INDIGENOUS AFRICAN EDUCATION
AS A MEANS FOR UNDERSTANDING
THE FULLNESS OF LIFE
Amara Traditional Education
ELLENI TEDLA
Colgate University
The intention of this article is to prompt a serious interest in
indigenous African education in order to forge a new future that
builds on (a) the positive aspects of our past and (b) carefully
selected and imported ideas and methods. To this end, our discussion will focus on the richness of indigenous education.
Indigenous African learning plays a vital role in the transmission
of values that Africans consider to be essential in understanding and
experiencing the fullness of life. Because it is interwoven in the
fabric of African life, indigenous education is inseparable from
traditional African religious thought and practices-there is no
dichotomy between religious and secular thought or values (Mbiti,
1990). Thus Africans do not speak of education as a process or
institution separate from everything else in life. There is no distinction between formal, nonformal, or informal education. In fact, the
term education is a Western concept that does not speak to the
traditional African reality, in which the entire community is continually engaged in learning and teaching.
In traditional Africa, learning begins very early in life, soon after
birth, and continues to old age. As Menkiti (1984) describes it, the
whole of life is a process of learning to become fully human, to
attain personhood:
7
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
8
In African thought ... persons become persons only after a process
of incorporation. Without incorporation into this or that community,
individuals are considered to be mere danglers to whom the description &dquo;person&dquo; does not fully apply. For personhood is something
which has to be achieved, and is not given simply because one is
bom of human seed. (p. 172)
In this process of incorporation and identity formation, indigenous
learning plays a crucial role as a transmitter of social rules and
values.
Whereas Western conceptions of man go for what might be described as a minimal definition of the person-whoever has soul,
or rationality, or will, or memory, is seen as entitled to the description &dquo;person&dquo; - the African view reaches instead for what might be
described as a maximal definition of the person. As far as African
societies are concerned, personhood is something at which individuals could fail, at which they could be competent or ineffective,
better or worse. Hence, the African emphasized the rituals of
incorporation and the overarching necessity of learning [italics
added] the social rules by which the community lives, so that what
was initially biologically given can come to attain social self-hood,
i.e., become a person with all the inbuilt excellencies implied by the
term.
(p. 172)
Like the practice of traditional religion (Mbiti, 1975, 1990),
learning takes place everywhere-in the home, the fields, the
gathering places, the marketplace, the forest, caves, or shrines, by
the lake or riverside, at weddings and festivities and funerals.
Everyone is engaged in learning and teaching. As a result, a rich
tradition of teaching and learning has developed which uses symbols, rituals, ceremonies, proverbs, riddles, wise sayings, memoriz-
ing, apprenticeship, storytelling, observation, practicing, singing,
dramatizing, and sometimes writing. Examples of African scripts
are: Meroetic script, Moum script, Vai script, Bete script, and the
Akan script (Niangoran-Bouah, 1984; Van Sertima, 1986). The
subject matter taught is vast, encompassing all manner of knowledge that enables Africans to sustain their physical and spiritual life.
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
9
THE AMARA WELLOYE OF WOOCHALE
To make the
topic manageable, this article examines some aspects of the indigenous learning of the Amara Welloye of Ethiopia.
The Amara people are composed of four major groups: Shoan,
Welloye, Gondere, and Gojjame. Their language is Amarigna. The
Amara, along with the Tigrean people, are also known as Abyssinians, and they follow the Ethiopian Tewhado (Orthodox) Christian
religion.
Our discussion on the Amara Welloye of Woochale is based on
interviews held with Weizero Terunesh (Etemanchi) Addis, who
was born in 1925. She was born and raised in Woochale, in a town
called Filfela. Woochale, a small agricultural area in Ambassel
Awraja in Wello province, does not include the diversity and
complexity of Amara self-governance and their social and economic life. However, a great deal of what is discussed in this article
applies to the other groups of Amara people.
INDIGENOUS EDUCATION OFAMARA WELLOYE
What the
Welloye Amara seek is yeteqana nuro, yetedaladele
nuro, yemolla nuro. This statement translates into what Harvey
Sindima (1991) has aptly described as &dquo;fullness of life&dquo; (p. 14).
