References The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama Zachary J. O’Hagan Department of Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Berkeley, California April 14, 2011 Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References The Problem Proto-Omagua-Kokama (1) Ra usu Ra ukakati Ra usu Ra uka =kati 3sg.ms go 3sg.ms house =allative ‘He goes to his house.’ Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ (2) *otsó tsóka kot1 otsó tsók -a kot1 3.erg go 3.abs house -ref allative ‘He goes to his [another’s] house.’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References The Problem Proto-Omagua-Kokama (3) tsI atika i ipiRa tsI atika i ipiRa 1sg.fs throw 3sg.fs fish ‘I throw his fish.’ Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ (4) *itSé atik ipiRá itSé atik ipiRá 1sg.pron 1sg.erg- throw 3.abs- fish ‘I throw his fish.’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Outline & Goals 1 2 Omagua Documentation Project Introductions: Proto-Omagua-Kokama Tupı́-Guaranı́ 3 Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Verb Stems Person-Cross-Referencing 4 Patterning of TG Morphology in POK Roots 5 Motivations for Distributions 6 Identifying a Lexifier Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References OMAGUA DOCUMENTATION PROJECT Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Omagua Documentation Project Researchers Lev Michael, Tammy Stark, Vivian Wauters, Clare Sandy, Zach O’Hagan Timeline 2003-2008: Text Corpus by Arnaldo Huanaquiri Tuisima 2004: Fieldwork by Edinson Hamancayo Curi (Recordings) 2005: Fieldwork by Brianna Grohman (UT Austin) (Phonology) 2009-2010: Corpus Digitization, Parsing & Grammatical Analysis June-Aug 2010: Fieldwork in San Joaquı́n de Omaguas, Perú 2010-2011: Grammatical Analysis of Fieldwork June-Aug 2011: Fieldwork in San Joaquı́n and Iquitos Data 10-Notebook Written Corpus (majority digitized) ∼ 1500-Word Dictionary (in FLEx) 4 Notebooks of Elicited Data ∼ 10 Minutes of Spontaneous Narration Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Location, Perú Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Location, Loreto Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Speakers Arnaldo Huanaquiri Tuisima (78) Lino Huanı́o Cabudiva (74) & Alicia Huanı́o Cabudiva (77) Amelia Huanaquiri Tuisima (80) Lazarina Cabudiva Tuisima (91) Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References PROTO-OMAGUA-KOKAMA Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Proto-Omagua-Kokama: Background History Predecesor of Omagua and Kokama-Kokamilla Contact origin Lexifier language was Tupı́-Guaranı́ language Spoken before European arrival (1500 A.D.) Large geographic spread Relations Lexical and grammatical items resemble TG forms Large presence of non-TG grammatical morphemes Many non-TG syntactic structures Reconstruction Being carried out by Vivian Wauters & Zach O’Hagan Phonological, morphological, syntactic Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Proto-Omagua-Kokama: Relationships Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ LEXIFIER Proto-Omagua-Kokama Old Kokama Kokama Kokamilla Old Omagua Omagua Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Proto-Omagua-Kokama: Situating Work Ana Suelly Cabral, Kokama scholar Dissertation (1995) demonstrated non-classifiability Phonological Morphological Syntactic Lexical Rapid creolization hypothesis Focus on exotic simplification (roots and grammar) Language retains great deal of complex grammatical forms Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References TUPÍ-GUARANÍ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Tupı́-Guaranı́: Family Young family, high degree of lexical and grammatical relatedness 8 subranches ∼ 50 languages 10 reportedly extinct Mostly spoken in Brazil Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ III II I VII VIII VI V IV Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Scholarship Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Aryon Dall’Igna Rodrigues Classification (1958; 1984; 2002) Estrutura da Lı́ngua Tupinambá (1981) Cheryl Jensen Reconstruction (1987; 1989; 1990; 1998) Began with dissertation on Wayampı́ (1984) Charles Schleicher Reconstruction (1998) Marginalized in broader TG studies Tupı́-Guaranı́ Languages Mainly SIL linguists until 1990’s Large descriptive tradition following Rodrigues Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References PTG: Person-Cross-Referencing Prefixes Main clauses Split ergative alignment (active/stative) Person hierarchy Ergative/absolutive cross-referencing Dependent clauses Standard ergative alignment No person hierarchy Absolutive cross-referencing only Person 1sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2sg 2pl 3 erg aoRojaeRepeo- abs tSé (R-) oRé (R-) jané (R-) né (R-) pé (n-) i-, ts-, t- port oRoopo- co-ref wioRojeReepejeo- Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama Free Pronouns itSé oré jané ené pe...