Local and Central Government Relations Research 32 January 1995 The feasibility of a local sales tax A recent study suggests that a single stage retail sales tax based at county or regional level could significantly increase local authority autonomy in the United Kingdom but might raise a number of operational problems. The study, by John Hall and Stephen Smith of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, found that: A local sales tax would be more appropriate as an addition to local tax revenues rather than a replacement for the council tax, which appears to be operating reasonably well. Only 15% of local spending is currently financed by local taxation. A local sales tax would reduce local authority dependence on central government grants. A local sales tax levied at an average rate of 4.5% on all goods and services currently subject to VAT would raise the same revenue as the council tax at present. Central government would need to transfer grant between authorities in order to avoid some individuals facing high local sales tax rates simply because there are few retail outlets in their local area. There would be some revenue loss for high tax areas through individuals shopping in lower tax areas. This ‘cross-border’ shopping might also lead to a loss in sales and in retail floorspace in high tax jurisdictions and could change the geographical pattern of retail development. Cross-border shopping effectively rules out a district-based sales tax but not necessarily one set at county or regional level. Poor households would pay roughly the same percentage of their expenditure in local sales tax as richer households. The poor would pay more in local tax than under the present council tax (because of council tax rebates), and the rich would pay less. A sales tax confined to household utility bills would be simple to administer, and would avoid the problem of cross-border shopping. However, it would hit poorest households hardest and hence necessitate some form of rebate scheme. Local taxation and finance Why do we need another local tax? Given the relatively smooth introduction and operation of the council tax, it has been argued that the United Kingdom no longer suffers from the wrong local tax but rather too few local taxes. Only about one in every six pounds spent by the average local authority is presently paid for by local citizens through the council tax. Central government pays for the remainder in the form of grants based on what it believes each local authority would need to spend to provide a ‘standard’ level of service. This narrow local tax base means that local tax bills are very sensitive to changes in local spending decisions. Indeed, on average, a 1% increase in local spending increases council tax bills by roughly 6%. Whilst these high ‘gearing ratios’ may ensure that local authorities are accountable to their electorates for their spending decisions, they also mean that council tax rates are extremely sensitive to changes in government grant. An additional local tax would help reduce dependence on changes in the distribution of grant and hence give local authorities a greater degree of autonomy. This report assesses the suitability of a local sales tax. What type of tax? A local sales tax could take a variety of forms: • A local value added tax (VAT), operated on the same basis as national VAT. However (as with trade within the EU), this would lead to adjustments in tax liabilities every time goods were moved across authority boundaries during production. Since finished goods would typically include components produced in many different local authority areas, this could be an administrative nightmare. • A restricted base local sales tax. A tax on utility bills such as gas, water and electricity would avoid cross-border shopping problems and could be targeted at households rather than businesses. However, as has been highlighted in recent debates over the extension of VAT to domestic fuel, such a tax would hit poor households much harder than richer households. • A single stage levy on all retail sales could be piggybacked on to national VAT. This would only tax sales to final consumers so would minimise the additional compliance costs for businesses. However, Customs and Excise would have to assess what percentage of the sales of each business were made to final consumers. The cross-border problem A major problem might be that individuals can ‘avoid’ a high local tax rate by shopping in neighbouring jurisdictions with lower tax rates. In addition, shops might choose to follow their customers and migrate towards these lower tax areas. This, in turn, would increase tax revenues in low tax areas and reduce revenues in high tax areas, leading to even greater cross-border tax rate differentials. Evidence from the USA - where many local authorities already operate local sales taxes - suggests that the extent of cross-border shopping is far more severe when set at city level than at state level. This suggests that the cross-border problem might be substantial for a district-based sales tax, especially in London and the Metropolitan areas where many alternative shopping centres already exist, but might be limited for a sales tax levied at the county or regional level. Central government would have to redistribute grant between local authorities if it wished to prevent some households facing low tax rates simply because they lived in local authority areas which contained a major retail centre and vice versa. If central government fully equalised the tax bases of county authorities, there would be very few areas in which sales tax rates would differ by more than 0.5% between counties, given current patterns of local authority expenditure. Empirical research in the USA