SOUTH RIFT
LANDSCAPE
KENYA
A baseline study for the Horn of Africa Climate
Change Programme
South Rift Landscape
Kenya
A baseline study for the Horn of Africa Climate
Change Programme
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The main authors of this study are Francesco Sambalino, Mieke Hulshof, Cecilia Borgia, Lieselotte Tolk
and Theo Kleinendorst
Significant contributions were made by:
The women and men of Elang'ata Enterit, Olngarua, Olkiramatian, Meto, Olorgosalie, Mailwa, Naarosura,
Shompole, Emboliei, the Horn of Africa Regional Environment Centre and Network (HoA-REC&N), HoAREN Kenya Chapter, SORALO, Africa Conservation Centre, Gender Resource Facility, Reinier Visser, Otto
Hoffmann, John Kamanga, Jared E. Anekeyah, Stephen S. Moiko, Sereya B. Maitoyo Kisimir, Daniel Wiegant,
Joyce Vihenda Engoke-Mangale.
Graphics and layout developed by R. van Steenbergen
First released July 2015
Sambalino F., Hulshof, M., Borgia, C .,Tolk, L., Kleinendorst, T., 2015, South Rift Landscape, Kenya: a baseline study
part for the Horn of Africa Climate Change Programme, The Netherlands and Kenya
Table of Contents
1
INTRODUCTION6
1.1
HORN OF AFRICA CLIMATE CHANGE PROGRAMME
6
1.2
METHODOLOGY6
1.3
THE LANDSCAPE7
2
SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND GENDER CONTEXT8
2.1
LIVELIHOOD AND ECONOMIC SYSTEM8
2.2
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND GENDER ROLES
11
3
INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT14
3.1
MAIN ACTORS AND INTERACTIONS IN THE LANDSCAPE
14
3.2
CLIMATE CHANGE AND NATURAL RESOURCES POLICIES AND PLANS
17
4
BIOPHYSICAL CONTEXT22
4.1
TOPOGRAPHY, GEOLOGY AND SOILS22
4.2
PRECIPITATION AND FLOODING
26
5
NATURAL RESOURCES AND ECOSYSTEM MANAGEMENT
28
5.1
LAND USE AND LAND COVER28
5.2
BIODIVERSITY, NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT, GREENHOUSE
GASES, AND ENERGY29
5.3
WATER RESOURCES AND MANAGEMENT
33
6 LIVELIHOOD ANALYSIS35
6.1
PASTORAL AND AGRO-PASTORAL SYSTEM
35
6.2
LIVESTOCK WATERING AND GRAZING RESOURCES
36
6.3
LAND TENURE AND MOBILITY38
6.4
LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION AND MARKETING
39
6.5
FARMING SYSTEM42
7
MAIN CHALLENGES IN THE LANDSCAPE
47
8
REFERENCES49
9
APPENDIX A: GEOLOGY MAP52
10
APPENDIX B: SOIL MAP53
01 Introduction
1.1 Horn of Africa Climate Change Programme
The Horn of Africa Regional Environment Centre and
Network (HoA-REC&N) has started the implementation
of a regional climate change programme (HoA-CCP)
that deals with the governance of land and water
resources, and promotes ecologically viable value
chains and greenhouse gas emission reduction. The
HoA-CCP works through an area-based approach that
promotes ecosystem-based adaptation, mitigation,
and development measures in an integrated way. The
three pillars of the programme are:
1.
2.
3.
Promotion of landscape restoration though sustainable land and water management and natural resources conservation;
Increased food security by promoting sustainable farming practices and ecologically viable value chains;
Reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and improvement of livelihoods by promoting renewable energy and green infrastructure.
The programme will be implemented in areas that
were selected by the Regional Environment Network
National Chapters from Djibouti, Kenya, Somalia,
South Sudan and Sudan, next to Gambella, Ethiopia
where interventions are already taking place. The
HoA-CCP was launched in November 2014 during the
Horn of Africa Regional Environment Meeting in Addis
Ababa, and comprises two interconnected phases.
Firstly, a baseline study of the five new landscapes
was commissioned, in order to capture their socioeconomic, gender, and biophysical context. Secondly,
the HoA-REN National Chapters will use the baseline to
translate the landscape challenges and opportunities
into concrete demonstration initiatives and, where
needed, demand-driven action research. This report is
the main outcome of the baseline study and together
with the landscape vision, it is meant to lead the way in
the HoA-CCP implementation phase.
6
1.2Methodology
The five identified landscapes that were proposed by
the National Chapters during the Landscape Selection
workshop in Addis Ababa were submitted to the
Centre. National experts were also selected. These
experts, together with the civil society focal points
of each National Chapter, were the main actors in
the landscape to provide the necessary data for the
baseline. MetaMeta and Acacia Water developed a
methodology to guide the national experts and have
a homogenous outcome for the five countries. The
international consultants visited each National Chapter
twice during the baseline study. Their first visit served
to introduce the study, provide an opportunity to visit
the landscape in order to adapt the methodology
according to the context and expertise of the national
experts, and collect first hand information from key
informants. The second visit focused on the validation
of the first findings, the discussion of key challenges, the
creation of a landscape vision, and the identification of
strategic activities for the implementation of the vision.
The biophysical expert was involved in assessing the
landscape’s natural resource base, which includes the
geology, soil, erosion, water, land use and land cover,
and biodiversity. The main tools employed for this
assessment were screening formats for soil erosion
and water resources, formats for secondary data
retrieval, and field observation reporting formats. The
gender and socio-economic experts focused on how
communities interact with the natural environment to
sustain their livelihoods and economic base. Data was
collected in a gender-segregated manner to provide a
sound picture of role divisions within the landscape, as
well as differences in how men and women perceive
challenges and opportunities in each landscape.
The main tools used during the study were gendersegregated focus group discussions, participatory
mapping of natural resource use, challenge
identification and analysis, gender segregated
household surveys, and semi-structured interviews of
key informants. The information gathered by the local
Introduction
experts was processed using statistical software, GIS,
and remote sensing software. The preliminary outputs
were subsequently validated with the National Chapter
and community representatives.
1.3 The Landscape
01
threatening the area and affecting the communities
that rely on the environment to make a living.
In this project, the challenges and opportunities in this
area are assessed from a socio-economic, biophysical,
and gender-based point of view. This provides an
integrated overview of the area and serves as a basis
for further project development within the HoA-CCP.
The South Rift Landscape is located in the South
of Kenya at the border with Tanzania, some 70 km
southeast of Nairobi and 100 km northwest of Arusha
(Tanzania) (see Figure 1). The HoA-REC&N National
Chapter selected the Landscape because of the many
challenges that the region faces, as well as for the
many opportunities that it provides. Erosion, flooding,
water shortages, and overuse of natural resources are
Figure 1: Location of the Landscape
7
02 Socio-economic context
The landscape is at the hearth of Maasailand, a
vast stretch of land that unfolds across Kenya and
Tanzania (Homewood, Trench, & Kristjanson, 2009). Its
inhabitants – in majority Maasai people - are pastoralist
and have a nomadic or semi-nomadic livelihood.
The people living in the landscape are predominately
Maasai. Nevertheless, new groups are entering the area
at a growing pace. Between 1962 and 1989 the Maasai
population in Kajiado and Narok changed from 78%
and 79% to 57% and 47% respectively (Coast, 2002).
This trend has continued in recent years.
Erosion
of collective
natural resource
management
Land
privatization &
Rangeland
fragmentation
Cash
economy
Figure 2 - Shifting context in Maasailand
8
2.1 Livelihood and economic system
Recurrent
climate
shocks
Increasing
livestock and
human
populations
Socio-economic context
Maasai livelihoods are predominately, but not
exclusively, rooted in pastoralism. Most households
are rural and are strongly dependent on livestock.
However, the majority are also adapting to the shifting
context. Increased connectivity to the globalized
market economy has brought new needs to the
community. Simultaneously, land privatization and
fragmentation, recurrent climate shocks, the erosion
of collective natural resource management systems,
as well as increasing livestock and human populations,
have made natural resources increasingly scarce (see
Figure 2).
Tourism is also emerging as an opportunity for
communities in the landscape. This is embodied in
the concept and initiative of “parks beyond parks”.
Studies have revealed that in arid and semi-arid areas
outside of national parks there is a wealth of wildlife
and consequent potential for tourism (Western, D.,
personal communication). The initiative triggered the
creation of community conservancies throughout
the country, in areas that are usually overseen by tour
operators. Nowadays, there are 150 conservancies in
Kenya, up from just 1 in 1997. These conservancies
host more wildlife than all national parks put together
and give an employment opportunity to more than
2500 community scouts. This is remarkable when in
02
comparison to the 3000 scouts employed by KWS
(Western, D., personal communication). Conservancies
have claimed their niche by offering a different
experience. It departs from the only-wildlife experience
offered by national parks, by adding culture and people
in a much more human experience. Most importantly,
conservancies were born from grassroots initiatives.
The first conservancies showed the way on how ecotourism could bring benefits down to the local level
(see Table 2). Now more and more communities are
adopting conservancies as a way to profit from the
natural treasures hosted in their homeland.
New land tenure arrangements are stimulating
land privatization. Coupled with an influx of people
interested in non-pastoral activities, this is causing land
fragmentation and the disruption of traditional grazing
patterns. Nowadays, land is commonly sold to outsiders
in order to pursue short-term financial gains. Land sales
and the resulting rangeland fragmentation is rampant
in less remote areas such as central Kajiado, where its
vicinity to Nairobi inflates the local land prices.
