African Legislatures: Integrating Research and Policy
‘The Parliament of Zimbabwe’
A paper presented to a Conference of the
African Legislatures Project
at the Center for Social Science Research (CSSR)
Democracy in Africa Research Unit (DARU)
University of Cape Town, South Africa
June 3-4, 2007
Hon. Michael Mataure
Founder and Executive Director of the
Public Affairs and Parliamentary Support Trust (PAPST)
Introduction.
Parliaments are, by convention and practice, institutions whose activities should
complement the efforts of the Executive in the governance of a country. This
relationship should be synergistic in an ideal setting notwithstanding the unique role
of Parliament to exercise oversight over the Executive and it’s Bureaucracy. The
reality however is that the Executive and the Legislature have an antagonistic
relationship often with the Executive being dominant.
The gist of this paper will be to show that notwithstanding the extremes of political
intolerance and polarization that have characterized Zimbabwe since 2000, the need
for a culture of acceptance of diversity is evident in Parliament. This is in part the
result of the Reforms that were launched following the June 2000 Parliamentary
elections. The country’s citizens have also invested their hope and aspirations in the
electoral processes as a way of supporting responsive governance, nurturing
democracy and remaining lawful. It is clearly debatable whether this investment has
realized the expected returns in the short term. Notwithstanding events in the last six
years, it can be ascertained that development course followed by the Parliament of
Zimbabwe over the last decade signifies a very strong underlying sense of progressive
transformation leading to democratic governance and accountability.
Parliamentary Reform Process
The Parliament of Zimbabwe launched major institutional Reforms in 2000. These
Reforms were preceded by an intensive 2 year review and study process (1997-99).
A 30 member Parliamentary Reform Committee (PRC), which included 5 Cabinet
Ministers, chaired by the author of this paper, was set up to undertake the review
process. Two reports were produced in May 1998 and also in May 1999 with findings
and recommendations that formed the basis of the Reform process launched in July
2000. The work of the PRC set the tone and created a platform upon which many
progressive reforms were eventually introduced and implemented. Major changes
were introduced in the Committee system in terms of composition, resources and
procedures. Other provisions included the setting up of Parliamentary Constituency
Information Centers (PCICs) in each constituency and more critically strengthening
the participation of ordinary citizens in the daily work of Parliament and the Portfolio
Committees.
The setting up of the Parliamentary Reform Committee, PRC in 1997 marked a
watershed event in the role, function and image of the institution in Zimbabwe. This
occurred 7years after the introduction of the Unicameral Parliament (1990) in which
all ruling party MPs had contested primary elections to secure nomination in the
national election. Parliamentary activities during the period following the 1990
elections became difficult since the structure, practice and procedures of the
institution were found to be outdated and ineffective relative to the demands of the
electorate.
The main outstanding aspects in terms of parliamentary development in the country
are those of political will, inter-party tolerance, and accountability of the Executive to
the citizens. Ultimately, the resolution of these issues is largely dependent on the level
of appreciation and perceived need for a democratic culture within the political parties
and among various other stakeholders in the country.
The mobilization of resources for Parliament to conduct the Reform exercise began
with the negotiation between the Speaker and the Executive for operating space and
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funds from the Budget of the institution. This increased the sense of ownership among
ordinary Members and eventually among some individuals in Cabinet. With the
benefit of hindsight, the participation of a core group of Cabinet Ministers provided a
direct communication link and political comfort to the Executive on the merits of the
exercise.
It is very probable that since the Parliamentary Reform exercise preceded the
Constitutional Review process, it in fact provided momentum to that process when it
was launched in 1999 (April – November 1999). Furthermore and the methodology
followed by the Constitution Commission was modeled on the one used by the PRC.
It is indeed regrettable and unfortunate that some elements of Civil Society in
Zimbabwe dismissed the latter exercise without giving due consideration to the fact
that the Constitution Commission comprising more than 400 individuals produced a
viable blueprint that could have been improved over time and with consultation. The
rejection of the draft Constitution in February marked the beginning of the
deterioration in relations between the Executive and broad-based Opposition/Civil
Society alliance.
