Special Interest Groups and Economic Growth in the United States Oguzhan Dincer, Department of Economics, Illinois State University, Normal, IL 61790-4200 Abstract Using a direct measure of special interest group strength from Thomas and Hrebenar (1999), I analyze the effects of special interest groups on economic growth across 48 contiguous U.S. states. Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) categorize the strength of SIGs in each state into 5 categories: dominant, dominant/complementary, complementary, complementary/subordinate, and subordinate. I find a negative relationship between the special interest group strength and economic growth supporting Olson (1982). Holding everything else constant, the growth rate of median income over a decade is almost 4.5 percentage point lower in states in which special interest groups are dominant than it is in states in which interest groups are complementary/subordinate. The results are robust to endogeneity between economic growth and special interest group strength. Introduction Since Olson’s (1982) influential book, there is growing interest in how special interest groups (SIG) affect economic growth in the literature. Olson (1982) argues that political stability create an ideal environment for SIGs to form and develop. As SIGs form and develop, they interfere with policymaking more and more reducing the economic growth. Although policies leading to economic growth are in the common interest of all SIGs in the economy, since they are individually small relative to the economy as a whole, they have no incentive to fight for these policies. It is simply because, while the members of a SIG would enjoy only a small share of the benefits of economic growth, they would bear all the costs. As Brace and Cohen (1989) argue, these groups would prefer to fight for increasing their slice of the pie, rather than increasing the whole pie. Olson (1982) provides quite a few examples on how SIGs make their members better off by reducing economic efficiency and hence economic growth. They fight for price supports increasing the prices of the goods and services above their marginal social costs. They also fight to block innovation. Unions, for example, block labor saving innovations, while firms via trade associations block innovations of their competitors. Quite a few empirical studies analyze the relationship between SIGs and economic growth using both crosscountry and cross-state data. The most common problem that each of these studies has is the measurement of interest group strength. Unfortunately, a direct measure of interest group strength is not available. Following Olson (1982), several studies use length of time of political stability in a country or in a state to measure the SIG strength. According to Olson (1982), there is a positive relationship between the strength of SIGs and the length of time they exist. Political instability in the forms of wars and revolutions prevents the existence of special interest groups. Choi (1983), for example, uses data from U.S. states and measures the SIG strength as the length of time since statehood, or for Confederate states, since the end of the civil war. Choi (1983) finds a negative relationship between state age and economic growth supporting Olson (1982). Nevertheless, as Garand (1992) argues, using a state’s age to measure the interest group strength is quite problematic. Several studies such as Gray and Lowery (1988) and Garand (1992) find that the relationship between state age and economic growth is time dependent. Both studies find that the direction and the magnitude of the estimated state age coefficients change significantly depending on the time period used in the growth regressions. Nardinelli, Wallace, and Warner (1987), on the other hand, do not find a statistically significant relationship at all. In addition to cross-state studies there are quite a few cross-country studies using political stability as a measure of SIG strength. Choi (1983), Weede (1984, 1986), and McCallum and Blais (1987) find a negative relationship between the age of democracy in a country and economic growth supporting Olson(1982). A second measure used in the literature is the unionization rate. Dye (1980) and Choi (1983) both find a negative relationship between the unionization rate and economic growth across U.S states while McCallum and Blais (1987) find a similar relationship using cross-country data. The last measure used in the literature is the number of special interest groups. Several studies such as McCallum and Blais (1987), Heckelman (2000), and Coates and Heckelman (2003) use cross-country data from Murrell (1984) on the number of interest groups to analyze the relationship between SIG strength and economic growth. Although McCallum and Blais (1987) do not find a significant relationship between the number of SIGs and economic growth, Coates and Heckelman (2003) find a non-linear relationship. Heckelman (2000) finds a negative relationship