Across Sub-Saharan Africa, pastoralist communities
have deployed ways to face climate related shocks
on natural resources and related production systems
Table 1 - Coping strategies in the agro-pastoral context adapted from (Nassef, Anderson, & Hesse, 2009)
Coping strategy
Insurance mechanisms
Disposal of assets
Destitution
Household behaviour
Sale of small livestock
Reduction of current consumption levels
Increased petty commodity trade
Migration in search of employment
Collection of wild foods
Use of inter-households transfers and loans
Sale of livestock
Sale of tools
Sale or mortgaging of land
Credit from merchants and money lenders
Distress and migration
9
02 Socio-economic context
(see Table 1). The shifting context is increasingly
forcing pastoralists out of the system, when they do
not manage to adapt. When alternative livelihood
options are lacking, livestock is the only disposable
asset, but its sale beyond a certain level often results in
impoverishment. This in turn may result in migration,
an excessive influx of people into urban centres, and
conflicts.
Likewise, Maasai adopt coping strategies and devise
new ways to hold strong to their identity and traditional
livelihoods while acknowledging the greater pressures
surrounding them.
Table 2 - Eco-Tourism related employment opportunities
(Adapted from: Coast, 2002)
Who
Employment opportunity
Cultivate and sell vegetables to
lodges, lodge activities, structure
Men and Women
upkeep and maintenance, wildlife
and resources assessors
Game ranger, scouts, campsite/
Men
lodge guard, service, guides,
drivers;
Beadwork production and sale,
Women
traditional handicraft market
Livelihood diversification is the chief adaptation
strategy. It mainly moves communities towards agropastoralism, or away from resource-based activities
and towards non-farm activities (Homewood et al.,
2009). Farming is an increasingly important livelihood,
although it is not practiced as a total shift from
pastoralism. It is instead seen as a way to minimize the
need to sell live animals, by providing an alternative
income stream to cover newly emerging liquidity needs.
A growing number of Maasai arealso engaging in wage
labour, trade, eco-tourism, and estate management in
small urban centres (Thompson & Homewood, 2002).
Figure 3 - Maasai women make, sell and display their bead
work in Kajiado, Kenya. 2010. (Photo: © Georgina Goodwin/
World Bank) 10
Socio-economic context
2.2 Social organization and gender roles
Community structures and cultural ties
Very strong cultural ties – stemming from religious
traditions – connect Maasai to their animals. It is believed
that Enkai, the Creator, asked the Maasai to take care
of all cattle. Hence, the herding of cattle represents a
strong link to the Divine and therefore became deeply
engrained in Maasai identity and culture. It is very
common that wealthier individuals who have moved
to the city and occupy well-paid positions still keep
their herds and are strongly connected to traditions of
their people.
Traditionally, Maasai society is organized in sections
and clans. While sections are based on specific spatial
boundaries, people from the same clan are descendents
of the same ancestors. People from the same clan
are strongly interconnected and provide support to
destitute clan members. Also, household and family
dynamics are strongly regulated by a set of traditions
and rules.
02
Maasai traditions and culture emphasize the
importance of fertility and child bearing. Wealth is often
measured in terms of the number of children that the
household head and his sons will manage to support.
Families are patriarchal and often polygamous, with a
family head married to two or more women. The men
might continue to marry additional wives, limited only
by the number of cattle and other resources required to
support them. With this in mind, it is of vital importance
to re-consider and expand the definition of family and
household within the Maasai context (Masterjohn,
2011).
Furthermore, there is well defined age-based
differentiation for both women and men. Every young
male adult falls within a specific group that depends on
certain age brackets. This specific groups are called agesets. The age-sets members go through different rites
of passage to become warriors (Moran), young elders,
senior elders, and retired elders. The administration of
Maasailand used to be strictly linked to this system, with
the senior elders being in charge. The younger age-sets
would be subject to decisions taken at a higher level.
In modern times, the government of Kenya has taken
up most of the administrative functions. Nevertheless,
the age-sets system is still very strong in regulating
socio-economic relationships. Women follow different
age rules, which are strongly linked to reproduction.
Women’s life is divided into two stages: girls that
have yet to reach puberty and girls that have reached
puberty, have been circumcised, and are ready for
marriage. Usually women get married in pre-arranged
marriages within one year after reaching puberty
(Masterjohn, 2011).
Gender roles and challenges
Women and men are perceived differently in Maasai
society. While the man is seen to embody bravery,
strength, and determination, the woman is seen as the
representation of kindness, grace, and sexuality. The
11
02 Socio-economic context
age-sets division and the perception of essential male
and female characteristics are both key factors that
influence the division of labour, ownership rights, and
authority within the household and Maasai society as
a whole.
Accordingly, women tend to manage responsibilities
and tasks that pertain to the inner life of the village and
of their family. Here things are deemed safer than in the
outside world, which is deemed the traditional domain
of men. Each woman builds her house, milks cows
and tends to lactating animals, and collects water and
firewood while also taking care of children. Young girls
help their mother in these tasks from a very early age.
Still, most vital decisions are made by the male head of
the household (Masterjohn, 2011).
On the other hand, the moran’s traditional role is that
of the warrior who defends his community and attacks
other groups. He also has a role in providing the village
with entertainment in the form of singing and dancing.
The elders have the highest level of decision-making
power and are in charge of taking animals to water,
to pasture, and to salt licks. They commonly make the
decisions and then instruct young boys to carry out
the tasks. At the same time the elders have a key role
in forging relationships with families and clans outside
of the inner community circle. Trading cattle is also the
responsibility of the elders (Masterjohn, 2011).
When it comes to farming, which is a relatively new
activity for the Maasai, people’s roles are not defined as
clearly as in livestock keeping and may vary between
households and communities. Nevertheless, women
are most heavily involved in the production of food
crops such as beans and maize, whereas the men are in
charge of managing cash crops. Women are most busy
in farming operations during the harvesting period and
when it is necessary to remove weeds from the fields.
If women are involved in the production of cash crops,
they limit their input to the field operations, while the
commercialization of the produce stays under male
12
control.
Given the strict roles defined in Maasai culture, the
challenges faced by women and men in their daily
routines are largely different. Challenges that are
directly related to the natural resource base, which
satisfies homestead needs, make women particularly
vulnerable. For instance, water scarcity and water
disputes are disproportionately affecting women
and children, since they are traditionally in charge
of fetching water. Water scarcity translates into more
time needed to source water and less time available for
women to engage in other activities such as child care
and additional income generating activities. Failure
to tackle these challenges may further aggravate the
situation for women and young girls, 51 per cent of
whom spend more than one hour every day to reach a
water source (NOSIM, 2011). On the other hand, women
may have a large influence when it comes to initiatives
dealing with sustainable natural resource management.
Their daily involvement with the environment makes
them an ideal actor to bring sustainable practices to the
attention of the community. The specific context of the
landscape should also be considered in conjunction
with the wider picture. Very low litteracy rates, the
soaring incidence of HIV/AIDS, and discrimination
make the case for comprehensive, gender-responsive
actions.
A particularly vulnerable group in the landscape are
women-headed households. In Northern Tanzania, it
has been observed that female-headed households
occurr more frequently among the Maasai than
in other tribal groups (Lawson et al., 2014). These
households are especially fragile when it comes to the
effects of climate change. Most households rely on
their herd’s size when it comes to dealing with climate
change related shocks. Female-headed households
have less animals than average, and thus may sustain
more damage when drought is severe (Wangu, 2015).
Drought commonly prompts the household to sell
some animals, but selling live animals may decrease
the herd size to a level from which is difficult to recover
through natural livestock breeding rates alone.
Socio-economic context
Assets and income
There is also a clear gender-based differentiation in
terms of asset ownership. Men alone own the cattle
and the right to sell, give away, or slaughter an animal.
On the other hand, husbands allocate a number of
cattle to each of their wives, who enjoy exclusive rights
to milk and hides. Women also have the right to assign
the cattle to their sons when they marry. Nevertheless,
the sons will only fully own the cattle once their father
has passed away. However, a male household head
does not have complete control over the disposal of his
wives herds. If, for instance, he reallocates animals from
one wife to another without appropriate justification,
it is ground for divorce. All this said, in practice women
have substantial autonomy in the everyday routine,
since their husbands are often gone travelling for long
periods of time (Masterjohn, 2011). Donekys, on the
other hand, are considered women’s animals, since
they are predominently used to fetch water and wood.
Donkeys have become a very important transport aid
to ease the burden on women’s daily routine (Marshall
et all., 2011).
02
in non-traditional income generating activities. Lower
education levels among women make the available
opportunities harder to reach. The low adoption of
contraceptives and inadequate sexual education also
causes young pregnant women to drop out of school
and to be immediately married in order to avoid public
shame (Pakdaman, n.d.). Without speaking English or
Swahili it is also more difficult for women to engage
in the tourism industry. It is incongruous that one
aspect of Kenya’s tourism industry, the handicraft and
beadwork sale, provides only marginal benefits to the
makers, who tend to be female, while the biggest share
of the profit is gained by middlemen that are directly
in touch with sellers (Coast, 2002). Despite this, a
number of intiatives that support women are flowering
in the landscape area. Clear examples are the RETO
women’s group and the NOSIM women’s association,
which promote women’s economic empowerment by
supporting micro-enterprises and production groups.
The patriarchal system also applies when it comes to
land. Land issues and politics, including tenure, are
considered the exclusive domain of men. It is perceived
to be against Maasai culture to have women owning
land or having a say in how to manage it (Wangu,
2014). Men are usually registered as ranch members,
but women usually have access to family or community
farmland. Even female-headed households often have
access to farmland if this is available to their extended
family though private ownership or communal
arrangements.
Generally speaking, women tend to have less diversified
income sources than men. The milk trade is sometimes
enriched with beadwork sales. In a few instances,
women also engage in shop keeping in the household
surroundings. Maasai women are also far less integrated
13
03 Institutional context
3.1 Main actors and interactions in the landscape
Government
The government of Kenya is undergoing a devolution
process after the approval of the the new Constitution
that took place in 2010. After the 2013 elections,
funding and functions are being transferred to the
newly empowered counties (Whimp, 2014). The larger
portion of the selected South Rift landscape is part of
Kajiado County, while only the western fringes are part
of Narok County. These two counties are traditionally at
the core of Kenyan Maasailand, with a strong pastoralist
economy. With their growing power, it is in the interest
of the counties to protect the pastoralist economy and
thereby secure their tax revenues. At the same time,
counties are now much more interested in engaging
with civil society for the planning and management of
the local natural resource base (see Box 2).
