W. E. B. Du Bois’s Basic
American Negro Creed and the
Associates in Negro Folk
Education
Adult Education Quarterly
Volume 60 Number 1
November 2009 65-76
© 2009 American Association
for Adult and Continuing
Education
10.1177/0741713609336108
http://aeq.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com
A Case of Repressive Tolerance in the
Censorship of Radical Black Discourse
on Adult Education
Talmadge C. Guy
University of Georgia
Stephen Brookfield
University of St. Thomas
W. E. B. Du Bois, one of the brightest lights in African American history, wrote a
sparkling critique of the American social and economic system originally planned
as part of the Bronze Booklets series, edited and published by Alain Locke and the
Associates in Negro Folk Education. The piece was never published and has, until now,
been lost to the annals of adult education history. Using historical evidence, the authors
examine Du Bois’s Basic American Negro Creed and the circumstances that led to its
exclusion from the series. It is argued that the Creed was far too radical for the liberal
minded Carnegie Corporation and its leaders who were only interested in accommodating adult education for Blacks through the AAAE funded Bronze Booklets. The exclusion of the Creed represents an example of repressive tolerance by the AAAE.
Keywords: Associates in Negro Folk; education; Carnegie Corporation; repressive
tolerance; radical adult education; W. E. B. Du Bois
I
n the mid-1930s, the American Association for Adult Education (AAAE) sponsored an initiative aimed at promoting adult education among African Americans.
Led by Alain Locke, the initiative involved both the creation of pilot projects in
New York and Atlanta as well as the development of a curriculum that became
known as the Bronze Booklets (Guy, 1993, 1996). They were intended to provide a
ready-made curriculum for African American adult education discussion and study
groups. Covering topics of interest to African American adults, Locke commissioned
several prominent and emerging African American scholars to contribute a short
pamphlet that addressed specific topic in the series.
Among the initial set of contributors invited in 1934 to write for the series was
W. E. B. Du Bois, who, by this time, was the elder statesman of the fight for civil
65
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66 Adult Education Quarterly
rights and racial justice in the United States. Du Bois’s “American Negro Creed”
was originally intended to be published as part of this series, but the piece never
appeared and was lost in the adult education literature as a consequence. In this
article, we resurface Du Bois’s Creed to reinsert it into the adult education literature.
We believe that it is equal in importance and range to any statement on adult education of this era and is an excellent example of radical adult education from the perspective of a major figure in American intellectual history. In this historical essay,
we review the circumstances leading to the removal of the Creed from the Bronze
Booklets and offer an interpretation as to why the Creed was censored by the
Associates in Negro Folk Education (ANFE) and the AAAE. To understand why the
Creed was seen as so controversial by the editors of the series, it is useful to provide
a brief retrospective on the evolution of Du Bois’s thinking about the race problem
in the United States.
W. E. B. Du Bois: The Brightest Star
Arguably the brightest star in African American intellectual history, Du Bois is
noted, among other things, for his intellectual and literary masterpiece, Souls of
Black Folk, originally published in 1903. His theory of double consciousness in
Souls is often cited in the educational literature to explain the position of Blacks in
America:
The Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this
American world,—a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets
him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this
double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eye of
others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt
and pity. One ever feels his twoness,—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts,
two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged
strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. (2003, p. 5)
For its time, this passage proved revolutionary and remains relevant in 21stcentury America. Du Bois is also frequently noted for his educational and sociopolitical theory of the talented tenth that is juxtaposed in opposition to Booker T.
Washington’s accommodationist social and political agenda infused in the theory of
industrial education (Potts, 1996). As important as these contributions to educational
and social theory are, to focus only on this aspect of Du Bois’s work permits an
overly narrow and simplistic view of a scholar and activist whose views evolved
over time. A prolific writer who authored more than 20 books and articles almost too
numerous to count, one can trace the evolution of Du Bois’s thinking through the
corpus of his work published work (see selected writings of W. E. B. Du Bois at the
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Guy, Brookfield / Du Bois’s Basic American Negro Creed 67
end of this article). Over the course of seven decades of activism and writing, Du
Bois’s views on America’s race problem and what to do about it evolved progressively to become increasingly radical.
