National winner
Using Primary Sources
from the NAA
Alice han
Pymble Ladies’ College, nsw
Title: Celebrating and remembering:
The special relationship
Page 1
Celebrations, Memories, History: Alice Han - Pymble Ladies College
Celebrating and remembering “The Special Relationship”1
[Gough Whitlam with ear against The Echo Wall during his historic visit to China as Prime Minister in 1973]
“We Westerners have been grappling with China for centuries, trying to read it, trying to engage it,
trying to contain it and trying to profit from it.”
Kevin Rudd’s time as prime minister bears a striking set of similarities with that of his idol,
Gough Whitlam’s. His well-crafted Labour ‘bandwagon’ campaign redolent of Whitlam’s
‘It’s Time’ was fought against a similarly conservative liberal ‘dynasty’ suffering from
association with an unpopular war. Despite strong public support during their campaigns,
both Rudd and Whitlam’s tenures were brief, resulting from controversial overthrows. Yet
arguably the most historically significant point of propinquity between the two Labour
leaders is that dimension of intimacy with China fondly recalled by both.
“My own intellectual odyssey and personal engagement with China and the region more
broadly began with Gough….I watched with wide eyes on the flickering tube Gough and
Margaret (Whitlam) embark on their triumphal march to China in 1973. I read every word
about who Gough met and what was said.”2
1.
Maher, T. Another Sun - ABC Foreign Correspondent. 2005
2.
Quoted from one of Bob Hawke’s speeches - Thomas, N. 2004, Re-orienting Australia-China relations: 1972 to the present,
Ashgate Publishing Limited, Aldershot, England.
3.
Speech by Mr Kevin Rudd MP, Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Dunlop Asialink Medal Award Presentation,
The University of Melbourne, 6 February 2001, retrieved from:
http://www.asialink.unimelb.edu.au/our_work/corporate__and__public/dunlop_medallecture/dunlop_lecture/kevin_rudd_speech
Page 2
Rudd’s reflection on his childhood connection with both Gough Whitlam and China in a
speech given in 2001 shed light upon an epochal moment in Australian history that had
effectively redirected Australia towards a more progressive, independent and Asia-Pacific
outlook for the 20th century, just as it had veered a “starry-eyed” Queensland teenager
towards diplomacy. The image no doubt seen by the young Kevin Rudd on his TV screen
was of a physical and intellectual giant of a man, eagerly clapping along to a warm send-off
given by a parade of Chinese dancers. Whitlam’s ALP delegation to China, welcomed
symbolically by Premier Zhou Enlai, stands as a watershed moment filled with fanfare and
celebration, and which echoed in a “Golden Decade”2 for Australian diplomacy. Since then,
the relationship has transcended vested economic and political interests to a profound cultural
understanding and respect. Yet, in the recent climate of uncertainty regarding China’s agenda
as a rising superpower, what risks being lost is the symbol of celebration that Whitlam’s 1971
delegation represented. If anything, the course of the last fifty years of Australian diplomatic
history has taught us that Australia and China must go beyond past fears and “commercial
and foreign policy matters”2 to celebrate their past and present. To remember Whitlam’s
“breaking of the ice”3 in China is to remember not only that “very special relationship” but to
celebrate and remember the period of new nationalism, politic pluralism and diplomatic
independence that sprouted from Australia, as a result of its dealings with China.
Prior to Whitlam’s delegation to China in 1971, Australian diplomacy was dominated by the
anti-communist ideology of the Menzies era as well as a strong dependence on the U.S to
effectively “shield [Australia] against red arrows from the yellow peril”4 that China posed to
the region. Before becoming communist in 1949 the image of China was already linked with
profound apprehension. This was reflected in the laws enacted in the 19th century by the
Australian colonies prohibiting Chinese immigration and the White Australian Policy
consolidated in the 20th century. By the 1950s the nation was gripped by the fear of China not
only as a source of “yellow peril” but also as a northern “red menace” and the then incumbent
Prime Minister, Menzies was not one to shy away from exploiting the electorate’s fears of a
communist incursion, effectively “kicking the communist can” in order to remain in power.