At the national level, various ministries play a key role
in regulating the management of natural resources and
the promotion of sustainable livelihood development.
The Ministry of Environment, Water, and Natural
Resources, an the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock,
and Fisheries are among the main actors at the central
government level and have both the mandate and the
responsability to ensure that key policies are embodied
and enforced by all actors.
The Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) is active in the area
through its local offices. With its mandate of protecting
and managing wildlife, it has an important role in the
landscape. High wildlife density in close proximity to
human settlements often requires timely interventions,
in which the KWS tries to prevent risk and limit damages.
The KWS is also instrumental in supporting community
conservancies with training and research through the
Kenya Wildlife Service Training Institute (KWS-TI) based
in Naivasha. The KWS-TI is also a member of the HoAREN Kenya chapter.
14
Water resource management is the main mandate of
the Water Resource Management Authority (WRMA).
WRMA is in charge of the rational management and
control of water resources and embraces the Integrated
Water Resources Management (IWRM) concept. In order
to empower local actors, it promotes the formation of
Water Resource Users Associations (WRUAs). WRUAs are
supported in creating Sub-Catchment Management
Plans (SCMP) by following a participatory process
(WSTF & WRMA, 2009). The WRMA has the mandate
to regulate water abstraction, however, staffing and
resources sometimes limit WRMAs field capacity.
Ewaso N’Giro South Development Agency (ENSDA)
is a regional development government authority
with a cross-county mandate to plan, implement,
and coordinate development initiatives. It provides
a linkage between the country goals – such as vision
2030 - and its implementation at the county level.
ENSDA is at the moment engaged in the protection of
the Mau Forest and in the Lower Ewaso N’Giro Multipurpose Project (Saningo & Bosco, 2015).
The geology of the Southern Rift Valley hides a boon
of potential energy resources, such as geothermal
sites and oil fields. The National Oil Company of Kenya
(NOC-K) is scoping the area of the lower Ewaso N’Giro
and has recently started to collect geological data to
assess the oil presence and the potential for extraction
(National Oil Corporation of Kenya, 2015). At the same
time, the Magadi area has been identified as potential
area for geothermal power production. It is likely that
in the future the Geothermal Development Agency
(GDC) will investigate the potential of the area in more
depth (Omenda, 2010). KenGen thoroughly assessed
the feasibility of constructing a hydropower dam and
plant in the Ewaso N’Giro. The plan envisaged the
construction of three dams on the river course. To satisfy
the dams’ water requirements, water would have been
diverted from the Amala River, which is part of the Mara
river basin. This project was halted following an outcry
sparked by civil society and international conservation
organizations. The repercussions would have been felt
Institutional context
03
on both the Mara and the Lower Ewaso N’Giro river
basins. In the latter, the flow to lake Natron would have
been altered to the extent that the breeding ground of
the lesser flamingos in Lake Natron would have been
seriously threatened (Gereta, Wolanski & Chiombola,
2003). Additionally, the project envisaged flooding
a vast area of pasture land (RAMSAR, 2001), to the
detriment of local pastoralist communities.
SORALO has promoted land zoning in several ranches
with the aim of optimizing the use of water and pasture
while promoting wildlife conservation and boosting
tourism revenues. The community conservancies have
attracted national and international attention for their
rich wildlife and the innovative ways in which SORALO
manages and monitors the human-wildlife-natural
resource interactions (see Box 1).
Civil Society and Academia
The Africa Conservation Centre (ACC) is active in the
landscape. It was founded in Kenya in the 1970s and
it is a member of the HoA-REN Kenya Chapter. Since its
inception, biodiversity conservation has stood at the
core of its work, through the application of community
and scientific knowledge. It promotes conservation,
livelihood enhancement and good governance
through a wide variety of activities that always start
from the grassroots level. Natural resource planning
platforms and the support of WRUAs are used by ACC
to promote integrated land-use planning. ACC is also
involved in improving livestock-keeping, rangeland
management, community research, climate change
vulnerability mapping, renewable energy promotion,
and community based tourism enterprises.
The Horn of Africa Regional Environment Network
is well established in Kenya. Its National Chapter is
very active and it counts nine permanent members,
of which six are civil society organisations (Southern
Rift Association of Land Owners, Africa Conservation
Centre, Environment Liaison Centre, East Africa
Environmental Network, East African Wildlife Society,
Nature Kenya) and three are from academia (Nairobi
University, Kenyatta University, and Kenya Wildlife
Service Training Institute). The network has a wellbalanced mix of experiences and environmental
management skills, both at implementation level and
when it comes to research and innovation.
SORALO stands for Southern Rift Association of Land
Owners and it is the civil society focal organization
for the HoA-REC&N. The selected landscape follows
the boundaries of the 15 ranches that are the
founding members of SORALO. Committed Maasai
people created the organisation in 2004. It works
for the development of the local communities while
preserving the natural resources on which they depend.
One of SORALO’s guiding principles is to strengthen
and modernize the strategy that has permitted people
with their livestock to thrive alongside one of the most
impressive assemblages of large mammals in the world.
At the moment, SORALO supports livestock production
through breed improvement, supporting cooperatives,
and improving pastures. At the same time it is active
in the monitoring and protection of natural resources
through its community based research centre Lale’enok.
The Environment Liaison Centre International (ELCI)
is an international membership organization that
brings together civil society organizations (CSOs)
at the national and international level. The mission
of the ELCI is to strengthen civil society’s capacity
for environmental governance in order to improve
livelihoods and sustainability. Even though it is not
directly active in the landscape, the ELCI has rich
experience in environmental governance, natural
resources management, and climate change. As a
member of the HoA-REN Kenya Chapter, it has the
potential to connect CSOs’ experiences and therefore
augment the programme scope when it comes to
experience sharing and learning.
A number of NGOs are active in the landscape. From
East to West, the initiatives cannot go unnoticed, but
they tend to concentrate more in the eastern part of
15
03 Institutional context
the country and in the areas that are closer to Nairobi.
Among them are various small initiatives, such as
neighbours’ alliances, church run initiatives that may be
interested in collaborating with the HoA-CCP on ad hoc
initiatives. Some bigger organisations, such as AMREF,
German Agro Action, Neighbours Initiative Alliance and
the Nosim Women Association are well established and
can bring their extensive experience to the table. For
example organizations such as Nosim might provide
their experience in designing and implementing
gender responsive initiatives. Of particular interest are
the promotion of goat fattening, the bead work trade,
and marketing, as well as general women’s economic
empowerment.
reduced (see Figure 3). TCM is aware of the challenge
and engages positively with local actors to protect its
vital water sources and to continue its activity for the
years to come.
Private Sector
Tata Chemicals Magadi (TCM) has a long history and
strong interest in the landscape. Lake Magadi has
been the source of soda ash for the company since
1911. Following its establishment in colonial times, the
company has developed roads, a railway line, and a
town, with all the associated infrastructure. To process
the soda ash and to provide water to the Magadi town
dwellers, they also built a 42 km long pipeline that
sources its water from the Oloibortoto stream on the
Nguruman escarpment. TCM is strongly engaged with
communities in the area, as it provides employment
opportunities, pipes water along its pipeline, and
engages in natural resource management to protect
the lake and its water source. On the other hand, TCM
is a heavy user of water in an area where water scarcity
is acute. The company’s high needs coupled with the
increasing needs of the communities on the Nguruman
escarpment threaten the sustainability of the common
water source. Over-abstraction is skewed towards
industrial, household, and agricultural use, with little or
no water left to sustain the ecosystem. Over-abstraction
has become very common and there is no clear plan to
deal with future dynamics. With prolonged droughts
occurring, the challenge becomes even larger as the
volume abstracted by TCM remains high while the
amount of water left to the local community is severely
16
Figure 4 - On top: the intake of the Magadi Chemicals pipeline
system during the wet season when the flow is high (May
2015). At the bottom: the low flow during the dry season and
the disparity in abstraction between users. (March 2015)
Institutional context
In local settlements and agricultural areas, small
entrepreneurs engage in trade. The typical small shop
caters to everyday household needs. In Olkiramatian, a
shop has specialized in selling solar solutions such as
small solar powered lights, which benefit communities
that are off the grid. Women’s beadwork is usually sold
to middlemen that in turn sell them to tourists for a
much higher prices. In a few cases, organized women
come together and sell their work directly to visitors. In
the landscape this is already happening in Olorgosalie
and in Ol’Kiramatian.
Grassroots level
A wide variety of grassroots organisations are scattered
throughout the landscape. Most baseline respondents
are members of such organisations, which help
the communities by pulling together resources,
knowledge, and skills. Most interviewed women
are members of women’s groups and are often also
involved in religious groups and school committees,
alongside men. Men from agro-pastoral areas are
sometimes part of cooperatives and producer groups.
Credit and solidarity groups appear to be a prerogative
of men.
In Olkiramatian, a women’s group owns the Lale’enok
community research centre and shares amongst its
members the benefits accrued by hosting visitors (see
Box 1).
03
3.2 Climate change and natural resources policies and plans
There are several policies and acts that mention and
take into account climate change and natural resource
management (Table 3). A targeted climate change
policy is being drafted at the national level, (Ministry of
Environment, Water and Natural Resources, 2014). The
existing draft outlines the need to align development
plans to adapt to climate variability and change, and
it acknowledges the importance of working at the
national, county, and local level. The previously drafted
policies and acts are often overlapping and strategic
activities are fragmented between multiple actors.
With the implementation of a system of devolution,
the overlap between actors and policies might become
even more pronounced. On the other hand, devolution
is bringing the government closer to communities
and closer to its electoral base, which can be seen as
an opportunity for communities and organisations to
engage and challenge counties on practical issues at
the local level. Some grassroots initiatives are already
showing how this path might be pursued in the future
(see Box 2).
