $1.2 trilliondollarsa daytradedon throughsustained
advocacy.
theglobalmarkets;
only5 percentof thesetransManyEuropean
countrieshaveresistedstrict
actionsareforactualtrade,investment,
ortrav- marketideologyforyearsandhavea diversity
of
el (1996:267).Othercontrolson capitalcould housingstockthat evolvedout of the political
be negotiatedat a new BrettonWoods-style strugglesbetweenbusinessand laborinformed
conferenceof nations;such controlswould by a muchstrongerLefttraditionthan in the
encourage
legitimatebusiness,
butwouldreturn UnitedStates.Theselargestocksof socialhousmorecapitalto govemments,enablinga more ing, whicharenot partof the privatehousing
effectiveresponseto widespread
socialinequali- market,provideone of the mosteffectiveways
ties.
to housethe poor.Fromthe subsidized
housing
ReformingIMFpoliciesof fiscal austerity, units in Hollandand Denmarkto the social
whichenrichlocal elites at the expenseof a housingof GermanyandBritain,variousalternation'spoorercitizens,wouldplace greater nativehousingarrangements
notpartof thepriemphasis
on localcommunity
development
and vatemarketarecommon,includingco-housing
absolvepoornationsof theirdebtto Western arrangements
andconvertedsquatterbuildings.
banks.Heavydebtloadsimpoverish
localpopu- The diversityof European
housingstockprolations,restrictthe overallrateof socialdevel- videsmanygoodexamplesof howhousingpoliopment, and lead to loss of housing or cy couldlook in the UnitedStates.Defending
inadequate
shelter.WorldBankpoliciesof fiscal socialhousingandenhancingits desirability
is
soundnessare alreadybeing rethoughtand thereforeone possiblesolutionforglobalhousmovedawayfromthe dominantneoliberal
mar- ing problems.
Butthis will requirea concerted
ket modelto one of sustainable
development andorganized
effortto resistthe furtherimplewithecologicalconsiderations,
anda fundamen- mentationofmarket-driven
policiesfor"reform"
Symposium 37
at the expenseof workingpeopleandthe poor. nizingwill workbest not in conjunctionwith
Similarto the nationalCommunityReinvestment formalized,
institutionalized
services,butrather
Act in the United States,which calls upon with smallactions,suchas the servingof food
banksto justifytheirlendingpracticesto poor thatFoodNot Bombsaccomplishes,
as vehicles
communitiesbeforeexpandingtheir markets forbringing
peopletogetherforsocialchange,or
elsewhere, an International Community in the defensivecivil rightsstruggles
wagedby
Reinvestment
Act couldbe lobbiedfor.It would theNationalCoalitionon Homelessness,
andits
force transnationalcorporations(TNCs) to locals, againstarbitrary
police harassmentof
investin the socialcapitalof the host country peoplelivingon the street.Bringingtogether
beforethey wouldbe permittedto engagein thestrategies
of thePiedmont
Projectwiththose
business.
ThoseTNCsthatshowedthe greatest of Food Not Bombsand the Coalitionon
abilityandcommitment
to support
thepoorand Homelessness
couldprovideone wayto bridge
developlocal communitieswouldbe granted organizing
gapsamongpeoplewithoutshelter,
investment rights. Democratic assemblies homelessadvocategroups,and housedsocial
responsibleto regionaland local populations changegroups.
withinanygivenhost countrycouldguidethe
Becausewe live in a media-saturated
society,
social capital investmentofferedby outside this will requireestablishingand using new
TNCsintoproductive
channels.
mediaforms,co-optingcorporate
mediaoutlets,
andgenerating
newnetworks
to createthe necNational Initiatives
essaryculturalimperatives
to pushfor change.
Mediacampaignscan be shapedto hammer
Organize Coalitions
homethe followingagendas.
However,forthese
Organizinga "coalitionaroundcommon kindsof politicalchangesto occur,changesin
humanneeds"(Blau1992:181)will linkhome- campaign
financereformmustbe pursued
at the
lessadvocacyto othersocialchangegroups.To nationalandstatelevel.Bluntingthe powerof
achieve a more democraticpolitical system largelobbyistsaffiliatedwith the real estate,
responsiveto the needsof the less privileged, healthcare,banking,andotherbusinesssectors
laborwouldhave to unite with community- is necessary,
asis the truedemocratic
openingof
basedorganizations
and also workharderto thepoliticalprocess.FirstI wouldliketo discuss
organizethe unorganized.