Intellectual Transition, Radicalization, and Marginalization
Du Bois should be understood as a complex and dynamic figure who continually
reassessed the evolving American racial, political, and economic scene to formulate
a progressive political, educational, and economic agenda. As he grew older, his
increasingly radical and controversial views served to marginalize him, not only
from mainstream liberal minded Whites but also among leaders within the African
American intellectual community.
From the time of the publication of Souls until the 1930s, Du Bois was the major
figure in the American civil rights movement continually pressing for Black social
and political equality via reform of the American legal and political system. He
founded The Crisis as a periodical of the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP) in 1910, and through its pages he presented insightful
critiques of American society and its institutions and practices advocating equal
rights for African Americans. As biographer David Levering Lewis (2000) notes, Du
Bois fought many battles both within the NAACP and with Black leaders outside the
NAACP. For example, he criticized the NAACP’s leadership for being too “soft” on
pressing for civil rights. He criticized other popular Black leaders with whom he
disagreed or who he thought were charlatans. As already noted, he opposed Booker
T. Washington’s views on industrial education and social accommodation to segregation. While agreeing with Marcus Garvey’s goals for racial uplift, he came to
harshly criticize him (Alridge, 2008). At one point, he even wrote in The Crisis that
Garvey was either a lunatic or a traitor to the race (Lewis, 1995), an indication that
in some cases his conflicts with other leaders deteriorated to personal attacks.
Searching for creative and productive strategies for the uplift of the race and to
fight White racism, Du Bois advanced the idea of alliance and cooperation with
Africans in the diaspora and is considered by some scholars to be the father of PanAfricanism (Lewis, 1995). In the 1920s he began to consider Marxism’s conceptual
tools as useful for analyzing American economic and racial inequality. These steps
represented a radicalization of Du Bois’s thinking such that he became increasingly
marginalized from mainstream African American civil rights activists and writers.
By the late 1920s, Du Bois had been embroiled in numerous disputes and conflicts both outside and inside the NAACP. In 1933, approaching his 65th birthday,
having resigned from the NAACP, he made the decision to embark on a second
career at Atlanta University. During the depression years, Du Bois was reformulating
his ideas concerning race progress, moving away from the NAACP’s platform of
civil rights reform and toward a more radical view (Marable, 1982). Although he
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68 Adult Education Quarterly
previously believed that racism was primarily because of ignorance, he had begun
to conceptualize the stronger relation of economic factors to racism based on the
analytical tools of Marxism (Du Bois, 1913/1995). In 1933 and 1934, he began writing a major piece titled “The Negro and Social Reconstruction,” which reflected the
influence of Marxism on thinking. By 1935, Du Bois had formulated a concrete plan
for race progress and Black liberation through political activism, group solidarity,
and community involvement through education. The timing was perfect for the invitation extended to him by Alain Locke to contribute to the Bronze Booklets series.
The Bronze Booklets and the ANFE
In Dusk of Dawn (1940/1971), the second of his autobiographies, Du Bois
recounts the development of his ideas and describes an episode with Alain Locke
and the AAAE-sponsored ANFE. He recalled being commissioned in 1936 by the
ANFE to undertake a study that would be part of the larger series of Bronze Booklets
to be used as source material by Black adult education groups. Du Bois mentions
how at that time he was ready to put in permanent form “that economic program of
the Negro which I believed should succeed, and implement the long fight for political and civil rights and social equality which it was my privilege for a quarter of a
century to champion” (p. 319). The idea of the paper was to describe the conditions
of the Negro under Roosevelt’s New Deal with suggestions for possible courses of
action. In Du Bois’s estimation, Negro and the New Deal “made a fair and pretty
exhaustive study of the experience of the Negro from 1933 to 1936” (p. 319). As part
of his study, Du Bois included “a statement and credo which I had worked out
through correspondence with a number of the younger Negro scholars” (p. 319)
whose identity he does not reveal. This work comprised four statements summarizing the current condition of the Negro race followed by an 11-item Basic American
Negro Creed.