Indigenous education plays a vital role in transmitting values that
Amara Welloye consider essential in understanding and experiencing the fullness of life. The values are transmitted through the
teaching and learning of (a) moya (skills, ability, craft, profession),
(b) gibre gebinnet (virtues, morals), and (c) sine siraat or siraat or
denb (right conduct, etiquette, discipline, order, procedure, protocol, ceremony).
The Amara use the word timihirt (education) in reference to the
acquisition and imparting of knowledge which takes place in the
Ethiopian Tewhado Church or in the modern education sector.
However, when speaking about the acquisition and imparting of
knowledge and virtue in traditional life outside the church, the
words memar (learning) and mastemar (teaching) are used, but
never timihirt. Thus traditional learning consists of (a) indigenous
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
10
learning outside the Ethiopian Tewhado Church and (b) Ethiopian
Tewhado Church education. The most pervasive and powerful
education is, however, the indigenous learning and teaching that
takes place outside the church.
Because few people participate in church education and even
fewer continue beyond the first or basic level, we will not deal with
Ethiopian church education in depth. However, in order to provide
some information about indigenous church education, a brief description of the various schools or centers of learning follows.
ETHIOPIAN TEWHADO CHURCH EDUCATION
Traditional Ethiopian church education takes 30 to 34 years of
arduous and exacting studies - 30 years for the serious and hardworking student. According to Kalewold (1970), &dquo;occasionally one
may even come across highly gifted individuals who take only 25
or even 24 years to do the whole job&dquo; (p. 2). A dedicated student
begins school at the age of 5 and completes his education by age 35.
Ethiopian church education is divided into the following major
schools or centers of learning: (a) nebab bet, (b) zema bet, (c) kine
bet, and (d) metsahift bet.
(House of Reading) generally takes 2 years. It consists
reading, writing, and learning by heart. The Ethiopian fidel or
script is used, and various prayers to Mary and Jesus, including the
Psalms of David, are learned by heart.
B. Zema Bet (House of Religious Music) includes the following
A. Nebab Bet
of
branches:
(1) the study of Tsome-Degua, the Meiraf and the Degua (fundamental books of religious music composed by Yared, ... founder
of Ethiopian Church music), which usually takes four years, (2) the
study of Kedase (Mass music) and the Saatat (special religious
music to be recited only at night time) for six months, (3) the study
of more refined and complex kinds of religious music, Zemare and
Mewaseit, for one year, and (4) a three year study ofAquaquam, the
department of religious music which deals with the religious dance,
in which drums and sistra are used. (Kalewold, 1970, p. 1)
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
11
Kedase (liturgy) has been wrongly translated as &dquo;Mass music&dquo; in the
above quotation. The Ethiopian church has its own musical notes
(invented by Qidous Yared, an Ethiopian saint).
C. Kine Bet (House of Poetry) takes about 5 years. Here poetry and
Ge’ez language and grammar are taught. (Ge’ez is the language of
the Ethiopian Tewhado Church.)
D. Metsahift Bet (House of Books) is the final stage of higher learning
and consists of several branches of study. It takes 4 years to study
the scriptures; 3 years to study the Likawnt (church fathers) and
Metsehafe-Menekosat, &dquo;which defines the rules and spiritual discipline governing the life of the monks&dquo;; 6 months to learn MerhaEwur, which deals with computation of church calendar; 1 year to
study church history; and 4 years to learn arts and crafts (Kalewold,
1970, p. 1 ).
Although this adds up to 28 years, by the time 2 years are added
to complete the final touches, the diligent student will have spent
30 years in pursuit of higher education, and &dquo;very few of those who
did reach Metsahift Bet excelled in more than one branch of study&dquo;
(Wagaw, 1990, p. 31). Those who complete everything are known
as Arat-Ayna (the Four-Eyed). They are masters of the four schools:
Zema, Kine, Scriptures, and Liqawint (Kalewold, 1970).
Every important church and monastery in Ethiopia maintained at
least one such school. Scholarship and research were carried out at
these advanced centers. In these centers of advanced learning, the
custodians of traditional cultural values and national heritage received their instruction, and many precious manuscripts, artworks,
and medicinal studies were secured and maintained for the edification of posterity. Most of the scholars, artists, religious leaders,
teachers, and the educated class of state functionaries were, until
World War II, products of these schools. (Wagaw, 1990, p. 31)
LEARNING AT HOME
Out-of-church learning consists of (a) learning at home, and (b)
learning outside the home (which takes place on the farm, during
house building, in the marketplace, at gatherings or councils, and
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
12
as births, weddings, funerals, and other celebrations
and festivities). Let us look first at learning at home.
