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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
Work's tertiarization and
precarization in Toluca's
Metropolitan Zone,
1980-2000
José María Aranda Sánchez
Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México
Resumen
Abstract
El autor analiza las consecuencias que ha
tenido la globalización en el empleo en la zona
metropolitana de Toluca, particularmente en
el periodo 1980-2000. Las evidencias indican
que se ha consolidado la terciarización y
precarización del trabajo, con la feminización
y adolescentización como sus rasgos
característicos, en condiciones de alta
vulnerabilidad, segmentación del empleo
terciario, creciente desocupación y rotación
del personal. Es un cambio significativo, donde
el empleo informal adquirió mayor peso, así
como condiciones laborales sin respeto a los
derechos de los trabajadores y carencia de
organización gremial.
Work’s tertiarization and precarization in
Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone
Palabras clave: terciarización; precarización
del trabajo; Zona Metropolitana de Toluca,
México.
The author analyzes the consequences of
globalization in the employment in Toluca’s
metropolitan area, especially in the period
from 1980 to 2000. There are evidences of a
consolidation of work’s tercerization and
precarization, with a typical feminization and
adolescentization in a very vulnerable
situation, and a segmentation of the tertiary
employment, increasing unemployment and
workers rotation. It is a significative change,
characterized by the importance of informal
employment and by labor conditions violating
the workers’ rights and a lack of trade union
organization.
Key words: tertiarization, precarization,
Toluca’s metropolitan zone, Mexico.
Introduction
T
he series of problems related to globalization and the metropolitan
expansion processes include tertiarization of the economic activities
and employment, as well as the precarization situation that has been
imposed in the working sectors, all of this takes part of a frame of critic
matters that is emerges when analyzing the socio-territorial changes in this
times of imperial dominion. Particularly in the case of the Toluca's Metropolitan
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Zone (TMZ), due to the importance of the manufacturing occupation, work's
tertiarization and precarization are accentuated, which leads to the feminization
and adolescentization of the workforce, in global exploitation schemes of
working days without breaks or benefits, where thousands of workers, lacking
working benefits, without union organization or legal hiring - and even with it
- occupy interchangeable positions, although with clear genre tendencies.
In this article, the relations between globalization and precarization of the
work are analyzed, at a regional level, as well as the metropolization process
of Toluca and the tertiarization, generated by the urban changes and
industrialization that started in the second half of decade of 1960; feminization
and adolescentization of the workforce are two features directly linked to
precarization, which can confirm a tendency to precarious work's generalization
in the study zone, along with a constant of work disqualification and some
consequences of working flexibilization. Similarly, to the interior of the tertiary
sector, the predomination of the feminine and young hiring means salary and
benefits reduction and a higher exploitation, leaving in vulnerable condition the
less qualified sectors, with a growing increment in the offer from the commercial
and services sectors, where temporal and informal hiring is common. From
there that the called informal sector has been consolidated and became an
option for thousands of people, mainly young people who find a surviving
choice in the street commerce or another form of sub-occupation activity.
The precarious conditions of most the tertiary activities, contrasting the
importance of industrial employment in the municipalities of TMZ, with the
exception of the State capital city, have generated a segmentation in the nonsalaried tertiary work, which growths at a higher rate than the salaried work,
in a context of growing idleness and work force rotation, with a significant
increment of the micro and small enterprises, which establish illegal conditions
of exploitation and lack of work rights by means of work intensification.
Work's globalization and precarization
Before the unstoppable advance of the polarizing neo-liberal globalization, the
main economic and social problem for the subject populations is that the
counterpart of the international capital concentration is unemployment and
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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
precariousness. This is due to the fact that globalization does not increase
production, it concentrates it instead. The production growth indexes in the
boom moments of the last three decades are lower than those registered in the
previous two decades. It is clear that when production is concentrated, work
productivity increases, but the cost is the expulsion of work force always in
higher proportions towards less qualified jobs, hence less paid and precarious,
or finally, unemployment.
War against workers and poor people
Neo-liberalism constitutes, in the facts, a frontal attack against workers, as well
as the poor from all the countries in the world. War is manifested in four battle
fronts: reduction of public expenditure (social policy); reduction of salaries;
decrease and precariousness of employment, and anti-union struggle. Likewise,
the process that has characterized more the last two decades is the increment
on the workers exploitation rate. This important increment of the labor
exploitation has been possible due to the confluence of three tightly related
phenomena: labour de-regularization, growth of employment and the large
increment of poverty. The first aspect is expressed in the negation and
reduction of the workers' rights by means of the strengthening of the managing
instance to the interior of the enterprises. This patron upturn that has given as
a result a stagnation of the salaries in the developed countries has induced the
generalized regression to most of the developing countries. The so-called labor
flexibilization implies the real submission of work to the capital, this is, the
alienated auto-limitation of the working norms imposed by the businessmen.