Labour opposition leader Ben Chifley, in a bid to win over the electorate was forced against
recognising Communist China. Anti-communist sentiment reached such fever pitch in the 50s
that Renouf, former head of Foreign Affairs wrote, “we had become in the eyes of people
overseas almost more anti-communist than the Americans.”5 Rather than instigating friendly
dialogue with China, Australia opted for a Two-China policy, thereby recognising Taiwan as
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Liu, W.J. undated. State Library of NSW Records, Retrieved from:
http://acms.sl.nsw.gov.au/item/itemDetailPaged.aspx?itemID=148706
Quoted from Hawke in: -- Woodard, G. 1987, ‘Relations between Australia and the People’s Republic of China: an
Individual Perspective,’ The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, Contemporary China Center, Australian
National University, No. 17, (Jan. 1987), p. 152
Woodard, G. 1987, ‘Relations between Australia and the People’s Republic of China: an Individual Perspective,’
The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, Contemporary China Center, Australian National University, No. 17,
(Jan. 1987), p. 155.
Quoted from Peacock in Blainey, G. 1984, ‘Our relations with China: A backward and forward glance,’ The
Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 11, January 1984, p. 103
King, P. 1974. ‘Whither Whitlam?,’ International Journal, Canadian International Council, Vol. 29, No. 3, p. 438.
Page 3
being politically distinct from mainland China. The Gallup Polls of June 1971 show that 52
percent, a majority of the public1, were in favour of this Government policy. Relations with
Beijiing frosted further with when in 1966, the Government set up an embassy in Taiwan,
even though there was not yet a diplomatic representation on the mainland.
An economic connection with China was the only link existing between the two nations
during the pre-Whitlam era. A lucrative wheat trade had been set up in the 1961 with the
support of the Country Party and from 1963 to 1964 two-way trade between the two countries
was valued at $184.6 million2. There were a handful of political leaders in the mid-20th
century ready to take the radical yet visionary approach to recognising China. Among them, a
young Gough Whitlam, who as early as 1954 called for U.N and Australian recognition of
Communist China. Over the next two decades, with growing public disillusionment towards
‘cold war’ politics, a more realist, pluralist perspective emerged throughout Western nations
and Whitlam as new leader of the Labour party, sought to redirect the nation towards a more
tolerant approach to China. George Blainey, first Chairman of the Australia-Council,
described Whitlam around this time as the figure responsible for Australia’s transition to a
period of political “calm” “almost unique in [Australian] history” which arose from “cordial
relations with China.3
By the time of the McMahon administration, the Government had already singled out “the
China Problem”4 as a “central issue in foreign policy”5 but was not yet sure as to how to
tackle it. McMahon held a non-recognition policy to Communist China, in spite of his longterm plans to start a form of dialogue with China in the foreseeable future. Not even a
“simple recognition”6 of Communist China, advocated by one of his ministers, was agreed to
by McMahon who held no desire to “step out of the US line;”7 just as no member of his
cabinet was willing to compromise his position by engaging with China. McMahon’s
statement that “politics and trade are two separate things”8 received an embarrassing response
when in 1970 the Chinese Government suspended their purchasing of Australian wheat. The
government’s inaction and hesitancy encapsulated, however, public opinion on China at the
time, with most Australians still fearful of it as a communist threat. 1971 saw a shift in
international relations with China and the McMahon administration was taken aback by the
positive press coverage of Whitlam’s tour in China, as well as the U.N’s official recognition
of Communist China later that year; but undoubtedly they were most confounded by Nixon’s
unexpected visit to China. Yet even in the wake of these events McMahon was not willingly
to expediently “move in a way that [he believed] would insult public opinion.”9 The extent of
the
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Fung, E.S.K, 1983, ‘Australia’s China Policy in Tatters 1971-2, The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 10, p. 43
Mediansky, F.A. (eds) 1997, Australian Foreign Policy: Into the new millennium, Macmillan Publishers Australia, South Yarra.
Blainey, G. 1984, ‘Our relations with China: A backward and forward glance,’ The Australian Journal of Chinese
Affairs, No. 11, January 1984, p.101
Hayden, B. 1984, ‘Australia’s China Policy under Labour,’ The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, Contemporary China
Center, Australian National University, No. 11, (January 1984), p. 86.
Ibid. p. 88.
Ibid. 1, p. 45
Ibid. 3, p. 102
8.
King, P. 1974. ‘Whither Whitlam?,’ International Journal, Canadian International Council, Vol. 29, No. 3, p. 439.
9.
Ibid. p. 440.
Page 4
Australian public’s blind dependence on America was reflected in a poll taken shortly after
the Nixon’s visit to China was announced. 56 %1 of those in the poll instead of the former 6%
now favoured recognition of the People’s Republic of China.