Water User Associations (WUAs) help in mediating the
use and management of water resources, but they only
exist where there is an organized irrigation scheme
(e.g. Nguruman and Naarosura).
Water Resource Users Associations (WRUAs) are
sprouting in the southern fringes of the Ewaso N’Giro.
These civil society organizations have the mandate to
plan the management of water and natural resources
at the community level. Additionally, the WRUAs
are recognized by authorities, but in the case of the
landscape have always needed the support of local
organisations such as ACC.
17
03 Institutional context
Box 1: Lale’Enok community research centre
Issues related to land sub-division and climate change have a large influence on people’s livelihoods. It is important to
understand these challenges in order to plan and be able to adapt. Traditionally, Maasai have many ways to adapt to
the environment, but with more interconnectivity and modernity becoming part of society, there are larger forces that
are changing people’s livelihood and environmental setting.
Lale’enok is a Maasai word that stands for the traditional practice of scouting for resources. The Resource Centre was
created to follow the Lale’enok principle from which it derives its name. A women’s community group owns the centre,
which has the main goal of monitoring natural resources and sharing their findings with the community through direct
feedback. Lale’enok looks after the practical information needed by the community to adapt to the shifting context as
well as to seasonal challenges. The Centre is meant to produce directly applicable knowledge for community individuals.
Databases are produced and available to community members and researchers alike. Finally when challenges arise,
there is information available to interact with important actors. When NOC-K came to survey the area for oil, it was
opposed using evidence.
A mix of community researchers and assessors carries out research. Young Maasai are trained in scientific methods, and
currently there are 12 resource assessors that look after 1) water, grazing and vegetation, 2) wildlife and human-wildlife
conflict, and 3) information management and sharing. These research lines help to maintain the delicate balance that
permits simultaneous wildlife protection and livelihood improvement.
The Center frequently hosts national and international scientists with the condition that their research fits with the
Lale’Enok principle and the findings are shared with the whole community.
18
Institutional context
03
Table 3 - Main policies and acts related to natural resource management and climate change
Policy
Main issues
· Articulation of overall response priorities to climate variability and change
· Link between sustainable national development and climate change in the key sectors
of Environment, Water and Forestry, Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries, Trade, Extractive
Industries, Energy, Physical Infrastructure, Tourism, Health
Climate Change
· Low carbon growth and promotion of clean technologies and green jobs
Framework Policy
· Integration of climate change in national, county, and sectoral policies and planning
processes
· Institutional coordination at all levels is advised
· Gender equality in accordance with the 2010 constitution
Constitution of
Kenya (2010)
· Devolution of functions and funding to counties
· Right to a clean and healthy environment for present and future generations;
· Gender equality
· The government seeks to adopt climate change adaptation and mitigation to drive
development
National
Environment Policy · It sets the position of the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), which
became operational in 2002
National Policy on
· Rational allocation of water, effective institutional framework, general management of the
Water Resource
water sector, judicious use oif resources at the basin level
Management and
. Operationalized by the Water Act
Development
· Establishment of Water Resource Management Authority
· Legal framework for Water Resource Users Associations
Water Act
· Separation of water management from provision of water resources in order to avoid
conflicts of interests
National Land
Policy
· Decentralisation of functions
· Encourage non-government actors to engage in water resource management and
provision
· Sustainable and equitable use of land
· Call for immediate actions to address environemtnal problems
· Management of fragile ecosystems such as wetlands and ASALs
· Land divided into public, private, and communal land tenure
· Accelerate GDP growth to ten per cent
Poverty Reduction
· Achieve a cohesive society enjoying equitable social development
Strategy Paper
· Building an issues-based, accountable democratic political system
19
03 Institutional context
Policy
Main Issues
· Accelerate GDP growth to ten per cent
Poverty Reduction
· Achieve a cohesive society enjoying equitable social development
Strategy Paper
· Building an issues-based, accountable democratic political system
· Increase agricultural production and relative income
Agricultural Sector · Enhance food security and equitable distribution
Development
· Emphasis on irrigated areas expansion
Strategy (ASDS)
and Agriculture Act · Enhanced commercialisation and intensification of production
· Environmental sustainability
Gender policy
· Establish the National commission on Gender and Development with the aim of advising
the government on gender concerns and gender mainstreaming
Rangelands
Management
Policies
· Management of Arid and Semi-Arid Land, which are predominately rangeland
· Wildlife conservation and maximization of revenue from wildlife related economic
Wildlife
activities
Conservation and · Minimize and manage human-wildlife conflict
Management
· Integrated ecosystem based approach
Policies
· Establishment of Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) in 1989
· Developed in dialogue platforms, it sets the vision for future national developments
Vision 2030
Ramsar Convention
· Operationalized through National Climate Change Action Plan and three consecutive fiveyear medium term plans
· Promote the wise use of wetlands
· Define a list of wetlands of international importance
· Support international cooperation on transboundary wetlands, shared wetland systems,
and shared species
· Conservation of biodiversity
· Sustainable use of its components
Convention on
Biological Diversity · Fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from genetic resources
· Led to “The Kenya National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan” in 2000
United Nations
Framework
Convention on
Climate Change
(UNFCCC)
United Nations
Convention
to Combat
Desertification
20
· Stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere
· Not binding, but the protocols stemming from it may become binding at international
level
· Combat desertification
· Stimulates National Action Programmes (NAP) with long-term strategies
Institutional context
03
Box 2: Amboseli Management plan
In 2004, ACC brought together communities, CSOs, government agencies, academia, and the tourism industry. The
group undertook a three-year planning programme, which resulted in the Amboseli Ecosystem management plan that
zones the area for livestock, for wildlife, and for tourism. The plan was adopted by the communities and co-signed by
KWS.
Initially the plan did not work because it did not have legal recognition. Reflecting on this lesson, the working group
approached the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) to investigate the possibility of making the
plan legal. NEMA undertook a one-year strategic environmental assessment, for which all organizations, including
KWS contributed to cover the costs. Currently the ecosystem management plan is about to be legally approved. In the
meantime, the directorate of NEMA imposed a one-year moratorium to stop unplanned land development, which is
something unheard of in Kenya.
Ecosystem management plans and strategic environmental assessment might now become more common after this
positive experience. The plan “trickled up” from the community as a civil society initiative. At the same time, the county
council is very proud to boast the first spatial planning exercise in Kenya. The government’s strategic environmental
assessment experts were very impressed that all the work had been done beforehand by a group of committed
organizations.
21
04 Biophysical context
4.1 Topography, geology and soils
The Landscape is part of the East African Great Rift
Valley and substantial elevation differences exist in
the area. On the eastern and western sides, mountain
ranges with peaks over 2400 m border the area. In
between these is the valley at an altitude of about 600700 m above sea level. The Ewaso N’Giro is the most
important river in the Southern Rift Valley, entering
the landscape in the northwest and flowing southward
through the valley.
Geology
The geology in the area (see appendix A) indicates the
potential for deep groundwater abstraction, determines
the kinds of soils and sediments that are present, and
forms the base for water storage interventions. The
mountains on both sides of the valley consist of very old
hard materials (i.e. quartzites, granitoids and gneisses)
with intercalations of limestone (see Box 4). These hard
materials have a very low hydraulic conductivity, which
implies that water will hardly be able to flow through
it. On the other hand, the hydraulic conductivity of
limestone can be high. The potential for groundwater
abstraction is, therefore, limited to the limestone
intercalations, fractures, and faults. In the reliefs, in the
eastern part of the Landscape, many boreholes are
already present (see also Figure 13).
The valley consists of volcanic material, mainly basalts.
Where a well-developed network of openings is
present in these rocks, the hydraulic conductivity will
be relatively high, allowing water to pass through the
formation. On the other hand, rocks with a high level
of compaction are also present, with very limited
water flow and water storage capacity. The water
storage in basalt formations can therefore range from
close to zero to rather high values (Kulkarni et al.
2000). When considering interventions in the valley,
a local examination of the rocks’’ characteristics is
recommended to find locations for groundwater
storage and groundwater abstraction measures.
22
Box 3: Geological formation
The Rift Valley develops on a divergent plate boundary.
Plates are moving away from each other. The
abundance of volcanoes and deep lakes throughout
the valley are indicative of this geologic activity.
Tectonic forces were strong enough to split the plates
apart, the centre surface lowered in between and
new crust formed in the middle. Initially, the drop
of the middle lead to steep side walls, but erosion
processes widen up the basin, until a large valley is
formed (Ehtiopianrift 2015). Due to the spreading, the
further away from the centre of the valley the older the
bedrock. The mountains to the East and West consist
of material slowly formed deep in the Earth, e.g.
quartzites, granitoids and gneisses. Towards the East
the material is intercalated with crystalline limestone.
The valley itself consists of basalts deposited during
the Pliocene and Pleistocene. At the base of the
mountains there are accumulations of sediments that
were deposited during the Holocene.
Soils and slopes
Soil acts as a water filter, a storage reservoir, and as
the base for vegetation growth. The characterisation
and classification of soils (see Appendix B) provides,
therefore, useful information about agricultural
potential, possible sites for afforestation, and
opportunities for water buffering. In addition, erosion
prone soils in combination with the abundance of
steep slopes at the project site (see Figure 4) may result
in very high erosion rates.
Biophysical context
04
Figure 5 - Slope Classification (Acacia Water)
Weakly developed mineral-rich soils predominate high
in the mountains. Due to the limited soil formation
processes, these soils are very shallow and structure
is almost absent, resulting in a very high erodibility of
materials. Agriculture is increasingly practiced on these
soils, but only with adequate soil nutrient management,
cautious tillage, and careful erosion control will
sustainable production with limited degradation be
possible. Forest cover and perennial crops would be
more suitable.
At the base of the mountains, soils consist of material
that eroded uphill. These soils are formed under
the erosive and transporting influence of water. The
sediments include cobbles, coarse sand, and silt. In
general, the transmissivity and storage capacity of this
material is high. The content of organic matter and the
presence of clay layers in these soils are variable, and
can be suitable for a wide range of land use practices
ranging from agriculture to livestock keeping. Shallow
groundwater is often present in these soils, providing
opportunities for water buffering (Box 4), especially
at locations where the underlying basalts have low
conductivity.
