p e a c e
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The Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies
University of Notre Dame
Issue No. 1, Spring 2002
Peacekeeping:
Defining Success
A
N T H O N Y
L
A K E
The Fundamentalist
Factor
S
A
C O T T
P P L E B Y
Economic Causes of Civil Wars
P
A U L
C
O L L I E R
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From the Editor
A
s anyone who has visited the Kroc Institute can attest, the place is abuzz with discussions
of peace.
This dialogue emerges in part from the diverse array of people who cross paths at the Kroc
Institute. At the heart of the conversation are scholars in a variety of fields, both at Notre
Dame and other institutions. Through analyses of cultural, political, religious, and ethical
dimensions of current international conflicts, they provoke new insights into the meaning and prospects for
peace.
Peacebuilding practitioners working on the ground around the world, including many of our students and
alumni, bring another set of questions to the discussion. These voices challenge us to think concretely about
how peace can be fostered through conflict resolution, human rights, human development, refugee assistance,
and other peacebuilding programs.
The Institute also has contacts with international policymakers at the UN, State Department, World Bank, and
other institutions, who direct our attention to the need for more equitable and effective global strategies for
peace.
By bringing together these and many other voices, the Kroc Institute has become the focal point for an engaging colloquy — or “serious discussion” — on peace. As its name suggests, each issue of peace c o l l o q u y
seeks to highlight important contributions to this ongoing dialogue through feature articles by faculty, visiting
lecturers, and alumni. Like its predecessor, the Kroc Institute Report, peace c o l l o q u y will also include articles on recent events and programs at the Institute; news about Institute faculty, students and alumni; and
descriptions of recent publications by the Institute and its faculty fellows.
We hope the new content and updated format will provoke reflection on diverse aspects of peace while also
informing alumni and friends of the Institute about our current activities.
I invite your comments and suggestions.
HAL CULBERTSON
ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR,
KROC INSTITUTE
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c o n t e n t s
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Who’s New?
Recent Highlights
4 2001-02 Rockefeller Visiting Fellows Explore Islam and Peacebuilding
14 After September 11
Kroc Responds to the Global Crisis
5 Kroc Institute Visiting Fellows Examine Ethnic Conflict and Globalization
6 Philpott Brings Interest in Religion and Politics to Core Faculty
7 2001-02 M.A. Students Bring Diverse Experiences in Peacebuilding
16 A First SIP for CRS
Summer Institute in Peacebuilding
builds Kroc-CRS relationship
Research
18 Kroc Institute Launches RIREC
New research initiative explores postaccord peacebuilding
Features
Peacekeeping:
Defining Success
8
Anthony Lake argues that reuniting
fractured societies should not always be
the goal
The Fundamentalist
Factor
Scott Appleby examines the roots of
Islamic extremism
10
Economic Causes of
Civil Wars
Paul Collier discusses some surprising
findings
12
19 Lessons from South Africa’s Truth
and Reconciliation Commission
RIREC workshop features lecture by
Charles Villa-Vicencio, former TRC
Research Director
20 Globalization and Local Violence
Project examines impact of
globalization in urban and rural
contexts
21 Can Violent Conflict be Prevented
through Development Aid?
Peter Wallensteen discusses findings of
an OECD research team
22 The Waning of Major War
Conference explores historical trends in
international warfare
24 Do Good Things Always Go
Together?
Kroc-USIP workshop examines tensions
between human rights and peace
25 John Howard Yoder and the
Catholic Tradition
Stanley Hauerwas presents 3rd Annual
Yoder Dialogue
Student and Alumni Activities
29 News Briefs
30 Occasional Papers
31 Policy Briefs
31 Other Policy Publications
31 Faculty Publications
36 Upcoming Highlights
26 Peacebuilding in the Midst of
Change
Kroc alumni support peacebuilding
efforts in volatile East Timor
28 The Missing Peace
Student conference reveals growing
interest in children and violence
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w h o ’ s
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2001-02 Rockefeller Visiting
Fellows Explore Islam and
Peacebuilding
The Kroc Institute’s Program in Religion, Conflict and
Peacebuilding (PRCP) is proud to welcome its first group of
Rockefeller Foundation Visiting Fellows. Through a grant
from the Rockefeller Foundation Humanities Fellowships program, the PRCP is hosting visiting fellows from a variety of
cultural and political contexts to explore the diverse roles
played by religious actors in contemporary conflicts. The
grant provides funding for Visiting Fellowships over a 3-year
period beginning in the Fall of 2001. Further information
about this program is available on our website
<www.nd.edu/~krocinst>.
MOHAMMED ABU-NIMER (Spring
semester 2002), a conflict resolution
specialist in the School of International
Service, American University, received his
Bachelor’s and Master’s degree from
Hebrew University, Jerusalem and the
Ph.D. from George Mason University,
where he wrote a dissertation entitled
“Conflict Resolution Between Arabs and Jews in Israel: A
Study of Six Intervention Models.” As a Rockefeller visiting
fellow at the Kroc Institute, Abu-Nimer will complete a book
on Islamic resources for nonviolent conflict resolution.
THOMAS SCHEFFLER, a political scientist at the Freie Universität Berlin, is
conducting a case study of Lebanon, entitled “Dynamics of Violence-Dynamics of
Peace? Religious Hierarchies and the
Domestication of Violence in Lebanon.”
Based on extensive research in the region,
Scheffler will compare the contributions of
high-ranking Muslim and Christian religious leaders to legitimating or restraining violent conflict in 20th century
Lebanon.
TAMARA SIVERTSEVA, an ethnographer at the Russian Academy of Sciences,
Institute of Oriental Studies, is an expert
on Islam’s role in shaping civil society
throughout the North Caucasus. She has
done extensive field work in Dagestan, a
region which has received little attention
in the West. Dagestan has demonstrated a
surprising ability to stave off violent conflict, in sharp contrast
with neighboring Chechnya. While in residence at Notre
Dame, Sivertseva will be completing a book project exploring
the cultural and religious factors behind Dagestan’s stability.
HAKAN YAVUZ, a political scientist at
the Middle East Center, University of
Utah, and a frequent commentator in the
Turkish media, studies Islamic conceptions
of human rights, the politics of identity,
and the impact of globalization on developing countries. While at the Kroc
Institute, Yavuz will be completing a book
on the Nur movement of Turkey (which has branches in
Central Asia, Bosnia, Albania, and Germany), a rapidly growing Islamist movement notable for its openness towards
democracy and international standards of human rights. Yavuz
is particularly interested in its implications for the evolution
of modernist thinking in the Islamic world as a whole and for
future relations between Islam and the West.
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Kroc Institute Visiting Fellows
Examine Ethnic Conflict and
Globalization
In addition to the Rockefeller Foundation Visiting Fellows,
the Institute is hosting three Kroc Institute Visiting Fellows
during 2001-02, who will be contributing to Kroc research
initiatives on ethnic conflict and globalization.
TRISTAN BORER is Associate Professor of Government
at Connecticut College and the author of the award-winning
study of resistance to apartheid, Challenging the State:
Churches as Political Actors in South Africa, 1980-1994
(University of Notre Dame Press, 1998). Borer specializes in
African politics, human rights, transitional justice and the
roles of religious, ethnic and cultural actors in these realms.
A co-director of the Kroc Institute’s Research Initiative on
the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC), her forthcoming
book will evaluate the success of South Africa’s Truth and
Reconciliation Commission.
ELAINE THOMAS earned the Ph.D. in Political Science at
the University of California, Berkeley in 1998 with a dissertation entitled “Nation After Empire: The Political Logic and
Intellectual Limits of Citizenship and Immigration
Controversies in France and Britain, 1981-1989.” After graduation, Thomas accepted the position of Collegiate Assistant
Professor at the University of Chicago. The recipient of a
SSRC-MacArthur fellowship, she was also a research fellow at
the Institut d’Études Politiques in Paris. During her fellowship
at the Kroc Institute, Thomas is revising the dissertation into
a book showing how globalization is transforming existing
conceptions and practices of political membership and how
those transformations are affecting social justice and relations
among ethnic groups as well as the prospects for lasting peace
in Europe.
ELISE GIULIANO earned her doctorate in Comparative
Politics at the University of Chicago in 2000 with a dissertation entitled “Paths to the Decline of Nationalism: Ethnic
Politics in the Republics of Russia.” Her post-doctoral fellowship at Columbia University’s Harriman Institute last year was
one of several fellowships and research grants Elise has won
recently. During her visiting fellowship at the Kroc Institute,
Giuliano will extend her research on the rise and decline of
ethnic conflict in Russia to other republics in the post-Soviet
region.
Kroc Director Scott Appleby with (left to right) Tristan Borer,
Elise Giuliano, and Elaine Thomas
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Philpott Brings Interest
in Religion and Politics to
Core Faculty
Daniel Philpott, the newest member of Kroc Institute’s Core
Faculty, will bring fresh insights into the relationship between
religion and politics to the Institute. Philpott holds a joint
appointment as Assistant Professor in Government and
International Studies.
Philpott is not a newcomer at Notre Dame. In 1998-99,
he spent a year on campus as a visiting fellow at the Erasmus
Institute. He also held a visiting appointment at Princeton in
1995-96 after completing his doctorate at Harvard in 1995.
Philpott’s first book focuses on the role of ideas in the
historical development of sovereignty. Revolutions in
Sovereignty: How Ideas Shaped Modern
International Relations was released by
Princeton University Press in March 2001.
“The topic was essentially answering the
question: How did the world ever get to be
organized into sovereign states,” he explains.
“The book focuses on two historical
episodes: first, the formation of the sovereign state system in early modern Europe
that culminated in the Peace of Westphalia
in 1648, and second, the decline of the
colonial empires during the 20th century
that culminated around 1960. The latter
development resulted in the expansion of the sovereign state
system around the globe.”
“One of the things that made me want to look at this was
the fact that sovereignty is (now) becoming compromised and
circumscribed.” Two major influences, he says, are behind the
current challenges to sovereign states. “One is the ongoing
extension of the European Union. The other is the increasing
incidence of humanitarian intervention in the internal affairs
of various nations.”
What has intrigued many about Philpott’s point of view is
the bold case he makes for the central role of ideas — particularly religious ideas — in the evolution of sovereign states.
While military and economic power cannot be overlooked,
only the power of ideas can adequately explain the creation of
a world of sovereign states, he argues.
That interplay of religious ideas in politics has particularly
preoccupied Philpott. He is a member of a scholarly
working group promoting the study of religion and politics.
Directed by Harvard’s Samuel Huntington, it includes
scholars from across the United States.
Recently, Philpott’s scholarship has
turned to issues of reconciliation. “The subject of reconciliation in politics is one that I
now want to address in an academic way,”
Philpott comments. “Reconciliation has many
layers, and it must involve justice, accountability and truth-telling. I am interested in
exploring the larger question of how societies
deal with past injustices or evils.”
A recent convert to Catholicism, Philpott
has been deeply impressed by Pope John Paul
II. The pope’s contributions in bringing the
language of reconciliation and forgiveness into
the broader social context have not yet been fully appreciated
or explored, he says.
In 1996, a five-day visit to war-torn Sarajevo deepened
Philpott’s commitment to exploring issues of political reconciliation. Traveling as part of an international team, he
observed the devastating impact of war and was impressed by
discussions of reconciliation by diplomats, religious leaders
and relief workers from Islamic, Catholic and Serbian
Orthodox traditions. Philpott plans to continue field research
on reconciliation in other conflict settings.
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2001-02 M.A. Students Bring
Diverse Experiences in
Peacebuilding
Anastasiya Leukhina (Ukraine) was an interpreter at the
School of Social Work at Kiev-Mohyla Academy and
studied communications and conflict resolution in Canada.
The Institute welcomes 20 new students to its M.A. program:
Dieu Huong Nguyen (Vietnam) conducted research for 3
Catalina Acevedo (Colombia) served as an advisor to the
years at the Institute for International Relations, which advises
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam.
Colombian High Commissioner for Peace and as a researcher
at the Universidad de los Andes.
Hassab Elrasoul Y. Ali (Sudan) worked for several years as
a peacebuilding officer for a local NGO, the Badya Center for
Integrated Development Services and for UNESCO.
Marta Balint (Romania) worked as a translator at a
Bucharest-based child protection NGO.
Abolghasem Bayyenat (Iran) worked on arms control and
international trade issues for the Iranian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs.
Jean-Paul Bigirindavyi (Burundi) worked for World Relief
and is developing a youth center in Nairobi, Kenya to foster
peacebuilding.
Agnes Campell (The Gambia) is a nurse and midwife and
has worked for many years in rural development.
Karmela Devcic (Croatia) was a reporter for a highly-rated
political news TV show in Croatia.
Marco Garrido (USA) a native of the Philippines, researched
agrarian reform at a development think-tank in Manila.
Tetty Naiborhu (Indonesia) conducted research on protest
and reform in Indonesia at the Center for Security and Peace
at Gadjah Mada University.
Stanley “Karana” Olivier (USA) served 12 years as a
French-English interpreter with the U.S. Department of State
and the UN International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and
the former Yugoslavia.
