Jawaharlal Nehru 1889-1964
Selections from An Autobiography
CHAPTERWISE SUMMARY
The narrative is now in the mid-1930s, a time when Nehru undergoes repeated imprisonment. These are
the last pages of the Autobiography which was published in early 1936 in London. It is interesting to
note that the first Indian publication came out 44 years later, in 1980! Clearly it was not addressed to an
Indian audience, unlike most of Gandhi’s writings which were first placed before the Indian public.
Cf: Gandhi’s Autobiography. Nehru’s is more personal,explorative, thoughtful. Although restricted to
family life and political career, it does occasionally deviate into personal reflection. Gandhi, on the other
hand, consciously designed his to serve as moral instruction and employs the metaphor of experiment
as a protection against the connotation of fallibility.
49: The end of a long term
A prisoner, Nehru learns of the death of another political prisoner. JM Sen-Gupta (Bengal Congress
leader and rival of Subhas Bose); He talks of Subhash Bose who is also in prison. The mood in the
country is one of despair and there is ‘silent suffering … throughout the country’. Discusses his own
health, digressing to talk about middle class food habits; meat eating. Gandhi, on the outside, launches
‘a new form of civil disobedience for individuals’. In jail, Gandhi goes on fast, on a ‘trivial issue’ (Harijan
work from prison), which Nehru finds incomprehensible. Gandhiji ‘had lost the will to live’, and was
preparing for death. CF Andrews intervenes, discharged from prison, survives. Nehru’s release: 30
August 1933.
50: A visit to Gandhiji
Politically a quiet time. India is a police state, spies and secret agents are everywhere, fear and
demoralization among the people. Repressive measures increasing, for example a rule to ban
employment of political offenders in Calcutta corporation. Turning to international events, discusses rise
of Nazism. The British feel virtuous by comparison. Nehru admits, that while ‘they indulge in the deed,
they are a little ashamed of it.’ Public hangings in Sind, watched by thousands, another instance of
police state in operation. Censorship: Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, in prison, writes to himself in order to get
across to censors. Economic hardship: he receives begging letters, esp from south India. Released from
prison, he goes to Poona to see Gandhi. They have disagreements but agree that vested interests must
be ‘de-vested’. This probably has reference to the domination of the Congress by bourgeois class
interests. First of comments on Gandhi: a medieval saint (Elwin). CD was now on individual basis.
Gandhi’s personal problem: ‘What was he to do with himself? He was in a tangle.’ Gandhi at this time,
going by Nehru’s comments here and in the previous chapter, seems to have been at an impasse,
lacking a cause. The arts: dance (Uday Shankar), theatre, and the talkies. The middle class’s lack of taste
contrasted with the ‘fundamentally, and yet unconsciously artistic’ masses. Artistic awakening: Tagores.
Bombay: meets many socialists who are severely critical of Gandhi. Defends Gandhi against ‘parlorsocialists’. While they hatch unreal plans, ‘this ‘reactionary’ knows India, understands India, almost is
peasant India, and has shaken up India as no so-called revolutionary has done.’ Harijan work has
undermined orthodox Hinduism. He has given pride and character to ‘a cringing and demoralized
people’. Then turns to criticism: in spite of his ‘dominating position’ he is not above criticism. Lenin.
Communism related to industrial proletariat whereas India is agricultural, blind application of
Communist ideas will not do. Refers to ‘one prominent citizen’ and a party called the Congress
Democratic Party. This is probably the Congress Socialist Party, a leftwing faction within the Congress of
which Jayaprakash Narayan, Acharya Narendra Dev, Minoo Masani, Achyut Patwardhan etc were
members.
51: The liberal outlook
Critique of Indian Liberals. A meeting with members of the Servants of India Society. They tend to take
up trivial issues, concentrating on fine points of law, and avoiding any contact with freedom movement.
Little in common with the Liberals of England: no positive programme of laissez-faire which they want to
pursue. Descendants of the ‘moderates’ of old, the name being more appropriate. Cites Tej Bahadur
Sapru as one of the exceptions. The liberals are finding it hard to cope with the passing of the old world,
and the advent of a new one. They represent ‘the prosperous and well-to-do.’ ‘Their moderation is
confined to their attitude towards the British Government.’ They tend to accept the British viewpoint on
most issues. Congress also has its share of such people. But thanks to Gandhi, they have been in touch
with ‘the soil and the people of the country.’ A vanishing species.