between the number of special interest groups and economic growth using data from a small number of politically stable countries. Using data from U.S states, Gray and Lowery (1999), on the other hand, find a positive relationship. Perhaps because all of these studies use an indirect measure of SIG strength, their results on the relationship between special interest group strength and economic growth are inconsistent. In this study, following Shughart, Tollison, and Yan (2003), I use a more direct measure of SIG strength from Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) for 48 contiguous U.S. states.1 Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) categorize the strength of SIGs in each state into 5 categories: dominant, dominant/complementary, complementary, complementary/subordinate, and subordinate. Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) estimates suggest that states in which interest groups are dominant grow significantly slower. Holding everything else constant, the growth rate of median income over a decade is almost 4.5 percentage point lower in such states than it is in states in which interest groups are complementary/subordinate. The results are robust to endogeneity between economic growth and special interest group strength. The study is organized as follows. I summarize the data on SIG strength, as well as on control variables, in Section 2. In Section 3, I present the empirical model and the results. Robustness is discussed in Section 4. Section 5 overviews the contribution of the study. Data As Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) argue, while it is possible to evaluate the strength of individual SIGs in their ability to affect the policy makers, the overall effect of these groups on policy making is a lot more difficult to evaluate. Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) categorize SIGs based on survey data collected from political practitioners and political scientists in each state for two time periods, the 1980s and the 1990s. They first ask each survey respondent to collect as much data as possible on SIGs including lobbyists and lobbying activities 1 Shughart, Tollison, and Yan (2003) analyse the relationship between SIG strength and income inequality. and lobbying expenditures. They then ask each respondent to identify ways in which his or her state's SIGs vary from existing theories of SIGs in the studies such as Zeller (1954) and Morehouse (1981). Finally, using all the data collected they categorize the strength of SIGs in each state into 5 categories: dominant, dominant/complementary, complementary, complementary/subordinate, and subordinate. Dominant states are those in which groups affect the policymaking process overwhelmingly and consistently. Groups in complementary states are generally constrained by other aspects of policy making process. In subordinate states, groups are consistently subordinated to other aspects of policymaking process. The dominant/complementary and complementary/subordinate states are those which alternate between the two or which are in the process of moving from one to another. Following Shughart, Tollison, and Yan (2003) I use 5 dummy variables for each category Dominant, Dominant/Complementary, Complementary, Complementary/Subordinate, and Subordinate.2 As Shughart, Tollison, and Yan (2003) argue, Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) measure of SIG strength has several advantages over alternative measures. First, Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) improve the measures of Zeller (1954) and Morehouse (1981) which have only three categories of interest group strength: strong, moderate, and weak. Second, the measures such as the number of SIGs in a state used in previous studies fail to differentiate, for example, Florida where the AARP is quite strong, from Michigan where AFLCIO is and fail to differentiate the strength of AARP in Florida from the strength of AFL-CIO in Michigan (Shughart, Tollison, and Yan 2003, 446). In fact, neither Gray and Lowery (1999) nor Shughart, Tollison, and Yan (2003) find a significant relationship between the number of SIGs and the Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) measure. Table 1 presents these 5 categories and lists 48 contiguous U.S. states according to the strength of SIGs in 1980s and 1990s. One of the most commonly used measures of economic growth in cross-state growth regressions is the growth rate of median income (Glaeser and Saks 2006). I use growth rate of median income over the two time periods 1980-1989 and 1990-1999 as my dependent variable. The data are from the Census Bureau. I also include a set of control variables to minimize the omitted variable bias. First, along with the initial values of median income (Income), I control for education (Education). My measure of education is the percentage of the population age 25 and above with a high school degree or more education given by the Census Bureau. Second, I control