Several pages later, Du Bois (1940/1971) writes in Dusk of Dawn three fascinating sentences that identify one of the most puzzling and provocative omissions in the
history of American adult education. He says that his Basic American Negro Creed
proved unacceptable both to the Adult Education Association and to its colored affiliates. Consequently when I returned home from abroad the manuscript although ordered
and already paid for, was returned to me as rejected for publication. Just who pronounced this veto I do not know. (p. 322)
Du Bois does not speculate in Dusk of Dawn why the Creed was considered unacceptable, but a reading of it gives strong clues. The Creed is an uncompromising
indictment of American democratic and egalitarian ideals arguing that Blacks
are systematically excluded from economic and political processes while being
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Guy, Brookfield / Du Bois’s Basic American Negro Creed 69
relegated to the status of “disenfranchised peons” (p. 319), “disinherited illiterates,”
and “parasites” (p. 320). Especially critical of the Black, educated middle class, Du
Bois says race progress and justice cannot proceed through “the escape of individual
genius into the white world” (p. 320) but through “unity of racial effort, so far as this
is necessary for self-defense and self-expression” (p. 320).
Du Bois (1940/1971) introduces his analysis by naming White supremacy as the
enemy of African Americans, arguing that economic inequality has been forced on
the Negro race “by the unyielding determination of the mass of the white race to
enslave, exploit and insult Negroes” (p. 322). Second, the Creed clearly situates
racial advancement within a broader working-class movement in which trade unions
will play a substantial role. Du Bois states that “we believe that Negro workers
should join the labor movement and affiliate with such trade unions as welcome them
and treat them fairly” (p. 321), echoing other leaders such as Paul Robeson, another
unjustifiably neglected adult educator, who over many years worked to influence
American trade unions to make the fight against White supremacy a priority. Through
workers’ councils organized by Blacks, Du Bois believed that “interracial understanding should strive to fight race prejudice in the working class” (p. 321).
Third, and most controversially, Du Bois (1940/1971) linked the Black race progress and the abolition of racism to socialism. The sixth element of his Creed states
uncompromisingly, “We believe in the ultimate triumph of some form of Socialism
the world over; that is, common ownership and control of the means of production
and equality of income” (p. 321). This equalizing of work and wealth is urged as “the
beginning of the rise of the Negro race in this land and the world over, in power,
learning, and accomplishment” (p. 321). Equality is to be achieved through taxation
and through “vesting the ultimate power of the state in the hands of the workers” (p.
321), a state of affairs that would be accomplished by the working class demanding
their “proportionate share in administration and public expenditure” (p. 322).
Du Bois ends the Creed with an expansive appeal to people of all races to join in
fighting White supremacy and promoting socialism. In his words, “To this vision of
work, organization and service, we welcome men [sic] of all colors so long as their
basic subscription to this basic creed is sincere and proven by their deeds” (p. 322).
The Controversy: The Locke–Bryson Correspondence
It is hardly surprising to us today that the Creed was rejected for publication as
part of the Bronze Booklet series. What reasons can be inferred for the paper being
excluded? We proceed to a review and examination of the historical record to reveal
what happened and to argue that the Bronze Booklets, though lauded as an important
landmark in African American adult education scholarship, had their full impact
blunted by the forced removal of Du Bois’s work from its catalog.