Kim Overdyck (South Africa) was a member of the South
African Police Service from 1983-96, where she investigated
crimes committed against children. She was recently admitted
as an advocate of the High Court of South Africa.
Serhat Tutuncuoglu (Turkey) worked as a research assistant
on counter-intelligence actions in the U.S. against racial
hatred groups.
Her Vang (USA), whose family fled Laos after the commu-
nist takeover, recently completed an M.A. thesis at Iliff School
of Theology on nonviolence and Hmong history.
Willow Wetherall (USA) worked at the Mitchell Center for
Environmental and Watershed Research, where she acted as a
liaison to Cyprus.
Biographies of these students are available on the Kroc
Institute’s website <www.nd.edu/~krocinst>.
Peter Gichure (Kenya) a Catholic priest, teaches Systematic
Theology and serves as theological advisor for the Catholic
Justice and Peace Commission in Nairobi.
Alisher Khamidov (Kyrgyzstan) directed a non-profit media
association in Kyrgyzstan and wrote a series of articles on religious and ethnic conflict in the Ferghana Valley.
Asma Khan (Pakistan) taught and conducted research at the
University of Karachi related to her interests in conflict resolution, foreign policy, and religious extremism.
John Kleiderer (USA) taught journalism in Tanzania and
worked with Jesuit Refugee Service in camps for Burundian
refugees.
The Kroc Institute’s 2001-02 M.A. Students
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f e a t u r e s
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Peacekeeping: Defining Success
A
N T H O N Y
L
A K E
What are the political purposes of peacekeeping? The conventional wisdom is that the purpose of
peacekeeping in contexts of civil war, ethnic conflict, or fractured states is to heal the fractures, and,
as was attempted in Bosnia, to reconstitute the state.
I think we need to begin to contemplate exceptions to the
conventional approach. From a military point of view, before
any operation is begun, there is a moral obligation and a practical obligation to define success in a political sense. Only
then will we know that the job has been completed and it is
time to come home.
It is not enough to say that we cannot tolerate the human
anguish in a situation and therefore we are going to intervene,
even if the purpose of the intervention is unclear. But, in
effect, that is what we have done in Kosovo. I believe we
should have intervened sooner in Kosovo and should not have
taken ground troops off the table in the initial stages as we
did. At the same time, we should have forced ourselves and
our allies to define the political solution to the problem better.
In effect, we responded to events rather than adopting a political and diplomatic strategy that would shape them.
This is exactly what happened in Vietnam. Contrary to
what many believe, the U.S. military never was defeated in
Vietnam. Had there been the political will in the United
States, we could have stayed in Vietnam in perpetuity and
prevented South Vietnam from falling to the North. But our
purpose was not to colonize Vietnam. Our political goal —
the only way we could succeed and leave — was to leave
behind a government in Saigon that could defend itself on its
own. Vietnam was and is a strongly nationalistic society,
which it had to be in order to avoid being taken over by the
Chinese for 2000 years. However, the more the United States
did for the government in Saigon, the more its nationalists
credentials became tattered. The weaker its domestic support
became, the less effective it was in the military struggle. This
in turn led to increased reliance on U.S. intervention, creating
a vicious circle that we were never able to break.
Similarly, in Kosovo today, because of the strong feelings
of our European allies and the Russians and the Chinese, we
have implied that Kosovo will remain under Yugoslav sovereignty in some undefined status, and we have left that status
very fuzzy indeed. However, it is extremely unlikely that the
majority in Kosovo will ever accept living under Yugoslav sovereignty, especially if Montenegro becomes independent. As a
result, at some point the troops that came in to rescue the
Kosovars will be seen not as a liberating force, but as an occupying force. They will then become increasingly at risk from
the very people they were sent to protect.
In short, we need exit strategies which are not defined by
defeat, but by success. The common definition of success in
all of these recent operations — except in East Timor, which
was on a somewhat different legal footing — is the reunification of the state. While this is a worthy goal and one that we
should as a general principle pursue, the goal may not be
achievable in a reasonable span of time; it could be the work
of generations. In addition, the international community
needs to be clear about who is primarily responsible for
achieving that goal. If the international community takes the
primary responsibility on itself for healing the wounds and
bringing a fractured society together, this can create dangerous
dependencies within the country and can fuel resentments of
the international community’s role.
Therefore, the international community should limit its
military missions to giving such societies a breathing space —
a period of calm — combined with economic and political
assistance until they can again manage their own affairs. If we
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and so repressive that it
reach further, and set as
has lost its right to soverour goal reuniting a shateignty over its component
tered nation, we condemn
parts, as I would argue has
ourselves either to defeat
occurred in Yugoslavia?
or to the near-perpetual
Would allowing a state to
occupation of deeply
break up produce further
divided societies.
ethnic bloodshed in the
Of course, I am not
breakaway state because of
suggesting that we set very
the creation of a new
short deadlines. If there is
majority and minority?
a reasonable case for operWould the new entity be
ations to last for a decade
Anthony Lake talks with Fr. Theodore M. Hesburgh, C.S.C.
democratic? Would it be
or more, as I believe to be
viable economically and militarily? What effect would allowthe case in Bosnia, so be it. And if there is a reasonable case to
ing separation have on neighboring countries and on the
extend a deadline, as we did in Bosnia, so be it.
region? What role would the international community play in
However, after a reasonable amount of time the breathing
guaranteeing the independence of a new state against aggresspace created by the military peacekeepers should end. If the
sive attacks by the states that have lost a piece of themselves?
security situation remains relatively stable, then the civilian
The current course is unsustainable and could be
dimension of the operation — the aid program, the political
disastrous. It will produce a growing number of peacekeeping
assistance, etc. — certainly can continue. But if the military
garrisons scattered around the world with no end in sight,
situation starts to deteriorate, or if the cumulative bloodshed
turning the United Nations and the members involved in this
is so large and the ethnic hatred so deep that the two parties
into the greatest colonial power in history, which is neither its
simply cannot live together, then we should think the
mandate nor sustainable. Certainly if this becomes the case in
unthinkable, and work to oversee a peaceful separation. I
the United States our military and our public will raise serious
think this is clearly going to be the case for Kosovo.
objections, reinforcing those who are already skeptical of
Moreover, if it is obvious from the start that the society
American leadership in UN efforts. We should not allow that
will never reunite, as I think was the case in Kosovo, then we
to happen.
should set separation as the goal from the beginning. Such a
For the sake of our interests and for the sake of peacekeepsuggestion is often met with strong disagreement and even
ing and all the human beings whose lives are at stake, we must
anger. And certainly abroad, our European allies, the
scale our ambitions to our resources and to our real responsiRussians, Chinese and most African states are vehemently
bilities. If we do not, our support for and leadership of UN
opposed to division. The Europeans do not like the precedent
peacekeeping efforts will be badly damaged. That would be
in Kosovo or the separation between Kosovo and Yugoslavia,
a tragedy. For if we dismiss efforts to redress such wrongs as
because of what it implies for other actors in the Balkans. But
those in Kosovo as mere social work abroad, we will have
I would note that it is about to happen in Macedonia, and
diminished ourselves. In the words of Franklin Delano
perhaps one reason why Albanians are making such trouble in
Roosevelt: “Governments can err. Presidents do make misMacedonia is out of frustration over the undefined status of
takes. But the immortal Dante tells us that divine justice
Kosovo. The Russians and Chinese oppose separation because
weighs the sins of the cold-blooded and the sins of the warmof what it implies for Chechnya, Tibet and Taiwan. And the
hearted on different scales. Better the occasional faults of a
Africans oppose it because African borders were set by cologovernment that lives in charity than the constant omissions
nial powers with no regard for realities of African life and
of a government frozen in the ice of its own indifference.”
efforts to open this issue could provoke further civil wars.
But given the realities of the world, we need to think
Anthony Lake is Distinguished Professor in the Practice of
about the exceptions to the rule. There are many critical quesDiplomacy at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at
tions which must be asked in this context: What is the scope
Georgetown University. From 1993-97 he served as Assistant to
of the humanitarian crisis? How are our interests or other’s
the President for National Security Affairs. This article is based
interests affected? Is reconciliation still possible in the practical
on the Seventh Annual Theodore M. Hesburgh C.S.C. Lectures on
sense? Have all diplomatic means to hold the country together
Ethics and Public Policy, which Lake delivered at the Kroc
Institute in April 2001.
been attempted, or at least considered? Has a state’s behavior
in the face of separatist movements become so reprehensible
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The Fundamentalist Factor
S
C O T T
A
P P L E B Y
The people of the book have a gripe with secular modernity. Vocal and well-organized minorities
within Christianity, Judaism, and Islam are disgusted with their “mainline” and merely orthodox
co-religionists. Nurtured within the Abrahamic faiths, they have established their own alternative
institutions, transnational networks, and fluid movements or cells. Whether lodged in Jewish settlements on the West Bank, schooled in madrasahs along Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan, or tuned
in to the 700 Club studios in Virginia, these self-proclaimed “true believers” tend to demonize their
enemies, manufacture or exploit moments of crisis, and challenge or compel their somnolent
co-religionists to take a decisive stand “for God.”
By any reckoning, Islam has produced more contemporary fundamentalist movements than any other great religious
tradition. Of course, it is inaccurate and wrongheaded to conclude that Islam is therefore inherently intolerant. Muslims
have produced a variety of social practices and political cultures; both the Muslims of South Asia and the Muslims of
Turkey, for example, have political cultures that differ from
those of Arab Muslims. Any totalizing or essentialist description of Islam (Islam is always opposed to free markets, Islam is
essentially socialist in nature) is bound to be misleading.
But it is also worth noting that it is the so-called Islamist
or Islamic fundamentalist movements, in fact, that seek to
essentialize Islam. They envision Islam as a comprehensive
and stable set of beliefs and practices that determines social,
economic, and political attitudes and behavior. Moreover,
they interpret and would apply Islamic law in accord with the
narrowest and most militant readings of Qur’anic concepts
like tawhid (the unity of God), umma (the worldwide Muslim
community), and jihad.
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American journalists and officials have appeared foolish in
their stunned reactions to “new” evidence — such as
Mohamed Atta’s letter of instruction to his fellow hijackers —
that these terrorists actually believe in God and would invoke
His assistance before piloting planes into buildings. Long
before September 11, Muslim extremists made no secret of
their terror-legitimating interpretations of Islamic law. In the
mid-1980s, Islamist shaykhs (formally trained religious scholars, whose Qur’anic learning has attracted disciples) were
already giving their blessings to suicide missions, strictly forbidden by Islamic law. They reinterpreted self-martyrdom as a
legitimate act of self-defense against “an enemy whom it is
impossible to fight by conventional means,” as Shaykh Sayyed
Muhammed Hussein Fadlallah, the spiritual guide of
Lebanon’s Hezbollah movement, told an interviewer in 1985.
Such rulings are based in convictions that are widely shared
by both Sunni and Shiite extremist cadres.
Why, then, does Islam produce so many viable fundamentalist movements?
First, the mass media have increased popular awareness of
inequalities and injustices, as well as of the corruption and
mismanagement that bedevil governments and state-run institutions. A growing sense among Muslims of “relative deprivation” compared with other societies has coincided with
exhaustion and disgust at a string of failed secular “solutions,”
from the Pan-Arabism espoused in the 1950s and 1960s by
Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser to the Marxist leanings of the
Palestine Liberation Organization. Islamists blame these failures (as well as their vulnerability to Western powers and,
especially, military defeat at the hands of the Israelis) on the
abandonment of Islam as the basis for the ordering of society.
Their “solution” is fundamentalist rather than nationalist
because the glorious Islamic empires and civilizations that
serve as precedents antedated or resisted the rise of the modern secular nation-state. Indeed, Islam’s own religious vocabulary and conceptual repertoire conceive of a transnational,
transregional spiritual community of believing Muslims as the
basic political entity.
Second, Islam has been remarkably resistant to the differentiation and privatization of religion that often accompanies
secularization. (In this Islam resembles Roman Catholicism,
which officially retained a largely medieval worldview until
approximately the mid-1960s.) It is often pointed out that
Islam has not undergone a reformation like the one experienced by Christianity, which led to a pronounced separation
of sacred and secular, religious and political spheres.
Finally, Islamist preachers and leaders have competed successfully with mainstream Islamic leaders for resources and
respect. They have done so by avoiding personal corruption
and demonstrating integrity in providing services to the
needy. Their recruitment, training, and retention of core
activists is exemplary. Their exploitation of Islamic theological
and religio-legal resources has been by turns crude and sophisticated but always effective.
Ultimately, extremist Islam will fail. Its hope for conformity is doomed by the internal pluralism of the Islamic tradition and by the inability of extremists who reject cooperation
with outsiders to meliorate the economic and social inequalities that haunt most Muslims. As a result of the extremists’
failure, however, they will continue to be a disruptive and
destabilizing force in Islamic societies.