suggests that differentials of this size will not generate a significant loss in local tax bases as a result of cross-border shopping. Impact on local authority finance Accountability The burden of a local sales tax would fall on those individuals who shopped within a local authority area, rather than those who live there. Local authorities with clusters of retail outlets, such as outof-town shopping malls, might be able to ‘export’ a significant proportion of the local tax burden to those who did not benefit directly from local authority services. For example, a central city authority could collect revenue from commuters as well as the local population. Since the full cost of extra local spending would not be borne by local residents, local accountability would be reduced. Unpredictable yield It would be difficult for local authorities to predict the likely level of receipts in a given year. This might be a problem for those authorities which made overoptimistic forecasts since local authorities are legally forbidden from running current budget deficits. Hence, relying on a local sales tax might force local authorities to make hasty and inefficient budget adjustments half way through the financial year. ‘Lumpiness’ of the yield It is likely that local authorities would only be able to vary the sales tax rate by a discrete amount (perhaps in steps of half a percent) to minimise the administrative burden of the tax on business. Hence, a sales tax might be too inflexible to function well as a local tax because the minimum change in the sales tax rate might have huge revenue implications for a local authority. For example, a 0.5% cut in the tax rate might require a local authority to cut expenditure by £29 per head. Distributional implications Recent controversies over the community charge (poll tax) and the extension of VAT to domestic fuel have suggested that new taxes must be perceived as fair to be generally accepted. Assuming that a local sales tax were levied on the same goods as national VAT, the tax bill as a percentage of annual expenditure would be roughly the same for all income groups (Figure 1). This would tend to be a higher percentage of their annual income because the poor tend to spend a higher proportion of their income than the rich. A local tax would place less of a tax burden on poorer households than either the council tax or poll tax without rebates or a local utility tax but more of a burden than a local income tax. However, taking council tax rebates into account, poorer households would be worse off if the existing council tax were replaced by a local sales tax raising the same amount of revenue (Figure 2). Local sales tax rebates would be difficult to administer since authorities would need to know both how much the household had spent on taxable goods over the year and where these purchases were made. Hence, it is likely that any workable system of sales tax rebates would have to be based on estimates of the average local tax bills paid by poorer households. A local sales tax with such an inexact system of rebates might cause significant hardship to poor households with above average expenditure or living in high tax areas. One method of avoiding the problems caused by cross-border shopping would be to tax goods and services supplied directly to people’s homes, most obviously utility bills. This would require much higher tax rates than a local sales tax which raised the same amount of revenue because far fewer goods would be subject to the tax. In addition, the tax burden as a percentage of total expenditure would be far greater for the poor than for the rich: poorer households spend a higher proportion of their income on water, heating and electricity than richer households. So, a local utility sales tax would almost Published by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation The Homestead, 40 Water End York YO3 6LP Tel: 01904 629241 Fax: 01904 620072 ISSN 0958-3823 certainly need to be accompanied by an extensive rebate scheme. About the study These results are based on information on incomes and expenditures for a sample of over 7,000 households in the Family Expenditure Survey 1992. Incomes are equivalised to reflect the lower standard of living of larger families than smaller families with the same household income. The data was matched with budget information for over 300 local authorities in England for 1994/5. We assume no changes in either individual or local authority behaviour as a result of the introduction of a local sales tax. Further information Further details are available in Local sales taxation available from the Institute for Fiscal Studies, 7 Ridgmount Street, London WC1E 7AE, Tel: 0171 636 3784 (price £10.00). Related Findings The following Findings look at related issues: 5 6 7 11 17 25 26 31 Alternatives to the community charge (Dec 90) Attitudes to the community charge (Jan 91) The community charge in Scotland: the second year (Jan 91) A new tax for local government (Jun 91) Options for a local income tax (Jul 92) The effect of Standard Spending Assessments (Oct 93) Implementing the Council Tax (Apr 94) The operation of the non-domestic rate (Nov 94) For further details of these and other Findings, contact Sally Corrie on 01904 654328 (direct line for publications queries; answerphone may be operating). The Joseph Rowntree Foundation is an independent, non-political body which funds programmes of research and innovative development in the fields of housing, social care and social policy. It supports projects of potential value to policy-makers, decisiontakers and practitioners. It publishes the findings rapidly and widely so that they can inform current debate and practice.
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