In July of 1971, Whitlam took the first active step in changing the nation’s fear of China into
friendship by making his milestone visit to China. More than a year prior to this senior
officials and diplomats were of the opinion that there was 'an urgent need to review policy
towards China’2 While this fell on the deaf ears of the Liberal Government at the time,
Whitlam was eager to take up the endeavour and after receiving invaluable advice from Mick
Young, the Federal Secretary, wrote to the Chinese Government who quickly replied with an
official invitation. Whitlam’s China delegation consisted of senior ALP members, diplomats
and a travelling press contingent that included the ABC News Crew, selected to broadcast the
historic visit. The trip was not without risk and many labour party members feared that it
would cause the electorate to vote against the ALP in the upcoming election. Whitlam, on the
other hand, believed whole-heartedly that he could emulate the Italian and Canadian models
on Chinese relations and follow the string of countries that had already successfully
normalised relations with China in previous years. After an extremely publicised landing in
Beijing on the 2nd July Whitlam met with Premier Zhou Enlai to engage in a series of talks.
Fitzgerald and Whitlam quickly realised the following:
“Current Chinese thinking seems to be that the balance should operate by competitive coexistence and avoid military confrontations….from the discussions of the Australian Labour
Party delegation in Peking, it is clear that China understands the central concerns of
Australian foreign policy”3
The ALP delegation was pleased with China’s sincerity and its willingness to co-operate
peacefully with other nations rather than use military aggression. Whitlam was able also to
use his position to lobby for the freedom of an Australian, Francis James, who had been
arrested in 1969 for alleged espionage, in a set of circumstances bearing striking resemblance
with that of Stern Hu’s recent arrest. Accounts by several of the delegation describe the
meeting between Zhou Enlai and Whitlam as a cordial affair. The two leaders launched into
an hour long discourse on Greek mythology and France4 after formal proceedings and in
celebration of Whitlam’s 55th Zhou sent over a cake to his hotel. Whitlam biographer
Professor Jenny Hocking called Whitlam’s visit to Beijing, a “strategically
brilliant…irresistible photo opportunity that placed Whitlam firmly on the world stage.” 5
1.
2.
King, P. 1974. ‘Whither Whitlam?,’ International Journal, Canadian International Council, Vol. 29, No. 3, p. 439.
According to DFAT - Parliament of Australia, 2008, ‘Within China’s Orbit? - China through the eyes of the Australian
Parliament, Parliamentary Library, Commonwealth of Australia, viewed 21 August 2010, retrieved from:
http://www.aph.gov.au/library/Pubs/monographs/Kendall/Chapter_two.htm
3.
Fitzgerald, S. 1971, ‘Impressions of China’s New Diplomacy: The Australian Experience,’ The China Quarterly, Cambridge
University Press, No. 48, October - December 1971, p. 676.
4.
Whitlam and China. Saturday Extra. Australian Broadcasting Corporation Radio National. 8 July 2006. Transcript
5.
Jenny Hocking - Kirby, M. “Whitlam as Internationalist,” University of Western Sydney, Whitlam Lecture, 25 February 2010.
Page 5
Several newspapers at home, however, responded negatively to the visit:
“Mr Whitlam has not hesitated to seek Chinese smiles of approval at the cost of Australian
interests … If Mr Whitlam thinks that this wholesale selling out of friends to gain a despot’s
smile is diplomacy, then Heaven protect this country if he ever directs its foreign policy.” 1
McMahon capitalised on the media censure by calling Whitlam a “pawn of the giant
communist power”2 and accusing him of “instant coffee diplomacy.”3 Malcolm Fraser
referred to him as the “Chinese candidate for the next Australian elections.”4 However, what
the world was not yet aware of at the time was that during Whitlam’s visit, Henry Kissinger,
Nixon’s advisor had been conducting covert talks with Beijing about organising a potential
meeting between Nixon and the Chinese government. On 15 July, news that Nixon would
himself visit China to normalise relations finally reached Parliament House and McMahon’s
subsequent mortification at the news was so great that he drafted a letter to Nixon expressing
his concern at the President’s failure to advise his closest of friends, namely Australia.