for income inequality (Gini). According to Alesina and Rodrik (1994), for example, inequality leads to redistribution which reduces economic growth. Using cross-country data, they find a significant negative relationship between income inequality and economic growth. Panizza (2002) and Glaeser and Saks (2006) find a similar relationship using data from U.S states. I measure income inequality across states by using the Gini Index (Gini) for pre-tax household income given by the Census Bureau. Third, following Panizza (2002) and Glaeser and Saks (2006), I control for urbanization (Urbanization). I measure urbanization as the share of population that lives in urban areas. Fourth, I control for fiscal decentralization. Several studies such as Akai and Sakata (2002) and Akai, Nishimura, and Sakata (2007) argue that fiscal decentralization increases government efficiency which increases economic growth. I measure fiscal decentralization (Decentralization) as the share of local government expenditure to total (local and state) government expenditure. Both urbanization and decentralization data are from the Census Bureau. Finally, I control for corruption (Corruption). Using cross-country data, Mauro (1995) finds that corruption reduces economic growth. Glaeser and Saks (2006), using data from U.S. states, on the other hand, do not find a significant negative relationship between corruption and economic growth. I measure corruption as the number of government officials convicted in a state for crimes related to corruption in a specific year. The data are obtained from the Justice Department’s “Report to Congress on the Activities and Operations of the Public Integrity Section” and cover a 2 Since there are not any states categorized as subordinate, I actually use 4 dummy variables. broad range of crimes from election fraud to wire fraud.3 Following Glaeser and Saks (2006), I deflate the number of convictions by state population. For all control variables except Corruption I use the initial values. For Corruption I use the decade averages. Results I first estimate following standard linear model by Ordinary Least Squares (OLS): Growthit = Intercept + γ Ln Incomeit + α Lobbyit + β Xit + uit where Growthit represents the growth rate of median income in state i during period t, i.e., periods 1 and 2. Lobbyit represents the set of dummy variables for the strength of SIGs in each state and Xit represents the set of control variables that affect the growth rate of median income including the region dummies and a time dummy.4 The results of the OLS estimation are given Table 2. The estimated coefficients of the dummy variables representing the strength of the SIGs are negative and highly significant supporting Olson (1982). The estimated coefficients of Dominant, Dominant/Complementary, and Complementary are, according to Wald test, significantly different from each other. According to the results of the OLS estimation, ceteris paribus, the growth rate of median income decreases by 12 percentage points over a decade in the states in which the special interest groups are dominant relative to the states in which the interest groups are complementary/subordinate. Following Shughart et al. (2003), in order to evaluate the relative effects of the interest groups across the U.S. states, I also estimate the three other possible combinations of the dummy variables representing the interest group strength in a state. The results are given in Table 3. The last column gives the estimated coefficients from the original model, the next-to-last column shows the ceteris paribus effects of the interest groups in Dominant, Dominant/Complementary, and Complementary/Subordinate states and so on. Table 3 gives the following ordering regarding the negative effects of SIG strength on growth: Dominant > Dominant/Complementary > Complementary = Complementary/Subordinate. Ceteris paribus, states in which SIGs are Complementary or Complementary/Subordinate grow faster than the states in which SIGs are Dominant/Complementary which grow faster than the ones in which SIGs are Dominant. The growth in Dominant states is estimated to be more than 1 standard deviation slower than the Complementary/Subordinate states. The estimated coefficients of control variables are mostly consistent with the earlier studies. The estimated coefficient of the initial value of median income is negative and significant supporting Solow (1956). The estimated coefficients Education and Urbanization are both positive and significant (Glaeser and Saks 2006). Income inequality has a negative and significant effect on the growth rate of median income (Alesina and Rodrik 1994, Panizza 2002, and Glaeser and Saks 2006). There is an inverse-U shaped relationship both between Corruption and growth and Decentralization and growth. Mendez and Sepulveda (2006), using data from a cross-section of democratic countries, find that growth maximizing level of corruption is significantly positive. Since United States is a democratic country, an inverse-U shaped relationship between Corruption and 3 State convictions data are used to measure corruption in several studies such as Goel and Rich (1989), Fisman and Gatti (2002), Fredriksson et al. (2003), Glaeser and Saks (2006), Dincer (2008), and Apergis et al. (2010). 