Prior to the setting up of the PRC, the general public characterized Parliament as
follows:
o The institution had low visibility and a poor public image.
o The institution was generally viewed as inaccessible and fortress like.
o There were very few specialist personnel and most staff were administrative
or general support personnel.
o The citizens did not make the link between electing their MPs and calling on
him/her to deliver and be responsive.
o Committees were generally unknown and their functions not clearly
understood by the citizens.
o The image of Parliament was such that very few professionals and
technocrats were interested in seeking election to serve as representatives.
Following the introduction of the Reforms Parliament is now viewed as follows:
 The institution is more visible and has an positive public image. This
has also been enhanced by the institution’s participation at various
shows and other public events in the country.
 Many stakeholder groups increasingly use Parliament as the platform
where they express their displeasure and frustration with the failures
of the Executive and its bureaucracy. Portfolio committees are very
popular with citizens for a variety of issues that they wish to bring to
the attention of the Executive.
 The citizens now understand that they have real power of recall over
their elected representatives through the ballot if they are dissatisfied
with his/her performance.
 Contest for Parliamentary seats has become more popular among
more professionals and technocrats.
 It is apparent that the Executive still values the role of Parliament in
the governance of the country. Many policies and decisions arrived at
by the Executive are brought to Parliament as required by the
Constitution.
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Background
1. Composition of Parliament at Independence – 1980-1990.
i) First majority Parliament 1980-85 (a Bicameral Legislature)
Zimbabwe’s independence on 18th April, 1980 ushered a bicameral parliament
comprising 100 members elected as follows: 80 MPs elected through universal
balloting contested by political parties while the remaining 20 MPs were from a
reserved number of seats for minority whites as provided for in the Lancaster House
Constitution. The Senate had 40 seats filled in proportionate to the membership in the
Lower House. The State was headed by a Titular Head, the President, while the
Executive was headed by an elected Prime Minister who was the leader of the
political party with the majority in Parliament. The Prime Minister, PM, also
represented a parliamentary constituency. The first two parliaments had departmental
committees that were a hybrid of loose task teams which exercised oversight of the
Executive.
Given the country’s history up to that time, the majority of MPs and Senators were
former political detainees, restrictees, returning exiles as well as demobilized
nationalist fighters. Many of these individuals assumed the demanding public
positions without any type of formal preparation or induction..
The representation role of MPs was, in my view, compromised since the electorate
cast their ballots and had to accept whoever political party leaders assigned to
represent a given constituency.
ii) Oversight responsibilities of Parliament 1980 -1990
It should be noted that the first parliament was constituted on the basis of
proportionality and the seats won in the process were allocated by the party leaders
from predetermined lists of members.
There were five departmental committees which included the Public Accounts
Committee. The other four Committees were clustered as follows:
o Service Ministries (Health, Education, Labour and Social Welfare etc.)
o Development Ministries (Agriculture, Housing etc).
o Technical Ministries (Mines, Energy, Transport etc).
o Security Ministries (Home Affairs, Justice and Defence)
During the course of that first decade of Zimbabwe’s Independence an Estimates
Committee was set up to carry out scrutinize proposed Budget allocation for the
operations of the government.
The effectiveness of the departmental committee system was constrained by the lack
of committee clerks, the absence of a dedicated budget allocation and limited
technical support for Parliamentarians who were members. Furthermore the electoral
model used then meant that the political parties exercised significant power over their
members and therefore the MPs were always beholden to their party leaders more
than to the institution of Parliament and the responsibilities extended from that
institution. Despite the limitations highlighted above, the members serving
departmental committees endeavored to be effective.
2. Introduction of a Unicameral Parliament 1990.
i) Introduction Executive Presidency and enlarged single Chamber Parliament
This composition of Parliament and the Executive prevailed until the 8th and 9th
amendments of the Zimbabwe Constitution in 1989 which abolished the bicameral
parliament ushered in an Executive President, and an enlarged unicameral legislature
consisting of 150 Parliamentarians. The Executive President did not represent a
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constituency and he was responsible for appointing two vice-Presidents as provide fro
in the Constitution.
It should be noted that 120 Members are directly elected following the First Past the
Post, FPTP, or simple electoral majority model and the remaining 30 MPs are
appointed by the Executive President.