Under such circumstances, preachers and jurists who
reject extremism and seek to strengthen Islamic political culture and civil society stand the best chance of undermining
fundamentalism in its violent incarnations. Chandra Muzaffar
of Malaysia and Abdolkarim Soroush of Iran, among other
“progressive” Muslim thinkers who have developed popular
followings, argue that political Islam is not destined to
bequeath the mantle of the Prophet to the spiritual sons of
bin Laden. While influential among youth, these progressive
intellectuals are not currently positioned to bring about a
transformation in their societies. One of the unintended consequences of September 11, however, may be that they or
their disciples will find a wider audience.
Scott Appleby is the John M. Regan, Jr. Director of the Kroc
Institute. This article was first published in Lingua Franca 11, no.
8 (November 2001). Further Kroc Institute responses to the
events of September 11 and their aftermath are discussed on
page 14.
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Economic Agendas of Civil Wars
P
As an economist who works on civil wars, I am in a small
minority in two senses: very few economists work on civil
wars and most of the people who do work on civil wars are
not economists. I do not want to imply that economics has
more to offer than other disciplines. But to date, the contribution of economics has scarcely even been heard, and it
deserves more attention.
I lead a research project at the World Bank which has
examined some 160 countries and 78 civil wars between 1960
and 1999. The project seeks to develop a statistical model
which will explain the incidence of civil war within a country.
The model examines the impact of several explanatory variables and predicts the risk of civil war over a 5-year period.
The Economic Causes of Civil Wars
Our statistical analysis indicates that the level, growth, and
income structure of a country are significant and quite powerful explanations for the likelihood of civil wars.
First, conflict is overwhelmingly a phenomenon of low
income countries. Obviously, conflict reduces income, but our
research controls for this by examining income before the
conflict at the beginning of a 5-year period and predicts the
risk of civil war during the subsequent period.
Second, and more controversially, our research indicates
that the faster the rate of growth in a country, the lower the
risk of conflict. This result runs counter to the common presumption that rapid economic change in a country causes
conflict. In fact, rapid economic growth reduces conflict. To
provide some order of magnitude, the average developing
country faces about an 11% risk of having civil war in any 5
year period. Each time a percentage point is added to the rate
of growth, this reduces the risk of civil war by a percentage
point, which is a significant impact.
Third, dependence on primary commodities substantially
increases the risk of conflict, unless the primary commodity is
extremely plentiful, as in the case of oil in Saudi Arabia. The
difference in the risks is absolutely enormous. In a country
with no primary commodity exports at all, the risk is about
1% in a 5-year period. In a country with high dependence on
primary commodities, which means about 30% of its national
income comes from primary commodities, the risk is around
23%.
A U L
C
O L L I E R
The particular primary commodities upon which a country is dependent does not matter as much as one might think.
The big difference is between oil and non-oil, but the impact
is not that marked. At low levels of dependence on oil, the
effect is not significantly different from dependence on other
primary commodities. However, if a country has 40% or 50%
in oil income, the likelihood of civil war is quite high.
Besides these economic factors, two aspects of a country’s
social composition are also closely correlated with the likelihood of civil war. One is “ethnic dominance.” By dominance,
I mean that the largest ethnic group in the country is more or
less a majority but not overwhelming. Our research suggests
that when the largest ethnic group is between 45 and 90% of
the population, this constitutes conditions of ethnic dominance. If the country is characterized by ethnic dominance,
the risk of conflict approximately doubles. This might first
appear to be a large effect, but it is small when compared with
the economic effect.
We have also investigated both ethnic diversity and religious diversity and the combination which we call social fractionalization. Controlling for ethnic dominance, the more the
society is fractionalized into different ethnic and religious
groups, the safer it is.
Factors Not Correlated with Civil Wars
Some very surprising things are not correlated with the likelihood of civil war. One is military expenditure. We cannot
find any deterrence effect to military expenditure before a
conflict. Of course, it is quite complicated to examine the
effect of military expenditures, because governments may see a
big risk of conflict and increase military spending in anticipation of the conflict. In such a case, the increase in spending
might appear to be causing the conflict, when it in fact may
be a result of an impending conflict. Our research has controlled for that and we still cannot find any deterrent effect
for military expenditures.
I also cannot find any effect from economic inequality on
the risk of conflict. I have looked at both income inequality
and land inequality, and neither are correlated with an
increased risk of civil conflict. In particular countries, there
might be a correlation, but globally, we find no relationship.
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The other factor which does not appear to be correlated
with conflict risk is political rights. Democracy, dictatorship,
and political repression seem to have no effect on the risk of
conflict. This often disappoints those who promote democratization as a means for avoiding violent conflict, but the statistical evidence does not support a strong correlation.
The Case of Africa
The case of Africa over the last 30 years illustrates the statistical model I have outlined. Africa has a lower level of income
than other regions, drastically lower growth than other regions
and a chronically weaker structure of income. Africa alone of
the continents has not diversified away from primary commodity dependence. It is more dependent on primary commodities now than it was 30 years ago.
Africa has had a very unfortunate deteriorating trend.
Thirty years ago, it was safer than other regions. Now, it is
more dangerous than other regions in terms of the risk of violent conflict, and that is fully accounted for by the economic
deterioration in Africa.
On the other hand, there are relatively few societies in
Africa that are characterized by ethnic dominance. While
there are exceptions, Africa on the whole is just too fractionalized for even the biggest groups to be over 45%. This in turn
reduces the risk of conflict.
Thus, on our analysis, Africa’s high incidence of civil war
is not due to its social structure. Its social structure is a factor
making it relatively safe. Its problems are economic, and
hence contingent. This conclusion is deeply against the grain
of most thinking.
Policy Implications
Several policy implications follow from this understanding
of civil conflict. First, if we actually want to try to prevent
conflict, we might get more mileage out of reducing the economic viability of violent movements than addressing objective grievances.
To avoid any misunderstanding, I think that there are very
good reasons in all societies for addressing issues of inequality
and political rights based on our research. Unfortunately,
based on our research I think that it is a false bill of goods to
believe that focusing on these issues is going to deliver peace
in conflicted societies. Our agenda for conflict reduction has
to be substantially focused on reducing the economic viability
of violence.
Furthermore, it is clear that some of the variables that
matter most in reducing the likelihood of conflict are economic variables — particularly the level of income, the
growth of income, and the structure of income. Regardless of
one’s interpretation of the data, that suggests that economic
interventions can build a more peaceful world.
What are those economic interventions going to be? One
is to increase growth through a mixture of policies and aid. I
have investigated whether aid has any direct effect on conflict
risk, and I cannot find any. There are indirect effects through
growth, but not direct effects.
Economic development is an effective strategy for reducing conflict. Based on a simulation, policy improvements and
larger aid budgets could bring down the risk of conflict in a
typical aid recipient country by about one third over a 5-year
period, which would be a significant accomplishment.
Another policy implication is that primary commodity
dependence is quite dangerous. Ten years ago, the World
Bank did not know this, but now we recognize the enormous
importance of diversifying the economy. The developing
world has diversified massively over the last 20 years, but
Africa has not followed the rest of the developing world in
this regard. To my mind, the primary economic task now for
Africa is to achieve that diversification.
Finally, this analysis has at least one implication for the
war against terrorism. International terrorists are using failed
states — states where there are civil wars — for safe havens.
Failed states are the one type of territory which is absolutely
out of reach. Consequently, I believe that one part of the long
term strategy to fight terrorism must be to reduce the number
of safe havens.
Of course, that is easier said than done. It is not achieved
by bombing them. By bombing, you can destroy a government, but failed states have already achieved that. That is not
a remark on what American policy should be, but rather a
statement that over the next 10 years, to solve the problem
of failed states, we must make development interventions to
prevent states from falling into failure, and — what is even
harder — to rebuild states which are in conflict and coming
out of it.
Compared with the sums of money that will be spent on
military and intelligence activities, the amount of money that
is spent on a development agenda is absolutely tiny. And yet,
our research shows that money spent on a development agenda will substantially reduce conflict risk. I can only hope that
this fact will be taken into consideration.
Paul Collier is Director of the Development Economics Research
Group at the World Bank and a senior World Bank spokesperson
on development economics research. He is currently on leave
from Oxford University where he is one of six full time professors
of economics and director of the Center for the Study of African
Economies. Recently, Collier published Economic Causes of Civil
Conflict and Their Implications for Policy, a study of 47 civil wars
from 1960 to 1999. This article is excerpted from a keynote
address he gave at the Kroc Institute on October 3, 2001, for a
meeting of the Institute’s working group on Globalization and
Local Violence (see page 20.)
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|
r e c e n t
h i g h l i g h t s
After September 11
The tragic events of September 11
and the war on terrorism raise issues
at the heart of the Kroc Institute’s
mission. Immediately following the
terrorist attacks, the Institute
launched a multi-phased response to
the crisis on campus and in the media. Many of the Institute’s activities throughout the
rest of the fall semester focused on the developing global situation.
The on-campus response included a series of panel discussions together with
the Kellogg Institute on various dimensions of the situation. Over 500 students,
faculty, and members of the local community packed the Auditorium of DeBartolo
Hall for each of these panels. Videos of the first two panels are available at
<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html>.
The Institute also helped coordinate a creative endeavor to promote wider discussion of the global crisis among students through the “Week of Education on Peace and
War,” which was held the week of November 11. In addition to guest lectures and
films, over 50 Notre Dame faculty participated in panel discussions held in the dorms
over four evenings.
Faculty fellows also have written editorials and commentaries in widely-circulated
newspapers and magazines, including Newsweek, the Chicago Tribune, Foreign Policy
and the Chronicle of Higher Education. In addition to numerous interviews on local television, faculty fellows offered interviews and commentary broadcast on PBS, BBC
International, MSNBC and WGN Radio.
Links to many publications and events are provided on the Kroc Institute’s new
web page “After September 11: Initial Responses from the Kroc Institute.” The page
also contains links to background material and related information. The page has
attracted wide attention and was selected for inclusion in the Yahoo web
directory on September 11 materials.
Kroc Institute Responds to
the Global Crisis
|
Kroc Responds
Commentaries
Scott Appleby, “Building Peace
to Combat Religious Terror,”
Chronicle of Higher Education,
September 28, 2001.
Brian Cox and Daniel Philpott,
“A Time for Reconciliation,”
San Diego Union Tribune,
January 11, 2002.
Rev. Patrick Gaffney, C.S.C.,
“Understanding the Gulf between
Islam and the West,” September
20, 2001.
John Paul Lederach, “The
Challenge of Terror: A Traveling
Essay,” September 16, 2001.
John Paul Lederach, “Quo Vadis?
Reframing Terror from the
Perspective of Conflict
Resolution,” presented at the
University of California, Irvine,
Townhall Meeting, October 24,
2001.
Daniel Lindley, “Don’t Doubt
America’s Will to Win a War,”
Chicago Sun Times, October 26,
2001.
George Lopez, “After Sept. 11:
How Ethics Can Help,” America,
October 8, 2001.
Cynthia Mahmood, “Kashmir and
the War on Terrorism,” Kroc
Institute Policy Brief #8 (October
2001).
A. Rashied Omar, A Muslim’s
Anguish in the Midst of the Attack
on America, November 30, 2001.
A panel presentation on September 13 considered terrorism, war, and security after
September 11. (Left to right) Scott Appleby, Baroness Shirley Williams (M.P.), Dan
Lindley, Layna Mosely, and George Lopez.
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15
Faculty met with students in their dorms during the
“Week of Education on Peace and War,” November 11-16.
Events
September 13
November 11-16
After September 11: Rethinking Terrorism, War and
Security
Co-sponsored by the Kellogg Institute
(This panel is available for viewing online at
www.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html)
A Week of Education on Peace and War — a series of panel
discussions in the dorms, lectures, films and other events
focusing on the September 11 attacks and subsequent events
September 20
After September 11: Christian and Muslim Holy Wars
Co-sponsored by the Kellogg Institute
(This panel is available for viewing online at
www.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html)
October 3
After September 11: Civil Liberties, Human Rights, and
Legal Remedies
Co-sponsored by the Kellogg Institute for International
Studies and the Center for Civil and Human Rights
November 5
Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law: Avenues for Conflict
Resolution
Khaled Abou El Fadl, Acting Professor of Law, the Omar and
Azmerald Alfi Distinguished Fellow in Islamic Law, UCLA
November 12
War, Peace and Imperatives of Justice: An Islamic
Perspective
John Kelsay, Richard L. Rubenstein Professor in the
Department of Religion, Florida State University
Co-sponsored by the Department of Theology
November 19
November 1
The Economic Causes and Consequences of the
September 11 Attacks
co-sponsored by the Department of Economics, the
Department of Finance and Business Economics, and the
Higgins Labor Research Center
Israel’s Quest for Peace and the War Against Terrorism
Moshe Ram, Consul General of Israel to the Midwest,
Chicago, IL
Summaries and video files of many of these events are available online http://www.nd.edu/~krocinst/sept11.html
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A First SIP for CRS
Summer Institute in Peacebuilding builds Kroc-CRS relationship
From Sunday July 22 through Wednesday August 1, 2001 the
Kroc Institute, in conjunction with the peacebuilding team of
Catholic Relief Services (CRS), hosted and co-directed a
Summer Institute in Peacebuilding (SIP). The Institute was
designed to provide participants with both a focused environment for increasing their skills and perspectives in peacebuilding, and an opportunity for critical engagement of new
thinking in three related areas: Conflict Resolution and
Peacebuilding, Catholic Social Teaching, and New Issues in
Economic Development.