ẽ UC Berkeley References PTG: Person Hierarchy 1>2>3 If subj is hierarchically superior, ergative/absolutive cross-referencing If obj is hierarchically superior, absolutive cross-referencing only If subj 1 & obj 2, portmanteau prefixes used PTG a-i-potár oro-i-potár ja-i-potár ere-i-potár pe-i-potár o-i-potár Gloss I want him We want him We want him You want him You want him He wants him PTG tSé potár oré potár jané potár né potár pé potár o-i-potár Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama Gloss He wants me He wants us He wants us He wants you He wants you He wants him UC Berkeley References PTG: Root Classes & Subclasses All roots divided into one of seven root classes Verb roots fell into three classes Determines selection of 3.abs allomorph *i-, *ts- or *tPrimarily based on word shape Synchronically irregular, both prosodically and semantically Generic stems function as deverbal nominals POK roots show relics of each of these processes Sublcass 1a 1b 2a 3.abs Allomorph iits- Generic Form Ø #C → [+nasal] t- Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama Shape #V ∼ #C (not /p/) #/p/ #V UC Berkeley References PTG: Example Sentences Main Clause (5) *itS1 otsepják itS1 otsepják 3.abs- mother 3.erg- 3.abs- see ‘He sees his [another’s] mother.’ Main & Dependent Clause (6) *otsó imoPébo otsó imoPé -bo 3.erg- go 3.abs- teach -ser ‘We went to teach him.’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: What Was Frozen?1 Ergative: 1sg, 1pl.incl, 3sg Absolutive: 3sg (with root class allomorphy) Person 1sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2sg 2pl 3sg 1 erg aoRojaeRepeo- abs tSé (R-) oRé (R-) jané (R-) né (R-) pé (n-) i-, ts-, t- port oRoopo- coref wioRojeReepejeo- Free Pronouns wi-itSé oré jané ené pe...ẽ Bold=frozen; dark gray=not frozen; black=non-existent Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: What is Productive?2 Absolutive: 1sg, 1pl.incl, 2sg, 2pl Free Pronouns: 1sg, 1pl.incl, 2sg, 2pl Person 1sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2sg 2pl 3sg erg aoRojaeRepeo- abs tSé (R-) oRé (R-) jané (R-) né (R-) pé (n-) i-, ts-, t- port oRoopo- coref wioRojeReepejeo- Free Pronouns itSé oré jané ené pe...ẽ 2 Bold=frozen; dark gray=not frozen; light gray=productive; black=non-existent Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References 3 Big Questions 1 What is the percentage of POK verb roots with frozen prefixes, out of TG roots? 2 What are the constraints that determine the distribution of prefixes on POK roots? 3 Which clause-types were which PTG stems frozen out of? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References 3 Big Questions 1 What is the percentage of POK verb roots with frozen prefixes, out of TG roots? 2 What are the constraints that determine the distribution of prefixes on POK roots? 3 Which clause-types were which PTG stems frozen out of? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References 3 Big Questions 1 What is the percentage of POK verb roots with frozen prefixes, out of TG roots? 2 What are the constraints that determine the distribution of prefixes on POK roots? 3 Which clause-types were which PTG stems frozen out of? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References 3 Big Questions 1 What is the percentage of POK verb roots with frozen prefixes, out of TG roots? 2 What are the constraints that determine the distribution of prefixes on POK roots? 3 Which clause-types were which PTG stems frozen out of? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References 3 Big Questions 1 What is the percentage of POK verb roots with frozen prefixes, out of TG roots? 2 What are the constraints that determine the distribution of prefixes on POK roots? 3 Which clause-types were which PTG stems frozen out of? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Percentages So far... Total Number of Unique Roots: 729 Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Percentages So far... Total Number of Unique Roots: 729 Total Number of Identified TG Roots: 389 (likely higher in reality) Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Percentages So far... Total Number of Unique Roots: 729 Total Number of Identified TG Roots: 389 (likely higher in reality) Total Number of TG Roots with Frozen Prefixes: 171 (∼ 44%) Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Percentages So far... Total Number of Unique Roots: 729 Total Number of Identified TG Roots: 389 (likely higher in reality) Total Number of TG Roots with Frozen Prefixes: 171 (∼ 44%) Total Number of Identified TG Verb Roots: 163 Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Percentages So far... Total Number of Unique Roots: 729 Total Number of Identified TG Roots: 389 (likely higher in reality) Total Number of TG Roots with Frozen Prefixes: 171 (∼ 44%) Total Number of Identified TG Verb Roots: 163 Total Number of TG Verbs with Frozen Prefixes: 119 (∼ 73%) Does not include forms that may derive from semantically complex, non-prefixed stems. Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References DISTRIBUTION OF FROZEN MORPHOLOGY Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References PART I POK Roots From PTG Main Clauses Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen *a- 1sg.erg Distribution by Predicate Type Bivalent Active monovalent Percentage of Verb Roots with Frozen Prefixes: 8/119 POK Root Gloss apuka ‘laugh’ apupuRi ‘cook’ atika ‘throw’ Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Prefix Root Suffix Gloss apuka Ø ‘I laugh’ apupuR -i ‘I cook’ atik -a ‘I throw’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen *ja- 1pl.incl Distribution by Predicate Type Bivalent Active monovalent Percentage of Verb Roots with Frozen Prefixes: 10/119 POK intr tr Root yap1ta yapaRaSi yaupaRa yawaSima yat1ma yapiSika Gloss ‘stay’ ‘dance’ ‘flee’ ‘arrive’ ‘plant’ ‘grab’ Pref. jajajajajaja- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss p1tuPu Ø ‘We stay’ poratséj Ø ‘We dance’ upaR -a ‘We plant’ watSem -a ‘We arrive’ t1m -a ‘We plant’ p1ts1k -a ‘We grab’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen *i- 3.abs & *ja- 1pl.incl.erg Vowel-initial roots Ambiguity because of phonetic realization Distribution of PTG prefixes informative Stative monovalent must show *i- (were Subclass 1a) Active monovalent may show *i- or *ja iintr tr jaja- Root yapaRa yapua yap1ka yasuka yasai yat1ka POK Gloss ‘be twisted’ ‘be round’ ‘sit down’ ‘bathe’ ‘cover’ ‘bite, prick’ Pref. iijajajaja- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss apaR -a ‘It is twisted’ apua Ø ‘It is round’ ap1k -a ‘We sit down’ asuk -a ‘We bathe’ asai Ø ‘We cover’ at1ka Ø ‘We prick’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen *o- 3.erg Distribution by Predicate Type Active monovalent Percentage of Verb Roots with Frozen Prefixes: 20/119 POK Root Gloss ukai ‘burn’ umanu ‘die’ uSima ‘leave’ upaka ‘wake up’ uwaRi ‘fall down’ uyupI ‘descend’ Pref. oooooo- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss kay Ø ‘He/she/it burns’ manõ Ø ‘He/she/it dies’ tSem -a ‘He/she/it leaves’ pak -a ‘He/she/it wakes up’ PaR -i ‘He/she/it falls down’ j1p -i ‘He/she/it descends’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen Subclass 1a, Part I (*i- 3.abs) Distribution by Predicate Type Stative monovalent Vowel-initial Consonant-initial #V #C Root yapaRa yapua IRuRu iRawa ikiana 1k1Ra POK Gloss ‘be twisted’ ‘be round’ ‘be swollen’ ‘be bitter’ ‘be dry’ ‘be green’ Pref. iiiiii- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss apaR -a ‘It is twisted’ apua Ø ‘He/she/it is round’ RuRu Ø ‘He/she/it is swollen’ Rap -a ‘It is bitter’ kan -a ‘He/she/it is dry’ k1R -a ‘He/she/it is green’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen Subclass 1a, Part II (*Ø generic?) Impossible to know whether bare roots or semantically complex generics V-initial roots may also fall into this group POK intr tr Root kapi sapukui tini yaSú kaRay kwatiaRa susu tuRuka Gloss ‘defecate’ ‘summon’ ‘be white’ ‘cry’ ‘scratch’ ‘write’ ‘suck’ ‘shake out’ Pref. Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss kaPaB -i ‘defecating’ tsapukaj Ø ‘shouting’ tin -i ‘whiteness’ jatsePo Ø ‘crying’ kaRãy Ø ‘scratching’ kwatiaR -a ‘drawing’ tSuPu Ø ‘biting’ toRok -a ‘ripping’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen Subclass 1b, Part I (*i- 3.abs) Distribution by Predicate Type /p/-initial stative monovalent Root ipu ipuku ipuSi POK Gloss ‘sound’ ‘be long’ ‘be heavy’ Pref. iii- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss pu Ø ‘It sounds’ puku Ø ‘He/she/it is long’ pots1j Ø ‘He/she/it is heavy’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen Subclass 1b, Part II (nasalization) No POK verb roots have been found that show the nasalized onset of /p/-initial PTG verbs. Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Bare Subclass 1b More numerous than those prefixed by *i- 3.abs intr tr POK Root Gloss pIwa ‘be flat’ p1tani ‘be red’ piRuka ‘peel’ Prefix Ø Ø Ø Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suffix Gloss peB -a ‘be flat’ p1tan -i ‘be red’ piRok -a ‘peel’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen Subclass 2a, Part I (*ts- 3.abs) Distribution by Predicate Type V-initial stative monovalent Root saku sapiSi saR1wa saSi s1saRay suni POK Gloss ‘be hot’ ‘be sleepy’ ‘be happy’ ‘be painful’ ‘forget’ ‘be black’ Pref. tstststs ts ts- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss akub Ø ‘He/she/it is hot’ opets1j Ø ‘He/she/it is sleep’ oR1b -a ‘He/she/it is happy’ ats1 Ø ‘It is painful’ etSaRaj Ø ‘He/she/it forgets’ un -i ‘He/she/it is black’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Frozen Subclass 2a, Part II (*t- generic) Distribution by Predicate Type V-initial stative monovalent Root t1p1 t1w1ti POK Gloss ‘be deep’ ‘be smelly’ Pref. tt- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss 1p1 Ø ‘depth’ ewut -i ‘smelliness’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References PART II POK Roots From PTG Dependent Clauses Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References POK: Active Predicates with Absolutive Prefixes 1a intr 1b 2a 1a tr 2a POK Root Gloss yap1ka ‘sit down yasuka ‘bathe’ ipama ‘stand up’ sas1ma ‘shout’ samu ‘dive’ IRuRi ‘bring’ inupa ‘hit’ s1k1i ‘pull’ sItuni ‘smell’ sasawa ‘cross’ Pref. iiitstsiitststs- Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ Root Suf. Gloss ap1k -a ‘He sits down’ atSuk -a ‘He bathes’ pam -a ‘He stands up’ atsem -a ‘He shouts’ amõ Ø ‘He dives’ RuR -i ‘X brings him’ nupã Ø ‘X hits him’ ek1j Ø ‘X pulls him’ etun -i ‘X smells him’ atsaB -a ‘X crosses him’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References CONCLUSIONS Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Constraints on Prefix Distribution Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Constraints on Prefix Selection Four principles work in tandem to describe, given that a POK root shows frozen morphology, what prefixes were permissible for freezing (1 & 2) and, in the case that multiple prefixes were permissible, which were ultimately frozen (3 & 4). 1 2 3 4 Type of Predicate Morphological Status of Person Prefix Discourse Referent Frequency “Pragmatic Participant Selection” Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Principle 1: Type of Predicate Frozen prefixes mirror their permissible distributions in PTG exactly, given alignment and person-hierarchy restrictions Absolutive prefixes on stative preds. (main clauses, subj) Absolutive prefixes on active monovalent preds. (dep. clauses, subj) Absolutive prefixes on bivalent preds. (dep. clauses, obj) Ergative prefixes on active monovalent preds. (main clauses, subj) Ergative prefixes on on bivalent preds. (main clauses, subj) No attestations of impermissible distributions of prefixes Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Principle 2: Morphological Status of Person Prefix Only bound prefixes were susceptible to freezing Person 1sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2sg 2pl 3sg erg aoRojaeRepeo- abs tSé (R-) oRé (R-) jané (R-) né (R-) pé (n-) i-, ts-, t- port oRoopo- coref wioRojeReepejeo- Free Pronouns itSé oré jané ené pe...ẽ 8 out of 10 non-bound person “prefixes” were inherited as POK person-markers Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Principle 3: Discourse Referent Frequency Problem: Why were no second-person forms frozen? Declarative sentences in conversation typically do not involve second-person referents Speakers tend to talk about themselves or others, but not their addressee One attestation of frozen second-person form is from imperative (7) ikwani InI s1k1itaRa ikwani InI s1k1i -taRa go.imp 2sg fish -purp ‘Go fish!’ Tupinambá: ekwãi, e- kwã -i, 2sg.imp go.imp -? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Principle 4: “Pragmatic Participant Selection” (Part I) Problem: How to account for distribution of prefixes on active monovalent and bivalent predicates? Definition Verbs that denote canonically multi-participant eventualities appear with plural prefixes. Verbs that denote canonically single-participant eventualities appear with singular prefixes only. Accounts for distribution of ergative prefixes on monovalent predicates 2 results for bivalent predicates In some cases selection targeted syntactic subjects (main clause) In other cases selection targeted syntactic objects (dep. clause) Accounts for which clause-types bivalents were frozen from Does not account for why some active monovalents were frozen out of dependent clauses Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Principle 4: “Pragmatic Participant Selection” (Part II) intr tr Singular Ergative Absolutive aoitsenter go lie down dive laugh sleep sit down shout tremble walk bathe respond fall down sink burn die stay fart end sit down lend pull kill cook hit await throw take cross drop eat hear count smell close look for Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama Plural Ergative jahide dance row flee plant catch, hunt for UC Berkeley References Remaining Distributions Only *a- 1sg.erg & *ja- 1pl.incl.erg appear on bivalent predicates. Discourse frequency? Bivalent predicates show now reflexes of absolutive prefixes cross-referencing object. What implications does this have for a candidate lexifier language? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Future Work Identify remaining TG roots & frozen morphology Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Future Work Identify remaining TG roots & frozen morphology Apply a similar methodology to nominal roots (more difficult) Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Future Work Identify remaining TG roots & frozen morphology Apply a similar methodology to nominal roots (more difficult) Given that frozen prefixes show up on proportionally fewer roots: Do these proportions vary by the root subclasses that affect stative prefixing? Are there additional semantic and/or pragmatic factors that affect the freezing of semantically complex stems? What was the mechanism by which POK inherited only some roots from complex stems, and not all? Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Mechanism Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́ (8) *jané jaip1ts1ka jané jaip1ts1k -a 1pl.incl.pron 1pl.incl.erg- 3.abs- grab -? ‘We grabbed it.’ Proto-Omagua-Kokama (9) tana yapiSikia muRa tana yapiSikia muRa 1pl.excl.ms grab 3sg.ms ‘We grabbed it.’ Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Identifying a Lexifier Morphosyntactic Criteria for a TG-Lexifier Language 1 2 3 4 5 Must have absolutive prefixes Must employ absolutive prefixes to coreference objects on transitives Must show cognate to *ja- 1pl.incl.erg Lexical items must be members of the root subclass that POK frozen form is indicative of May have lost coreferential prefixes Operates in conjunction with: Lexical correspondences Phonological correspondences Comparisons of extant grammatical morphemes and constructions Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Cabral, A. S. A. C. (1995). Contact-induced language change in the western Amazon: the non-genetic origin of the Kokama language. Ph. D. thesis, University of Pittsburgh. Jensen, C. (1984). O Desenvolvimento Histórico da Lı́ngua Wayampı́. Masters, Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Jensen, C. (1987). Object-prefix Incorporation in Proto Tupı́-Guaranı́ Verbs. Language Sciences 9 (1), 45–55. Jensen, C. (1989). O desenvolvimento histórico da lı́ngua wayampı́. Campinas: Editora da UNICAMP. Jensen, C. (1990). Cross-Referencing Changes in Some Tupı́-Guaranı́ Languages, pp. 117–158. Austin: University of Texas Press. Jensen, C. (1998). Comparative Tupı́-Guaranı́ Morphosyntax, Volume 4, pp. 489–618. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Rodrigues, A. D. (1958). Classification of Tupı́-Guaranı́. International Journal of American Linguistics 24 (3), 231–234. Rodrigues, A. D. (1981). Estrutura da Lı́ngua Tupinambá. Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley References Rodrigues, A. D. (1984). Relaçoes Internas na Famı́lia Lingüı́stica Tupı́-Guaranı́. Revista de Antropologia 27, 33–53. Rodrigues, A. D. and A. S. A. C. Cabral (2002). Revendo a classificaçao interna da famı́lia Tupı́-Guaranı́, pp. 327–337. Belém: Editora Universitária, Universidade Federal do Pará. Schleicher, C. O. (1998). Comparative and Internal Reconstruction of Proto-Tupı́-Guaranı́. Doctoral, University of Wisconsin, Madison. Zachary J. O’Hagan The Explanatory Power of Frozen Morphology: The Case of Proto-Omagua-Kokama UC Berkeley
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