4 Since I have data from only two time periods it is not possible to use dynamic panel data estimation. It is not possible to use fixed effects panel data estimation either. Due to the dynamic nature of the model, state fixed effects are correlated with the error term (Caselli et al. 1996). Following Barro (2000), I estimate the model with random effects panel data estimation as well. The results are very similar to the OLS estimation. growth across states supports their results.5 The effects of Decentralization on growth are still ambiguous. Several studies find a negative relationship between Decentralization and growth while several others find a positive relationship. My results support the results of Thiessen (2003) and Akai et al. (2007). Since the control variables that I use are measured in different units, using standardized coefficients to evaluate their effects on growth is probably quite helpful.6 A one standard deviation increase in Urbanization causes the growth rate of median income to increase by almost two thirds of a standard deviation. The standardized coefficient of Education is almost the same as the standardized coefficient of Gini. Robustness of the Results The first robustness issue is the possible presence of spatial autocorrelation. Growth rate of income in a state is likely to be affected by the growth rate in proximate states (Garrett et al. 2007). Ignoring spatial autocorrelation in growth causes biased estimates. To control for spatial autocorrelation, I estimate the following spatial autoregressive (i.e., spatial lag) model by maximum likelihood (ML): Growthit = Intercept + γ Ln Incomeit + α Lobbyit + ρ W Growthit + β Xit + uit where W is the spatial-lag weighting matrix and ρ is the coefficient giving the sign and the strength of spatial autocorrelation.. I adopt a simple weighting scheme of strict state contiguity, such that wij = 1 if i ≠ j and state i is contiguous to state j and w j = 0 otherwise. W Growthit is nothing but the average growth rate of median income in state i’s neighboring states at time t. The results of the ML estimation are given in Column 2 of Table 2. According to Wald, and LM tests, spatial autocorrelation is in fact present. Even controlling for spatial autocorrelation, the estimated coefficients of Dominant, Dominant/Complementary, and Complementary are negative and highly significant. The ordering regarding the negative effects of SIG strength on growth is the same as the basic model. The second robustness issue is the endogeneity of the SIG strength. Bischoff (2003), for example, argues that the number and hence the strength of special interest groups in Germany and the U.S. increased in 1970s and 1980s as a result of income growth. Using cross-country data both Bischoff (2003) and Coates et al. (2007) find that positive relationship between income and the number of SIGs. Instrumental variables (IV) estimation helps address this problem. The choice of the instrument is extremely important. A good instrument is a variable that is supposed to be uncorrelated with the error term but correlated with the endogenous variable Lobby. I estimate three different models using two instruments to help correct for endogeneity. The first instrument I use is Morehouse’s (1981) measure of SIG strength across states for the late 1970s. Morehouse (1981) categorizes the strength of SIGs in each state into 3 categories: strong, moderate, and weak. In order to be able to estimate the model I convert both Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) and Morehouse (1981) categorical variables into numerical variables, Lobby, with a maximum possible value of 4 (3) for dominant (strong) and minimum possible value of 1 for complementary/subordinate (weak). The second instrument I use is the political culture of each state categorized by Elazar (1984). According to Elazar (1966), politics in the states are affected by their political subcultures: whether they are moralistic, individualistic, or traditionalistic. Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) argue 5 Glaeser and Saks (2006), using cross-state data, do not find a significant relationship between Corruption and growth. Nevertheless, they do not test the significance of Corruption2 in their model. 