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70 Adult Education Quarterly
Over the course of activity of the publication of the Bronze Booklets series by the
ANFE, Alain Locke and Lyman Bryson, who represented the AAAE board,
exchanged a series of letters in which the development of the Bronze Booklet series
was discussed and took shape. The coeditors, Locke and Lyman Bryson, envisioned
the Booklets to be designed for use primarily in Black adult education reading
groups across the country. However, there always existed tension between what the
AAAE leadership was willing to support and what the Black adult education leadership wanted to do. For instance, Morse Cartwright (1934), executive director of
AAAE, wrote in a letter in 1932 that “the Negro adult education experiments were
yet in such early stages that to propagandize for them at the present time might be
dangerous” (p. 1). Specifically, Cartwright’s concern had to do with sanctioning a
race-conscious curriculum that addressed the special needs and interests of Blacks
in a racist society. Although Locke and other Black leaders in the AAAE movement
desired to develop a curriculum that was immediately responsive to the conditions
facing Black communities, Cartwright expressed a concern that such an approach
would be too propagandistic, undermining what he called a neutral and objective
approach to learning. The tension evident among the AAAE leadership, Locke, and
other African American adult education leaders became manifest during the period
in which the Bronze Booklet series was being developed.
AAAE’s role in circumscribing permissible Black adult education was replayed
in the development of the Bronze Booklets. On the subject of Du Bois’s manuscript
that now contained the Creed, Locke wrote a letter in February 1935, indicating that
Du Bois had taken several editorial suggestions to heart, but he asked Bryson, “Do
you agree with me that it is debatable about printing Du Bois’s summary Creed?”
(Locke, 1935, p. 1). Locke (1936) wrote to Bryson again saying he had paid Du Bois
for the manuscript and that he had curbed Du Bois’s style, to Du Bois’s evident
annoyance (Fitchue, 1996-1997). But Locke goes on to object to Bryson’s view that
the Du Bois pamphlet was too controversial:
As much as I agree with you about the style, inexactitude of some of the statements . . . and the desirability of toning down as many of the strictures and propagandist flings as possible, I do not agree that we were or can be committed to purely
neutral subject matter dealing with “what was fine and worthy in Negro culture and in
the contributions which they have made to American culture.” It was clear to me from
the beginning, and I hope I made it clear, that part of the series would treat contemporary social and economic issues and their connection with the problems and the programs of the Negro. Fortunately, I myself had perfectly neutral topics, but others like
Economic Reconstruction and the Negro, A World View of Race, The Negro and Social
Reconstruction were intended to be controversial. Of course, originally I had planned
authors who I thought would be a bit more judicial and sportsmanlike; giving the other
side a fair show. And I had banked on the demi-Marxian slant of the Bunche point of
view to balance the racialist view of Du Bois in a very interesting way. The project
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Guy, Brookfield / Du Bois’s Basic American Negro Creed 71
would justify itself not by avoiding such issues but by balancing up and boxing the
compass as far as our resources permitted us to. (p. 2)
Several points are of interest here. First, Locke (1936) characterized his disagreements with Du Bois as ones of style and balance, not of perspective. Locke clearly
wanted Du Bois’s manuscript to be included in the series. Indeed, he defended Du
Bois’s manuscript as a necessary counterbalance to that of Ralph Bunche (1936),
author of World Aspects of the Race Problem. Second, it appears that Bryson’s presence, as a White person on the predominantly Black ANFE committee, served to
compromise the freedom of action of the organization and of the editorial process.
Third, Locke apparently subordinated himself to Bryson, yielding whatever power
he had to Bryson, who held decisive power over editorial decisions. “Locke’s
­experience with ANFE underscores the dependent nature of the relationship between
the ANFE and the Corporation. His authority over the affairs of the organization was
in name rather than fact” (Guy, 1993, p. 166). To Du Bois’s (1940/1971) credit, he
does not directly accuse Locke of censorship in Dusk of Dawn, nor does he speculate on who stopped publication of the pamphlet, but there can be little doubt this
episode adversely affected their previously respectful relationship.