The tide of media opinion also changed with the realisation of Nixon’s upcoming visit in
1972. The Australian Quarterly quickly called it a “success”5 and one newspaper termed it as
a “new course in Asia.”6 The ABC news crew and journalists such as Laurie Oakes and
David Barnett that had travelled with Whitlam were able to capture the celebratory element
behind the visit. The travelling media viewed it as an evolution in diplomacy marking
Australia’s movement from catchphrases such as ‘communism’ and ‘dictatorship’, to a
celebration of common ground with China. But in 1971, the Australian public was not yet
aware of the significance of Whitlam’s act and this was reflected in the minimal role that
Labour’s international policies played in returning the party to power7. China’s admission
into the U.N confirmed the ALP’s progressive action in China to be both clairvoyant and
beneficial for the nation’s interests, just as Whitlam expounded it to be throughout interviews
conducted in China. By the time Whitlam touched down in Australia there was a media
frenzy to record Whitlam’s experiences in China and by now the press was largely supportive
of his foreign policy regarding China.
Many of the Chinese immigrants who were part of the 1980s influx to Australia were
teenagers during Whitlam’s visit and had never heard of Australia prior to his arrival.8
Emerging from the Cultural Revolution was a growing interest in the West and the welltimed visits of both Whitlam and Nixon captured the fascination of many young Chinese
people. The Chinese newspapers excitedly informed the Chinese people of Australia,
including with statistics and explanations of its unique culture. Some Chinese who would
later become migrants to Australia recall hearing about Australia for the first time in a
climate of Chinese enthusiasm. They remembered Australia from that moment onwards as a
Western nation ready to positively engage with China despite ideological and political
differences.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
McMahon on Whitlam: Shiming, W. 2002. ‘Australian Labor Party and the Relations Between Australia and China,’ viewed 22
August 2010, retrieved from: https://www.dfat.gov.au/acc/asp/conference/8th_ausstudies_participants_extracts.pdf
Ibid
Ibid.
Fraser on Whitlam. Ibid.
Smith, R.F.I. 1971, ‘Political Review,’ The Australian Quarterly, Australian Institute of Policy and Science, Vol. 43, No. 3,
September 1971, pp. 86-96
Ibid.
Ibid.
Interview with Mr. Jun Han. 10 August 2010.
Page 6
While the Whitlam administration of the 1970s carried with it a reformist attitude, arguably
the most pivotal action in Whitlam’s prime ministership was the movement in December of
1972 to officially recognise the People’s Republic of China as “sole legal government of
China”1 effectively opening China up to increased relations with Australia. On 31 October
1973, Whitlam returned to China, as the first Australian Prime Minister to make an official
visit to the country. This time he met with Chairman Mao Zedong and his visit was
publicised to a greater degree. In the same year, Stephen Fitzgerald was appointed
ambassador to China, heading the first Australian embassy established in Beijing. Despite
Whitlam’s dismissal two years later, Fraser continued the relationship that Whitlam had
fostered. Sino-Australian relations were no longer a partisan, labour against liberal form of
division, but a national issue and documents of Fraser’s briefing papers for the trip to China
are detailed with the profiles of all prominent Chinese leaders, notes for pronunciation
scribbled in the margins, a table of dynasties and a brief historic and cultural overview of the
country, all reflecting the intense focus on China. Fraser’s 1976 delegation was a success and
Mr Peacock and Mr Fraser were suitably impressed by the sincerity of Chinese. 2
Moreover, in confidential documents, the Government stated the following:
“The imperious treatment of foreign envoys and dignitaries in former times is well known.
But Chinese rites had an important function …procedures are important and they are
measured in such a way as to bring Chinese leaders into necessary contact with foreign
leaders without irritating or disturbing the Chinese system or offending other Governments.”3
Fraser’s mantra was to focus on mutual interests as a strategic framework towards “closer
links despite ideological differences”4 This new approach to Sino-Australian relations,
involved tolerance of Chinese cultural practices in politics as well as a sharing of Australian
culture with the Chinese. The embassy during Fraser’s visit took the innovative approach of
introducing the Chinese to Australian dishes, creating a menu of kangaroo tail soup, rock
oysters, crayfish tails, Australian fruit, cheeses, wine and beer. 5
When news of Mao’s death reached Canberra in 1976, Parliament made tributes in honour of
him, and in so doing exhibited what Whitlam termed as the “changing attitudes of Australian
politicians”6 to China and its leaders. However, the Coalition member for Mackellar walked
out on the parliament session in anger and protestation crying out, ‘Mr Speaker, Mao was a
murderer.’7 Indeed, some have criticised successive Australian Governments of “politically
romanticising” their relationship with China; being “unduly optimistic” and having a “double
vision” towards Chinese affairs. In many ways this is true and it is a factor that led to the
shattering of Australia’s optimism in its relationship with China after the Tiananmen
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
National Archives of Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; A1838, Records relating to Australia-China Affairs,
1971 - 1972, 3107/38/3 PART 7, China - Relations with Australia - Statements by Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Prime
Minister and other ministers.