The SIP had several specific goals:
— to increase the peacebuilding capacity of CRS as an
institution by training staff and partners, in conflict
transformation and peacebuilding methods and skills;
— to provide a setting for CRS staff and partners in which
they could share information, make connections across their
programs and regions, and establish a long-term network;
— to provide a forum for interaction of CRS staff and partners with Kroc faculty experts in Catholic Social Thinking
and other topics such as Youth and Peacebuilding, and
Gender Issues in Conflict;
— to provide the Kroc Institute with an opportunity to listen
to the needs and agenda of peacebuilders in the field in order
to serve CRS better in the future.
John Paul Lederach explains peacebuilding.
Each of the three major themes was developed in longer
sessions under the direction of a single expert facilitator. In
the first, John Paul Lederach, Professor of International
Peacebuilding at the Kroc Institute, conducted two days of
small and large group exercises in progressive peacebuilding.
Lederach challenged the participants to apply the general
principles that were being demonstrated to their local
conditions.
Following Lederach, independent development specialist
Kim Maynard, who had worked extensively with Mercy
Corps
International,
led a one day
session. Maynard
provided a number of situational
exercises which
incorporated
both economic
and managerial
concerns with
the Lederach
Orson Sargado (CRS, Philippines) talks with
framework.
Nombana Razafinisoa (CRS, Madagascar)
Kroc Fellow
and Associate Professor of Theology Todd Whitmore led the
third thematic session on Catholic Social Teaching. Whitmore
examined the concepts and themes which have formed the
cornerstone of Catholic Social Teaching since Pope Leo XIII.
Among these were the preferential option for the poor and the
principles of subsidiarity and solidarity.
Interspersed throughout the ten days were sessions conducted by various Kroc faculty
with expertise in themes particularly relevant to the SIP.
Among those sessions were
George Lopez on mediation,
Cynthia Mahmood on gender
issues in conflict and development, Hal Culbertson on programming implications of
gender and peacemaking in
Bangladesh and Siobhan
McEvoy-Levy on youth as
sources of violence and/or
peacemaking. Particularly popMartha Ines Romero
(CRS, Colombia)
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Kim Maynard discusses
development and peace.
ular throughout the Institute were the sessions offered by
Scott Appleby, the Regan Director of the Kroc Institute, on
religion as a source of violence and a source of peacebuilding.
Jaco Cilliers, Senior Advisor for Conflict Resolution for
Catholic Relief Services, convened discussions of regional
issues and coordinated the development of both a statement
of purpose and concrete application of the meanings of peacebuilding. Through his leadership, the participants were able to
define peacebuilding as:
— a process of changing unjust structures into
right-relationships
— which transforms the way people, communities and societies live, heal and structure their relationships to promote
justice and peace
— and creates a space in which mutual trust, respect and
interdependence is fostered.
The groups then undertook the difficult task of identifying the kind of changes that need to take place in each of
their sites to operationalize this definition in their daily work.
These were expressed as indicators of peacebuilding and have
both a transformative dimension and
a monitoring function. The resulting
eleven indicators
will serve as the
basis of future
CRS peacebuilding
programs in various sites but will
also serve as the
Mike Pozniak (CRS Headquarters) with
basis for departure
Jamileh Sahlieh (CRS, Palestine)
thematically for
next year's SIP.
In the midst of their hard work, the participants also took
time to enjoy one another’s company by participating in various recreational activities in and around campus. They jogged
the lakes of Notre Dame or enjoyed beach volleyball. A number of the CRS staff from sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia
witnessed their first live baseball game as the group took an
excursion to Chicago to see the Cubs major league baseball
team play, followed by free time at Chicago’s Navy Pier. Some
participants were able to take advantage of the Shakespeare
summer theatre performance on Notre Dame campus as well.
Assessments from
participants and the
SIP faculty and staff
indicate that the SIP
generally met its
goals. But there also
was substantial learning in unexpected
ways. Participants
noted that their difficulties in developing
effective peacebuilding programs differed depending on
whether the program aimed to meet short-term needs or
long-term challenges. This will be a focal point of future
SIP work, as will continued refinement of CRS working
principles of peacebuilding which were forged by this year’s
CRS participants.
Both CRS and Kroc participants appreciated the mixture
of sessions and co-curricular activities which permitted time
for CRSers and those from Kroc to build relationships.
The second SIP is scheduled for late June of 2002.
Jaco Cilliers (left) leads a breaktime activity.
17
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r e s e a r c h
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Kroc Institute
Launches RIREC
RIREC Research Clusters
New research initiative explores post-accord
peacebuilding
Violence
The Kroc Institute’s
Research Initiative on
the Resolution of
Ethnic Conflict
(RIREC) was officially
launched at a workshop
held on September 2425, 2001 at Notre
Dame. This new
John Darby (right) discusses post-accord
research project focuses
violence with Dominic Murray.
on post-accord peacebuilding and the difficult but pressing questions of how to
create a sustainable, just peace after a period of protracted
conflict.
The launching seminar was attended by a multidisciplinary team of 15 scholars and practitioners working around
three research themes: violence, youth/the next generation,
and transitional justice. At the heart of the project is an
effort to develop new theoretical lenses for comprehending
the nuances of post-accord peacebuilding, which will integrate
conflict management
and conflict transformation concerns,
techniques and methodologies. The project
will test these lenses
against cases and develop relevant policy
recommendations.
During the two days
Michael Wessels (right) makes a point
of discussions, RIREC
about youth and violence in discussions
participants laid the
with Siobhan McEvoy-Levy and Edward
foundations for the
Cairns.
next two years of
research. The seminar participants worked in three related
research clusters, each representing a key dimension of the
post-accord landscape, as well as in full plenary sessions. In
addition to identifying research areas they will each examine
during the next two years, participants also considered the
critical relationship between the three thematic areas.
The participants concluded that each cluster will be
responsible for producing a volume and the three cluster
directors will edit a synthetic volume. Post-accord peacebuilding has yet not been conceptualized in this fashion, much less
systematically studied as a dynamic process generating its own
outcomes and patterns of behavior.
Led by John Darby, Professor of Comparative Ethnic
Studies at the Kroc Institute, this research cluster
examines the perpetuation of violence after the accord
is signed, either as a vestigial (but nonetheless powerfully destructive) force, or as a tactic used by hardliners and rejectionists to derail the implementation
phase of the peace process.
Cluster participants:
Marie-Joelle Zahar, Department of Political Science,
University of Montreal; Virginia Gamba, South Africa;
Dominic Murray, Director Center for Peace and
Development Studies, University of Limerick
The Next Generation
Led by Siobhan McEvoy-Levy, Visiting Assistant
Professor of Political Science at Butler University, the
project’s second dimension explores the relationships
of this violence to the availability of recruits from
among the marginalized youth on all sides of the
conflict, and, more broadly and programmatically, the
conditions under which youth might resist recruitment
into gangs and militia, contributing instead in constructive ways to the peace process.
Cluster participants:
Edward Cairns, Department of Psychology, University
of Ulster at Coleraine; Jaco Cilliers, Catholic Relief
Services; Michael Wessels, Department of
Psychology, Randolph-Macon College; Victoria Sanford,
Department of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame
Transitional Justice
Under the direction of Tristan Borer, Associate
Professor of Government, Connecticut College, and a
Visiting Fellow at the Kroc Institute during 2001-02,
the third dimension of the project explores the relationship, in turn, between civil society, youth, and patterns of violence, on the one hand, and public efforts
at reconciliation and other forms of transitional justice
on the other.
Cluster participants: Charles Villa-Vicencio, Executive
Director, Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, Cape
Town, South Africa; Brandon Hamber, Research
Associate Democratic Dialogue, Belfast; Juan E.
Mendez, Director, Center for Civil and Human Rights,
Notre Dame Law School; Pablo De Greiff, International
Center for Transitional Justice
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L e s s o n s f r o m S o u t h A f r i c a ’ s Tr u t h a n d
Reconciliation Commission
RIREC workshop features lecture by Charles Villa-Vicencio, former TRC Research Director
There is a simple yet profound lesson to be learned from the
successful transitional from racial conflict to a non-racial
democracy in South Africa, said Charles Villa-Vicencio,
Executive Director of the Institute for Justice and
Reconciliation and former Research Director for the South
African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). “Talks
are important; even talks about talks are important. Military
power can achieve only so much. Peace and legitimate power
are ultimately negotiated.”
Villa-Vicencio, a participant in the Kroc Institute’s
Research Initiative on the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict
(RIREC), presented a thought-provoking lecture focusing on
the lessons learned from South Africa’s TRC as part of the
project’s inaugural workshop on September 24-25. An internationally-recognized scholar on the TRC, Villa-Vicencio will
lend his expertise to RIREC’s “transitional justice” research
cluster.
Charles Villa-Vicencio
After presenting a brief history of South Africa in relation
to apartheid, Villa-Vicencio turned to the relatively nonviolent end to apartheid, which Archbishop Desmond Tutu
proclaimed, “a miracle.” He observed that, after the Soweto
protests in 1976, “both sides realized that neither was strong
enough to defeat the other.” Thus, any resolution of the
conflict would have to be built on some kind of political
compromise.
The TRC emerged as a bridge between the old and the
new. The only other options appeared to be a blanket amnesty
or Nuremberg-type trials, neither of which would have been
likely to work, noted Villa-Vicencio. A blanket amnesty
would have left victims without any recompense or even
public acknowledgment of the wrongs done to them, which
could have led to further eruptions of violence.
On the other hand, seeking to prosecute perpetrators
would have likely led to only a few successful convictions,
given the difficulties inherent in prosecuting political crimes
and the strain this would place on the justice system during a
difficult transition. Moreover, prominent criminal trials can
easily become show-trials, undermining the quest for a
historical account of the past.
Of course, not everyone was convinced that the TRC was
the mechanism for transitional justice. “The TRC was always
more popular outside than within South Africa,” he said.
Many South Africans remain ambivalent about the TRC,
given how the past remains present in the form of poverty,
oppression, and crime. However, most think the TRC did
help South Africa move through a difficult time.
According to Villa-Vicencio, one of the major achievements of the TRC is that it has led to the beginning of a
rights-based culture in which people are aware of the existence
of certain basic rights that cannot be taken away. He cautioned however that the two unresolved issues — poverty and
racism — could bring the new South Africa to its knees.
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Globalization and Local Violence
Kroc research project examines impact of globalization in urban and rural contexts
How is globalization changing patterns of violence around the
world? To address this question, the Kroc Institute has initiated a global, inter-disciplinary study of the links between globalization and violence.
The two-year project was launched October 3, 2001, with
a day-long brainstorming conference at the Kroc Institute.
Participants included Paul Collier (World Bank), William
Reno (Northwestern University), Jean
Comaroff (University of Chicago),
and several Kroc Institute faculty fellows. The project, which is also being
supported by the United Nations
University, will draw on the work of
field researchers and scholars from
the regions under study.
“Instead of resulting from
large-scale clashes between competing
states, contemporary violence is
William Reno
increasingly sub-national and is manifested in local struggles for resources, power and protection,”
notes Senior Fellow Raimo Väyrynen, director of the project
and Professor of Government and International Studies.
Accordingly, researchers will look closely “at the local context
of this violence” and at the ethnic, religious, economic and
political factors in various regions.
“We have always defined the world as divided by national
boundaries,” said Väyrynen. “States are real and they (still)
matter,” he continued. But international corporations, NGOs
and technological developments — especially the Internet —
have made virtually all nations and cultures more accessible to
one another.
Political boundaries or borders have receded in importance in the face of a new, global reality. “Whether you are a
poor person somewhere or a university professor, you realize
that you are part of a larger whole,” Väyrynen said. “We can’t
have isolated lives any more.”
The project will consist of two research tracks. One track
will analyze the impact of globalization on urban violence in
several major metropolitan areas, including Karachi, Bombay,
Johannesburg, Sao Paulo, St. Petersburg and Baku. A second
track will examine its impact on rural violence in four, or possibly five, African nations, said Kroc Fellow Patrick Gaffney,
C.S.C., Associate Professor of Anthropology.
“Africa is perennially under-represented in international
discussions,” reported Gaffney, explaining the rationale for the
Africa focus. He will be overseeing the work of on-site scholars in Kenya, Uganda, the Congo, Nigeria and perhaps
Botswana.
“Anthropology comes to this from a different perspective,”
he added. “The unit of study is the local community, the
town, village or a series of clans.” The dynamics of violence
seen on that lower level of cultural complexity will be vital
input for the books the study hopes to produce.
Still, analyzing study findings will be a challenging job,
contends Väyrynen. “It’s a complicated chain of influences,”
he maintains. “Changes in world economy do create pockets
of discontent, and
that creates a possibility of reacting
against grievances
that people have
been feeling.”