Ahead of the 1990 elections ruling party introduced a direct self nomination system
of party primary elections. This entails a situation where an interested individual (a
registered, eligible and paid up party cadre) contests in a constituency of his/her
choice. Once the individual succeeds in the constituency primaries, the political party
then provides its resources and campaign machinery to support him/her to contest in
the national parliamentary elections.
This practice has been followed by ZANU PF since 1990 albeit with variation and
influence from party seniors whenever they preferred or intended to block a particular
candidate. One strategy used to exclude certain individuals has been the practice
where the ruling party’s election directorate receives complaints from aggrieved
losers and other party members. Based on the perceived severity and evidence of the
grievance, a re-run of the primary election is ordered to try and pre-determine the
outcome of the contest. In more innovative cases some constituencies were declared
women only areas of political contest for ruling party candidates Furthermore loyalty
and gratitude have always been expected to be the guide incoming MPs and moreso
those whose victory was strongly supported by ruling party seniors.. As mentioned
earlier the issues discussed above are significant since they have a bearing on how the
MPs perform or behave in the discharge of their parliamentary responsibilities.
Notwithstanding this situation, since MPs in the ruling party had to fight a primary
election to get to the national ballot, there was a sense of individual assertion in
decision making and opinion based on the expressed support received directly from
constituents. This was however curbed or contained by a special recall provision in
the Constitution which gives a political party the authority to write to the Speaker of
Parliament to request that a particular seat be declared vacant because the MP
occupying it has ceased to represent the party’s interests.
iii) Re-introduction of the Senate 2005 (back to Bicameralism)
Constitutional Amendment No.17 passed in late 2005 provides for the re-introduction
of the Senate through the creation of 60 Senatorial Constituencies. In all 66 Senate
seats were created and all but 6 were filled by direct election. This means that
Parliament is now bicameral and is composed of the House of Assembly headed by
Speaker while the Senate headed by the President Senate. Both Houses are however
served by a single Secretariat.
The creation of the Senate has meant that Legislation is now be passed by both
Houses of Parliament during separate sittings although in practice the House of
Assembly has greater influence on the outcome of various parliamentary resolutions
than the Senate. More than 95 % of the current Cabinet Ministers sit in the National
Assembly where the bulk of legislation and government business is first introduced.
Provision has also been made in the revised Standing Orders for joint Committees
whose members are drawn from both the House of Assembly and the Senate.
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ii) Political Party Financing.
The Political Parties (Finance Act) Chapter 2:11 (Act No. 4 of 2001)
Zimbabwe is probably one of the few countries in the SADC region and on the
African continent which has provision for an annual appropriation to political parties
that have Members in Parliament. The Political Parties Finance Act was passed in
1995 but it was only assented to by the President in 2001. Parties have to secure a seat
in Parliament in order to be eligible for funding in the annual budget.
. The Act provides for a prorated annual allocation of funding for parties based on the
number of MPs they have in Parliament.
3. Funding and other Resources for Parliamentary Operations:
Chapter 11 of the current Constitution of Zimbabwe provides for matters related to
the operations of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, CRF, which receives all fees, taxes
and other revenues. The same chapter also regulates withdrawals from the CRF. In all
cases, Acts of Parliament will stipulate the manner and process of both the revenue
collection as well as the withdrawals of any funds for various uses by the State.
The appropriation to Parliament is one of the Statutory provisions in the Constitution
of Zimbabwe and it provides for salaries and allowances for MPs and staff. Other
provisions include Constituency allowances, operating capital and recurrent
expenditure. The Budget of Parliament is a consolidated estimate prepared by the
Secretariat based on the institution’s Strategic Plan (currently 2006-2010). The
operations of the institution are guided by the Results Based Management system
(RBM) which was introduced as part of Parliamentary Reforms.
The Annual Budget of Parliament is presented to the Committee on Standing Rules
and Orders (CSRO) for scrutiny and approval prior to submission to Treasury by the
Clerk of Parliament, (CoP).
Zimbabwe’s highly inflationary economic environment has compelled the country’s
Ministry of Finance to introduce a monthly cash budget (imprest) system to cater for
Government operations which means that expenditure is strictly monitored and
tracked by recipient institutions. Parliament (like other public institutions) is required
to acquit the previous month’s disbursement prior to receiving the next tranche of
money.