In addition,the poli- brieflythe necessary
politicalchangesandthen
tics of identitywouldhave to be refashioned address
specificpolicyissuessuchashealthcare,
with a new visionthatcan mobilizegrassroots housing,jobs.
organizations
arounda populistdemocratic
and
progressive
platform.This will mean moving Reform lobbying and Campaign
fromthe ideologyof individual
empowerment
to Financing
collective empowerment(Wright 1997:317)
It is clearthatanyprogressive
agendato end
and directaction.It will meanplacingmore homelessness
musthavea politicsin placethat
resources
intothe handsof the poorandhome- is responsive
to an alliancebetweenthe middle
less,offeringcollectivemobilityandcollective classesand the poor,not to the dollarsof big
resourcesto the homeless.Wagnercomments business.The corruptionof the democratic
(1993:180),"Whatif the densesocialnetworks processis evidentin the massivecontributions
and cohesivesubcultures
that constitutethe given each year through lobbying in
homelesscommunity
wereutilizedbyadvocates, Washington,DC. To blunt the effect of big
socialworkers,
andothers?"
Onemodelof orga- money,lobbyingreformis essential.The recent
nizingthathasproveneffectivein crossingrace, replacementof the 1933 Glass-Steagall
Act,
class,andgenderbarriers,
oftencitedin contrast whichtightlyregulated
banking,finance,insurto the Alinskymodel,is that of the Piedmont ance, and real estateoperations,by the 1999
PeaceProject(Stout1996).Providing
socialser- Gramm-Leach
Act, which lifts those regulavicesis rejectedin thismodel,because"wework tions,cameaftera sustained
lobbyingcampaign
to help peopleunderstand
that theycan bring by the financesector.In 1997-98 this sector
aboutchangeif theyareorganized.
Theycanget spent $154.4 million dollarsin soft money,
the services they need" (Stout 1996:106). PACs,andindividual
contributions
to influence
However,
peoplelivingwithouthomespresenta congressionalsentiment, accordingto the
problemin thattheyhaveno home-based
com- CenterforResponslve
Pollticsin Washington,
DC.
munitythatcan be organized.
Therefore,
orga- Whilethisone exampleillustrates
the powerof
38 Symposium
bankingand financeinterests,the real estate
lobbyworkshardto maintainmortgage
interest
deductions
on homes,effectively
cuttingoffoth
er optionsforgovernment
housinginvestment.
Inaddition,campaign
financereformisessential
if candidatessympathetic
to the needsof the
poorandhomelessareto haveevena ghostof a
chanceof winningelections.To solvethe problemsthatcreatehomelessness
willrequireelectingofficialswhoarenot afraidto standupto big
business.
think tank development,and media/political
resources
to sustaina progressive
visionareall
important
to helpsupport
grassroots
efforts.
Push for a Single-Payer Health Care
System
Raisingthe incomesof the verypoorand
redesigning
a healthcaresystemthat delivers
decenthealthcareforall,regardless
of abilityto
pay, is also essentialfor endinghomelessness.
The currentbattleswith managed-care
HMOs
revealthe inadequacies
of a healthcaresystem
builtin conjunctionwith the insuranceindusChange the rax Code
The mantraof "nonew taxes"is unsustain- try,whoseprimarymotiveis to securegreater
A single-payer
ablein a civilizedsociety.Withcorporate
health
taxes returnson investments.
at an all-timelow (corporate
needtaxeswere21 per- caresystemis mosteffectivein providing
cent in 1962and declinedto 11.5 percentby ed servicesandwillultimately
provelessexpen1997)anda disproportionate
shareof thewealth sive than the currentsystemof managedcare.
increased
healthcareservicesisessenaccumulated
in the top5 percentof the popula- Providing
the damagecausedby hometion, a vigorousprogressive
corporate
andindi- tial to counteract
vidualtax systemshouldgeneratethe required lessness,but not sufficientto stop the larger
capitalfor social investments.Taxes on the widespread
impoverishment.