The home is the center or heart of traditional learning. It is here
that the child begins and ends his/her journey to becoming a true
person. Members of the family - parents, children, grandparents,
aunts, uncles, and cousins-make up the corps of dedicated teachers. Whatever is taught by some members of the family, the others
reinforce or support. Older children and youth are also engaged in
teaching and correcting those who are younger, because it is the
responsibility of everyone to care for and teach those younger than
themselves.
Soon after birth, the mother and other members of the family
begin to teach the child. The tone of their voices, their facial
expressions, the way they hold and care for the child, teaches the
child that he/she is a precious member of the family.
In the following discussion we will conceive home learning as
composed of: (1) moya (skill, ability, craft, profession), (2) gibre
gebinnet (virtue, morals), and (3) sine siraat (appropriate behavior,
etiquette, discipline, order, procedure, protocol, ceremony). The
intention of this article is not to provide an exhaustive coverage
but to facilitate some appreciation of the richness of indigenous
education.
at such events
Moya
Moya encompasses a great deal of what is taught at home,
ranging from housework, repairing farm equipment, preparing food
and food ingredients, to crafts. The method of teaching and learning
moya involves demonstration, observation, explanation, and repetition. Learning by doing plays an essential role. The materials used
are often made or grown locally.
Women’s Moya
Whether a girl lives with her mother or mother-in-law, she is
taught several moyawoch. The complexity and difficulty of the
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
13
moyawoch depend on the girl’s age and physical development. As
she matures, the more complex moyawoch are taught.
The early years are mostly spent observing everything around
her and assisting her mother, older siblings, and sisters-in-law.
Around the age of 5, she begins her moya lessons. She watches and
helps her mother make coffee and sweep the floor. Her mother asks
her to fetch small items as she prepares meals and takes care of the
smaller children.
Soon, the girl learns how to kindle the fire and cook. She
accompanies her sister(s) and sisters-in-law and their friends when
they go to fetch firewood and water from the river. At first she
carries a small water pot or a small bundle of sticks on her back. As
she gets older, she carries bigger pots and larger bundles of wood.
She also joins her mother and sisters in washing clothes at the river.
Childcare is learned at a very early stage as she watches and
assists as her mother cares for her siblings. The girl is also introduced to the art of grinding cereals and legumes into flour or
splitting peas. To accomplish this, she uses a stone grinder. At first
she uses a small stone grinder, and she is given a small quantity of
cereal to grind. As she grows and matures, she is switched to the
large stone grinder, and the volume of cereal or legumes to be
ground is increased. She is also taught to pound different cereals.
Often pounding is done by two women.
The girl also learns how to cut gourds and calabash to make
ladles, spoons, containers for storage, and cups for drinking beer
and coffee. She also learns how to prepare berbere (spiced powder
of red pepper) and shiro (roasted peas and bean flour), two essential
ingredients for making stew. Another type of preparation that
requires great skill is making ttela (beer). This skill is, however,
learned later.
All girls are taught to spin the necessary amount of thread to
make homespun cloth for the family. The work does not involve
simply spinning the cotton. The cotton is brought from the marketplace with the seeds still in it. The girl is taught how to use
equipment (a flat, smooth stone brought from the river and a metal
rod) for removing cotton seeds. She also learns how to fluff the
cotton using degan, a fluffing wooden bow and rod.
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
14
Spinning is an art that requires deftness. The enzert (spinning
instrument) is made from a piece of gourd, bamboo, straw, and a
small piece of thin wire. A girl may buy the enzert from the market.
In some homes she is expected to learn how to make it. Thread to
make clothing for the family, including bulucko (blanket), is spun
at home, then taken to
a
weaver, who will transform it into a woven
material.
In some homes, a girl is also taught sifet (basketwork). With sifet
she makes all the necessary household items such as bowls, bread
containers, mesob (basket used to serve food), trays, flour sifters,
and so on.