6 Standardized coefficients are simply the coefficient estimates of a regression after standardizing all variables to have a mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1. that SIG strength is less in the states that have moralistic political subcultures such as Maine and Vermont than states that have individualistic subcultures, such as Nevada and New Mexico. I measure political culture using Sharkansky’s (1969) 9 point categorization of states based on Elazar (1966), where 1 is purely moralistic, 5 is purely individualistic and 9 is purely traditionalistic. Values between these pure types are the states with combinations of these three subcultures. Finally, I estimate a model using both Morehouse’s (1981) SIG strength and Elazar’s (1966) political culture. The results of the IV estimation are given in Table 4. The estimated coefficient of Lobby is negative and highly significant in all regressions indicating that our results are robust to endogeneity. As long as the instruments affect the growth rate of median income through Lobby, the instruments are theoretically valid. According to the 1st stage F and the Hansen J statistics given in Table 4, they are empirically valid as well.7 The third robustness issue is the possible measurement error in Trust. However, IVestimation not only helps correct for the endogeneity but also measurement error. The final robustness issue is the presence of outliers. It is also possible that outliers in the data are driving the results. To identify outliers I use Hadi’s methodology. His methodology does identify several states in each period as potential outliers. To ensure that these data points are not driving the results, I estimate the model with them excluded; the results do not change.8 Conclusion According Olson (1982), a special interest group serves its members’ interests by getting a larger share of the society’s production for its members. In other words, an SIG, in principle, serves its members either by making the pie the society produces larger, so that its members get larger slices even with the same shares as before or alternatively by getting larger shares or slices of the social pie for its members (Olson 1982, 42). SIGs tend to favor the latter. Favoring redistribution over efficiency reduces economic growth. In other words, according to Olson (1982), societies in which SIGs are strong grow slower. Nevertheless, the empirical evidence regarding the relationship between SIG strength and economic growth is inconsistent. This is partly the result of indirect measures of SIG strength used in the analyses. Several studies such as McCallum and Blais (1987), Heckelman (2000), Coates and Heckelman (2003), and Gray and Lowery (1999) use the number of groups in a country or in a state to measure the SIG strength while others such as Choi (1983), Weede (1984, 1986), and McCallum and Blais (1987), Nardinelli, Wallace, and Warner (1987), Gray and Lowery (1988), and Garand (1992) use the length of time a country or a state enjoys political stability as a measure. A few studies use the unionization rate (Dye 1980, Choi 1983, and McCallum and Blais 1987). Using a more direct measure from Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) for 48 contiguous U.S. states, I provide new evidence of a negative relationship between SIG strength and economic growth. Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) caregorize the strength of SIGs in each state into 5 categories: dominant, dominant/complementary, complementary, complementary/subordinate, and subordinate. I find that the growth rate of median income decreases by 12 percentage points over a decade in the states in which the special interest groups are dominant relative to the states in which the interest groups are complementary/subordinate. To put this finding in perspective, up to 35 percent of the growth differential between Louisiana and Vermont in 1980s, and up to 40 percent between Minnesota and Connecticut in 1990s are potentially explained by different SIG strengths in those states. 7 The correlation coefficients between Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) measure and the Morehouse (1981) measure is higher than 0.6 while it is approximately 0.55 between Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) measure and the Sharkansky (1969) meaure. 8 The results are available upon request. References Akai, N., Nishimura, Y. & Sakata, M. (2007). Complementarity, fiscal decentralization , and economic growth. Economics of Governance, 8, 339-362. Akai, N. & Sakata, M. (2002). Fiscal decentralization contributes to economic growth: evidence from state-level cross-section data for the United States, Journal of Urban Economics, 52, 93-108. Alesina, A. & Rodrik, D. (1994). Distributive politics and economic growth. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 109, 465-490. Apergis, N., Dincer, O. & Payne, J. (2010). The relationship between corruption and income inequality in U.S. states: evidence from a panel cointegration and error correction model. Public Choice, forthcoming. Barro, R. (2000). Inequality and growth in a panel of countries. Journal of economic Growth, 5, 5-32. Bischoff, I. (2003). Determinants of the increase in the number of interest groups in Western democracies: theoretical considerations and evidence from 21 OECD countries. Public Choice, 114, 197-218. Brace, P. & Cohen Y. (1989). How much do interest groups influence state economic growth? American Political Science Review, 83, 1297-1308. Caselli, F., Esquivel, G. & Lefort, F. 