Parliament is also expected to identify other sources and means of raising revenue for
some of its activities. The institution has been able to raise grant funding and other inkind contributions for a variety of short and long term development activities.
4. Policy Making and Management of Parliament:
i) Committee on Standing Rules and Orders (CSRO) - Section 57 of the Constitution.
The Parliament of Zimbabwe is administered by the Committee Standing Rules and
Orders, CSRO. This is the apex policy making and management body which is
composed of twenty-two office bearers: the Presiding officers of Parliament (the
House of Assembly and the Senate), the Party Chief Whips, the Minister of Finance,
the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, the Leader of the main
Opposition party and back-bench Parliamentarians.
The CSRO has the primary responsibility of overseeing the conditions of service of
both Parliamentarians and staff of the institution. The CSRO has the same legal status
as the Public Service Commission and it determines the policy and operating
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guidelines for Parliament. It is important to note that the CSRO has similar status and
responsibilities to Parliamentary Services in those jurisdictions where these exist.
The Clerk of Parliament, whose rank is equivalent to that of the Chairman of the
Public Service Commission, serves as the Secretary of the CSRO.
ii) Parliamentary Staff
The CSRO is a separate and autonomous employer of the more than 220 public
officials who are staff of Parliament’s sixteen departments and sections.
Parliamentary staff are recruited separately and independently of the country’s Public
Service and they also enjoy separate though similar conditions of service. The present
Clerk of Parliament has been an employee of the institution since before the country’s
Independence and a large number of senior staff have served in excess of 15 years.
The employment posts and grades at Parliament mirror those of Zimbabwe’s Public
Service although staff remuneration is higher by 10% for a similar grade in the civil
service.
Parliament staff are also entitled to support self improvement through academic study
and by way of attachment to other Parliaments. It is pertinent to note that both SADC
PF and the PAP have amongst their senior staff former high ranking officers of the
Parliament of Zimbabwe.
3. Parliamentary Constituency Information Centers (PCICs): MP’s offices
In 2003, the Parliament of Zimbabwe (in collaboration with the UNDP) set up
Parliamentary Constituency Information Centers (PCICs) or in more common
language Constituency Offices for the 120 directly elected members of the House of
Assembly. Provision of constituency offices was one of the recommendations of the
Parliamentary Reform Committee. During the implementation of the project the
offices were named Parliamentary Constituency Information Centers. Each PCIC
consists of at least one and up to three rooms leased to Parliament and equipped with
a desk top computer, 2 desks, and chairs. Where utilities and infrastructure permit
there may be a telephone, a fax and email facility.
In the more remote and underdeveloped areas of the country such services may be
unavailable due to lack of electricity and lack of a fixed telephone network. More
importantly every Member of the House of Assembly, MHoA, is entitled to identify
an Office Assistant, OA, to man the PCIC. Office Assistants are contracted and paid
an allowance by Parliament but they are only employed during the incumbent
MHoA’s tenure in Parliament. It is reported that the PCICs have improved voters’
access to their MPs although much still needs to be done to deploy their services more
effectively. It must also noted that to date only 110 constituencies have PCIC’s, the
remaining 10 could not be set up due to political interference and intolerance in the
affected areas among supporters of the main parties represented in Parliament.
4. Constituency Servicing:
Each constituency MP who is not a government minister or deputy is entitled to a
constituency allowance based on a predetermined formula which includes the size and
population of the constituency. Additionally every back-bench MP whose
constituency is more that 40km from the capital, Harare, is entitled to vehicle mileage
allowance claimed for travel to/from the constituency for plenary sittings and
attendance to committees of Parliament. The mileage allowance is calculated on the
basis of the Automobile Association rates which take into account vehicle wear and
tear, insurance and fuel costs. MPs whose main residence and constituency are away
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from Harare are provided with accommodation whenever parliament is sitting or
when they travel to the capital on official business. Alternatively MPs whose
constituencies are more than 40km from Harare but who select to stay in private
accommodation are entitled to 50% of the cost of the most expensive accommodation
provided for their colleagues in a hotel or lodge.
Parliament also provides concessionary loan facilities (funds permitting) for purchase
of a suitable utility vehicle (duty free) by a serving MP during his/her term in
Parliament.