In addition to learning the above moyawoch, some women
specialize in basketwork, pottery, midwifery, head dressing, and
tattooing. They either sell the crafts they make, or they are compensated for service they render. In any case, their craft or skill is taught
to their daughters. It is also important to note that all participate in
farm work if their husbands are farmers.
Men’s
Moya
From birth until the age of 5 or 6, a boy remains close to his
mother. He observes and learns what takes place at home. He is
expected to assist his mother carrying small items around the house
when necessary. As soon as he becomes sturdy, he follows his older
brother to herd the family’s goats or sheep, if the family has them.
If not, he is taught to do small chores. As the boy gets over 6 or 7
years of age, he learns by observing and assisting his father to mend
the farming equipment, make the plow, and grease the strips of hide
that tie and hold together the farming equipment.
The man in the family often makes the stone grinder, selecting
the appropriate blocks of stone from the riverside. He brings the
stones home and chisels them into a grinder. The son leams this
skill from his father by watching and assisting.
As some women specialize in certain crafts, some men become
known as woodworkers, tanners, weavers, and smiths. These men
do not solely rely on their crafts, because the market for their goods
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
15
is not large enough to sustain them. They are, therefore, farmers
who use their special skills during the less busy season of the year.
In addition to farming, the sons of these specialists learn the
family trade. The woodworker teaches his son how to make bowls,
plates or trays, the grain pounder, stools, headrests, and other
household and farm necessities. Similarly, the weaver, the tanner,
and the smith teach their sons how to make the goods that are needed
in the home and the farm. The crafts are taught at home.
Men’s and Women’s Moyawoch
moyawoch are learned and performed by both men and
are: parasol making and being a wegesha (healer,
chiropract), an azmari (musician), and an aynabra (seer). In this
group, the azmari and aynabra rely totally on their specialty. Again,
their knowledge is passed from family to family. However, in the
case of aynabra, a nonfamily member may be selected to receive
the necessary teaching.
Some
women.
These
GIBRE GEBINNET
Among the Amara Welloye of Woochale, the words gibre gebinnet
gibre geb (virtues) are not used often, although they guide their
entire lives. Virtues are taught to children and youth in the home by
the family. What is taught at home is further reinforced by relatives, neighbors, and the community at large. Because the virtues
that are taught are too numerous to cover, we will discuss a few.
Among the highly regarded virtues are: (a) the paramountcy of the
family; (b) the centrality of spiritual life; and (c) the importance of
communality.
or
Paramountcy of the Family
The family is highly revered as the foundation of the society and
the place where the individual is born and brought up to become a
fully incorporated member of the community. Every child is taught
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
16
that it is
and necessary to be married and bear children. A
person’s life is not considered complete unless he/she marries and
has children.
The emphasis placed on marriage is such that all marry when
they reach the age for marriage. Although divorce does not carry a
stigma, divorced men and women do not remain single for more
than a year or two. They remarry quickly. Marriage is everyone’s
affair because it pulls together and binds families and communities.
By listening to the instructions of their families, observing the
involvement of the entire community, and participating in the
preparation of the wedding ceremonies and festivities, youngsters
learn the importance of marriage.
Children are seen as blessings from the Creator. They are the joy,
comfort, and strength of their parents in this life. They ensure the
continuity of their parents and foreparents long after their deaths.
It is said that those who have children do not die; their names are
not forgotten. Just as older family members have the obligation of
taking care of younger children and raising them well, children have
a duty to be respectful toward their elders and take good care of
their aging family members.
Young people are taught the importance of knowing their lineage
and showing reverence to the memory of their ancestors. Because
the Amara are forbidden to marry within seven houses (i.e., up to
the seventh cousin), it is everybody’s responsibility to ensure that
children know their family lineage. It is a disgrace to marry kin.
The closeness of the family is such that the children of one’s
brother or sister are considered one’s own. If a person dies, leaving
children behind, the brothers and sisters of the deceased have the
obligation of raising the departed person’s children as their own if
the other parent is not capable of providing for the children.
Therefore, one’s uncles and aunts are regarded as one’s parents. In
fact, there is no word in Amarigna which means cousin. Cousins
are referred to as brothers and sisters.