Giventhe serious
assetsand incomeof the wealthyhave also shortageof detox centers,mentalhealthoutdeclinedover the past 20 years.Closingtax reachclinics,and servicesfor the disabledin
loopholeswillbe essential.Thetop 1 percentof general,endinghomelessness
will involvemakwealthyfamilieshavemanaged
in theseservices
to realizesavings ing the necessaryinvestments
on averageof $97,250perfamilybetween1977 throughoutthe country.Specializedservices
and 1985,whilethe bottom80 percenthadan (mentalhealthandsubstanceabusetreatment,
increase of only $221 per family (Blau shelters,transitional
housing,jobtraining),the
1999:196). Changing prioritiesto combat mostcommonbenefitsallocatedfor the poor,
homelessnesswill requireredistributionof are important;
but withoutmorelow-income
incomeandwealth.
housing,higherincomesfor low-skilledwork,
andfast,accessible
healthcare,thosebenefiting
Change Research Funding Priorities
from such serviceswill still find themselves
and Develop Afedia Resources
exposedto intolerable
livingconditions.
Philanthropy-and foundation-sponsored
thinktankshaveoftenledthe wayin newpoli- Move beyond Welfare Reform and
cy researchandsupportive
services.Manypro- Expand Child Care Support
gressivefoundations
have remainedhampered, Whilemovingpeopleoffwelfareandbackto
however,by theirsupportof directservice,in workmaybe a laudablegoalin theory,accomthe case of homelessness,
and directactionof plishingit throughpunitivesanctionsandstrict
activistgroups,andhavenot investedthe funds timelimitsis cruelandineffective.Giventhat
necessary
to buildupa collectionof progressive mostpeopleon welfarearethereforonlya short
thinktanks,asvariousconservative
foundations while, manypeople who have receivedjobs
have createdtheirown.Fundingnew progres- throughTANF mighthavereceivedthemanysiveresearch
centersis justas essentialas fund- way.Thepoorest20 percentof thoserecipients,
ing direct action groups,since direct action however,have seriousproblemsthat are not
groups
canbenefitfromthenewknowledge
gen- beingaddressed
by a forcedworkprogram.
The
eratedbysuchpolicyorgans.It isnot a matterof lack of systematicand widespread
fundingof
either/or both the developmentof new pro- childcarecentersandthelackofgood,well-paid
gressivethink tanksand researchcentersand jobsensuresthat even thosewho areremoved
fundingdirect action groupsare essentialif fromthe welfarerollswillbe stuckin low-wage
politicalchangeis to occur.Changingpriorities occupations.
Sincemostwomenwhohavebeen
of fundraisers,
an increasein privatefoundation on AFDC andarenowon TANF workasmothcommitmentto progressive
advocacyresearch, ers,subsidized
childcareis essentialforanywork
Symposium39
basestrategy
to be successful.
Infact,sucha system is not unheardof. The Kelloggsystemof
child care implemented
duringWorldWar II
providedsubsidized
federalday care,allowing
manymothersto workin the defenseindustry.
lackof realcommitment
fromboththe business
community
andlocalcitiesin enforcing
housing
discrimination
provisions.State governments
alsocandiscourage
irresponsible
redevelopment
in localareaswheresuchredevelopment
threatensto gentrifyanareaat theexpenseof working
Renew a Federal Commitment to
and poor people, as is occurringin San
Housing and Promote Social Housing
Francisco,California.Housingand homeless
FollowingHabitat II, the United States activistscan have a largerimpactat the state
shoulddeclarea national"rightto housing'? level if thereis a renewedfederalcommitment
whichcallsfordecenthousinganda suitableliv- to workingfamiliesandthe poor.
ing environmentfor all citizens.The United
Statesneedsto strengthen
its socialpolicywith Raise Wages and Rebuild the United
renewedeffortsto developnew low-income States
rentalhousingconstruction
programs,
programs At the mostbasiclevelof reform,increasing
that movebeyondthe vouchersystemor pri- the minimumwageis essentialto providejobs
vate-publicsystemsfor publichousing.New withlivableincomes.Alreadythesmallincrease
publichousingcaneasilycompetewiththe pri- in minimumwageshasgenerated
moreincome
vatesectorin developing
low-costandattractive for the bottom20 percentof the population,
alternatives,
not the concretemegalithsof the decreasing
the povertylevelby a smallamount
1950s.Thisis self-evident
in the newattractive overthe pastthreeyears.Whilea step in the
Gautrauxscatteredhousingdevelopments
now rightdirection,this is simplynot enoughto
beingbuiltin Chicago.
compensatefor the widespread
loss of union
in the 1980sandthe middleSincea majorpartof theproblem,
otherthan wageemployment
the lackof seriousfederalcommitment,
downsizing
of the l990s.Withthe
is the management
normaloperationsof the market,mechanisms increasein temporary
employment,
manyworkmustbe foundto curbthe powerof marketsto ers have to strugglejust to breakeven every
distorthousingaffordability.