“But grievances aren’t
enough to create
violence. You must
have people or a
group of people
Raimo Väyrynen with Paul Collier
benefiting from
the situation. For instance, there’s a social and economic background behind the local violence of Sao Paulo, which is the
most violent city in the world.”
The project ultimately hopes to contribute to national and
international economic policy decisions. Through its comparative approach, the project will identify how particular policy
choices regarding integration in the global economy interact
with local factors to either foment or mitigate violent conflict.
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Can Violent Conflict be Prevented through
Development Aid?
Peter Wallensteen discusses findings of an OECD research team
During the 1990s, the analysis of conflict was framed by the
experiences of humanitarian NGOs, which highlighted the
significant human suffering caused by political violence. This
approach contrasted sharply with the strategic approach predominant during the Cold War, which emphasized the role of
superpowers.
This shift has spawned several trends in the “development
and war” discourse. In addition to concerns about the negative impact of war on development and how development
may be feeding wars, a growing area of discussion focuses
on how development aid can be used to prevent wars.
To address this issue, the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) task force on
Conflict, Peace, and Development Cooperation asked an
international team of scholars and practitioners, to make an
inventory of research on the causes of internal war, with a
view of suggesting ideas for preventive measures.
The international team, led by Peter Wallensteen,
Dag Hammarskjöld Professor of Peace and Conflict Research
at Uppsala University, worked
independently. Thus its views
were those of the team, not of
the organization. Wallensteen
was a Visiting Fellow at the
Kroc Institute during spring
2001 through an award from
the American-Scandinavian
Foundation (ASF), which
named him the first ASF
Visiting Lecturer from
Sweden. He reported on the
results of the study in a lecture
Peter Wallensteen
presented on February 6
entitled “Can Violent Conflict Be Prevented through
Development Aid?”
“Before a new conflict emerges, development aid should
be directed at undoing the effects of previous wars,” he said.
“This will often involve addressing refugee issues and ensuring
that refugee camps do not become military training grounds.”
Aid can also be used to support democratization.
Transitions to democracy often need to be quick in order to
avoid resistance from vested interests, and often occur when
a country’s economy is failing, as the case of Indonesia illustrates. Efficient provision of development aid can thus play
a critical role in this process. However, Wallensteen underlined the importance of building democratic institutions,
rather than rushing to elections.
Wallensteen drew attention to the important role of
universities in integration efforts. He noted how Indian
universities have reached a high level of respectability and play
an important role in democratic development in India, but
the same cannot be said of African universities, which have
received little financial support from the West.
After a war, development aid should be used to support
reasonable peace agreements and to rebuild society, not just
infrastructure. However, rebuilding efforts can easily be
derailed by corrupt elements in society, which often control
the construction industry. Accordingly, Wallensteen suggested
that rebuilding aid should be directed primarily at health
and education services, which are generally less corrupt.
In conclusion, Wallensteen recommended that aid be used
in ways which encourage the equitable sharing of resources in
society and which promote gender equity, both of which will
promote peace in the long term.
“Before a new conflict
emerges, development aid
should be directed at undoing
the effects of previous wars.”
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T h e Wa n i n g o f M a j o r Wa r
Conference explores historical trends in international warfare
Is the likelihood of major interstate war declining? Some
recent scholarship suggests that several profound historical
changes in the 20th century have made wars between great
powers a relic of the past, even as domestic armed conflicts
and civil wars continue unabated. Other scholars argue that
the decline in major-power war is only a temporary phenomenon and does not indicate a trend.
To critically assess these questions, the Kroc Institute
organized a conference on April 6-8 which took a comprehensive look at the future potential for interstate wars. The conference was co-sponsored by the Nanovic Institute for
European Studies and the Henkels Visiting Scholars Series.
Martin van Creveld, author of The Rise and Decline of the
State (1999) among many other seminal works, presented the
keynote address, contending
that major wars between
great powers are waning. In
his view, this was largely due
to the strengthening of
international law and the
development of nuclear
weapons, which have made
it impossible for the victors
to survive a major confrontation. However, other
forms of war, such as terrorism, guerrilla wars, and
Martin Van Creveld
intra-state conflicts, are
replacing interstate war, and are in fact more destructive.
The decline of interstate war, and its complement, the
growth of durable peace, appears to be part of a larger historical trend stretching back to 1500, asserted Paul Schroeder,
professor emeritus of history at the University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign. Focusing on the long peace from 17631914, Schroeder noted how several wars which could have
happened did not, but that the peace ended when the great
powers ceased to see their own fate as bound up with others.
Turning to the 20th Century, John Mueller contended
that several kinds of war are in marked decline, or even obsolete, including major war between developed countries, conventional civil war, colonial war, and ideological civil war.
Unlike van Creveld, however, Mueller traced the decline in
warfare to a profound change in public attitudes about warfare and violence in general, rather than to technological
developments. He concluded that the wars which remain,
such as that in Yugoslavia, are best understood as residual
wars, and that many of these, particularly in Africa, have a
character more like crime than war.
Kalevi Holsti agreed with Mueller’s emphasis on the role
of ideas and norms — particularly norms relating to territory,
borders, and conquest — in explaining the declining incidence of major war. However, he argued that some versions of
balance of power theory raise questions about Mueller’s thesis.
For example, the conflicts between great powers take a long
time to develop and thus a half-century of great power peace
is insufficiently long to establish a trend. Hosti also questioned whether the trend noted by Mueller is really toward
obsolescence, since it is possible for human advances made in
the 20th century to be forgotten or reversed.
Like other forms of war, the probability of the outbreak of
an advertent or pre-meditated nuclear war among the major
powers has declined in the short and medium terms, contended T.V. Paul. However, the danger of an inadvertent nuclear
war still exists, and war-generating situations are likely to
emerge both at the regional and global levels as the international system evolves from semi-unipolarity to multipolarity.
One factor associated with the decline of major war is the
establishment of multilateral institutions. Patrick Morgan
argued that multilateral institutions are more effective at preventing serious problems from arising or provoking conflict
between powerful states than at containing ongoing conflicts
or active movements toward war by great powers. He also
observed that, while the West tends to see multilateral institutions as a prerequisite
for peace, Southeast
Asia has experienced a
similar reduction in
major war over the
last 30 years without
the development
of multilateral
institutions.
Other significant
Patrick Morgan talks with Paul Schroeder
factors to consider are
the global extension of juridical sovereignty and economic liberalism, according to Hendrik Spruyt, who submitted a paper
which was presented and discussed at the conference. The
increased respect for the norm of state sovereignty has played
a role in decreasing the prevalence of territorial wars or imperialistic expansion. Economic liberalization, a norm which is
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23
Conference Presentations
Keynote Address: The Future of Major War
more contested than sovereignty, also decreases the risk of
confrontation.
William Thompson linked the discussion of the waning of
war with current theory about democratization and its role in
creating more peaceful international relations. Many have
argued that democratization tends to make countries less
prone to international war. However, democratization occurs
within states, while the transformations underlying the
waning of war occur at the level of international relations.
Thompson concluded that democratization could play a
major role in reducing war, but only if the social transformations take place in the institutions and political cultures of all
of the major powers, which seems unlikely.
In addition to preparing a background paper for the
conference, Raimo Väyrynen reflected on the role of war in
different historical phases ranging from feudalism and absolutism to modern
forms of capitalism. He discussed
several theorists
who have argued
that capitalism is
essentially peaceful
and wars are
caused primarily
by the legacies of
M.A. students participated in the conferabsolutism and
ence as part of their program of study.
great-power rival(Pictured here — Patrick Morgan with
ries. Väyrynen
Kroc M.A. students Daniel Moriarty and
noted that these
Hossein Alizadeh.)
views are difficult
to substantiate as
capitalism and the state have historically developed in tandem.
However, he cautiously supported the view that the globalization of capitalism may reduce the likelihood of major interstate wars, though not other types of violence.
Väyrynen will edit papers from the conference for publication as a book.
Martin van Creveld, Hebrew University
Life and Death of a Long Peace, 1763-1914
Paul W. Schroeder, University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign
Discussant: John Vasquez, Vanderbilt University
Does War Still Exist?
John Mueller, Ohio State University
Discussant: Randall Forsberg, Institute for Defense and
Disarmament Studies, Boston
The Changing International System and the
Decline of Major War
Kalevi Holsti, University of British Columbia
Discussant: Peter Wallensteen, Uppsala University
Does the Risk of Nuclear War Belong to
History?
T.V. Paul, McGill University
Discussant: Alan Dowty, University of Notre Dame
Multilateral Institutions as Restraints on
Major War
Patrick M. Morgan, University of California at Irvine
Discussant: Daniel Lindley, University of Notre Dame
Normative Transformations in International
Relations and the Waning of Major War
Hendrik Spruyt, Arizona State University
Discussant: Dale Copeland, University of Virginia
Capitalism, Peace and War
Raimo Väyrynen, University of Notre Dame
Discussant: John Mueller, Ohio State University
The Democratic Peace and Civil Society as
Constraints on Major Power Warfare
William Thompson, Indiana University
Discussant: Spencer R. Weart, American Institute of
Physics
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24
D o G o o d T h i n g s A l w a y s G o To g e t h e r ?
Joint Kroc-USIP workshop examines the tension between human rights and peace
The tension between pursuing truth and justice, on the one
former U.S. Ambassador Harry Barnes commented that lookhand, and guarding a fragile peace generated by settlements or
ing at situations from both a human rights and peace perspecnegotiated regime transitions, on the other, frequently places
tive often produces a better understanding than either view
human rights and peacemaking practitioners at odds. To
could on its own. Urs Boegli of the International Committee
explore the implications of this tension for the research and
for the Red Cross (ICRC) observed how denunciation, mediateaching of peace and
tion, and even ‘calls for peace’ can be dangerous for providers
human rights, the Kroc
of humanitarian assistance on the ground, such as the ICRC.
Institute and the United
Participants explored these tensions in several difficult cases
States Institute of Peace
for rights and peace issues,
(USIP) organized a 2-day
including Bosnia, Kosovo,
workshop for college and
Guatemala, Colombia, and
university faculty.
South Africa.
Participants at the workThe workshop also considered
shop included over 50
the challenges of reconciliation, a
faculty from colleges and
term which carries religious, culuniversities throughout the
tural, and political connotations
Midwest.
that restrict its general applicaIn setting the terms
tion. The public legitimation of
of reference for the workcultures of peace within society is
Chester Crocker, Chair of USIP’s
shop, Pamela Aall, director
nonetheless a critical element of
Board of Directors
of education at USIP, dispeacebuilding, argued Scott
tinguished several dimensions of the tension between human
Appleby, director of the Kroc
Ervin Staub, University of
rights and peace: the moral issues of whether the need to stop
Institute. Moreover, psychological
Massachusetts
further killing justifies amnesty for or negotiations with war
studies indicate that reconciliation
criminals; the tactical questions of whether exposing human
processes can break the cycle of violence by increasing social
rights atrocities will further efforts for peace; and operational
tolerance among victims of violence, reported Ervin Staub,
questions concerning the appropriate sequencing of events in
professor of psychology at the University of Massachusetts.
a peace process. In the policymaking context, Chester
Participants also considered pedagogical approaches for
Crocker, professor of
both human rights and peace. Dinah Shelton,
strategic studies at
professor of law at the Notre Dame’s Center
Georgetown University
for Civil and Human Rights, and Julie Mertus,
and chair of USIP’s Board
assistant professor of international relations at
of Directors, argued that
American University, argued that the legal
human rights and peacemodel of addressing social issues had several
making are not incompatweaknesses, and human rights activists need
ible. “Rather, it is the issue
the analytical tools from peace studies in order
of sequencing which
to understand how to make human rights
determines the lesser of
activities more effective. Roy Licklider, profesevils in many situations,”
sor at Rutgers University, and Mary Mulvihill,
Crocker said.
a doctoral student at Notre Dame, identified
Participants considseveral resources which peace studies faculty
Urs Boegli (ICRC) and Siobhan McEvoy-Levy
ered the policy dimensions
could use to teach effectively about the tension
of this tension both at the diplomatic level and on the
between peace and human rights.
ground. Drawing on his experiences in Chile and India,
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25
J o h n H o w a r d Y o d e r a n d t h e C a t h o l i c Tr a d i t i o n
Stanley Hauerwas presents Third Annual Yoder Dialogue
“John Howard Yoder sought to do nothing less than help
Catholic Christianity rediscover itself in water that flows from
the left wing of the Reformation,” said theologian Stanley
Hauerwas. Hauerwas’ presentation, the 3rd annual John
Howard Yoder Dialogues on Nonviolence, Religion and
Peace, emphasized how Yoder’s Christology, though rooted in
Mennonite tradition, has much broader implications for the
Catholic tradition and Christian theology.
As a touchstone for understanding Yoder’s Christology,
Hauerwas discussed a series of lectures Yoder delivered to
young seminarians at Goshen Biblical Seminary during the
1960s and 1970s. When Hauerwas first became interested in
the lectures in the 1980s, they were only available as mimeographed sheets sold at the seminary. Those collected lectures
have now become Yoder’s Preface to Theology: Christology and
Theological Method, which is being published by the American
Academy of Religion with an Introduction by Hauerwas.