23
04 Biophysical context
Box 4: Water buffering (Tuinhof et al. 2012)
Water buffering represents the capacity of the landscape to store water during the wet season and make it available in
the dry part of the year. The storage in the landscape may be in the form of groundwater, reservoirs, and soil moisture.
With water buffering, water is managed through Recharge, Retention, and Reuse (3R).
Recharge
Recharge adds water to the buffer and as such it adds water to the circulation. Recharge can be natural – the
infiltration of rain and run-off water across the landscape - or it can be managed (artificial recharge) through special
structures or by the considerate planning of roads and paved surfaces. Recharge can also be a welcome by-product of,
for instance, inefficient irrigation or leakage in existing water systems.
Retention
Retention is the process through which the speed of the natural water cycle is reduced in order to create large wet
buffers. This process can be increased artificially, for example by slowing down the (ground)water flow or by hindering
surface water runoff with dams and reservoirs. Therefore it extends the chain of water uses and can have a large
impact on agricultural productivity.
Reuse
Reuse is the third element in buffer management. The big challenge of 3R is to make water circulate as much as
possible. Scarcity is resolved not only by managing demand by reducing use, but also by managing supply by keeping
water in active circulation. In managing reuse, two processes are important. The first is to manage non-beneficial
evaporation to the atmosphere. Water that evaporates ‘leaves’ the system and can no longer circulate in it. One
should rather try to facilitate the opposite and capture air moisture, such as dew, wherever possible. Another process is
the management of water quality – to make sure that water can move from one use to another, even as water quality
changes along the chain of uses.
In general, the soil type classification indicates that the
valley and the lands to the East are made up of rather
deep soils (some over 1.50 m) with a good structure.
The mineralogy of the soils is mixed. Depending on the
source rock and formation processes, which vary from
site to site, they may contain large amounts of clay
and nutrients and have good drainage characteristics.
The organic material content is often limited. Locally,
however, poor to very poor soils were also observed.
In general, however, it can be said that if adequate soil
management is applied the soils can serve agricultural
purposes rather well.
24
Erosion
Soil erosion is a serious problem in the Landscape,
especially throughout the western mountain ridge
(e.g. the Loita, Naroosura, and Nguruman areas).
Erosion potential (see Figure 6) in this area is linked
to land use and management, soil erodibility, rainfall
erosivity, land cover and topography. Throughout
the Landscape, erosion problems are strongly related
to the unrestricted expansion of cultivated land, the
intensification of agriculture, deforestation, illegal
timber logging, overgrazing, and the grazing of
livestock deep into the forests.
Biophysical context
04
Figure 6 - Map of potential erosion (based on RUSLE-model)
The Landscape increasingly shows evidence of land
degradation with farmland erosion, eroded hillsides,
denuded plains, and deep gullies (Figure 7). Recently,
additional and more indirect, symptoms of land
degradation are also becoming more visible. Streams
are drying up, water scarcity is being aggravated, and
rivers and lakes are silting up. According to informants,
serious erosion, land degradation, and water scarcity
challenges started to threaten the region 15 years ago.
Limited soil conservation measures are known to
be implemented in the Landscape, apart from the
gabions at the inflow of Lake Magadi. Being dependent
on natural resources from the Lake, TCM constructed
a gabion dam to stop the sedimentation of the lake.
However, the structure has been overcome by the
sheer amount of sediment that accumulated after
theheavy precipitation that occurred in April 2015.
Effectively tackling erosion ultimately requires that the
root causes of the problem be addressed. Therefore,
it is recommended that an integrated and extensive
soil conservation management plan is developed to
stop erosion upstream. TCM is keen to work with local
organizations, the communities, and authorities in order
to tackle the challenge using an integrated approach.
Farmer awareness about erosion is still very limited,
25
04 Biophysical context
but growing. In Olkiramatian, some model farmers are
experimenting with runoff control measures within
their farms.
also section 4.2), especially when no proper land
management measures are taken.
Figure 8 - Average precipitation (Acacia Water)
Figure 7 - Land degradation, i.e. gully formation, due to
overgrazing and deforestation
4.2 Precipitation and flooding
Rainfall patterns are fundamental to get an indication
about water availability, flood problems and erosion
processes.
The precipitation pattern in Kenya is bimodal, meaning
that there are two rainy seasons. The long rainy season
occurs between March and May, while the short rainy
season occurs between October and December. The
highest rainfall occurs during the long rains. As a
consequence of the topography, total rainfall in the
Landscape varies between approximately 400 mm
in Magadi and over 1000 mm on the Loita Hills (see
Figure 8). The relative low amount of rainfall in the
valley is barely sufficient to overcome the dry season.
The high rainfall on the Loita Hills ensures that streams
descending to the valley floor have a perennial water
flow. At the same time, high rainfall on steep slopes
contributes to the high potential erosion rates (see
26
Apart from the large spatial variability, rainfall in
the Landscape is also highly variable over time. For
example, in Magadi the minimum and maximum
rainfall recorded over the past 30 years are 134 mm
(1984) and 676 mm (1989), respectively (Figure 9 a,b).
The minimum record of 134 mm led to serious water
shortages for household use, cattle watering, and
irrigation.
Figure 9a - Yearly rainfall at Magadi.
Biophysical context
04
intensity. For Magadi, it turns out that every ten
years, over 125 mm of rainfall in one day can
be expected (see Figure 10). Taking into account that the
showers are even heavier in the mountains, infiltration
rates are lowering due to land degradation, and the
number of soil and water conservation measures is
very limited, it is a logical consequence that heavy flash
floods threaten the valleys.
Figure 9b - Monthly rainfall at Magadi.
Climate change forecasts for Kenya are rather certain
compared to the rest of south-eastern Africa; over
90% per cent of the models in the UK MET ensemble
agree on the fact that precipitation will increase by
more than 20 per cent in the coming century. The
seasonal precipitation distribution is also expected
to change with a tendency toward a more intense
distribution, with more extremes. Statistics for highend precipiation extremes indicate that rainfall events
will intensify under all climate change scenarios. In
general, wetter rainy seasons and a dryer intermediate
dry season are expected, while at the same time the
inter-annual varibility of the short rainy season is
expected to increase. Drought analysis shows that the
duration of the long dry season will most probably not
differ significantly in the future (Brown et al. 2015).
In general, the current and expected future precipitation
patterns suggest that with sufficient and appropriate
water storage infrastructure it should be possible to
make water available throughout the whole year.
Figure 10 - Rainfall recurrence time in Magadi
In April 2015, fifteen people were reported missing
in Narok County following heavy downpours and the
resulting flash floods. The event made it to the news
and highlighted the importance of adopting both
mitigating and adapting measures to curb flooding
damages (Sayagie, 2015).
When making plans for future land use, including for
the development of agriculture in the floodplains, it
is of crucial importance to consider future flooding
patterns. The forecasted further intensification of
showers in the context of climate change will most
likely lead to even higher water levels and therefore to
an increase in the extent of the floodplains.
Flooding
While during the dry season water shortages
threaten community livelihoods, during the rainy
season it is the flash floods in the valleys that can be
devastating, as rainfall comes with high
27
05 Natural resources and
ecosystem management
5.1 Land use and land cover
Land use and land cover provide an indication of the
status of the land, the availability of pasture, the need
for irrigation water, and the presence of vegetation to
counteract erosion processes.
At the centre of the valley and close to the lakes,
vegetation is sparse (Figure 11). Probably this is a
consequence of soil and water salinity, limited rainfall,
and overgrazing. Most of the valley, however, is covered
with open to closed grassland, which serves as a
Figure 11 - Land cover in the South Rift Landscape (Acacia Water)
28
pasture for the Maasai’s cattle. On the slopes and uphill,
open to closed broad-leaved deciduous and evergreen
forests predominate.
In the last few decades, the Landscape has undergone
rapid land use changes. The traditional pastoral system
has moved more and more towards a transitional
agro-pastoral system. The changes include ranch
subdivision, the expansion of (irrigated) agricultural
areas, and the intensification of crop production. During
a study in the 1960s, interviewees said that most of the
land was used for free livestock grazing. Depending
Natural resources and
ecosystem management
on climatic patterns, pastoralists crisscrossed the
Landscape in search of water and forage. Nowadays
however, grazing areas are becoming limited due to
privatization, the development of cultivated land, and
fencing. In addition, the clearing of vegetation has
reduced the diversity and extent of wildlife habitats
and has led to an increase in erosion and a decrease in
water availability during the dry season. The decreased
vegetation cover does not only have a negative effect
on the ecosystem, but is also likely to affect households
directly. Throughout the Landscape, people rely on fuel
wood as source of heat. Thinning resources will surely
affect the women that traditionally are in charge of
fetching wood.
Furthermore, the original vegetation is slowly being
overtaken by invasive species. Mathenge (Prosopis
Juliflora) is a very hardy bush originally from Central
America. It was introduced in arid and semi-arid areas
of the Horn of Africa in order to control erosion and
contrast desertification. This plant not only established
very well in a place without natural antagonists, but
it also overtook and replaced the original vegetation.
Mathenge is very thorny and can seriously hinder
movement and even injure people and animals. Its
eradication is not an easy exercise. Chopping down
the plant does not suffice, because the rootstock will
cast new shoots very quickly. For now, Mathenge is
not as much of an issue in the Landscape as in other
ASAL areas of Kenya, where it covers between 800.000
and one million hectares (GIZ, 2014). Nevertheless, it is
spreading at a worrying pace and its presence in the
South Rift will most likely increase in the decades to
come.