Millar, T.B. 1977, ‘From Whitlam to Fraser,’ Foreign Affairs, Council on Foreign Relations, Vol. 55, No. 4 (July 1977), 855
National Archives of Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; A1209, Australia–China relations 1976: Looking
forward, 1976, 1976/364 PART 1, Prime Minister, Honourable Malcolm Fraser - Overseas visit - June 1976 - China.
Ibid
Fitzgerald, J, “Australia-China relations 1976: Looking Forward,” Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Canberra, RG
Neale Lecture, 2 August 2007.
Woodard, G. 1987, ‘Relations between Australia and the People’s Republic of China: an Individual Perspective,’ The Australian
Journal of Chinese Affairs, Contemporary China Center, Australian National University, No. 17, (Jan. 1987), pp. 143-152.
Ibid.
Page 7
Square Massacre of 1989. The Hawke Government described itself to be suitably horrified by
“the unyielding forces of repression brutally killing the vision of youth.”1
The complex, and oft-interpreted ambiguous nature of Sino-Australian relations, which has
only been exacerbated by China’s astronomical rise in the last few decades, has perhaps led
to our nation’s fear of China as an “inhuman, greedy, omnipotent and mysterious dragon”2
China too has its insecurities concerning Australia, having not quite recovered from events
such as the Rio Tinto affair and Uighar separatist Rebiya Kadeer’s visit to Australia. The
Australian Government also classifies China as a strategic threat in its defence white paper.
Yet a profound lesson is to be learnt from each individual government succeeding Whitlam’s.
Every post-Whitlam administration has sought to extend and profit from the Sino-Australian
connection both economically and politically and has often used cultural activities to do so.
Under Whitlam and Fraser, various cultural exchanges were promoted, including ballet
teachings, missions of Australian arts writers to China and a Chinese Archaeological
Exhibition in Sydney. Today, art exhibitions such as Brisbane’s “Asia Pacific Triennial” and
the recent ‘Cultural Revolution - China’s memory’ exhibition at the University of Sydney are
a common occurrence and a continuation of that tradition of cultural sharing. These cultural
initiatives are in large part integral in reminding both nations of the undeniably special and
unique nature of the Sino-Australian relationship, first celebrated in 1971. It is imperative
therefore for Australia to first and foremost dispel its fears of becoming a supplicant to China
and re-engage on a “basis of reciprocity”3 that goes beyond merely safeguarding and
advancing individual interests. History and the collective wisdom of each Post-Whitlam
Government highlight the necessity for nations to have bilateral forums for open diplomatic
discussion.
Just as Chris Healy argues that history is embedded in the social consciousness and involves
a “myriad ways in which relationships between past and present are formed”4 Whitlam’s
remarkable actions in relation to China have become exceedingly relevant to the course of
Australian politics today. They symbolise a movement away from the cold war climate of
fear and suspicion as well as Australia’s abandonment of its ‘satellite’ country status. The last
three decades have shown to us that we must look beyond the figures of Australia’s $68
billion economic trade5 with China and politically beneficial partnership to realise that what
has made the Sino-Australian relationship so strong transcends economic and political gain.
What is evoked in the rhetoric of politicians and diplomats alike is the memory of the cause
for celebration over thirty years ago when a tall stately Australian politician, touted instigator
of the Sino-Australian relationship, travelled to China rid Australia of the “habits of the past”
and direct the nation towards ‘the demands and opportunities of the future.’6 Just as Rudd
reminisced about it as a boy in front of the TV, we too must remember and celebrate the
historical event for what it teaches us today.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Quoted from Hawke - Ferrall, C, Millar, P & Smith, K. 2005, East by South: China in the Australasian Imagination,
Victoria University Press, Wellington, New Zealand.