Like his teacher Karl Barth, Yoder always had a
Christological focus, and he refused to separate Christology
from discipleship. As Hauerwas observed, “Preface to Theology
grew out of Yoder’s fundamental opinion that Christian discipleship was an open and respectful awareness of particular historical identity.” Yoder consistently taught that the Gospel
must have implications for social ethics and modern life, a
theme revived for modern Catholics by the Second Vatican
Council, especially in its document, “Pastoral Constitution on
the Church in the Modern World.”
In his book, The Politics of Jesus (1972), Yoder contended
that the political implications of the Gospel could not be
ignored and that we should understood Christ as “the radical
rabbi Jesus.” “The emphasis on nonviolence is not nearly so
prominent in Preface to Theology as it is in The Politics of
Jesus,” Hauerwas noted, “yet I think of the two books as being
of a piece with each other. Reading them together adds
strength to both books.”
“Yoder was convinced that one of the reasons that
Christians had lost the ability to read the Scriptures was due
to the attempt to make Christianity intelligible without the
Jews,” Hauerwas continued. “That (Christian) creeds do not
mention the promise to Israel may be one of the reasons that
Christians have developed a forgetfulness toward not only the
Jews but also toward a major part of our own Scripture — the
Old Testament.”
Hauerwas’ remarks to a capacity crowd attending the third
Yoder dialogues had all the hallmarks of a homecoming address.
The Gilbert T. Rowe Professor of
Theological Ethics at the Divinity
School at Duke University was a
member of the theology faculty at
Notre Dame from 1970 to 1984.
Yoder, a Mennonite theologian and
proponent of Christian nonviolence, was also a member of Notre
Dame’s theology faculty from the
late 1970s until his death in
December, 1997. Yoder was a
Stanley Hauerwas
founding fellow of the Kroc
Institute where he initiated courses on war, law and ethics
and a Kroc-ROTC discussion group which continues to the
present day.
John Howard Yoder sought
to do nothing less than
help Catholic Christianity
rediscover itself in water that
flows from the left wing of
the Reformation.
p e a c e
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s t u d e n t
a n d
Peacebuilding in the Midst of Change
Kroc alumni support local NGOs in volatile East Timor
In settings of conflict, dramatic changes occur quite rapidly.
As a result, NGOs working in these settings must continually
reassess their programs and adapt quickly to the changing
needs on the ground.
Kroc alumni Winnie Romeril (’93) and Jill Sternberg
(’90) have experienced this first-hand through their work with
local NGOs in East Timor. Romeril has been working with
Peace Brigades International (PBI) since 1988 and served on
its Guatemala team in 1990-91. She is now Training
Coordinator for PBI-Indonesia.
Sternberg and Charlie Scheiner, have been involved in
East Timor advocacy in the United States for many years.
Scheiner is the coordinator of the East Timor Action
Network-USA (ETAN) and the national office is in their
home. The couple recently moved to East Timor for a
two-year project. Sternberg is assisting Nobel Laureate Jose
Ramos-Horta in establishing a peace center focused on
conflict transformation and preventive diplomacy. Scheiner
is working to narrow the cultural and economic gap between
the international and East Timorese communities.
Until recently, such a move would have been impossible.
From the Indonesian invasion in 1975 to the mid 1990s,
East Timor was virtually closed to the outside world. During
this time, over 200,000 East Timorese, one third of the
population, were killed by the Indonesian military and
pro-Indonesian militias.
However, as the pro-democracy movement gained
strength in the 1990s, local human rights groups saw a window of opportunity: With the fall of President Suharto after
32 years of authoritarian rule, Indonesia itself was undergoing
a major transition. Furthermore, East Timor was now more
open to outsiders than it had been in the past.
In 1998, representatives of local East Timorese human
rights organizations met with PBI’s National Coordinating
Council to ask for accompaniment. PBI supports local human
rights workers threatened with political violence by providing
international escorts who can quickly relay first-hand information about persecution or harassment to an international
response network.
“I appreciate PBI’s philosophy of combining creative nonviolent action with nonpartisanship,” says Romeril. “It is a
very respectful way to support local efforts for peaceful change
and justice, without acting imperialist or imposing outside
ideas.”
Romeril and Sternberg were both members of the Council
at the time and led PBI’s exploration of a presence in East
Timor, which would have been the organization’s first project
in Southeast Asia. The project was approved by PBI in 8
months, which was record time for PBI’s consensual decision
making process, says Romeril. But before any volunteers
arrived, the situation suddenly changed.
In a surprise move, Indonesian President Habibie
announced he would allow a UN-sponsored referendum in
East Timor. PBI quickly redirected its efforts toward supporting an election monitoring operation, in which Sternberg
took part.
“We had about 130 observers from 21 countries participate,” notes Sternberg. “We witnessed the exhilarating
Jill Sternberg (’90) is assisting Nobel laureate Jose RamosHorta in establishing a peace center.
courage of the East Timorese people as they cast their ballots
under death threat from the Indonesian military and militias.
We also witnessed the near total destruction of the country
after the results of the ballot were announced on September 4
and the Indonesian government and military realized they had
not succeeded in getting the population to accept their autonomy package.”
As the flow of refugees increased, attention soon shifted to
West Timor. “In the militia-controlled refugee camps, foreign
workers were under threat, but Indonesian (West Timorese)
human rights workers could move more freely,” explains
Romeril. “PBI received and accepted requests to protect these
local human rights defenders, as no other international group
was giving them the coverage they felt they needed to continue operating safely.”
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a l u m n i
a c t i v i t i e s
|
News From Other
Kroc Alumni
“Once the situation in East Timor changed and then stabilized through the presence of international forces, the
groups in East Timor originally requesting PBI services felt
safe and no longer in need of protection,” says Romeril. At
the request of local organizations, PBI continues to provide
training in nonviolent conflict resolution methods in the
region. However, PBI’s focus has turned to Aceh, where recent
flareups have generated requests for protective accompaniment, which PBI is providing.
As the situation has stabilized in East Timor, a new set of
peacebuilding issues has emerged. How should the country
deal with atrocities committed while it was under Indonesian
control? How will former militants be reintegrated into society? And how will returning refugees be compensated for losses? Sternberg will be grappling with such questions as these as
she assists Jose Ramos-Horta.
“The initial focus will be to develop a team of East
Timorese to examine different approaches to conflict resolution and adapt them to the local circumstances and culture,”
says Sternberg. “We will both practice and assist with skills
development. Our aim is to complement and collaborate with
local NGOs. We envision three centers around the country;
they will also function as internet cafes and provide a link to
outside resources.”
Sternberg’s approach to conflict transformation has roots
in her experiences at the Kroc Institute. “Debates we had
about intervention inspired me to work harder to understand
and later assist in the development of nonviolent mechanisms
of intervention that do not undermine or disempower the
local population,” she notes.
While much has changed in East Timor, one thing
remains the same: the need for committed peacebuilders.
More information about the Peace Brigades projects in
Indonesia and elsewhere can be found at <www.peacebrigades.org>.
S.P. Udayakumar (Kumar) (’90), from India, and his
family have returned to Tamil Nadu, India, where he
is pursing longstanding plans to bring Indian and
Pakistani youth together for peacebuilding workshops.
Kumar has been a researcher at the Institute on
Race and Poverty at the University of Minnesota, and
recently published Handcuffed to History: Narratives,
Pathologies, and Violence in South Asia (Praeger:
2001).
Noah Salameh (Ghnaim) (’93), from Palestine, was
recently appointed director of the Bandar Ben Sultan
Center for Peace and Regional Studies at Hebron
University.
Anna Busa (’98), from Latvia, has been appointed a
Duty Officer at the Conflict Prevention Centre of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Valerie Hickey (’00), from Ireland, recently began work
with the Wildlife Conservation Society in Washington
DC, where she will focus on conservation finance,
including the policies promulgated by bi- and multilateral donors, as well as oversight of projects such as
the Mamiraua ecological reserve in Brazil. She previously worked for the World Wildlife Fund on a program
that supported both bio- and cultural diversity around
the world by increasing capacity-building among indigenous peoples.
Martin Ewi (’01), from Cameroon, received Kroc funding for a six-month internship with the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) Mission to the United Nations in
New York City. As political affairs coordinator dealing
with matters of African conflicts and regional integration, he attended meetings of the UN Security Council
and served as the OAU representative to the Sixth
Committee of Legal Experts of the General Assembly,
where terrorism was the primary focus.
Regina Saffa (’01), from Sierra Leone, served a fourmonth internship with the United Nations International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania under
Kroc Institute funding. In November 2001 she returned
to Sierra Leone to begin work with the Humanitarian
Accountability Project.
More Alumni News is available on our webpage at
<www.nd.edu/~krocinst>.
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The Missing Peace
Annual student conference reveals growing interest in children and violence
What peace issues are on the minds of the next generation?
Judging by the 2001 student conference, the role of children
and violent conflict is high on the emerging peace agenda,
and is motivating increasing numbers of students to get
involved in peace research and action.
The 2001 student conference, titled “The Missing Peace,”
attracted a record attendance of over 120 participants. Over
40 students made presentations at the conference, and organizers had to add additional panels to accommodate the high
level of interest.
Students came from colleges and universities from across
the U.S. and abroad, including Notre Dame, Colgate,
Monterey Institute of International Studies (California),
Central European University (Hungary), College of St.
Benedict and St. John’s University (Minnesota), Purdue
University, University of Alberta, Indiana University
(Bloomington), and Grand Valley
State University (Michigan).
Priscilla Hayner, Program
Director of the newly established
International Center for Transitional
Justice and author of Unspeakable
Truths: Confronting State Terror and
Atrocities, gave a challenging keynote
address, “Stepping Out of the Box:
Paving One’s Own Path as an
Independent Writer on Human
Rights.” Hayner’s address, which
Priscilla Hayner
identified several lessons she had
learned in her career as an independent writer on peace issues,
provoked an engaging discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of working for peace independently. Kroc Visiting
Fellow Peter Wallensteen and George Lopez also led discussions relating to the practice of peacemaking.
One common theme running through several student presentations was a concern with how to teach peace and conflict
resolution skills to children and youth, particularly those
growing up in contexts of violence or war. One panel explored
issues surrounding the recruitment and training of child
soldiers and the complex dynamics resulting from the
involvement of children in warfare in contexts such as
Israel/Palestine, Colombia, Uganda, Cambodia, and
Sri Lanka.
Panelists noted that children are lured into violent conflict
through a variety of factors, including not only active recruitment by militant groups, but also peer pressure and cultural
approval of violence. The participation of children in the conflict creates difficult dilemmas for security forces, who must
decide whether to treat the children as militants or bystanders.
Problems are complicated when militant groups take advantage of the children’s presence by using them as shields.
The conference also featured presentations by several middle school students. Students who had participated in the
activities of the Peace Learning Center in Indianapolis gave
presentations on peace and demonstrated peer mediation.
Students from South Bend discussed the “Take Ten” program
in several local schools.
Many participants in the conference presented research
emerging from experiences while studying abroad or working
in community organizations, where first-hand observation of
injustice or exploitation sparked their interest in broader global issues.
A Notre Dame
student who had
visited Nepal presented research on
child labor practices in the carpet
and sex trafficking
industries in
Nepal after seeing
how a young
Nepali apprentice
Conference Planning Committee
was mistreated;
others presented research resulting from experiences working
with the homeless and refugees. Complementing these undergraduate presentations, several M.A. students from the Kroc
Institute gave presentations related to their home countries.
Lauren Simmons, a senior in government and international studies, served as this year’s conference chairperson, and had
excellent support from the conference planning committee.
Siobhan McEvoy-Levy, Director of Undergraduate Studies at
the Kroc Institute, was the faculty advisor.
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n e w s
b r i e f s
|
Hal Culbertson (M.A. 1996) has been promoted to
Associate Director of the Kroc Institute. In his new position,
Culbertson has taken on responsibility for budget oversight
and staff coordination.
New Advisory Board Holds
Inaugural Meeting
Expansion Underway
Construction on a new wing of the Hesburgh Center for
International Studies began in May 2001. The new wing will
house 24 offices and meeting rooms, and will be shared by
the faculty and staff of the Kroc and Kellogg Institutes.
Construction is expected to be completed in the summer
of 2002.
Awards
Raimo Väyrynen, senior fellow at the Kroc Institute, was
awarded the Cross of Freedom, First Class, by the President of
Finland for his work for Finland’s independence and security.
Scott Appleby, director of the Kroc Institute, was elected a
Fellow of the American Academy of Political and Social
Sciences.
In addition, several Kroc faculty and students received
university awards:
Scott Appleby — Reinhold Niebuhr Award
A. James McAdams — Thomas J. Madden Teaching Award
Scott Mainwaring — Presidential Award
Dinah Shelton — Reinhold Niebuhr Award
Patrick Gaffney — Kaneb Teaching Award
Lauren Simmons — Peter Yarrow Award (outstanding undergraduate peace student)
The Kroc Institute’s new Advisory Board held its first meeting
on October 18-19. The board is chaired by Joseph A. Cari,
Jr., a senior partner in the Chicago law firm of Ungaretti &
Harris, and Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the
Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars.