[Nehru treats the Liberals as descendants of the ‘moderates’ who dominated Congress in the early years.
This is largely correct. However, the ‘liberals’ of the 1930s differ from the moderates of the 19th century
in one key respect: they are no longer strong advocates of social reform. The moderates defended the
priority of social reform against the urgent calls for political change. It was a positive programme.]
52: Dominion status and independence
Point of the critique of Liberals: their support for Dominion Status. In Congress too, policy has been
shaped by middle classes. Two varieties of bourgeois ideals: one, Government and rich oriented; the
other towards lower middle classes. Both are in Congress, the latter more strident and numerous. Upper
middle class small in numbers but ‘strongly represented’. Their interest: ‘they sought an inner
satisfaction in that struggle. They sought thereby to recover their lost pride and self-respect, and to
rehabilitate their shattered dignity.’ The others, lower middle classes, gradually came to dominate, and
later the peasantry came up. Congress turns towards rural masses and the Liberals feel alienated. The
British treat India somewhat like a country house with the servants living in the basement. The liberals
want this structure to remain while they themselves occupy the upper floors. Their idea of Indianization
is to replace white people with Indians, without changing anything else. ‘They never think in terms of a
new state.’ ICS, princes, other privileges, they want everything to remain the same. Maintenance of
status quo. Congress on the other hand wants establishment of a new State. Independence, not
Dominion Status. No enmity towards English people. False cosmopolitanism used to oppose nationalism
as a narrow creed. The rulers will not give up their power and privileges if you reason with them. Acting
legally in all situations is impossible.
53: India old and new
In the 19th century, the Indian intelligentsia ‘accepted … the ideology of empire.’ Comforted themselves
with the idea that ‘we had the inner article’, that is a spiritual advantage. Vivekananda is the supreme
example of this kind of argument. They also criticized the British for ‘un-British rule’. Liberals continue
this trend of challenging British version of things but remaining within the ideological orbit. [Social
reform: see above] The rest of the chapter is taken up by praise for India which has retained a majesty
of soul in spite of misery etc. [Kosambi review of Discovery] Describes India’s ‘unity in diversity’. Draws a
comparison beetween Italy and India. Mounts an argument for the unity of India which relies entirely on
Hindu religious geography: Benaras, Amarnath, Badrinath, Dwarka, Puri. In conclusion, criticizes the cult
of Bharat Mata (Mother India).
54: The record of British rule
The British claim that they have given Indians a government that covers the entire subcontinent; rule of
law; efficient administration; parliamentary government, personal liberties; political unity, nationalism’.
Nehru admits that there is ‘much truth in it’ but proceeds to demonstrate that the record of the British
is mixed. He mentions some claims that literacy rates have actually gone down. He also makes the point
that where industry and technology was concerned, the British have hindered India’s progress rather
than aided it. He avers that these would have come to India anyway, even without the British and
probably sooner. Another negative point against British rule is the police state that they are running.
While political unity has been achieved under British rule, unity under conditions of repression is hardly
a blessing. In any case, political unity was bound to come. Science he admits is a great gift of the West.
The world is changing and India is being held back by Empire, ‘its splendid strength caged up.’ There is
administrative inefficiency: innumerable committees and commissions whose reports gather dust. But
our own faults should not be ignored: Indians covet government service and have developed a culture
of servility, ‘cringe to their superiors and bully their inferiors.’ They are easily bought off by the lure of
ICS privileges. Critique of ICS: self satisfied, narrow, fixed minds, static… quick to take recourse to
violence, lacking knowledge of the people they ruled. Indians in ICS no different. Overpopulation
argument dismissed. In independent India, ICS and others like it must disappear completely. If some
officers are retained, it will be under new conditions. The liberal mentality thrives in the services.
Military likewise.