Li X. (July 2009). Representing China by the Australian Public Broadcaster: Evolving or Stereotyped, Communication,
Creativity and Global Citizenship, Brisbane, viewed 19 August 2010, retrieved from:
http://www.cpe.qut.edu.au/conferences/2009/anzca/proceedings/Li_X_ANZCA09.pdf
National Archives of Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; A1209, Australia–China relations 1976: Looking
forward, 1976, 1976/364 PART 1, Prime Minister, Honourable Malcolm Fraser - Overseas visit - June 1976 - China.
Healy, C. 1997. ‘History as Social memory,’ Cambridge University Press. Cambridge
Sainsbury, M. 2010, ‘Sino-Australian links bruised by incidents, say Beijing,’ The Australian, 26th February 2010,
retrieved 19th August 2010, http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/sino-australian-links-bruised-by-incidents-saysbeijing/story-e6frg8zx-1225834511880
Page 8
6.
Whitlam, G. “It’s time for leadership,” 13 November 1972, Policy Speech for the Labour Party at the Blacktown Civic
Center, retrieved from: http://whitlamdismissal.com/speeches/72-11-13_it's-time.shtml
[Prime Minister Whitlam with Premier Zhou Enlai by his side receiving a warm send-off in
China, 1973]
Word Count: 2, 655
Page 9
Annotated Bibliography
Primary Sources:
Archival Records
•
National Archives of Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; A1209,
Australia–China relations 1976: Looking forward, 1976, 1976/364 PART 1, Prime
Minister, Honourable Malcolm Fraser - Overseas visit - June 1976 - China.
Contains useful records on Malcolm Fraser’s visit to China and valuable insight into the
Fraser administration’s desire to consolidate on the relationship started by Whitlam.
•
National Archives of Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Central
Office; A1838, Records relating to Australia-China Affairs, 1975-1978, 3107/38/1/4
PART 1, China - Correspondence between Department and Peking Embassy on its
role.
Contains correspondence between Peking and Australia as well as information provided by
both the Embassy and the Department concerning the nature of relations with China from
1975-1978. Provides a useful section on cultural relations with China.
•
National Archives of Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; A1838,
Records relating to Australia-China Affairs, 1971 - 1972, 3107/38/3 PART 7, China Relations with Australia - Statements by Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Prime
Minister and other ministers.
Provides useful insight into the Whitlam administration’s perspective on Sino-Australian
relationship.
Interview:
•
Interview with Mr. Jun Han. 10 August 2010.
My father, only a teenager at the time of Whitlam and Nixon’s visits to China, recalled the
explosion of fascination in the Chinese newspapers towards Australia. He was able to
provide an invaluable Chinese perspective on the celebratory meetings between China and
Australia.
Journal Articles:
•
Fitzgerald, S. 1971, ‘Impressions of China’s New Diplomacy: The Australian
Experience,’ The China Quarterly, Cambridge University Press, No. 48, October December 1971, pp. 670-676.
Invaluable insight into the Whitlam delegation of 1971 as well as an opinion on the future of
Page
10
Australian diplomacy with China by the interpreter and chief diplomat of the ALP contingent.
•
King, P. 1974. ‘Whither Whitlam?,’ International Journal, Canadian International
Council, Vol. 29, No. 3, (Summer 1974), pp. 422-440.
An international perspective on Whitlam’s initiatives in relation to China. Outlines the future
of Labour’s foreign policy.
•
Millar, T.B. 1977, ‘From Whitlam to Fraser,’ Foreign Affairs, Council on Foreign
Relations, Vol. 55, No. 4 (July 1977), 854-872.
Offers a more critical view of Whitlam’s progressive foreign policy and discusses the
achievements of Fraser in extending the Sino-Australian relationship. The article argues the
need for continual Sino-Australian relations and that this relationship should transcend
parties.
•
Smith, R.F.I. 1971, ‘Political Review,’ The Australian Quarterly, Australian Institute
of Policy and Science, Vol. 43, No. 3, September 1971, pp. 86-96
Provides a commentary on Whitlam’s actions in China in 1971 in relation to political events
at the time
Multimedia:
•
National Film and Sound Archive. Whitlam’s statement on recognition of China;
following his return from China. 1971. Recorded 24 July 1992.
This TV news footage includes Whitlam’s reasons for pushing international recognition of
the Chinese Government as well as the imperative for Australia to develop closer relations
with China.
Photographs:
•
National Archives of Australia. Australian information Service. A6180. Personalities Mr Gough Whitlam's trip to China, 1973. 14/11/73/209
•
National Archives of Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. A6135.