The board discussed current research initiatives at the Kroc
Institute and met with faculty and students in the Institute’s
M.A. and undergraduate programs. The meeting concluded
with a discussion of future directions for the Institute and
fund-raising priorities.
The new Advisory Board will focus on strategic planning
and help establish fund-raising priorities for the Institute. It
will also consult regularly with the International Advisory
Board, established in 1986, whose members (drawn primarily
from academic and diplomatic circles) continue to provide
advice to the Institute on developments in international relations, peace and justice.
“The first meeting of the new Advisory Board was a great
success,” said Kroc Institute director Scott Appleby. “I am
delighted and encouraged by the commitment of the new
board members, their enthusiasm for our work, and their
remarkable range of expertise and experience. Already we have
benefitted from their wise counsel, and I look forward to a
fruitful collaboration in the months and years ahead.”
Staff Notes
Catherine Odell has joined the Institute as Coordinator of
Academic Events, a new position at the Institute. Odell, who
has a background as a free-lance writer, will coordinate lectures, conferences, and curricular events and will contribute
articles to the Institute newsletter.
Rashied Omar (M.A. 2001) will provide administrative
support to the Institute’s Program in Religion, Conflict and
Peacebuilding (PRCP) and the Research Initiative on the
Resolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC).
The Kroc Institute’s new Advisory Board: (back row, from left) Richard G.
Starmann, Robert P. McNeill, Phillip D. Brady, Patrick A. Salvi, Joseph A.
Cari, Joyce Neu, Thomas D. McCloskey, John R. Mullen, Robert E.
O’Grady; (front row) Michael Heisler, Scott Appleby.
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p u b l i c a t i o n s
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Institute Publications
Occasional Papers
[All Kroc Institute Occasional Papers are available in full-text at <www.nd.edu/~krocinst/ocpapers/>.]
“Conflict, Conflict Resolution and
the Children of Northern Ireland:
Towards Understanding the
Impact on Children and Families”
Erin L. Lovell and E. Mark Cummings
(Kroc Institute Occasional Paper,
21:OP:1).
Lovell and Cummings employ a multidisciplinary approach to consider the
effects of conflict and conflict processes
on children in Northern Ireland. Based
on a review of theory and research on
dynamic processes known to underlie
children’s functioning in families and
groups, they argue that child development and psychological processes in families are likely to be highly affected by the
communal conflict setting in Northern
Ireland, particularly in zones of high
intensity conflict. They show that children do not merely react to the presence
of conflict, but interpret the conflict and
what it means to them personally, and to
their families (or in a communal scenario, to their respective community).
They conclude that it is critical to initiate and conduct research relative to the
dynamic relationship between both
familial and communal conflict to lay the
groundwork for potential interventions
for children and families in Northern
Ireland.
Erin Lovell received her B.A. in Government
and International Relations from the
University of Notre Dame in 2001 and completed a concentration in peace studies.
Mark Cummings is Professor of Psychology
at the University of Notre Dame.
“Youth as Social and Political
Agents: Issues in PostSettlement Peace Building”
Siobhan McEvoy-Levy (Kroc Institute
Occasional Paper #21:OP:2)
McEvoy-Levy examines the role of youth
in the post-agreement phase of conflict
transformation. She makes the case for a
focus on youth both as dependent and
independent variable in peace processes
and particularly in the post-agreement
phase. She argues that youth frequently
turn to socio-political violence when a
peace process does not sufficiently integrate their interests and does not use
their skills and experience. But this does
not mean such youth are “lost” to society
or irredeemably disaffected, as is often
presumed. McEvoy-Levy develops scholarly findings on resilience and political
engagement as crucial pointers in the
search for ways to constructively engage
youth in peacebuilding.
Siobhan McEvoy-Levy is co-director of the
Kroc Institute’s Research Initiative on the
Resolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC) and
Visiting Assistant Professor of Political
Science at Butler University, Indianapolis,
Indiana.
“The Guatemalan Peace Process:
The Accords and Their
Accomplishments”
Luis Pásara (Kroc Institute Occasional
Paper #21:OP:3)
Guatemala, one of the poorest countries
in Latin America, suffered an internal
armed conflict for 36 years. A long and
difficult peace negotiation process ended
in 1996 by the signing of comprehensive
and ambitious peace accords. Five years
later, the accomplishments of the accords
are limited. In this article, Pásara examines the social context in which the
accords were negotiated and implemented, some of their accomplishments and
shortcomings, and suggests lessons which
can be learned from them.
Luis Pásara is a sociologist of law and
political analyst. He served as legal advisor
to the United Nations Mission in Guatemala
from 1996-2000. He was a visiting fellow
at the Kroc Institute during the Spring
semester of 2001.
“The Growing Peace Research
Agenda”
Peter Wallensteen (Kroc Institute
Occasional Paper #21:OP:4)
How has the agenda of peace research
changed over time? What issues should
peace research focus on today? Peter
Wallensteen, who has played a prominent
role in the development of the field,
examines how the peace research agenda
emerged out of both the traumatic and
the hopeful experiences of the 20th century. He then considers the evolution of
methodological approaches in the field
and delineates the diverse means by
which peace research has an impact on
society.
Peter Wallensteen was a Visiting Fellow at
the Kroc Institute during spring semester
2001, through a grant from the AmericanScandinavian Foundation, which named him
the first ASF Visiting Lecturer from Sweden.
He is Dag Hammarskjöld Professor of
Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala
University.
p e a c e
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31
Policy Briefs
(All Kroc Institute Policy Briefs are available on the web at
<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/
polbriefs/>.)
Kashmir and the War on
Terrorism, Policy Brief #8
(November 2001), by Cynthia
Mahmood
U.S. Opposition to the
International Criminal Court:
Unfounded Fears, Policy Brief #7
(June 2001), by Robert C. Johansen
Israel under Sharon: The Tunnel at
the End of the Light, Policy Brief #6
Smart Sanctions: Restructuring
UN Policy in Iraq
David Cortright,
George A. Lopez,
Alistair Millar, with
Linda Gerber, contributing editor (a
joint policy report
published by the
Fourth Freedom
Forum and the Joan
B. Kroc Institute for International Peace
Studies, April 2001).
[Available on the web at <www.nd.edu/
~krocinst/research/econsanc.html>.
Hard copies available on request.]
(June 2001), by Alan Dowty
A Hard Look at Iraq Sanctions,
Toward Smart Sanctions on Iraq,
David Cortright, The Nation, December
3, 2001
Policy Brief #5 (April 2001), by George
A. Lopez
Other Policy
Publications
South Asia at the Nuclear
Crossroads, U.S. Policy Options
Toward South Asian Nuclear
Proliferation: The
Role of Sanctions
and Incentives
David Cortright with
Samina Ahmed (jointly
published by The
Fourth Freedom Forum,
the Joan B. Kroc
Institute for
International Peace
Studies, and the
Managing of the Atom Project at
Harvard University, April 2001).
[Available on the web at <www.nd.edu/
~krocinst/research/crossroad.pdf>.
Hard copies available on request.]
Proposed: A More Effective and
Just Response to Terrorism, David
Cortright, USA Today Magazine, January
2002
The Winter Soldiers Movement:
GI’s and Veterans Against the
Vietnam War, David Cortright, Peace
and Change 27, no. 1 (January 2002):
118-124
Faculty
Publications
Books
The Effects of Violence on Peace
Processes
John Darby (Washington, D.C.: United
States Institute of Peace, 2001)
Violence, especially ethnic violence, is
exceptionally hard to extinguish. As John
Darby argues in this original, holistic,
and comparative treatment of the subject, “even when political violence is
ended by a cease-fire, it reappears in
other forms to threaten the evolving
peace process.”
Unlike many other
treatments of the
topic, Darby focuses
on peace processes
that have involved
actors other than
the United Nations.
He analyzes the
nature and impact
of four interrelated
kinds of violence: violence by the state,
violence by militants, violence in the
community, and the emergence of new
violence-related issues during negotiations. In-depth profiles of the five featured cases (Northern Ireland, South
Africa, Sri Lanka, Israel-Palestine, and
the Basque country) provide ample background and enrich understanding.
Judging the Past in Unified
Germany
A. James McAdams (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2001)
In recent years, no modern democracy
has taken more aggressive steps to come
to terms with a legacy of dictatorship
than has the Federal Republic of
Germany with the crimes and injustices
of Communist East Germany. In this
book, A. James McAdams provides a
comprehensive and engaging examina-
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32
tion of the four most prominent
instances of this policy: criminal trials for
the killings at the Berlin Wall; the disqualification of administrative personnel
for secret-police ties; parliamentary
truth-telling commissions; and private
property restitution. On the basis of
extensive interviews in Bonn and Berlin
over the 1990s, McAdams gives new
insight into the difficulties German
politicians, judges, bureaucrats, and public officials faced sitting in judgment on
the affairs of another state. He argues
provocatively that the success of their
policies must be measured in terms of
the way they used East German history
to justify their actions.
American Exceptionalism and
U.S. Foreign Policy: Public
Diplomacy at the End of the Cold
War
Siobhan McEvoy-Levy (New York:
Palgrave, 2001)
McEvoy-Levy examines a critical time
and place in recent world history-the end
of the Cold War-and the strategies and
values employed in the public diplomacy
of the Bush and Clinton Administrations
to build domestic and international consensus. This book provides insight into
the uses of presidential power and provides a model and an illustration for how
rhetoric may be used in the study of
United States foreign policy.
Toward a Global Civilization? The
Contribution of Religions
ed. Patricia M. Mische and Melissa
Merkling (New York: Peter Lang, 2001)
Creating a peaceful and sustainable global future is as much an ethical and spiritual matter as an economic, social, and
legal one. To respond to the challenges
resulting from today’s global economic
and ecological interdependence, twentyone distinguished scholars from the
world’s major religions describe their
tradition’s contributions to the
development of
a shared global
ethic.
Contributors
from Hindu,
Jain, Buddhist,
Confucian, Jewish, Christian, Islamic,
Baha’i, and traditional African perspectives consider their tradition’s respect for
national, cultural, and religious diversity,
and its applications in humane and effective global governance structures and systems. They show how each tradition
frames comprehensive values for human
society, contains seeds of world systems
thinking, and approaches multireligious
initiatives. Patricia Mische completed
work on this volume during a visiting
fellowship at the Kroc Institute in
1998-99.
Revolutions in Sovereignty: How
Ideas Shaped Modern
International Relations
Daniel Philpott (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 2001)
How did the world come to be organized
into sovereign states? Philpott argues that
two historical revolutions in ideas are
responsible. First, the Protestant
Reformation ended medieval
Christendom and brought a system of
sovereign states in Europe, culminating
at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.
Second, ideas of equality and colonial
nationalism brought a sweeping end to
colonial empires around 1960, spreading
the sovereign states system to the rest of
the globe. In both cases, revolutions in
ideas about legitimate political authority
profoundly altered the “constitution” that
establishes basic authority in the international system. Bringing new theoretical
and historical depth to the study of international relations, Philpott demonstrates
that while shifts in military, economic,
and other forms of material power cannot be overlooked, only ideas can explain
how the world came to be organized into
a system of sovereign states.
Economic Imperatives and Ethical
Values in Global Business: The
South African Experience and
International Codes Today
Oliver F. Williams, C.S.C and S. Prakash
Sethi, (Notre Dame, IN: University of
Notre Dame Press, 2001) (Published in
hardbound in 2000 by Kluwer Academic
Press, Cambridge, MA)
Williams and Sethi offer an in-depth and
systematic analysis of the workings of the
Sullivan Principles, a code of conduct
created in 1977 by civil rights leader Rev.
Leon Sullivan for U.S. companies operating in South Africa. The authors examine
the impact of the Sullivan Principles on
the interactions of foreign corporations
with South Africa. They also consider
how the experience of the Sullivan
Principles might instruct the process of
developing codes of ethics as large multinational corporations cope with issues of
human rights, living and working conditions of workers, environmental protection, and sustainable growth in their
overseas manufacturing operations.
Chapters
Alan Dowty, “Jewish Political Culture
and Zionist Foreign Policy,” in
Global Politics: Essays in Honour of
Professor David Vital ed. Abraham
Ben-Zvi and Aharon Klieman (London:
Frank Cass, 2001, 309-326)
The imprints of interests and ideology on
Zionism and Israeli foreign policy have
been better delineated than the impact of
traditional political culture. But even a
convinced “realist” must appreciate how
Jewish political culture colors both internal and external relations. Two themes
dominate in this discourse: 1) the focus
on security, which is rooted in a historically-conditioned sense of foreboding, an
emphasis on personal safety, a tendency
to defer to strong leadership, and multi-
p e a c e
c o l l o q u y
33
ple interpretations of external hostility;
and 2) the sense of separateness, which
encompasses distrust of external actors, a
tendency to secrecy and backstage diplomacy, a high priority on relations with
Jews elsewhere, and a strong tradition of
self-reliance.