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(2003), Bureaucratic corruption, environmental policy and inbound US FDI: Theory and evidence, Journal of Public Economics, 87, 1407-1430. Garand, J. (1992). Changing patterns of relative state economic growth over time: limitations on cross-sectional tests of Olson's thesis. Western Political Quarterly, 45, 469-483. Garrett, T., Wagner, G. & Wheelock, D. (2007). Regional disparities in the spatial correlation of state income growth, 1977–2002. Annals of Regional Science, 41, 601-618. Glaeser, E. & Saks, R. (2006), Corruption in America. Journal of Public Economics, 90, 1053-1072. Goel, R., & Rich, D. (1989), On the economic incentives for taking bribes, Public Choice, 61, 269-275. Gray, V. & Lowery, D. (1988). Interest group politics and economic growth in the U.S. states. American Political Science Review, 82, 109-131. Gray, V. & Lowery, D. (1999). The Population Ecology of Interest Representation. Ann Harbor: University of Michigan Press. Heckelman, J. (2000). 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British Journal of Sociology, 37, 194-220. Zeller, B. (1954). American State Legislatures. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. Table 1 SIG strength in U.S states in the 1980s and the 1990s* Dominant Dominant/ Complementary Complementary Complementary/ Subordinate Alabama Florida +Nevada South Carolina West Virginia -Alaska Arizona Arkansas California ++Connecticut Georgia Idaho +Illinois +Iowa +Kansas Kentucky -Louisiana +Maryland -Mississippi Montana Nebraska -New Mexico Ohio Oklahoma Oregon -Tennessee Texas Virginia +Washington Wyoming Colorado +Delaware Indiana -Hawaii Maine Massachusetts Michigan Missouri New Hampshire New Jersey New York North Carolina North Dakota Pennsylvania -Utah Wisconsin Minnesota Rhode Island -South Dakota Vermont * Subordinate States that changed categories from 1980s to 1990s are indicated with a plus or minus sign. A plus sign means that SIGs in that state became stronger, moving to the left on the table. A minus sign indicates that they became weaker. Connecticut moved up two categories and thus has two plus signs. Source: Thomas and Hrebenar (1999) Table 2 Summary statistics Mean Std. Dev. Min Max Growth Rate of Income 0.076 0.085 -0.191 0.264 Income 36,203 5783 25,878 54431 Education 0.789 0.057 0.643 0.879 Gini 0.414 0.024 0.371 0.476 Urban 0.709 0.146 0.382 0.944 Corruption 0.187 0.192 0.004 1.060 Decentralization 0.507 0.077 0.331 0.676 Table 3 SIG strength and growth (1) OLS estimation -0.614 Ln Income (0.085)*** -0.119 Dominant (0.038)*** Dominant/Complementary -0.078 (0.033)*** -0.050 Complementary (0.031)* 0.700 Education (0.312)** -1.774 Gini (0.689)*** 0.389 Urban (0.092)*** 0.274 Corruption (0.107)*** -0.236 Corruption2 (0.103)** 1.533 Decentralization (1.041)* -1.345 Decentralization2 (1.018)* ρ Region Dummies Yes (2) ML estimation -0.378 (0.076)*** -0.099 (0.024)*** -0.059 (0.017)*** -0.031 (0.015)** 0.529 (0.204)*** -0.924 (0.468)** 0.254 (0.065)*** 0.162 (0.089)** -0.147 (0.082)** 1.179 (0.681)** -1.007 (0.675)* 0.575 (0.078)*** Yes Time Dummy Yes Yes Inrtercept 6.038 (1.043)*** 3.482 (0.864)*** Wald Test of ρ χ2 53.944 0.000 P-value LM Test of ρ χ2 P-value N 96 41.368 0.000 96 R2/Log Likelihood 0.52 156.596 Robust standard errors in parentheses. All test one tailed. * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1% Table 4 Relative effects of SIG strength Excluded Variables Included Variables Dominant Dominant Dominant/ Complementary Complementary Complementary/ Subordinate -0.040 (0.022)** -0.069 (0.024)*** -0.119 (0.038)*** -0.028 (0.015)** -0.078 (0.033)*** Dominant/ Complementary 0.040 (0.022)** Complementary 0.069 (0.024)*** 0.028 (0.016)** Complementary/ Subordinate 0.119 (0.038)*** 0.078 (0.033)*** -0.050 (0.031)* 0.050 (0.031)* Table 5 SIG strength and growth: IV estimation Region Dummies (1) Instrument: Morehouse -0.617 (0.078)*** -0.046 (0.025)** 0.676 (0.300)** -1.693 (0.674)*** 0.382 (0.089)*** 0.286 (0.095)*** -0.241 (0.0912)*** 1.483 (1.006)* -1.294 (0.962)* Yes (2) Instrument: Elazar -0.615 (0.087)*** -0.076 (0.038)** 0.554 (0.351)* -1.502 (0.744)** 0.353 (0.085)*** 0.310 (0.106)*** -0.240 (0.086)*** 1.766 (0.971)** -1.529 (0.953)* Yes (3) Instrument: Morehouse & Elazar -0.616 (0.079)*** -0.052 (0.022)*** 0.654 (0.301)** -1.659 (0.675)*** 0.377 (0.086)*** 0.291 (0.095)*** -0.241 (0.090)*** 1.534 (0.983)* -1.337 (0.943)* Yes Time Dummy Yes Yes Yes Intercept 6.114 (0.955)*** 23.98 0.00 6.111 (1.112)*** 5.38 0.02 96 96 6.114 (0.978)*** 14.12 0.00 0.454 0.50 96 Ln Income Lobby Education Gini Urban Corruption Corruption2 Decentralization Decentralization2 First Stage F P-value Hansen J P-value N Robust standard errors in parentheses. All test one tailed. * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1%
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