Forexample,with month. Two strategiesthat would help end
the assistance
of the federalgovernment,
a pub- homelessnesswould be a guaranteedannual
lic capital-grant
financingprogramcould be income(Blau1992183)foreveryoneanda new
implemented
to support
the development
of the federal"living"minimumwageindexedto the
PMSAorrural
"socialownership"of housing (Stone 1993; costof livingwithina particular
HopperandBaumohl1994).Thismeansremov- area,enoughto sustaina singlepersonorfamily
ingpermanently
a portionof the housingstock at orabovethepovertylevel,wherethepoverty
according
to a "market
basket"
fromresaleon the privatemarket.Afterpaying levelis redefined
fora particular
region(beingpoorin
forthe costof producing
or acquiring
the hous- approach
is verydifferentfrombeingpoor
ing stock,remaining
costswouldbe reducedto SanFrancisco
Similarto European
plans,
capital improvementsand operations.This in ruralMississippi).
incomeplan wouldprovidethe
expansionof the "socialsector"of housing a guaranteed
wouldincreasethe stockof affordable
housing bottomfloorfor sustaininga familyandcould
whileallowingothermarket-rate
unitsto service replacewelfareandmanyof the othersocialserthatsupported
poorfamilieswho
high-income
persons.Ownership
of housingcan vice programs
be assumed
bymanydifferent
entitiesfromlocal didnot havesufficientincome.Thiswouldalso
nonprofitdevelopers,
housingagencies,church- createincentivesforbusinessto paytheirworkes, laborunions,and othercommunitygroups ers a decentsalary;otherwisethey wouldfind
themselveswithseriousshortages
of labor.The
withfederalassistance
(Stone1993:193).
secondproposalwouldequalizewagesamong
End Housing Discrimination
regions,discouraging
businessesfrom moving
Stategovernments
canputincreased
pressure into areaswhere land prices are high and
on landlords
to stopunfairevictions,rentgoug- encouraging
movesintolow-priced
areas,thereing, andhousingdiscrimination
throughvigor- foreraisingthe livelihoodof depressed
economousenforcement
of theFairHousinglawsandan iC zones.
expansionof housinglitigationandtestingproTo provideimmediate
helpto the verypoor
cedures.Fair HousingCouncils aroundthe and homeless,a public worksprogramthat
nationarehampered
byinsufficient
budgetsand expandsopportunities
for well-paidlow-skilled
40 Symposium
labor and that addressesbasic infrastructurecoalitionpoliticsmaybe easierat the localthan
wagelaws,child
repairintegratedwith communityeconomic nationallevel.Localminimum
andsocial
services,
care
health
initiatives,
care
the
off
up
people
raise
couldhelp
development
neglectof basicmaintenance housinginitiativesare all possible.As at the
streets.Long-term
of bridges,roads,parks,andservicescallsfor a nationallevel theywill requirethe electionof
of localrealestate
solution.A NationalMarshallPlanto rebuild politicalleadersindependent
Americacould includesocial investmentsin growthcoalitioninterests.Otherinitiativesare
local.
new housingconstruction,city infrastructuremorefundamentally
repair,andnationalhealthcareforall.The key
positionsbut Homelessness as a Community-based
notjustmake-work
is in providing
onesthathavea promiseof a futureandpaya Human Rig*ts Issue
Local homeless advocates,such as the
livablewage.Jobtrainingin thiscontextcould
and
in SanFrancisco
on Homelessness
Coalition
with
directlylinkopenpositionsin employment
perrights
human
the
use
to
able
are
Chicago,
lowbetween
continuity
neededjobs,promising
skilledpositionsand ones callingfor higher spectiveto educatethe generalpublic.This
treatmentin hiringgivento shouldnot be viewedas counterto a proactive
skills.Preferential
thepoorandto peopleofcolorwillalsoraisethe strategy(Shaw1996:26),but ratheras integral
a largercoalitionbasedon human
incomelevelsof the bottom20 percentandto to developing
andequity.Localstruggles
justice,
social
rights,
the wideningsplitbetweenthe pridiscourage
dimenan international
have
rights
human
for
labormarkets.