Denis Goulet, “The Evolving Nature
of Development in the Light of
Globalization,” in The Social
Dimensions of Globalization, ed. Louis
Sabourin (Vatican City: Pontifical
Academy of Social Sciences, 2000,
26-46)
As the UNDP notes, economic development is a means to a broader end: qualitative human development. Pursuing
economic development as an end leads to
serious distortions. Correction requires
using market competition as a social
mechanism, not as an operating principle. Globalization produces good and
bad effects. The entry into arenas of
development decision-making of new
actors — NGOs and other agents of civil
society — re-frames the terms of development debates. There are growing
demands from affected populations and
institutional actors in civil society to
define their own development. This challenges elite decision-making of dominant
international financial institutions, great
power governments, and large international business firms.
Robert C. Johansen, “Enforcing Norms
and Normalizing Enforcement for
Humane Governance,” in Principled
World Politics: The Challenge of
Normative International Relations, ed.
Paul Wapner and Lester Edwin J. Ruiz
(Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000)
Because all people at this stage of human
history now live within permeable
territorial boundaries, human security
can no longer be achieved without ensuring that people everywhere obey at least a
few fundamental rules prohibiting severely threatening actions, whether of a military, migratory, environmental or
despotic nature. Peace and security can
be substantially enhanced only by taking
steps to domesticate the international
system. One significant measure would
be to increase the international community’s capacity to hold individuals,
including government officials, accountable to fundamental international norms
of peace and human rights and, in particular, to strengthen United Nations capabilities for employing legal instruments
of individualized enforcement, including
highly trained UN civilian police and
police trainers, conflict experts, internationally sponsored or monitored judicial
proceedings, and “smart” economic
sanctions.
Raimo Väyrynen, “Post-Hegemonic
and Post-Socialist Regionalisms:
A Comparison of East Asia and
Central Europe,” in Regionalisms.
Implications for Global Development, ed.
Bjırn Hettne, Andrs Inotai & Osvaldo
Sunkel (London & New York: Palgrave
2001, 132-86).
Väyrynen explores the impact of the
changing international political and economic system on regional integration in
East Asia and Central Europe. Rather
than have a zero-sum relationship, globalization and regionalization of economic
activities have progressed in tandem. In
Europe, regionalism is much more organized than in East Asia and, therefore, the
decline of the great-power hegemony,
especially the Soviet/Russian influence,
has permitted the spread of integration to
Central Europe. The absence of effective
hegemony has prompted the East Asian
countries to explore new ties, but they
have remained much more informal and
are still challenged by political suspicions.
However, over the long term, the functional, networked nature of the East
Asian regionalism may turn out to be
economically more effective than the
institutional and often protectionist integration strategies prevalent in Europe.
Articles
R. Scott Appleby and Martin E. Marty,
“Think Again: Fundamentalism,”
Foreign Policy (January/February 2002):
16-22.
For all the current focus on fiery Islamic
extremists, religious fundamentalists are
not confined to any particular faith or
country, nor to the poor and uneducated.
Instead, they are likely to spring up anywhere people perceive the need to fight a
godless, secular culture — even if they
have to depart from the orthodoxy of
their traditions to do it. In fact, what
fundamentalists everywhere have in common is the ability to craft their messages
to fit the times.
David B. Burrell, “Roots of IsraeliPalestinian Violence,” Commonweal
20 (April 2001): 9-10.
An attempt to disentangle the situation
in Israel/Palestine, by understanding its
origins to be in the two “contradictions”
latent in Israeli society: that the homecoming of one people entailed the homewrecking of another — something
obscured by official Israeli mythical history until the archives were recently
opened and the “new historians” have
exposed the events of 1948. the other
being the prolonged occupation, since
1967 — something unbecoming a
“Jewish state” according to such notable
authorities (at the time) as Yesheyahu
Leibowitz. The importance of such “contradictions” can be traced to Rene
Girard, who argues that a society will
break out in violence to the extent that it
is founded on a contradiction; those in
American society were explicit, and
p e a c e
c o l l o q u y
34
resulted in our civil war; those in many
societies are more implicit, but the results
will out.
Alan Dowty, “A Question That
Outweighs All Others: Yitzhak
Epstein and Zionist Recognition of
the Arab Issue,” Israel Studies 8
David Cortright, “Powers of
(Spring 2001): 34-54
Persuasion: Sanctions and
Incentives in the Shaping of
International Society,” International
Studies (New Delhi) 38, no. 2 (2001):
113-125
Cortright examines Hedley Bull’s theory
of international society, which seeks to
avoid the pitfalls of both realist and idealist theories. Building on Bull’s framework, he then considers how theories of
economic statecraft would fit into Bull’s
theory of international society. He argues
that sanctions and incentives can be
effective tools for shaping the rules and
norms that govern international society.
This article was based on the Hedley Bull
Memorial Lecture 2000, which Cortright
delivered at Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi on March 9, 2000.
Alan Dowty, “Making ’No First Use’
Work: Bring All WMD Inside the
Tent,” The Non-proliferation Review 8
(Spring 2001): 79-85
Despite impressive progress in the delegitimization of chemical and biological
weapons, success in eliminating them
clearly depends on parallel progress in
delegitimizing nuclear weapons. Arms
control negotiations will have to take
into account the linkages that exist
between the different categories of
weapons of mass destruction. One obvious first step would be agreement on no
first use of any weapon of mass destruction, enabling the United States to maintain a nuclear deterrent against chemical
or biological attack while abandoning the
increasingly dubious option of nuclear
response to conventional attack.
Yitzhak Epstein, an early Zionist settler
and teacher, published in 1907 an article
entitled “A Hidden Question,” which is
often regarded as the first serious Zionist
analysis of the question of relations with
the Arab population in Palestine. This
article, translated into English here for
the first time, does indeed appear upon
closer examination to be a more sensitive
analysis of the issue than any previous
Zionist writings; it also projects the final
dimensions of the conflict decades before
they took shape and was a provocative
statement that was instrumental in framing the subsequent debate within the
movement.
Fred Dallmayr, “Dialogue of
Civilizations: A Gadamerian
Perspective,” Global Dialogue
Vol. 3 (2001): 64-75
The essay seeks to make a contribution
to Year 2001 which has been officially
designated by the United Nations as the
“Year of Dialogue among Civilizations.”
The essay first discusses the meaning of
“civilization,” differentiating the term
from counter terms like nature and the
divine. Next, the essay discusses specifically the character and development of
Western civilization. Finally, relying on
the work of Hans-Georg Gadamer, the
essay explores the possibility of a dialogue among civilizations arguing that
it has to be a multidimensional and ethically sensitive dialogue.
Robert Johansen, “To Test or Not to
Alan Dowty and Michelle Gawerc,
Test: That is the Question (of
Faith),” Bulletin of the Peace Studies
“The Al-Aqsa Intifada: Revealing
the Chasm,” Middle East Review of
Institute, Manchester College, Vol. 30
(Fall 2000): 7-12
International Affairs 5, No. 3
(September, 2001), available at
<www.biu.ac.il/SOC/besa/
meria.html>.
Dowty and Gawerc (Kroc M.A., ’01)
analyze the outbreak of a new Palestinian
uprising (intifada) in September 2000 by
examining Palestinian perceptions and
activities. They discuss the causes of this
development, analyze Palestinian strategy,
and explore differing Palestinian and
Israeli views on the course of the peace
process. They also consider the standpoints of leaders and of public opinion
toward these events.
A careful examination of arguments
raised by leading U.S. Senators who
refused to ratify the treaty that would
have banned nuclear weapons tests
reveals more about Senators’ faith than
about U.S. national interests. Senators
opposing the treaty demonstrate more
faith in allowing testing than in legal
constraints and treaty-mandated international verification systems. Nonetheless,
the security consequences of ratifying the
treaty and implementing its inspections
provisions, although never capable of
providing ironclad assurances against
treaty violations, would be far more
likely to protect U.S. security and discourage the spread of nuclear weapons
than rejecting the treaty.
p e a c e
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35
Layna Mosley, “Room to Move:
International Financial Markets and
The Welfare State,” International
Organization 54:4 (Fall 2000)
This article examines the extent to which
international capital mobility limits government policy choices. Mosely evaluates
the relationship between international
financial markets and government policy
outcomes, with a focus on the government bond market in developed democracies. Evidence includes interviews with
financial market participants and a crosssectional time series analysis of the determinants of interest rates. This evaluation
suggests that governments of developed
democracies face strong but narrowlydefined financial market pressures.
Financial market participants are concerned with a few macro-policy indicators, including inflation rates and
government deficit/G.P. ratios, but are
not concerned with more micro-policy
indicators, such as the distribution of
government spending across functional
categories. In these micro-policy areas,
governments retain policy-making
autonomy.
Kristin Shrader-Frechette and Lars
Persson, “Ethical Problems in
Radiation Protection,” Swedish
Radiation Protection Society Reports 11
(2001) [full-text available at
http://www.ssi.se/english/index.htm]
In this report the authors survey existing
international radiation-protection recommendations and standards of the
International Radiological Protections
Commission (ICRP), the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and the
International Labor Organization (ILO).
After outlining previous work on the
ethics of radiation protection, professional ethics, and the ethics of human radiation experiments, the authors review
ethical thinking on seven key issues related to radiation protection and ethics.
They formulate each of these seven issues
in terms of alternative ethical stances: 1)
equity versus efficiency, 2) health versus
economics, 3) individual rights versus
societal benefits, 4) due process versus
necessary sacrifice, 5) uniform versus
double standards, 6) stakeholder consent
versus management decisions, and 7)
environmental stewardship versus anthropocentric standards.
Raimo Väyrynen, “Funding Dilemmas
in Refugee Assistance: Political
Interests and Institutional Reforms
in UNHCR,” International Migration
Review 35, no. 1 (2001): 143-67
UNHCR has constant economic problems as practically all of its funding
comes from voluntary contributions. The
growing problem with refugees and internally displaced persons has brought the
system to a breaking point. In the beginning of the 1990s funds made available
to UNHCR expanded significantly, but
most of this growth went to special funds
that the donors could earmark to projects
of their liking. This has curtailed the
agency’s freedom of action and resulted
in a less than rational pattern of
operation for which the agency is itself
partially guilty. A budgetary reform
implemented in 1999 combined the special and general funds with the purpose
of increasing the flexibility of refugee
operations. With the decline of the
contributions by the European Union,
however, the future of UNHCR looks
somewhat bleak and it will need additional reforms to operate effectively.
Raimo Väyrynen, “Environment,
Violence, and Political Change,”
Notre Dame Journal of Law Ethics and
Public Policy 15, no. 2 (2001): 593-620
The concept of environmental security
should be defined in rather narrow terms
to include only those ecological risks that
an actor has caused with the intention to
harm others and whose effects are significant and divisible. Such “competitive”
threats should be distinguished from
“contextual” threats, such as global
warming, which are largely indivisible
and unintentional in terms of security
risks. The third type of threat is “contamination” resulting from air- and waterborne pollution which may produce
security risks, but is seldom politically
intentional. The empirical focus is on
resource conflicts whose security implications are, over a short and medium term,
considered limited. Problems are due
more to the rivalry over valuable, marketable resources, such as oil and diamonds, than to the scarcity of resources.
Raimo Väyrynen, “Sovereignty,
Globalization and Transnational
Social Movements,” International
Relations of the Asia-Pacific 1, no. 2
(2001): 227-46
Economic globalization has eroded the
divide between national and international systems and fostered the dispersal of
power in social networks. As a result, one
cannot define state sovereignty as a counterpose to the global system, as these
phenomena have become mutually
embedded. The internal dimension of
state sovereignty has been transformed
more thoroughly than the external one.
This is, in part due to the proliferation of
transnational social movements, which
have gained power in national societies.
Therefore, the anti-globalization movement, although unable to halt the process
of economic integration, has been able to
redefine the terms of the globalization
debate and influence national responses
and international financial institutions.
p e a c e
U p c o m i n g
c o l l o q u y
H i g h l i g h t s
—
S p r i n g
2 0 0 2
March 7-9
April 9-10
Conference: Assessing the Theological Legacy of
John Howard Yoder
McKenna Hall (CCE)
(co-sponsored by the Notre Dame Department of Theology,
Goshen College, and the Institute for Mennonite Studies at
the Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary)
The Eighth Annual Hesburgh Lectures on Ethics and
Public Policy
Freeman J. Dyson, Professor of Physics Emeritus, School of
Natural Sciences, The Institute for Advanced Studies,
Princeton
Hesburgh Center
March 22-23
“Eight Tales for Technophiles: Successes and Failures in Using
Technology to Help the Poor”
The Annual Student Conference: Be the Change
Hesburgh Center
April 5-6
“The World Economic Forum Debates: The Future of Science
and Technology”
Working Group Meeting on Catholic Peacebuilding
April 12-13
Conference: In Multiple Voice: Challenges and Prospects for
Islamic Peacebuilding After September 11
Hesburgh Center
Further information about these and other events at the Kroc Institute is available on our website at www.nd.edu/~krocinst
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