Personalities - Gough Whitlam with Premier Chou En Lai on his departure from
China, 1973. 1973 - 1973. K15/11/73/20.
Both pictures that capture the celebration and respect linked with Whitlam’s visits to China
in 1973. They encapsulate the essence of the Sino-Australian relationship.
Speech
•
Whitlam, G. “It’s time for leadership,” 13 November 1972, Policy Speech for the
Labour Party at the Blacktown Civic Center, retrieved from:
Page
11
http://whitlamdismissal.com/speeches/72-11-13_it's-time.shtml
A party leadership speech by Whitlam which includes improving Chinese relations as part of
his foreign policy agenda.
Secondary Sources:
Books:
•
Ferrall, C, Millar, P & Smith, K. 2005, East by South: China in the Australasian
Imagination, Victoria University Press, Wellington, New Zealand.
An informative and clear overview of the history of Sino-Australian relations divided into the
tenures of each Prime Minister since Menzies.
•
Grattan, M. 2000, Australian Prime Ministers, New Holland Publishers, Sydney.
Provides a brief overview of Whitlam’s progressive foreign policy within the context of
surrounding events and attitudes of Prime Ministers. Good for a very brief, holistic
perspective of events.
•
Mackerass, C. 1996, Australia and China: partners in Asia, Macmillan Education
Australia, South Melbourne.
The relationship between Australia and China in the framework of the Asia-Pacific Region.
•
Mediansky, F.A. (eds) 1997, Australian Foreign Policy: Into the new millennium,
Macmillan Publishers Australia, South Yarra.
Outlines in which direction Australian foreign policy to China should head in order for
peaceful and mutually beneficial relations to be maintained.
•
Thomas, N. 2004, Re-orienting Australia-China relations: 1972 to the present,
Ashgate Publishing Limited, Aldershot, England.
Conveys the evolution of relations and the importance of maintaining the core elements of
cultural engagement and friendship
Journal Articles:
•
Blainey, G. 1984, ‘Our relations with China: A backward and forward glance,’ The
Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 11, January 1984, pp. 99-104
An account of Sino-Australian relations in the 1980s, including a prediction of the future of
these relations.
•
Fung, E.S.K, 1983, ‘Australia’s China Policy in Tatters 1971-2, The Australian
Page
12
Journal of Chinese Affairs, Australian National University (Contemporary China
Centre), No. 10, (July 1983), pp. 39-59.
A useful valuable retrospective insight into the failures and the hesitant approach the
McMahon administration took towards normalising relations with Communist China. It looks
into detail at the events that allowed Whitlam to take such a successful and radical initiative
in his visit to China.
•
Hayden, B. 1984, ‘Australia’s China Policy under Labour,’ The Australian Journal of
Chinese Affairs, Contemporary China Center, Australian National University, No. 11,
(January 1984), pp. 83-97.
Detailed account of Labour’s policy towards Chinese relations.
•
Woodard, G. 1987, ‘Relations between Australia and the People’s Republic of China:
an Individual Perspective,’ The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, Contemporary
China Center, Australian National University, No. 17, (Jan. 1987), pp. 143-152.
Contains different perspectives on the Sino-Australian relationship and discusses the
importance of cultural exchanges in developing a relationship beyond economic and political
benefits.
Lecture:
•
Fitzgerald, J, “Australia-China relations 1976: Looking Forward,” Department of
Foreign Affairs and Trade in Canberra, RG Neale Lecture, 2 August 2007.
An invaluable source of information concerning the details of key diplomatic visits to China
as well as the significance of certain events and decisions to both the Chinese and the
Australians. Makes useful references to archival sources and documents.
•
Kirby, M. “Whitlam as Internationalist,” University of Western Sydney, Whitlam
Lecture, 25 February 2010.
Paints Whitlam as an important figure in redirecting Australian foreign policy and
diplomacy.
Multimedia:
•
Australian Broadcasting Services. 4 September 2009. ‘ABC bureau in Beijing
celebrates 35th Anniversary. Retrieved from:
http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2009/s2677086.htm
Explains the role of ABC in delivering the events of Whitlam’s delegation to China in 1971
and 1973.