maryandsecondary
easily
can
technology,
modern
with
and,
sion
at
Thecostofsucha planwouldbeexpensive
first,butwouldbe repaidmanytimesoverin the linkup with groupsin othercountriesfighting
long run throughlower costs in containing similarbattles.Activistgroupsin localneighin theUnitedStatesmayhavemorein
socialproblems,improvinghumanhappiness, borhoods
in Berlin,
struggles
working-class
with
common
time
the
all,
After
productivity.
andincreasing
wasat itshighest, London,Paris,Tokyo,and Mexicothan with
investment
whengovernment
duringthe 1950s,was also the periodof the wealthycommunitieswithin their own city.
usingmoderncomhighestgrowthrate in Americanhistory.We Connectingthesestruggles
solidarityand
provide
help
can
munications
investments.
government
larger
afford
caneasily
the local.
have workto globalize
United Statesgovernmentexpenditures
risenonly5 percentbetween1967and1994,to
33.5 percentof the GDP (Block1996:87),far Responsible Redevelopment life"policing
of "qualityof
The application
states.The problemis
belowthat of European
fix, movingsocial
cosmetic
a
applies
merely
not thatwe spendtoo much,butthatwe spend
areas.Cities
industrial
visible
less
to
problems
so little. Spendinghas actuallydecreasedon
areaswith
downtown
develop
to
work
can
only
constituting
criticalphysicalinfrastructure,
middle-class,
containing
housing,
mixed-use
1.9 percentof GDP in 1996comparedto 2.8
andpoorin the sameareas,withJapanspent6 working-class,
percentin 1976(Block1996:294).
poor,workingclass,or middle
the
robbing
out
percentthroughthe 1970sand 1980s,andforunits,services,or "qualityof
available
of
class
merWestGermanyspent4 to 6 percentof its
planscanbeshapedas
redevelopment
City
life."
morethan
substantially
GDPon infrastructure
that recognizesthe
redevelopment
responsible
the UnitedStates.Thereis workto be donein
of the population
elements
all
have
to
necessity
of
years
many
the United States afterthese
areas,notjustthe
core
downtown
in
represented
neglect.Makingdecentwell-paidjobsrepairing
proportionto
in
represented
and
privileged
availableto those
the nation'sinfrastructure
base.
employment
of
the
composition
actual
the
skillswillalsoprovidean
withlowandmoderate
to
commitment
renewed
a
include
would
This
their
on
back
get
to
people
avenueforhomeless
occupansingle-room
mixed-income
more
build
feet.Newhousingwillprovidetheplacesto live
anda nationalhealthcaresystemthe necessary cy unitsin downtowncoreareas,as well as in
areas.These will becomeimportant
servicesforthosetoo disabledto work. suburban
support
not onlyforthe verypoorbutalsoforthosesinwho
babyboomers
andmiddle-class
gleworkingLocal-CityInitiatives
Modestversionsof all the nationalpolicies cannot afford to buy their own homes.
development
outlinedabovecan be adoptedat the stateor Democraticdowntown/suburban
locallevel. In fact, the creationof progressive canstatepubliclythe typesof newemployment
Symposium
41
projectandits approxi- extremelylow vacancyrate and the highest
createdby a particular
matepayscaleto allowfor planninga proper housingcostsin the country.Thiswillputeven
on the alreadysqueezedhousing
does not have to morepressure
housingmix. Gentrification
displacethe poorandhomelesssegmentsof the marketandcertainlypricetheworkingpoorout
forpeoandmakeit impossible
can of SanFrancisco
community.A responsiblegentrification
upgradea communityat a gradualpace,with plewithoutsheltersto getoffthestreets.A more
plan wouldallow for
Vision rationalredevelopment
to protectthe lessprivileged.
safeguards
of housingandjobswithina
statementsand plansdevelopedby localrede- equalproportions
costs,
to repre- two-mileradius,to reducetransportation
velopmentagenciescanbe refashioned
to the typesandpayof
andcanbe in a mix proportional
sentall segmentsof the population,
advocatemovementsfor jobscreated.
assistedby grassroots
the poor.This will requirebringinghomeless
not justlocalbusinesselites,intothe Democratize and Support Shelters
advocates,
Whilesheltersarenot the answerto homeareasandin
veryplanningprocessof downtown
as an
newsheltersshouldbe supported
lessness,
areasof outlyingdistricts.The lackof
suburban
can
be
shelters
Existing
measure.
interim
federalfunds makesit difficultfor cities to
practices
shelter
restrictive
to
end
encouraged
affordable
attract
might
costs
that
reduceland
in a
andmarketmodelsof hous- thattreathomelessfamiliesandindividuals
housingdevelopers,
to
the
supported
can
be
and
fashion,
degrading
ing only privilegethe uppertier of citizens.