Loyalty to one’s family and kin is highly emphasized and taught
to the young. When the bond of friendship grows strong, it becomes
viewed as brotherhood or sisterhood. The ideal for any strong
relationship is that of becoming family or kin. In times of hardship
good
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
17
rejoicing, your family and kin are expected to stand by you.
Reciprocally, when strong, you are obliged to share your good
fortune and to protect your kin. Loyalty to family and kin also
or
that one cannot take or show interest in the lover or betrothed
spouse of a kin or friend - not even if the relationship between
the two is over. Dishonor befalls anyone who violates this reciprocal obligation.
Children are taught about reciprocity and mutuality through
participation in family activities and gatherings and through talks,
stories, proverbs, and sayings. They also learn by observing and
listening to family members as they relate to one another.
means
or
Centrality of Spirituality
Central to the Amara life is the Fettari (Creator) and Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity. Children are taught to fear and praise Egziabher
(God). Because Christianity entered Ethiopia very early (before it
entered Europe) and developed incorporating the indigenous African culture, the Abyssinian way of life has remained unaltered on
the whole. Ethiopian Christianity simply fitted into the existing
Amara tradition and culture.
Greetings or salutations begin and end by praising Egziabher or
by asking him to provide health, peace, and many other blessings.
The names that many people carry reflect the work or mercy of
Egziabher, Jesus, Mary, various angels, and saints.
Amarigna language is replete with religious references when
expressing thankfulness, grief, good wishes, greetings, worries, and
relief from worries; or when referring to the departed, when mentioning or visiting the sick, when a shameful thing happens, when
seeing a disabled person, when seeing something beautiful, or
during celebration.
Children are taught about the centrality of religion in their lives
by example and from their everyday experiences - everything they
do and hear is intermingled with religious words and acts. The
family also provides some religious instruction and takes the children to church.
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
18
The essentiality of deginnet (kindness, generosity) in peoples’
lives is heightened by the concept of ttour or giff (malice, abuse).
The Welloye use the term ttour. The concepts of deginnet and ttour
encompass a person’s relationship with other humans and nonhumans. One’s actions are believed to have consequences; therefore,
deginnet is believed to bring many blessings, while ttour is felt to
result in unhappiness, illness, or some type of calamity.
A person commits ttour when he/she is mean or abusive to
another human being, the earth, trees, birds, and other animals.
Being cruel, unjust, or unfair is ttour-for example, wasting or
polluting food, water, and crops. If the ttour committed is grave, it
is believed that the consequences will even be experienced by the
children of the offender(s).
Deginnet has to be extended to all humans and nonhumans if
blessings (bereket/sisai) are to result. Some examples of blessings
are: harmony, peace, good health, children, good marriage, good
crops, good harvest, rain, the greening of the earth, happiness, and
children who grow up to be kind and honest. Blessings are what the
Welloye seek in their work and life, because they constitute fullness
of life (yeteqana nuro, yetedeladele nuro, yemolla nuro).
Children and youth are continually taught about deginnet and
ttour through proverbs, stories, and examples. They are instructed
not to be abusive or wasteful, and their actions or deeds are
scrutinized by older family members.
Importance of Communality
Young people are taught very early in the home about the
essentiality of virtues such as togetherness, generosity or kindness,
respectfulness, obedience to elders, hospitality, and trustworthiness. Togetherness is taught by emphasizing that you do not eat
alone. You eat all meals with others. If you have anything to eat,
you share it with everyone who is near you by simply offering it to
them directly, even if they are strangers. You do not first ask,
&dquo;Would you like to have?&dquo; To ask is to equivocate.
Whether in the house or on the farm, work is always shared with
others. Good news, good fortune, times of hardship and sorrow are
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
19
also shared with family, kin, and friends. You are expected to assist
others in whatever way you can. It is always best to step forth voluntarily to share or to help than to wait until you are asked to do so.
Kindness or generosity and honesty are viewed as the mark of
Ye ewnet sew nhew/nat (a true person). To be deg sew (a kind person) is to be Ye sew mecheresha (the ultimate person). The ultimate
measure of a person is kindness. Simply being bom as a human
being does not make you a true person. Kindness is also extended
to describe a home or family: the whole house or the whole family
is kind (bete sebu hulu deg nhew). One who is not kind and generous
is referred to by sew aydelem/aydelechim (he/she is not a person).