Notwithstanding the support provided for these activities, the issue of constituency
servicing remains one that is frequently complained about by the electorate. It is
evident that in many cases the roles and responsibilities of Parliamentarians are not
clearly understood or appreciated by the voters and other citizens and often elected
representatives are expected to carry out tasks that are not within their purview of
responsibility.
5. Office space and support services at Parliament:
All Parliamentarians, including Cabinet Ministers, have shared office space at
Parliament. There are also computer facilities as well as Research personnel and
Library facilities at the institution. Parliamentarians also have access to a fully staffed
clinic and catering services. Members can also entertain guests including constituents
who may visit them and the spouses of incumbent members are issued with special
passes to access certain Parliament services e.g. lounges, library and the Members’
Bar.
Parking space is also provided at Parliament for current and past MPs and this is
regulated by the issuing of a disc that is valid for one calendar year.
The matters described above go along way to show that the Parliament in Zimbabwe
has the standard support provisions expected of such an institution notwithstanding
the inadequacy of actual budget allocations and other requirements.
6. Parliamentary Portfolio Committees (PPCs)
In Zimbabwe the Parliamentary Portfolio Committees (PPCs), constitute the engine
room of the institution and they are exclusively composed of back bench
parliamentarians from all political parties represented in Parliament. These
committees are responsible for examining the work of government (the Executive and
its bureaucrats). It must be emphasized that Parliament does not and should not
seek to govern, that is the prerogative and responsibility of the Executive. The
committees have important oversight and legislative scrutiny functions which do not
constitute separate and parallel autonomy but are meant to be complementary and
supportive of strengthening the governance regime of the country. PPCs should
therefore be regarded as the live and functional link between Parliament and the
citizens.
i) Parliamentary Legal Committee (PLC)
The appointment and functions of the Parliamentary Legal Committee are provided
for in Chapter V, section 40A and 40B of the Constitution. This is a very effective
level of legislative scrutiny for existing and proposed Bills and statutory instruments
tabled before parliament excluding Constitutional Bills. The PLC is required to
determine whether in its opinion any provision in a Bill, draft Bill or statutory or
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draft statutory instrument would, if enacted, be or, as the case may be, is in
contravention of the Declaration of Rights or any other provision of the Constitution.
It is should be noted that all draft Bills and statutory instruments excluding
Constitutional Bills are automatically referred to the PLC after first reading in the
particular Parliamentary chamber. The composition of the PLC is dominated by
legally trained and practicing lawyers with a few lay persons included as well. It must
noted that members of the PLC are salaries that are higher than those of other backbench parliamentarians.
ii) The Liaison and Coordination Committee, LCC.
The LCC is composed of the chairs of all Parliamentary Committees. They have the
collective responsibility of sharing information and planning together for the
effectiveness of their roles in carrying out oversight responsibilities on behalf of
Parliament. The setting up of the LCC is also another recommendation from the
Parliamentary Reform Committee’s work.
iii) Portfolio Committees - composition and criteria for Membership
The Parliament of Zimbabwe, comprising the House of Assembly and the Senate,
presently has twelve portfolio committees and the Public Accounts Committee, PAC,
as the main entities responsible for oversight. The committees are in clusters that
oversee several government Ministries and departments whose activities they are
responsible for scrutinizing and reporting on to Parliament.
Ad hoc committees are formed as and when specific issues arise and their tenure is for
the duration of the particular investigation up to the time a report with the
Committee’s findings and recommendations is tabled in Parliament.
The main committees of Parliament serving the Sixth parliament are as follows:
 Public Accounts Committee
 Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs
 Mines, Energy, Environment and Tourism
 Youth, Gender and Women’s affairs
 Education, sport and Culture
 Transport and Communications
 Budget, Finance and Economic Development
 Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare
 Defence and Home Affairs
 Local Government
 Foreign Affairs, Industry and Trade
 Lands, Land reform and Resettlement
 Health and Child Welfare
Membership of committees is announced every session and in many cases the same
individuals are retained unless their request to be re-assigned. This practice allows for
continuity and enhances the knowledge base of serving members.
The following points are pertinent with respect to the membership and operations of
Portfolio Committees:
o Parliamentarians are invited to state their choice of committee based on their
interest, training and working background. This takes place after members are
sworn in to office.