05
5.2 Biodiversity, natural resource management, greenhouse gases, and energy
The South Rift Landscape offers a wide array of
ecosystem services:
-
-
-
-
Supporting services: soil formation, erosion prevention, hosting of wildlife;
Provisioning services: shade, fuelwood, charcoal, minerals, thickets for fencing, construction materials, forest products such as honey and medicinal palnts, water, pasture, hides and skins, energy (geothermal, oil, water);
Regulating services: carbon sequestration, N2-
fixation, water buffering, purification of water through swamps, presence of TzeTze fly that regulates animal movements;
Cultural services: (eco)-tourism, traditional sanctuaries and forests, outdoor sports.
Natural resource management in the Landscape
happens at various levels. The traditional system
based on sections, clans, and age-sets has enormous
importance in regulating resources when it comes to
pasture, water, and livestock keeping.
Natural areas such as the Forest of the Lost Child in the
Loita Hills are sacred and are therefore protected by
rules and bylaws deeply rooted in Maasai culture (see
Box 5).
Maasailand is famous for its immense population of
large mammals (Figure 12). Besides National Parks,
Reserves, and Sanctuaries, it has been observed that
the largest number of wildlife are to be found where
the Maasai communities have been living for many
centuries. Maasai always have lived with their herds
alongside wild animals and a strong set of taboos and
bylaws have regulated their relationship. Hunting is
deemed to be a degrading activity and eating game
meat is associated with a strong cultural taboo. This
29
05 Natural resources and
ecosystem management
has resulted in abundant wildlife that lives in relative
harmony with humans. This is still true to date, even
though human-wildlife conflicts are increasing.
A consequence of the rich wildlife presence is
the creation of National Parks. Nevertheless, their
establishment has deprived the Maasai of prime
portions of their historical land. A new trend has
developed in recent years. Community conservancies
have mushroomed around the country and are also
present in the Landscape.
In the Landscape, ranch members, with the support
of SORALO, have decided to set aside portions of their
land as conservancies. This is part of a larger zoning
exercise by which the community decides to regulate
access to certain areas according to their use and
biophysical characteristics. The community determines
the perimeters of the conservancy and the access rules
by following a fully endogenous process.
The initiative has triggered the creation of community
conservancies throughout Kenya, in areas that are
usually not targeted by tour operators.
Figure 12 - Lion cubs in Shompole-Olkiramatian conservancy
(May 2015)
30
In the Olkiramatian and Shompole ranches, the
conservancy has been successful in protecting wildlife,
serving as a dry season fodder bank, and attracting both
tourists and researchers. Despite this, human-wildlife
conflicts are a common challenge that communities
need to face. Carnivores recurrently attack livestock,
and elephants and baboons often create havoc in
agricultural areas when they are in search of food.
Box 5: The forest of the lost child
The well-known Naimina Enkio Forest (Forest of the
Lost Child), is a canopy forest that is wholly managed
and owned by adjacent communities without
government involvement. Compared to other forests
in the country, it is well protected and conserved, being
the pride of the local communities. The communities
have more than once engaged in legal battles with
conservation organisations and government agencies
that have tried to declare the forest a Protected
Area, hence putting it out of community control. The
Olngarua Forest area is the source of a number of
rivers that flow through the community and beyond
over the Nguruman escarpment to the floor of the Rift
Valley in the Magadi area. Naimia Enkio forest is of
particular importance for the Loita water tower, which
feeds the Ewaso N’Giro.
Natural resources and
ecosystem management
Energy and Greenhouse Gas Emissions
The emission of greenhouse gases by industries is
mainly contributed by the Magadi Soda company, and
it is very marginal when taking into consideration the
larger regional and international dynamics. However,
the company reports that whenever possible they use
renewable energy sources.
Energy consumption at the household level is low to
very low and it usually covers lighting and cooking
needs. Household emissions are negligible. The most
common source of energy is fuelwood, while solar
energy, in the form of small and portable solar panels, is
spreading quickly even in the most remote rural areas.
Many households also use oil powered portable lamps.
In the Magadi cluster, a women’s group counting 200
members has been provided the skills and the tools to
become solar solutions technicians. Solar power has
large benefits when compared to other energy sources.
It is clean, it does not require fuel purchases, and it
spares time and energy, especially for women (Obi, L.,
2015).
05
large initial investments, people are venturing into this
unsustainable business. The already thinning endemic
savannah vegetation is thus facing yet another
challenge. If this trend continues, women, traditionally
engaged in wood fetching to satisfy household needs,
might be the most heavily affected.
In the Landscape there is potential to tap into the
carbon credits market by increasing vegetation cover.
Sustainable forestry and rangeland management
can provide a wealth of natural resources, limit land
degradation, and simultaneously conserve and
sequester carbon. Expanding carbon storage by
increasing the size and density of forested areas,
plantations, and agroforestry can therefor actively
contribute to the sequesration of carbon.
Some of the challenges regarding natural resource
management and energy in the Landscape are
highlighted in Table 4.
At the household level, most women use a simple
fireplace with three stones that hold the cooking
pot. This system is economical and easy to replicate.
Nontheless, it also burn much more fuelwood than
improved energy efficient stoves that are widely
available on the market. None of the respondents
reported the use of suchstoves. A more efficient
cooking system would drastically decrease the time that
women spend in search of wood. Moreover, few people
plant multipurpose trees, mostly in areas where there
are permanent settlements. Small woodlots would
help to satisfy household energy needs and decrease
the pressure on endemic trees that are traditionally the
main source of fuelwood.
In the areas closer to medium and large urban centres,
such as Olorgosalie, charcoal production is becoming a
common source of income for the rural communities.
Attracted by short-term profits that do not require
31
05 Natural resources and
ecosystem management
Table 4 - Main challenges regarding natural resource management and energy
Challenge
Causes
Increasing
fuelwood demand
Increasing population, Increased time required
decreasing number
to fetch fuelwood
of trees, low adoption
of woodlots and fuel
efficient stoves
Charcoal
production
High demand as
fuel, easy to produce
resource with good
market value
Mathenghe
(Prosopis juliflora)
Human-wildlife
conflict
32
Effects
Women
Loss of soil cover, loss of
Women and Men
habitat, increased erosion
Loss of habitat, loss of
No management
system in place,
grazing land, injuries to
baboons and livestock people and animals
feeding on its pods
Close proximity,
Expanding livestock
and human
populations
Who is
affected
Damage to crops and
properties, loss of
livestock, negative
attitude towards wildlife
Women and Men
Women and Men
Natural resources and
ecosystem management
05
5.3 Water resources and management
Perennial fresh water sources are rare and vital.
Lake Magadi and Lake Natron are soda lakes and
therefore have an extremely high pH and salinity.
The lakes’ water is a dense sodium carbonate
brine, with a salt layer up to 40 m thick. Surface
and
groundwater
from
the
surrounding
mountains flows towards the lakes. Due to the
high evaporation rates, the concentration of salts is
continuously increasing. At Lake Magadi the minerals
are exploited for commercial purposes. Due to its
chemical composition, the water from the lakes is not
suitable for drinking, watering livestock, or irrigation.
The most important surface water body in the target
area is the Ewaso N’Giro River. The Ewaso N’Giro and its
tributaries that descend from the Loita Hills support
South Rift communities as well as a rich and diverse
ecosystem. Two water towers, the Mau Forest and the
Loita Hills, can be roughly identified as the main sources
of the river. The amount of water flowing from the Mau
Forest has drastically decreased in recent years, mostly
due to unregulated abstraction and degradation of
the upper catchment coupled with insufficient rainfall.
Consequently, the Loita Hills tributaries now play a
more important role in supporting the dry season flow.
Nevertheless, the Loita Hills are also facing increased
human and livestock populations, over-abstraction,
and the unplanned use of their forest resources.
Unfortunately, no ecologically sound plans have been
made to sustain this critical area. In March 2015 the
Ewaso N’Giro ran dry before reaching Lake Natron
(Figure 13).
Figure 13 - At the end of the dry season (March 2015) the
Ewaso N’Giro flow was reduced to a trickle
Throughout the rest of the Landscape, water availability
is severely limited, especially during the dry season.
There are several seasonal rivers and temporary storage
structures (pans and dams), but the amount of water
provided by these is small and they are reported to run
dry within two days after the end of the rainy season.
The population collects this water through scoop holes
and dug wells.
Overall, water shortages are a major challenge in the
Landscape, while measures to improve water availability
are limited. There are several sand/subsurface dams,
rock catchments, and water pans to retain rainfall and
make it available for several months into the dry season.
The underground storage of water seems to be one of
the major opportunities to augment water availability
throughout the year in the target area
Shallow wells have been dug on the riverbanks of the
Ewaso N’Giro. Some of these wells have been lined,
protecting them from pollution and sedimentation.
In general, water is drawn from the wells with diesel
pumps. Both surface and groundwater are used for
domestic, agricultural, and livestock purposes in the
vicinity of the river. In the southeastern part of the
Landscape, deep boreholes constitute an important
source of water.
33
05 Natural resources and
ecosystem management
Figure 14 - Existing (documented) water infrastructure (Acacia Water)
At local level, associations such as Water Users
Associations (WUAs) are key when dealing with
irrigation water, and Water Reource Users Associations
(WRUAs) are essential when dealing with natural
resources management at the sub-catchment level. At
national and river basin levels, the WRMA is mandated
to regulate and enforce water use management.
34
06 Livelihood analysis
6.1 Pastoral and agro-pastoral system
Livelihoods in the South Rift are strongly linked to
livestock keeping and the natural resources needed
to support this practice. All interviewed families in
the area rear livestock and consider it to be their main
livelihood resource. A mix of sheep, goats, and cows
composes the typical herd, with the occasional donkey
as a labour aid.
Livestock numbers in the area change greatly from
year to year according to the natural resource base, but
also according to liquidity needs that trigger the sale
of live animals. At the time of the study, the South Rift
Landscape had suffered the impacts of a prolonged
multi-year drought. This explains the decreasing
number of cows, the stationary number of sheep, and
the slight increase in goats in the last five years (see
Figure 15).