55: A civil marriage and a question of script
For sister Krishna’s marriage, the invitation is printed in Hindi written in Roman script, leading to an
uproar. Nehru pleads innocence, claiming that he doesn’t really advocate such a change. Leads to
discussion of language issue. Underplays the number of languages. Argues for ‘a middle literary
language’ in the Indian languages. About English he would retain it for advanced pursuits, and expresses
interest in a newly developed ‘Basic English’ which he finds more attractive than Standard English. He
dismisses English as lingua franca of India as ‘a fantastic conception’. His criticism of Hindi writing for its
old world, rigid style invites the wrath of Hindi writers. He counters by accusing them of suffering from
an inferiority complex.
56: Communalism and reaction
Criticises Hindu Mahasabha at a meeting at BHU, with Malaviya present. Makes a distinction between
bona fide and false communalism. The British play off Hindus versus Muslims. Discusses at length
Muslim educational backwardness and the role of Syed Ahmad Khan in turning Muslims towards
modern education. Muslims join national movement much later than Hindus because the rise of a
Muslim middle class happens later. Sir Syed’s pro-Empire stand. The Aga Khan, an ally of the British.
Muslim and Hindu communalism. Rejects the idea of a ‘Muslim culture’.
60: Democracy in East and West
The hypocrisy of British liberals and leftists. Lytton: British government more representative than
Congress. They represent the princes. Mysore Dewan.
61: Desolation
Hears rumour, later confirmed, of withdrawal of CD by Gandhi, which amazes and angers him. ‘Blindness
in a leader unpardonable.’ This and the next chapter an extended critique of Gandhi. Gandhi acts on
instinct which often proves right, he has a knack, but he tends to act first and find justifications
afterwards. The reason given for withdrawal of CD an insult to intelligence: lack of satyagraha work in
his ashram. This kind of arbitrariness and the advise he gave to Congressmen ‘frightened and oppressed
me’. Nehru speaks of the compromises he (Nehru) made in order to work with Gandhi, appreciating his
importance. Now this decision leaves him with a feeling of loneliness. Denouncs the religious outlook.
‘Almost he was India.’ Gandhi gives priority to means over ends and stresses character. Nehru finds the
idea of character without intellect disagreeable. Citing from Hind Swaraj, he describes the anti-modern
remarks there as ‘utterly wrong and harmful doctrine’ and Gandhi’s attitude to sex as irrational.
62: Paradoxes
Further thoughts on Gandhi. It is not fair to criticize what he writes because ‘he is far greater than what
he writes.’ Gandhi is ‘an extraordinary paradox’. Claims to be a socialist in a sense peculiar to him.
‘Hardly an open mind’, Nehru says of Gandhi, and adds that talking to him is like talking to a closed door.
Turns to strange positions taken by Gandhi, such as the idea that feudal landlords, capitalists, and
princes are trustees of the people. The Khadi movement is a throwback. It has some symbolic value, but
otherwise irrational. ‘He blesses all the relics of the old order’. Towards the princely states, Gandhi
adopts a policy of non-interference and discourages Congress activism in the States. Early in his career,
he was critical of the States but now he supports them, calls them trustees. Approves of the taluqdari
system. Moneylenders are now landowners and Gandhi continues to call the trustees. Maintaining
status quo seems to be his (Gandhi’s) overwhelming motivation.
63: Conversion or compulsion
Critique of non-violence. Gandhi turned the idea of ahimsa, which was earlier religious and individual,
into a ‘social group ideal’. He has ‘never considered in public all its implications, philosophically or
scientifically.’ Lays stress on means. Conversion better than coercion he says. Equates non-violence with
truth and goodness. Practices a kind of ‘psychic coercion’. Is it practical? Violence not intrinsically
immoral. Necessary violence. Democracy too involves coercion. Mention of class conflict is avoided and
unity and cooperation are stressed. Why not use non-violent methods to achieve other goals, use it
against Indians who do wrong? Non-violence is also used by statusquoists to defend themselves, as a
sheet-anchor.
MAJOR THEMES
Indian liberalism and Dominion Status
British record in India.
Communalism and the language question.
Democracy, socialism, communism.
The paradox of Gandhi.
Non-violence, truth, means and ends, trusteeship etc.