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o The membership of Committee is guided by Standing Order 151 which
stipulates that a balance should be achieved on the basis of political party
affiliation, gender, and expressed preference by the MPs, etc
o The distribution of Committees in Parliament is based on the strengths of the
Members of the different parties’ represented in the institution.
o It should be noted that MPs who serve as Chairs of Committees are paid at
levels that are higher than back bench Members.
o The Chair and Members of the PLC are paid at levels higher than all other
back bench MPs.
o The chairing of committees is often decided by Political Party leaders
who have to consider issues of effectiveness and expertise among
prospective or aspiring Chairs.
o The Chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee, PAC, is by convention
and practice a ranking member of the main Opposition Party in Parliament.
iv) Resources for Portfolio Committee:
Pursuant to the implementation of the Parliamentary Reforms in Zimbabwe, each
Portfolio Committee is staffed by a dedicated Committee Clerk and a Researcher.
Furthermore each Committee is allocated an annual Budget which is intended to meet
the following costs: the Travel and Subsistence allowances of the MPs; the mileage
reimbursements for Members; the sitting allowances for MPs.
In addition Parliament organizes transport for Committee working visits to various
locations within the country and beyond as may be deemed necessary.
The Reforms have also provided for the acquisition of additional equipment verbatim
recording of evidence and the subsequent production of reports.
Parliament also ensures that the general public are informed and invited to attend
future Committee hearings. Details of the notices are provided through newspaper
adverts and in the electronic media at least a fortnight prior to the event. Interested
stakeholder groups and individuals are invited to make submissions or to present oral
evidence that may be of assistance to the Committee’s work.
The Research Department of the Parliament of Zimbabwe currently has a complement
of 14 officers with training in disciplines that include economics, finance, security and
political science.
In Zimbabwe, the work of Portfolio Committees has been acknowledged as useful
since the methodology followed is participatory and responsive to the expressed needs
of the electorate. The Committees have also as created a unique platform of common
purpose among various Members from different political parties.
7. Civil Society Organization’s (CSO) and Parliamentary business.
A major finding of the PRC review was that Zimbabweans complained that
Parliament was inaccessible and that there were no opportunities for them to
contribute to the work of the institution. The PRC traveled extensively across the
country and conducted public hearings which were popular with the electorate. Oral
and written submissions were received and these constituted a significant basis upon
which the findings and recommendations of the PRC were prepared.
As a result of citizens’ concerns about limited access to and participation in how they
are governed, Parliament is now more accessible physically and there is increased
coverage in the media about the roles and functions of the institution.
The public and special interest groups are notified and invited to attend Committees
hearings both at Parliament and beyond the precincts of the institution. Resources and
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itineraries of committees are coordinated by the Liaison and Coordination Committee
(LCC) of Parliament. This is composed of all Chairpersons of Committees and also
includes the political party chief whips. It has also become common practice within
Civil Society in Zimbabwe to approach a particular committee to present issues that
are of concern to them. The committees have often clashed with individual Cabinet
Ministers and senior State employees in their efforts to call the Executive to account
for its actions. It has also been observed that the parliamentary portfolio committees
have provided one platform that is recognized as non-partisan but is a focused
national initiative to call the Executive and its Bureaucrats to respond to concerns
raised by the citizens of Zimbabwe.
8. Effectiveness of Parliament following the introduction of Reforms
Challenges and opportunities:
i) The Parliamentary Reforms in Zimbabwe created a fresh beginning for the
institution. This in turn introduced a sense of renewed commitment and focus on the
role and functions of Parliament among MPs. This development should be nurtured
and strengthened to ensure that the gains made to date are consolidated.
ii) The role of Parliamentarians is still regarded as part-time work. Low remuneration
and alternative employment mean that the Elected Representative cannot devote
adequate quality time to their responsibilities. It is therefore necessary to review this
practice and provide the requisite incentive package and policy framework to ensure
that Elected Representatives are adequately rewarded for full time work. There are
several country models from which Zimbabwe can adapt and adopt best practices.
iii) There should be additional guidance and supervision of Office Assistants in the
PCICs throughout the country. This is essential to maintain and strengthen the flow of
communications between representatives and their constituents as well to optimize on
the effectiveness of this critical office.