Decreasing
Increasing
The cited causes are:
•
•
•
•
Drought and its consequences on water resources and pasture;
Need for cash to cover household costs, especially school fees and medical expenses;
Livestock diseases. Their relevance is commonly a direct consequence of drought that makes animals weaker and therefore more prone to get sick;
Wildlife attacks on livestock was mentioned as a main challenge by few respondents, even though in some areas such as Shompole
and Olkiramatian it is more pronounced.
Overall, the communities feel that on the longer time
span the average herd size is decreasing, which is seen
as a threat to the household economy. Nevertheless,
due to high population growth it is likely that the
overall number of animals is increasing.
Stationary
Figure 15 - Livestock number dynamics, with respondents declaring a decrease, increase or stationary level in herd size
35
06 Livelihood analysis
6.2 Livestock watering and grazing resources
In the Landscape, water is very scarce at times and
abundant in others. Water resources and pasture
availability fluctuate together. In this context,
pastoralism gives Maasai communities the right
flexibility to adapt to spatial and seasonal changes (see
Figure 18).
At the peak of the dry season, livestock is brought
to drink every two to three days, and longer trips are
required to reach water and pasture. To adapt to this
routine, the metabolic rate of the cow goes down by
40 per cent to enable the animal to use energy more
efficiently and to travel further in search of pasture and
water. Under these conditions, the cattle make use of
grass and water more efficiently. When water sources
are abundant, the metabolic rate of cows goes up and
the efficiency of digesting grass goes down (Western,
D., personal communication).
Accordingly, wise management of pasture and water
requires that dry and wet cycles are acknowledged and
accommodated. It is not advisable to keep everything
at high production levels with endless water provision,
which would leave no time for rangeland recovery.
Accordingly, a new tendency in natural resource
management research is to observe water provision
as part of a natural rotation system. A well thought
management plan must therefore be in place to
accommodate seasonal migration and avoid resource
over-exploitation.
During the rainy season, the animals graze in areas that
have high seasonal fluctuations in grass cover. Here,
the grass is abundant for some months before it is
depleted and loses its nutritional value. Subsequently,
herders decide to move towards the dry season
pastures that are commonly found in wetter areas
such as swamps, riparian plains, and mountain slopes.
The Landscape contains several areas traditionally
reserved for dry season grazing such as the Loita Hills,
36
Mount Olorgosalie, Mount Namanga, the riverine areas
around the Ewaso N’Giro, and the Shompole swamps.
All families engaged in this study ranked water and
pasture as the main factors influencing livestock
keeping strategies.
Seasonal water sources (Figure 16 and 17) allow grazing
in areas that are not used during the dry season due
to the absence of water. The Landscape is dotted with
ponds and small dams that retain water for a couple of
months before running dry.
Figure 16 - Pond filled with water (May 2015)
Figure 17 - Same pond as in figure 16 at the end of the dry
season (March 2015)
Mau Forest
The ranch is divided in
three zones:
1. irrigated farmland;
2. wet season grazing land;
3. community conservancy
Landscape boundary
Tata Chemicals
Magadi
sources its
water from
the Loita Hills
Irrigated Farmland
The Loita Hills
are the perennial
source of water
that support
pastoral and
agropastoral
communities
while feeding the
Ewaso N'Giro
river
Magadi
Wet season grazing
land
Livestock graze in the wet
season grazing land from
March to October. Grazing
is supported by seasonal
water bodies
Conservancy
Swamp
In the dry season, livestock
move to the western side of
the river, into the community
conservancy, farmland and
to Shompole swamp
Landscape boundary
Tanzania
Lake Natron is the main
breeding site for the lesser
flamingo. It is threatened by
human development along
the whole course of the
Ewaso N'Giro river
Lake Natron
Figure 18 - Grazing/livelihood patterns in the South Rift
37
06 Livelihood analysis
On the other hand, perennial surface water sources
cater to the needs of livestock and of the communities
throughout the year. They are especially important
during the dry season. The main perennial surface
water sources used for livestock watering are the
rare perennial springs and the Ewaso N’Giro with its
tributaries.
Groundwater presence is sparse and its use is limited to
the eastern part of the Landscape. Boreholes have been
drilled in central Kajiado while spring water is being
tapped from Namanga Mountain. Private boreholes
are increasingly common and are used to cater to
household and livestock needs during the driest part
of the year. In Olorgosalie, watering livestock following
this strategy can cost as much as 50 shillings per head
of cattle.
6.3 Land tenure and mobility
Maasai communities deal with natural resource
seasonality and spatial variability with a deep
understanding of their natural environment. It is
evident that mobility, coupled with access to vast
stretches of land, is of paramount importance to
maintain the Maasai’s delicate livelihood system.
Their livelihood used to be guaranteed by communal
management of the rangeland (Moiko, S., 2013). The
situation has radically changed, however, as a result
of land reforms that started during colonial times. The
displacement of communities from their ancestral land,
coupled with land subdivision in more recent years, has
been putting the Maasai under increasing pressure.
Nowadays, most ranches in the Landscape have opted
to grant individual land titles to their members. This
Figure 19 - Well in the Loita Hills – The Westernmost fringe of the Landscape
38
Livelihood analysis
has attracted the interest of the real estate industry,
farming communities, and other investors. As a
consequence, more individual households sell off their
individual parcels without taking into account the
disastrous effects that this practice has on community
mobility, and as consequence on the household
economy. Respondents reported many cases where
the household head, traditionally the man, sold off the
family’s assets, leaving the household in despair. Vast
stretches of land are now commonly fenced and the
new land use is therefore incompatible with livestock
movement. There are also several cases in which
external investors obtained vast portions of land and
entered in conflict with the local communities (see Box
6).
Box 6: Land grabbing case (Written by Moiko) Shompole and Olkiramatian
During the study, communities raised the matter of
a legal case against their communal land as one of
the main challenges that they face. The matter stems
from a legal battle the community is undergoing with
a foreign investor and some local people (beyond the
group ranch), who obtained a parcel of land up in the
hills, west of the Olkiramatian and Shompole group
ranches. The land in question customarily belonged
to the two ranches. After obtaining the land through
a debatable procedure, back in the 1960’s, the landgrabbing group constructed and opened a hotel. About
a decade ago, in the middle of a particularly dry year,
the communities grazed their livestock on the pastures
surrounding the hotel, which fell in their traditional
dry season pasture zone. The hotel company initiated
a trespass legal claim that culminated in an order to
sell off the two Group Ranches as a whole, an area
measuring more than 100,000 hectares of land.
This would displace the two communities and make
more than 30,000 people landless. The communities
protested the order and have been fighting in court for
its revocation, as well as to re-obtain the land that the
hotel company had obtained in the first place.
06
6.4 Livestock production and marketing
A strict division of roles within the family influences
livestock keeping. Traditionally, gender and kinship
rules determine this division. The head of the
household, who is always a man, traditionally owns
the herd. He makes all the important decisions
concerning the herd, like those related to grazing,
watering, and the sale of live animals. On the other
hand, the production and sale of milk is traditionally
managed by women (Lindell, 2013). Improved milk
and dairy production would benefit women and the
household economy directly, by providing enhanced
business opportunities. Milk surpluses are only sold
on the market when calf and household needs are
satisfied. Few households process milk into clarified
butter (ghee) to be sold on the local market. At the
moment there are no connections with larger town
markets. Local livestock breeds have very low milk
production, as breed selection has always been
focused on the hardiness of the animals and their
resilience to the harsh environment rather than
on the amount of milk they can produce. Other
livestock products such as skins and hides are
owned by women and they are processed using
traditional methods. They are sometimes sold on
the local market, but most often they are used in
the household, which precludes possible highervalue market opportunities.
Livestock is sold seasonally to cover household
expenses. The sale and revenues are both handled
by the head of the family, and schooling and health
costs are covered with the cash obtained from the
sales. Sheep and goats have less value and therefore
are traded more frequently. Cows are traded only
when household cash needs are higher. Another
common reason for the sale of livestock is the need
to destock during prolonged droughts. In this case,
herders commonly face plummeting prices due to
the increased availability of animals on the market.
Common challenges that households encounter
39
06 Livelihood analysis
are the distance from the market, the absence of good
transportation, and an inability to access better prices
due to traders’ speculation.
The table below (Table 5) highlights some of the
main livestock keeping challenges identified by the
community.
Table 5 - Livestock keeping challenges, their causes and effects
Cause
Effect
Water scarcity and
drought Unreliable and
insufficient rainfall
Low grass quality and
Women and
quantity, weak animals,
Men
lower price of live animals,
need to destock
Degrading/ loss of
pasture
Water scarcity
and drought,
overgrazing, pasture
fragmentation,
private enclosures,
Prosopis Juliflora
Low access to
market
Bad roads and large
distances from
markets
Low market prices
40
Who is
affected
Challenge
Weaker animals,
decreased production,
soil erosion, decreased
livestock rest, and longer
walks
Women and
Men
Lower earnings
Women and
Men
Speculating
Untapped agricultural
intermediaries,
potential to increase
Low value addition,
household earnings
weak value chains,
simultaneous need to
sell (too many animals
on the market)
Women and
Men
Livelihood analysis
Who is
affected
Challenge
Cause
Lack of women
income sources
Low milk production, Impoverished households, Women
lower schooling and
low value addition
health expenditures
practices, lack of
production groups Low income
diversification
High dependency on
livestock
Women and
Decreased capacity to
adsorb production shocks Men
Livestock diseases
Favourable
conditions, weaker
animals, weak
extension services,
high treatment costs
Spreading disease,
Women and
weakening and dying
Men
animals, lower production
and retail prices
Although pressure on the community is mounting,
strategies to face this pressure are emerging at all
levels, as the examples of entrepreneurship throughout
the Landscape clearly show. One chief strategy that
helps to deal with variability is the diversification of
income sources. In the past decades it has become
Effect
06
evident that access to a different source of income
relieves pressure associated with livestock-only coping
strategies. Farming, petty trading, and investments in
urban centres offer the herders alternative ways to deal
with recurrent droughts.
41
06 Livelihood analysis
6.5 Farming system
The chief land use in the Landscape is livestock
husbandry, with minor pockets of irrigated agriculture.