Children are therefore taught by example and sayings. They are
also made to engage in acts of kindness when their parents or other
family members are assisting other people.
Hospitality is a form of expressing togetherness and kindness
toward others. Even a passing stranger who does not have a place
to spend the night is welcomed to stay if he/she requests lodging.
Kin and friends can come unannounced. It is tradition to be always
ready to welcome and share whatever food or beverage you have.
The expression, bet ye engida nhew (the house belongs to visitors),
is a constant reminder of the importance of hospitality, of having a
spirit.
Respectfulness
generous
and obedience are cornerstones of communal
life. Those who are older are expected to be elderly-like. That is,
they are to be kind and provide assistance to those who are younger.
They are expected to be exemplary and to correct the young when
they err; otherwise, they lose their status in the eyes of the community. An elder brother or sister is always given responsibility to teach
or watch out for younger siblings.
Young people are taught to be respectful and follow the guidance
of those older than them. As a sign of respect, younger persons do
not call an older person by his/her first name. Instead they attach a
respectful title such as Mother, Father, Brother, Sister, and other
affectionate terms in front of the older person’s name. As a person’s
age increases, so does his/her status in the community. Along with
showing respect and obedience to parents and elders, young people
are also taught to be reverent toward the ancestors.
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
20
Respectfulness toward others also means greeting people, even
if they are strangers, as they pass by. It acknowledges their presence, their personhood. A person greets another with a respectful
bow of the head saying, Tena yestilign (may Egziabher give you
health).
Trustworthiness is another important virtue, emphasizing the
need to be honest and loyal. Children are taught to be trustful and
not to repeat the discussions of their family to others. The importance of confidentiality is learned early in life. Family trades and
family concerns are not discussed with outsiders. Trustworthiness
also means that your family, kin, and friends can count on you in
good times as well as in times of hardship or calamity.
Being a peacemaker is highly valued. Children grow up hearing
praise for anyone who mediates disputes, stops fights, and reconciles litigating individuals, spouses, or heirs. Everyone learns to
play the role of a peacemaker. Peacemaking is an essential role that
elders play.
Some of the virtues that are stressed in guiding individual
comportment are calmness, humbleness (tihitina), bravery, and
perseverance in everyday life. These virtues are equally applicable
for males and females. Children are taught not to brag about their
good deeds. Their work or behavior will speak for itself. Being
brave (goubzinnet) and persevering in everyday life includes diligence in one’s work. Here the emphasis is on being strong in
everyday occurrences and not just during times of calamity or
unusual circumstances.
SINE SIRAAT/SIRAAT
right conduct, etiquette, discipline, order, procedure, protocol, ceremony. The Amara Welloye
Sine siraat or siraat or denb
mean
of Woochale use the word denb rather than sine siraat or siraat,
although all three are Amarigna words that mean about the same.
Sine siraat is the expression or manifestation of virtues in action.
Siraat or denb is, therefore, inseparable from virtues. It is what
informs a person how he/she should carry him/herself. One who is
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
21
brought up well and conducts him/herself with sine siraat is called
chewa. Every family strives to bring up chewa children.
Some examples of sine siraat follow. Respect for elders is shown
by rising from your seat when an elder enters, and offering your
seat to the person who is older than you. A younger person should
not walk in front of an elder or enter a place before the elder;
according to sine siraat, the younger person stands to the side and
waits until the elder enters and then follows. You do not speak until
spoken to or you are given permission to speak by the elder(s). You
greet people with a bow of your head and acknowledge them. It is
also emphasized that both males and females be soft-spoken and
not stare at anyone.
Hospitality, which is considered a great virtue, is expressed by
rising from your seat and welcoming your guest to your house or
gathering. You offer food and beverage. Sine siraat informs everyone who eats together in a basket to eat from in front of them.
Because people eat with their hands, everybody is expected to wash
before beginning to eat. It is also forbidden to eat sloppily, messing
up your fingers or licking them. Doing so is a sign of lack of sine
siraat.
The young learn sine siraat by observing others, doing what is
expected of them, and being corrected when mistaken or wrong.
The translation of virtues into action known as sine siraat is the
mark of a chewa person.
TOWARD BUILDING ON INDIGENOUS EDUCATION
As a conduit of traditional social rules and values, indigenous
education plays a crucial role in the process of incorporating
individuals into the African community and forming their identity.