iv) There should increased capacity building support and specialist training for MPs,
as well as the electorate on their roles and responsibilities. These should be organized
during the term of serving Members to ensure that they become and remain effective,
efficient and responsive to their constituents.
v) There should be greater responsiveness within the Cabinet for the work done by
committees as well as enhanced appreciation of the role of Parliament in the
governance process. This is particularly necessary in upholding public confidence in
the governance processes of the State as well as in the various institutions that have a
role in citizens well being.
vi) Additional targeted resources and initiatives should be applied to support political
party development in the country to ensure that these potential governments in
waiting are capable of the demanding roles of governing the state when they succeed
in future elections. This should apply equally to the ruling and the opposition parties.
9. Conclusion
It should be noted that while the political environment and economic situation in
Zimbabwe have suffered major setbacks especially since mid-2001, Parliament has
remained focused, visible and often offered a critical, yet regrettably, frequently
ignored platform for promoting inter party interaction.
It should also be evident from the presentation above that the Parliament of
Zimbabwe has, over the past decade, instituted and is nurturing the requisite
framework for its principal functions of representation, lawmaking and oversight.
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The main challenge however remains that of normalizing the operating environment
and the prevailing political culture, practices and national image. It is imperative that
the objectivity, cordial working relations and shared sense of purpose among ZANU
PF and MDC MPs serving on various Parliamentary committees be used to broaden
the dialogue platform for the talks about talks that must precede the normalization of
the country’s prevailing precarious political and socio-economic circumstances.
Furthermore the need to put the national interests first should be imbued among
different stakeholders both individuals and groups.
Civil Society Organizations and well meaning individuals have in the past played a
variety of roles that have ranged from advisory to advocacy and from education to
activist. Furthermore some of the CSO activities have tended to be biased and
confined targeted towards supporting one side of the political spectrum only, i.e. that
of the opposition parties. On the other hand the ruling party has had little or no
interaction with CSOs resulting in deep mistrust and suspicion characterizing the
perceptions of each side about the other. It is also a fact that many ruling parties in
Africa have little or no tolerance for opposition parties and this attitude is worsened
by the manner and frequency CSOs are perceived to incite opposition parties to
confront and challenge ruling parties. It is therefore imperative that Civil Society
Organizations and political parties be facilitated to undertake implement special
capacity initiatives to increase their appreciation of each other’s roles in the context of
country’s governance.
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Acronyms:
CoP
CSO
FPTP
LCC
MDC
MoHA
MP
PAC
PCIC
PLC
PPC
PM
Clerk of Parliament
Civil Society Organization
First Past the Post
Liaison and Coordination Committee
Movement for Democratic Change
Member of the House of Assembly
Member of Parliament
Public Accounts Committee
Parliamentary Constituency Information Centre
Parliamentary Legal Committee
Parliamentary Portfolio Committee
Prime Minister
PRC
SROC
ZANU PF
Parliamentary reform Committee
Standing Rules and Orders Committee
Zimbabwe African Union Patriotic Front
Literature References:
i. Constitution of Zimbabwe (including the 17 as amendments)
as amended in February 2007
ii. Parliamentary Reform Committee (PRC) reports 1998 &1999.
iii. Votes and Proceedings of Parliament
(also known as the Order Paper)
iv. Votes and Proceedings of the House of Assembly (May 2007)
v. Votes and Proceedings of the Senate (May 2007)
vi. Standing Rules and Orders.
vii. Interviews conducted with Department Heads
at Parliament of Zimbabwe.
Terms of Reference of the Parliamentary Reform Committee (PRC)
The PRC was given following Terms of Reference to consider:
1. The practice ad procedure of the House in relation to Public Business.
2. The Committee System.
3. The Legislative process.
4. Civic participation in Parliamentary business.
5. Conditions of work and support services for the Members and staff of
Parliament.
6. Dress code and decorum.
Acts associated with Parliament:
Electoral Act (Chapter 2:13) (Act No. 25 of 2004)
Parliamentary Salaries, Allowances and Benefits Act (Chapter 2:03)
Parliamentary Pensions Act (Chapter 2:02)
Political Parties (Finance) Act (Chapter 2:11) (Act No. 4 of 2001)
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Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act (Chapter 2:08)
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