Newspaper Articles:
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Sainsbury, M. 2010, ‘Sino-Australian links bruised by incidents, say Beijing,’ The
Australian, 26th February 2010, retrieved 19th August 2010,
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/sino-australian-links-bruised-by-incidentssays-beijing/story-e6frg8zx-1225834511880
Looks at the current diplomatic issues and events that could weaken Australia-China links
•
Tiffen, R. 2009. ‘China does not respond positively to humiliation,’ The Sydney
Morning Herald, 29th July 2009, retrieved 20th August 2010, Fairfax issues in the
News, http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/china-does-not-respond-positively-tohumiliation-20090728-dzzv.html?page=3
Rod Tiffen is a professor in Government and International Relations at the University of
Sydney and his article compares past issues concerning China with contemporary ones and
extrapolates the lessons that must be learned from the past.
Transcripts:
•
Go to the Documents: an address on the role of Historians by E.G. Whitlam at the
National Bi-Annual Postgraduate History Conference. University of Melbourne. 20
July 2001. Transcript retrieved from
http://uws.clients.squiz.net/whitlam/news_and_events/e-magazine/emagazine/issues/2003/issue_12__a_new_world_for_australias_political_heartland_march_2003/articles/go_to_the_do
cuments_an_address_on_the_role_of_historians
Whitlam’s view on his delegation to China in 1971 and subsequent policy towards Chinese
relations.
•
Speech made by the Hon Stephen Smith MP at an Australia-China Business Council.
Commonwealth of Australia. 16 March 2010. Transcript retrieved from:
http://www.foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2010/100316_australia_and_china.html
Good for analysing the rhetoric the current Government uses in describing and embracing
the Sino-Australian relationship
•
Speech made by Mr Kevin Rudd MP at the Dunlop Medal Lectures. Asialink. 6
February 2001. Transcript retrieved from:
http://www.asialink.unimelb.edu.au/our_work/corporate__and__public/dunlop_medal
lecture/dunlop_lecture/kevin_rudd_speech
Acknowledges the contribution of Whitlam in starting relations with China. He also talks
about his personal affinity with China and how it originated from an inspiring letter from
Whitlam given to him as a teenager.
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Torn Curtain: The secret history of the cold war - The week that changed the world.
Australian Broadcasting Corporation Radio National. Undated. Transcript.
Quotes from important leaders like Zhou en Lai and Whitlam as well as providing opinions of
a vast array of prominent figures in the international community about the surge of Chinese
foreign policy in the 1970s.
•
Whitlam Tours China. The World Today. Australian Broadcasting Corporation Local
Radio. 30 July 2002. Transcript.
•
Whitlam and China. Saturday Extra. Australian Broadcasting Corporation Radio
National. 8 July 2006. Transcript
A transcript of a radio interview between Geraldine Doogue and former president of the ALP
Tom Burns who provides an insightful personal account of the events surrounding the ALP’s
delegation to China in 1971. Useful as he was a prominent member of the delegation
Websites:
•
Chey, J. 2002. ‘From Rosny to the Great Wall: Australia-China Cultural Exchanges
since 1972, Anhui University, viewed 22 August 2010, retrieved from:
https://www.dfat.gov.au/acc/asp/conference/8th_ausstudies_participants_extracts.pdf
An excerpt of a lecture emphasising the importance of cross-cultural exchanges to maintain
the Australia - China relationship in the future
•
Li X. (July 2009). Representing China by the Australian Public Broadcaster:
Evolving or Stereotyped, Communication, Creativity and Global Citizenship,
Brisbane, viewed 19 August 2010, retrieved from:
http://www.cpe.qut.edu.au/conferences/2009/anzca/proceedings/Li_X_ANZCA09.pdf
Shows how the Australian media has perceived China and how this image has been
influenced by the “historical baggage” between Australia and China in the past. Includes a
useful cultural examination of China
•
Parliament of Australia, 2008, ‘Within China’s Orbit? - China through the eyes of the
Australian Parliament, Parliamentary Library, Commonwealth of Australia, viewed
21 August 2010, retrieved from:
http://www.aph.gov.au/library/Pubs/monographs/Kendall/Chapter_two.htm
In-depth and useful insight into the Australian Government’s changing perception of China.
•
Shiming, W. 2002. ‘Australian Labor Party and the Relations Between Australia and
China,’ viewed 22 August 2010, retrieved from:
https://www.dfat.gov.au/acc/asp/conference/8th_ausstudies_participants_extracts.pdf
An analysis of the Labour Party’s traditionally closer relationship with China. It provides
useful information about prominent Labour party figures.
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