Ignoring or excluding indigenous elements from the formal education system has only resulted in the alienation of our youth from
their African reality and cultural heritage.
In Ethiopia, as is the case throughout Africa, the Western education system stands distinctly apart from indigenous education.
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
22
Although the indigenous education of various ethnic groups of
Ethiopia rose out of thousands of years of their cultural, religious,
and historical experiences, it is not recognized as education by the
Western system. If we examine modem education in Ethiopia, we
find there is no room for teaching moya (skills), gibre gebinnet
(virtues), and sine siraat (right conduct).
In contrast to traditional education, modem education began in
Ethiopia after 1941. By the start of the 1950s, only .5% of the entire
population had come in contact with modem education (Kiros,
1990):
Unfortunately, the education system which was being introduced in
the country was almost entirely the replica of the European system.
In 1949-50, close to 90 percent of the teachers were expatriates who
came from various countries, including Britain, Canada, Egypt,
etc. The curriculum, the teachers, and the
materials were generally imported. In reality, therefore,
modern education implied a process of alienation of the youths from
their own society.
France, India, Sweden,
teaching
Furthermore, the high esteem ascribed to the educated set them
apart from the traditional society. There
was indeed a tendency
among many of the educated to regard what was traditional as less
than worthy of preservation. (p. 14)
Of the age group that could participate in the modem education
system, only the following percentage was actually enrolled in
1974: 18% in primary schools, 7% in junior secondary (grades 7
and 8), 3% in senior secondary (9-12 grades), and 0.2% in university (Ministry of Education, 1981, cited in Kiros, 1990, p. 60). By
1984, enrollment in primary schools had tripled; it grew by 2.4
times in junior secondary schools and almost 4.5 times in senior
secondary schools. In 1986, enrollment in higher education reached
close to 18,000 (Kiros, 1990, p. 88). Although the above figures
refer to enrollment, they do not reflect the shockingly high rates of
attrition at the elementary, senior secondary, and higher education
levels.
The experiences that the Western education system offers to
children and youth are totally out of touch with Ethiopian realities
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
23
and are producing &dquo;a younger generation unaware of and unappreciative of its own cultural heritage and roots&dquo; (Wagaw, 1979,
p. 183). The school curriculum makes little or no effort to incorporate Ethiopia’s rich cultures, traditions, and history in the elementary or secondary education.
Firstly, the curriculum pays far too little
attention to Ethiopia and
world
view.
The
curriculum
Ethiopian
pays more attention to European and American history ... It would be naive indeed to try to
explain the little attention devoted to Ethiopia and Africa on the
grounds of proletarian internationalism.
77!e/ac~ ~~ o/t/y ~<? c~ap~ers q/a ~o~ 26 c/Mtp~r~ (or 98
9~og&y
pages
of 918) deal with Ethiopian history, can only give the impression
that Ethiopian history is not as important as European or American
history. (Negash, 1990, pp. 67, 68; emphasis in original)
The fact that only two chapters of a total26chapters
About 90% of the Ethiopian population lives in rural areas and
follows the traditional way of life, but the Western education has
not taken heed of this reality. What is taught is entirely academic
and geared to preparing students for college, even though the vast
majority of secondary school graduates will not be able to enroll
because there are not enough colleges. Students graduate from
secondary schools without acquiring practical skills that will enable
them to be gainfully employed in rural or urban areas. The few
vocational schools that offer commercial, technical, and agricultural education are looked upon as inferior, because they do not lead
to
college.
Tekeste Negash (1990) reports that although about 4% of the age
group had access to secondary school in 1970, work opportunities
in the modem sector were too few to absorb even that many. Faced
with a bleak future, secondary students began to demonstrate and
boycott classes from 1970 onward. Up to 25% of the graduates were
unemployed in 1974, and &dquo;the university students who from the
mid-1960’s assumed the role of the only organized opposition,
began campaigning for a clean break with the country’s history and
tradition&dquo; (Negash, 1990, p. 8). Although the revolution of 1974
ushered in a Marxist government, the situation did not improve. By
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
24
the end of 1989, only about 20,000 out of approximately 60,000
secondary school graduates could in some way be absorbed by the
labor market (Negash, 1990, p. 50).