prodemocratic
initiated
they
have
that
extent
However,the relianceupon tax increment
for theirpatrons.In
dis- ceduresof accountability
financing(TIFs)andbusinessimprovement
be maintainedin
can
shelters
such
addition,
fundswhile
tricts(BIDs)robscitiesof necessary
wheresupport
those
areas
or
in
areas
downtown
taxbreaks.These
unnecessary
givingdevelopers
but
not encourorganized,
be
best
can
services
can be reducedor reshapedto increaseproviareasor
industrial
to
degrading
to
relocate
aged
amountsof lowsionsfor creatingsubstantial
(Wright1997:101-11). Cities
spaces
"refuse"
incomeshelter.
wouldbe pressedto provideneededsocialserRedevelopmentagencies, in cooperation viceson a fairandequitablebasis(Wolchand
20
withapplying
entrusted
withstatelegislators,
Dear1993)withsmallersheltersin allneighborpercentof theirbudgetsto buildingaffordable hoods and a firm oppositionto NIMBYism.
in line Thereis alwaysroomforsupportive
housing,shouldexpandthatpercentage
services,like
of newlycreatedlow-income shelters,but we shouldnot assumethat they
withthe numbers
jobswithina city.The 20 percentfigurecanbe constitutesolutionsto homelessness.
citiescan
However,
bystatelegislators.
amended
also increasetheir componentof low-income Living Wage Ordinances
the amount
by increasing
housingconstruction
Cities can also enact "livingwage"ordihousing nancesto improvethe wagesof cityworkers.
fundsforlow-income
of redevelopment
In
to the needswithintheircommu- addition,preferences
in proportion
busifor minority-owned
nities. For everynew business(cafes,hotels, nessescan be builtinto city contractsfor serclothingshops)thatservicesincomingclients,a vicesto assistpeopleof color,whomakeupthe
host of low-incomejobswill be created.City disproportionate
numberof poorin the inner
planscan take this into account cities. Given the advanceddeteriorationof
development
ImpactReports infrastructure
throughtheir Environmental
in mostmajorcities,publicinvestandpushto buildhousingthatcan accommo- mentin massiverepairsemployingbothskilled
dateserviceworkersnearthe site of new busi- and unskilledworkersat a decentwagewill
nesses, preferablywithin walking distance. allow the poor to accumulatethe necessary
SettingupHousingTrustFundsforlow-income income to providefor their families.With
housingis one solution,but a bettersolution increased
willbeable
income,poorcommunities
thatbalances to takecareof manyof theirown.Thedeclineof
wouldbe controlleddevelopment
housingunitscreat- wageswithinminoritycommunitiesand poor
of low-income
the numbers
An whitecommunities
ed withthe numberof jobsbeingproposed.
overthe past30 yearshas
aretheplans meanta concurrent
redevelopment
declinein the viabilityof
exampleof lopsided
for the Mission Bay developmentin San socialnetworks(Roschelle1997),contraryto
upto 31,000jobs,but the earlier findings of Stack ( 1974). The
whichpromises
Francisco,
only 6,000 housingunits in a city with an increaseof suchwageswill not only help the
42 Symposium
workingpoor,but also strengthenfamilynetworks.
Conclusions
While these proposalsfor global,national,
and local solutionsmay seem utopian read
"unworkable"
I have drawnmany of these
examples from diverse social experiments
alreadyunderway
in variouscountries.Thisis a
visionof wherewe mightgo, if not a finished
plan. Any struggleto end homelessness
will
involve an open-endedprocessof conflict
between competingpolitical and economic
interests,involvinggender,racial/ethnic,and
class conflict.These cannot be definedadequatelyaheadof time,but will emergein the
processof social change throughcollective
empowerment.
Whatis clearis thatendingthe
bitterlegacyof homelessness
will requiresubstantialchangesin the strategies
of capitalaccumulation,not justsimplereform.To pressthese
initiativeswill takemorethanwishfulthinking
or even coalitionbuilding.It will take determinedpolitics.A criticallyconsciouspolitical
movement
willingto takeboldstepswillhaveto
emerge a movementthat calls into question
the dominantstrategiesof neoliberalism
and
fightsforthe rightsof workingpeopleandpoor
people everywhere,a movementconnected
deeplyto grassroots
activistswho aremobilized
to struggle
globallyandlocally.
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