Many Maasai households venture into agriculture
when the rainfall is good. Agriculture is seen as an
alternative way out of hardship. Having an additional
source of food and income helps to reduce the need to
sell animals. Dying crops are perceived as a problem,
but dying animals are a tragedy.
In some areas, such as in Olkiramatian ranch, irrigated
agriculture is a well-established practice (see box 7).
In this location, families are granted a small, irrigated
parcel to cultivate in addition to the traditional livestock
husbandry that they carry out on the communal
rangeland.
Farming is relatively new in the Landscape. The areas
where farming is common are those that have a reliable
source of water for irrigation. The main farming areas
in the Landscape are: Nguruman (350 ha) (see Figure
20), Naarosuura (325 ha) (see Figure 21), and Namanga.
There is good potential for livelihood differentiation
through agriculture, but its expansion is limited by the
amount of water available and by conflicting land uses.
42
The main crops (Table 6) supported by the irrigated
systems are sold on the local market. In some cases, the
most valuable crops are sold on the national market or
even exported abroad, mainly to Asia.
Table 6 - Main crops grown in the Landscape
Type of crops
Subsistance
Export Local market
Fruits
Crops
Maize, sweet potatoes, cassava,
beans
Okra, brinjals, chilies
Onions, kales, cowpeas, tomatoes
Papaya, mangoes, bananas, lemons,
melons
During the rainy season the farming households grow
maize and sometimes intercrop with beans to take
advantage of the residual moisture present in the soil.
Where the soil is suitable, tuber crops (i.e. potatoes,
sweet potatoes, and cassava) are also produced. These
crops are mainly grown to satisfy household needs, and
in every instance the crop residues are a vital resource
to feed livestock.
Livelihood analysis
06
The fertility of the plots is rarely managed with
additional inputs and few farmers add manure or
compost to their fields. Chemical fertilisers are rarely
used because the farmers either deem the fertility
of the farm to be satisfactory, or find the inputs too
expensive. Livestock keeping is always strictly linked
to farming, but their integration is not always optimal.
Crop residues are fed to livestock in the dry season, but
the manure is rarely returned to the soil as fertilizer,
thus causing a gap in the nutrient cycle of the agropastoral system. Soil erosion in the farms is increasingly
reported as a challenge, especially on the steeper fields.
Farmers try to limit its negative effects with the use of
simple gabions, canals, and terraces.
Figure 20 - Sprinkler irrigation in Ol’Kiramatian ranch
Some of the challenges related to farming are
highlighted in Table 7.
Figure 21 - Diesel pump used to irrigate vegetable fields in
Naarosura
43
06 Livelihood analysis
Table 7: Key challenges related to farming in the Landscape
Effect
Who is
affected
Challenge
Cause
Water scarcity and
drought
Limited water for
Unreliable and low
irrigation, unreliable
production
and insufficient rainfall
Women and men
Soil erosion
High soil erodibility,
Fertility loss, lower crop
steep farmland, no soil
yields, siltation of water
and water conservation
bodies
in place
Women and men
Low income from produce,
Bad roads and distance
few incentives to improve Women and men
Low market access
to markets
or increase production
44
Wildlife conflict
High density of
wildlife and expanding Crops and asset damage,
agricultural areas,
negative attitude towards Women and men
sedentarization,
wildlife
growing population
Pests and diseases
Favourable
environment,
decreasing pest
enemies
Lower crop production,
Women and men
Livelihood analysis
06
Challenge
Cause
Effect
Who is
Affected
Low market prices
Low market
access, speculating
intermediaries, low
value addition, value
chains not fully
developed, low price
awareness
Untapped agricultural
potential to increase
household earnings
Women and men
Limited use of
agricultural inputs
High cost of agricultural
inputs, presence of
Bigger cash flow towards
pests and diseases,
agricultural inputs,
Women and men
decreasing soil fertility,
decreasing soil fertility
lack of locally sourced
alternatives
When it comes to marketing agricultural produce, the
main challenges are related to the long distance and
poor infrastructure to reach the market, low prices,
and the lack of proper storage facilities and skills.
This is illustrated by the case of mango production in
Nguruman (Box 7). Despite the high value and high
volume of the produce, most of the mangoes are not
bringing the returns that could be expected. Most of
the production remains unsold due to poor capacity in
agro-processing, the lack of market connections, and
limited opportunities to add value.
Furthermore, another key challenge is the growing
water demand. This, coupled with limited regulation
enforcement, is stimulating over-abstraction. In some
cases conflicts have emerged. Various WRUAs have
recently been established and are showing the benefits
of community based natural resource planning and
management.
45
06 Livelihood analysis
Box 7: Nguruman farming hotspot
Nguruman offers a good example of livelihood diversification within the landscape. Located in a spot where
excellent soils are present in conjunction with a reliable source of water for irrigation, the area has been a site
of agricultural development since the early 1950s. It all started with the construction of the pipeline that brings
water from Oloibortoto to the Magadi industrial and residential complex. The first boost to farming came from the
pipeline workers that decided to settle down.
At first,cultivation was concentrated on cassava, sweet potatoes, sorghum, and millet. In the 1960s’ the area’s
potential for cash crops was recognized by the government. Sisal and Juta production were introduced, but the
project stalled. In the 1970s-1980s other crops such as melon and cotton were introduced. The cotton produced
in the area was said to be of the best quality. The high amount of inputs required for cotton cultivation were
heavily subsidized. Once the subsidies were reduced, however, the production came to halt. From this time on the
irrigation system moved to furrow irrigation.
The most recent change is the introduction of a vast array of horticultural crops. Vegetables for the export market
are now cultivated together with crops needed to sustain local needs. The area is a premium mango production site.
The vast mango orchards bear fruits off-season and can therefore be linked to high prices in town. Nevertheless,
the market is far, processing facilities and skills are lacking, and the road is long and bumpy. As a consequence, a
vast proportion of the produce gets spoiled during transportation or is left on the trees due to a lack of incentives.
At the moment, the area is undergoing a modernisation process. A new water intake has been built to sustain
a pipes and sprinklers irrigation system. The development will ideally allow the area under irrigation to expand
from 350 ha to 1000 ha. Nevertheless, the community is voicing concerns about this recent development. The
new intake is already showing structural weaknesses, raising fears that the newly developed irrigation area will
lack water at a certain point due to the faulty irrigation system. This could potentially cause a water conflict. The
current system is certainly not the most efficient according to the “crop-per-drop” rationale. Nevertheless, the
community has become used to its management and regulation with the furrows sustaining a wide range of
benefits. The leaking furrows sustain grass on their edges, which is a vital resource to feed the livestock during
the dry season. Furthermore, the vast mango tree grove present in the area taps water from the leakages. The
Nguruman area is incredibly green and has a microclimate of its own. The abundant vegetation that sustains this
microclimate would also be endangered without this important ‘leaking system’.
Water abstraction is not only for irrigation and domestic use. Magadi Chemicals uses the water from the same
stream to support its workers and its industrial processes. The demand will increase in the coming years, which
calls for better management of the Loita ‘water tower’, but also to renew the local agreements on abstraction
between the different actors.
46
07 Main challenges in the
landscape
Challenge
Water tower
deterioration (Loita
Hills)
Water scarcity and
drought
Rangeland loss/
degradation
Invasive species
(Mathenge)
Causes
Effects
Deforestation
Erosion
Higher soil erosion
Higher peak flow and lower base flow
Unregulated grazing and farming on the hillsides
Less water reaching the Ewaso N’Giro,
the rangeland, and lake Natron
Water sourc destruction
High rainfall variability
Over-abstraction
Unplanned irrigation expansion
Unregulated abstraction
Prolonged drought
Patchy availability of groundwater
Sub-optimal water retention
Drought
Rangeland privatization and fencing
Invasive species
Overgrazing
Unregulated access (weakening bylaws)
Flooding
Unreliable and limited crop production
Weak animals,
Lower price of live animals
Degradation of rangeland
Competition for scarce water resources
Obstructed livestock movement
Weaker animals
Decreased milk/meat production
Smaller herds
Lower capacity to restock
Conflicts with external investors
Spread by wildlife and livestock feeding on its pods Loss of wildlife habitat
Very resistant, fast spreading plant
No awareness, nor management in place
Drought
New diseases
Weak extension services
Livestock health
Lack of appropriate drugs
High drug costs
Pests and diseases
Drought
Competition over water
Low crop production Sub-optimal water use
Pests and diseases
Decreasing soil fertility
Lack of incentives to ameliorate production
Loss of rangeland
Injuries to people and livestock
Low productivity
Livestock losses
Lower income
Lower crop production
Decreased quality and retail price
47
07 Main challenges in the
landscape
Challenge
Soil erosion
Charcoal production
Human – wildlife
conflict
Causes
Effects
Steep slopes on hillsides
Low vegetation cover
Deforestation and charcoal production
Cultivation on slopes
Overgrazing on slopes
Low gully and sheet erosion control
Easy to tap resource
Lack of alternative income sources
Lack of alternative energy sources
Siltation of water reservoirs
Siltation of lake Magadi
Fertility loss
Lower crop and rangeland productivity
Wildlife hotspots in proximity of settlements and
grazing areas
Expanding human population
Obstruction of migratory routes
Low milk production
Lack of women income
Low value addition to livestock by-products
sources
Lack of organized production/ sale groups
Low market price awareness
Low locally added value
Lack of improved value chains
Distance from market
Low income
Safety of the markets
Inadequate transport and roads
Insufficient income diversification
Speculating intermediaries
48
Loss of soil cover
Soil erosion
Loss of wildlife habitat
Human and livestock casualties
Damaged assets
Negative attitude towards wildlife
Impoverished households
Lower schooling and health
expenditures
Lower earnings
Destitute households
Untapped agricultural potential
Untapped livestock production
potential
Decreased capacity to face production
shocks
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09 Appendix A: Geology Map
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10 Appendix B: Soil Map
53