DEVELOPING AN ALTERNATIVE FRAMEWORK
Instead of uncritically adopting Western ideas and modes, we
need to seriously study the power, resilience, and contribution of
indigenous Ethiopian education, which consists of (a) nonchurch
education (in the home and out of the home) and (b) Ethiopian
Tewhado Church education. Because the most pervasive and powerful indigenous education is the nonchurch education, we need to
place our primary focus on this education.
The indigenous education that rose out of the various ethnic
groups of Ethiopia can provide us with a rich foundation on which
to build an education system that is more responsive to and inclusive of the history and cultures and reality of all our people.
Although it is beneficial to learn from the experiences and ideas of
the West, we need, first of all, to know our heritage and whether
what we want to borrow from outside will fit our cultural milieu
without destroying the fabric of our society. Otherwise, we will
continue to chum out young people whose scorn for what is
traditional is only matched by their uncritical adulation of what they
perceive to be Western.
Among the strengths of indigenous education are the following.
The entire community participates in the education of its young.
The seat of authority with regard to education lies in the community/
society and not in some far-off lands. The corps of teachers is composed of local people, and everyone serves as a teacher in one way
or another. Even children teach those younger than them. Education
is lifelong, and everyone is prepared to become a contributing
member of the society/community. There are no failures and dropouts because it is everyone’s responsibility to prepare the young for
adulthood. The pedagogy used is very rich, including observation,
repetition, memorizing, practicing, singing, writing, storytelling,
poetry reciting, talks, dramatizing, dancing, and using riddles and
proverbs. The materials used in teaching and learning are locally
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
25
instead of being imported from overseas. Indigenous
education affirms and empowers the people; they are full participants in their own and their children’s education. They are not
marginalized bystanders who have no say in the education of their
children. What is taught by some is affirmed by others because the
education rose out of the society’s needs, traditions, and history.
The language of teaching is understood by the family and ethnic
group. The subjects and skills taught are vast, and the teaching and
learning approach used is holistic.
Indigenous education has always played a vital role in transmitting values that Africans consider to be essential in understanding
and experiencing the fullness of life. It has enabled people to
understand what it takes to be fully human. It is, therefore, the
obligation of Ethiopian and other African educators and policymakers to study indigenous education seriously and use all its positivity
as the foundation for building an alternative educational framework
that can address the present-day problems facing African people.
produced
REFERENCES
Kalewold, I. (1970). Traditional Ethiopian church education. New York: Teachers College
Press, Columbia University.
Kiros, F. R. (1990). Implementing educational policies in Ethiopia (World Bank Discussion
Papers: African Technical Department Series). Washington, DC: The World Bank.
Mbiti, J. S. (1975). Introduction to African religion (2nd ed.). London: Heineman.
Mbiti, J. S. (1990). African religions and philosophy (2nd ed.). New Hampshire: Heineman.
Menkiti,1. A. (1984). Person and community in African traditional thought. In R. A. Wright
(Ed.), African philosophy: An introduction (3rd ed., pp. 171-182). Lanham, MD: Uni-
versity Press of America.
Ministry of Education. (1981). Some explanatory notes on educational development in
Ethiopia. Addis Ababa: Author.
Negash, T. (1990). The crisis of Ethiopian education. Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala University.
Niangoran-Bouah, G. (1984). TheAkan world ofgold weights, Vol. 2. Abidjan, Ivory Coast:
Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines.
Sindima, H. (1991). Bondedness, Moyo and Umunthu as the elements of Achewa spirituality:
Organizing logic and principle of life. Ultimate Reality and (1),
Meaning, 14 5-20.
Van Sertima, I. (1986). Blacks in science: Ancient and modern. New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction.
Wagaw, T. G. (1979). Education in Ethiopia: Prospects and retrospectives. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press.
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016
26
Wagaw, T. G. (1990). The development of higher education and social change: An Ethiopian
. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press.
experience
Elleni Tedla is Associate Dean of Students and Director of the Colgate University
Cultural Center. She received herPh.D. in InternationalDevelopment andEducation
from the University of Pittsburgh. She was one of the members of the New York State
Social Studies Review and Development Committee, which was responsible for the
1991 report, One Nation, Many Peoples: A Declaration of Cultural Interdependence.
Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 18, 2016