Below is Du Bois’s (1940/1971) Creed as it appears in Dusk of Dawn. The
emphasis in the text is added to indicate which elements possibly were too
controversial.
Not by the development of upper classes anxious to exploit the workers, nor by the
escape of individual genius into the white world, can we effect the salvation of our
group in America. And the salvation of this group carries with it the emancipation not
only of the darker races of men who make the vast majority of mankind, but all men of
al races. We therefore propose this:
BASIC AMERICAN NEGRO CREED
A. As American Negroes, we believe in unity of racial effort, so far as this is necessary
for self-defense and self-expression, leading ultimately to the goal of a united
humanity and the abolition of all racial distinctions.
B. We repudiate all artificial and hate-engendering deification of race separation as
such; but just as sternly, we repudiate an enervating philosophy of Negro escape
into an artificially privileged white race which has long sought to enslave, exploit
and tyrannize over all mankind.
C. We believe that the Talented Tenth among American Negroes, fitted by education
and character to think and do, should find primary employment in determining by
study and measurement the present field and demand for racial action and the
method by which the masses may be guided along this path.
D. We believe that the problems which now call for such racial planning are
Employment, Education and Health; these three; but the greatest of these is
Employment.
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72 Adult Education Quarterly
E. We believe that the labor force and intelligence of twelve million people is more
than sufficient to supply their own wants and make their advancement secure.
Therefore, we believe that, if carefully and intelligently planned, a co-operative
Negro industrial system in America can be established in the midst of and in conjunction with the surrounding national industrial organization and in intelligent
accord with that reconstruction of the economic basis of the nation which must
sooner or later be accomplished.
F. We believe that Negro workers should join the labor movement and affiliate with
such trade unions as welcome them and treat them fairly. We believe that Workers’
Councils organized by Negroes for interracial understanding should strive to fight
race prejudice in the working class.
G. We believe in the ultimate triumph of some form of Socialism the world over; that is,
common ownership and control of the means of production and equality of income.
H. We do not believe in lynching as a cure for crime; nor in war as a necessary defense
of culture; nor in violence as the only path to economic revolution. Whatever may
have been true in other times and places, we believe that today in America we can
abolish poverty by reason and the intelligent use of the ballot, and above all by that
dynamic discipline of soul and sacrifice of comfort which, revolution or no revolution, must ever be the only real path to economic justice and world peace.
I. We conceive this matter of work and equality of adequate income as not the end of
our effort, but the beginning of the rise of the Negro race in this land and the world
over, in power, learning and accomplishment.
J. We believe in the use of our vote for equalizing wealth through taxation, for vesting
the ultimate power of the state in the hands of the workers; and as an integral part
of the working class, we demand our proportionate share in administration and
public expenditure.
K. This is and is designed to be a program of racial effort and this narrowed goal is
forced upon us today by the unyielding determination of the mass of the white race
to enslave, exploit and insult Negroes; but to this vision of work, organization and
service, we welcome all men of colors so long as their subscription to this basic
Creed is sincere and proven by their deeds. (pp. 320-322)
Censure of the Creed as Repressive Tolerance
As articulated by Herbert Marcuse (1965), repressive tolerance describes the way
institutions and organizations, such as philanthropic organizations like the Carnegie
Corporation and professional associations like the AAAE, marginalize dissenting
views and efforts for democratic social change even while appearing to support
them. How does repressive tolerance work to achieve this? Essentially, it ensures the
continued marginality of minority views by placing them in close, comparative
association with dominant ones. When a curriculum is widened to include dissenting
and radical perspectives that are considered alongside the mainstream perspective,
the minority perspectives are always overshadowed by the mainstream one. This
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Guy, Brookfield / Du Bois’s Basic American Negro Creed 73
happens even if the radical perspectives are scrupulously accorded equal time and
space. As long as the dominant, majoritarian, Whitestream perspective is included as
one of several possible options for study, its presence inevitably overshadows the
minority ones, which will always be perceived as alternatives or others, never as the
natural center to which people should turn.
So by examining the final product of the Bronze Booklets series, it is easy to see
how the AAAE’s liberal ideology is manifested in the range of views depicted in the
content of the series. Radical analyses of the American race problem, in this instance
a Marxist analysis as represented by the Creed, are marginalized on the basis of supporting critiques that are antiracist but not anticapitalist and by suggesting that such
critiques are, in and of themselves, sufficiently radical because they are antiracist.
The liberal ideology of AAAE and the Carnegie Corporation leadership, as in the
case of Lyman Bryson and Morse Cartwright, could countenance the claim of Black
art and culture but not Black economic reconstruction.
Marcuse (1965) argues that repressive tolerance is hard to detect because it masks
its repressive dimensions behind the façade of open evenhandedness. Alternative
ideas are not banned or even censored. Critical texts are published and critical messages circulated. Previously subjugated knowledges and perspectives (e.g., Marxism,
Africentrism, queer theory) are inserted into the curriculum. The defenders of the
status quo can point to the existence of multiple perspectives, as in the case of the
Bronze Booklets series, even while marginalizing and minimizing truly radical and
threatening voices, as in the case of Du Bois and the Creed. What results is that real
democratic debate, in the sense of a range of perspectives representative of all
voices, is muted by the fact that the repressed texts themselves are hard to get or
incredibly expensive. It is, therefore, understandable that Du Bois (1940/1971)
resorted to publishing the Creed in his own memoir.
More likely, the radical meanings are neutralized because they are framed as the
expressions of an obviously weird minority opinion. As Marcuse (1965) writes,
Other words can be spoken and heard, other ideas can be expressed, but, at the massive
scale of the conservative majority . . . they are immediately “evaluated” (i.e., automatically understood) in terms of the public language—a language which determined
“a priori” the direction in which the thought process moves. Thus the process of reflection ends where it started: in the given conditions and relations. (p. 96)
Conclusion
Similarly, the contemporary discourse of diversity, of opening up the field of
adult education to diverse voices, perspectives, and traditions, can be analyzed quite
effectively using the idea of repressive tolerance. Providing an array of alternative
perspectives and sensibilities seems to be a major step in moving away from a
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74 Adult Education Quarterly
situation in which White, male, European voices dominate. Yet Marcuse (1965)
alerts us to the possibility that this apparent broadening of voices can actually
reinforce the ideology of White supremacy that it purports to undercut. By widening curricula to include a variety of racial and epistemological traditions, we
appear to be celebrating all positions. But the history of White supremacy and the
way that language and structures of feeling frame Whiteness as the normative,
natural, conceptual, and exclusive center mean that the newly included voices,
sensibilities, and traditions are always positioned as the “exotic other” (Jordan,
2000). Adult educators can soothe their consciences by believing progress is
being made toward racial inclusivity and cultural equity and can feel they have
played their small, but important, part in the struggle. But as long as these subjugated traditions are considered alongside the dominant ideology, repressive
tolerance ensures they will always be subtly m
­ arginalized as exotic, quaint, and
other than the natural center. The logic of liberating or discriminating tolerance
would require an immersion only in a racial or cultural tradition that diverged
radically from mainstream, Eurocentric, racist ideology—for example, an adult
education graduate program that allowed the consideration of only Africentric
ideas and perspectives. For it is the logic of repressive tolerance that holds that
as long as Africentrism is considered as one of many possible perspectives,
including Eurocentrism, it will always be positioned as the marginal alternative
to the White supremacist center.
The exclusion of the Du Bois booklet, and of the Basic American Negro Creed,
was an example of repressive tolerance par excellence. AAAE could point to the
existence of the ANFE, and to the publication of the Bronze Booklets, as evidence
of its democratic commitment to the abolition of racial superiority. Yet the power
and radical critique of the series was compromised in two ways. The first was by
framing the series in terms of how the most worthy aspects of Black culture contributed to American culture—a semantic framing that positions Black culture outside
of and separate from White American life and culture, as opposed to being endemic
to and constitutive of it. Second, the radical critique of the African American experience was compromised by exorcising from the booklets the ideologically radical
aspects of Du Bois’s work, particularly his indictment of the persistence of an ideology of White Supremacy bent on the continual degradation and enslavement of
Negroes, his advocacy of American and world socialism, and his location of Negro
advancement within a broader labor movement and revolution of the American
working class. In the end, Du Bois’s Negro Creed stood as a missed opportunity to
focus on the real problem facing America, White racism, which was, as Gunnar
Myrdal (Myrdal, Sterner, & Rose, 1944) would declare only a few years later, the
real American dilemma.
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Guy, Brookfield / Du Bois’s Basic American Negro Creed 75
Selected Writings of W. E. B. Du Bois
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1920). Darkwater: Voices from within the veil. New York: Harcourt Brace and Howe.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1930). Africa–Its place in modern history. Girard, KS: Haldeman-Julius.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1947). The world and Africa: An inquiry into the part which Africa has played in world
history, by W.E. Burghardt Du Bois. New York: Viking.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1963). Black reconstruction in America: An essay toward a history of the part which
Black folk played in the attempt to reconstruct democracy in America, 1860-1880, by W. E. Burghardt
Du Bois. New York: Russell & Russell.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1984). Dusk of dawn: An essay toward an autobiography of a race concept. New
Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1995). The Negro and communism. In D. L. Lewis (Ed.), W. E. B. Du Bois: A reader
(pp. 583-593). New York: Henry Holt. (Original work published 1931)
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1995). Socialism and the Negro problem. In D. L. Lewis (Ed.), W. E. B. Du Bois: A
reader (pp. 577-580). New York: Henry Holt. (Original work published 1913)
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1996). The souls of Black folk (Modern Library ed.). New York: Modern Library.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (2003). The Negro church: Report of a social study made under the direction of Atlanta
University; Together with the proceedings of the eighth Conference for the Study of the Negro
Problems, held at Atlanta University, May 26th, 1903. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B., & Aptheker, H. (1973). The correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois. Amherst: University
of Massachusetts Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B., & Eaton, I. (1899). The Philadelphia Negro: A social study. Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania.
The Bronze Booklet Series Titles and Authors,
Originally Proposed
World Aspects of the Race Problem, Ralph Bunche
The Economic Side of the Race Question, Abram Harris
The Negro and His Music, Alain Locke
The Negro in American Drama, Sterling Brown
The Social Reconstruction and the Negro, W. E. B. Du Bois
The Art of the Negro: Past and Present, Alain Locke
The Negro in American Fiction and Poetry, Sterling Brown
An Outline of Negro History and Achievement, Carter G. Woodson
Experiments in Negro Adult Education, Eugene Kinckle Jones
The Bronze Booklet Series Titles and Authors, Published
Adult Education Among Negroes, Ira D. Reid
The New Negro and His Music, Alain Locke
Negro Art, Past and Present, Alain Locke
The Negro and Economic Reconstruction, T. Arnold Hill
The Negro in American Fiction, Sterling Brown
Negro Poetry and Drama, Sterling Brown
The Negro and the Caribbean, Eric Williams
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76 Adult Education Quarterly
References
Alridge, D. P. (2008). The educational thought of W.E.B. Du Bois: An intellectual history. New York:
Teachers College Press.
Bunche, R. (1936). A world view of race. Washington, DC: Associates in Negro Folk Education.
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Talmadge C. Guy is Associate Professor of Lifelong Education, Administration and Policy at the
University of Georgia in Athens, Georgia. Email: [email protected].
Stephen Brookfield is Distinguished Professor at University of St. Thomas, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Email: [email protected].
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