Similarly, the revival of unemployment in large proportions is not a
consequence of the technological change or a signal of the "end of work",
rather, a typical instrument of the work conditions' precarization, which is tried
to be imposed with the argument that in the "age of complete employment has
finished", or that the "idleness natural rate" has increased. Actually, with the
enlargement of the reservoir army it is tried to continue with a capitalist
reorganization of the work process, which is directed to dualizing salaries and
labour qualifications (Katz, 2000: 3).
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It is worth saying that exploitation is extended in order to increase the
productive work, from which appreciation may be generated. This is the
objective of the compulsive privatization of all kinds of economic activities, as
well as the "capital globalization". The objective of neo-liberalism is to reach
that the more diverse material and subjective aspects of work would be subject
to be merely direct generators of some benefits.
Reduction of the salaries and increase of poverty
Even it can be accepted that the economic policy imposed in Mexico in the last
15 years is not the direct cause of the current economic crises, the truth is that
such measures have sharpened them to unsuspected levels, and what is more
worrying, they leave the country's population in a very difficult situation of
deterioration to overcome.
In a general appraisement of the neo-liberal policy consequences (austerity
and structural change) in the last 15 years, the results have been a high social
cost, expressed in the increment of the work precarization and the larger deficit
in the social welfare levels.
If we take into account that the GDP between 1983 and 1997 grew 2.1
percent in average whereas the population grew 2.04 percent, then the per
capita income did not advance in that period. Besides, the economic model
imposed is fundamental in a very unequal distribution of income, where the
benefits of the economic growth are concentrated in ten percent of the
population of higher income (Gutiérrez, 1999: 23).
The employment problem has been a real detonator of the social degradation
that have very damaging repercussions for the society, mainly because they are
highly associated with delinquency and familiar disintegration. About the
employment policy, the most significant information indicate that whereas the
population who received income within the EAP in 1982 was of 92 percent,
in 1996 it barely reached 81 percent, which is the same as saying that the
working population who did not receive income increase from 6 to 19 percent
during that period. And the figures are equally critic for other employment
indicators, for example, the number of active working people who do not have
premises went from 19.6 in 1980 to 43.7 percent in 1996; but similarly, the
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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
proportion of workers who did not have kind of benefits increased since
whereas in 1988 reached 37.8 percent, for 1997 they represented 54 percent
of the occupied population (Gutiérrez, 1999: 24 and 25).
As part of the called "market government", the employment policy in
Mexico is starting to count with the institutional supports the population
requires, leaving aside the fundamental principle of building the public policies
as responsible of articulating an integral social policy, where employment
works as the population's welfare structuring center, and support of the
country's macroeconomic policies, as base for boosting growth and equity.
About poverty and inequity growth, according to figures from the Economic
Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLA) for the 1990
decade, in Mexico they remained the same, which means that the number of
poor people increased to close 40 million people and that the called State
"social responsibility" did not have a significant impact before the country's
social problems, despite the data relative to the economic growth that is
officially known.
In Mexico, despite a slight reduction of extreme poverty between 1989 and
1994, its incidence in the south and south-east regions increased. Besides, the
decrease of poverty as income increased was almost none. So, even when the
gross domestic product (GDP) per inhabitant slightly increased between 1992
and 1994, poverty did not change. The matter rests in that, in order to
accelerate the poverty reduction process, economic growth must provide the
intensive use of the factor that is abundant in the region, this is, unqualified
workforce. However, for reasons not at all known, the economic growth
currently registered in several countries has come along high unemployment
rates and with the increment of the income difference between the qualified and
unqualified workforce.
The most frequent thing to happen is that the unoccupied workers do not
have access to social security institutions so they are more likely to perform
illegal activities, mainly due to the fact that idleness is more common among
young people.
These socioeconomic changes associated to the neo-liberal globalization
did not modify immediately the territorial structuring in all the zones of the
country and they did not change directly the tendencies to the concentration
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and distribution of the population that was summing up to existing one, as well
as the employment configuration, but they did influence irreversibly to mark the
primordial modifications those global alterations modified.
With the neoliberal policies that were expressing the "territorial renovations",
even more since the end of the decade of 1980, when the panorama was
directed towards the changes we shall be analyzing in the next paragraphs,
where it can be seen how tertiarization was not only registered in the economic
activities and hence in its economically active population, but in the territory,
which became the receptor of important induced population flows, coming
from the Metropolitan Zone of Mexico City and in an important quantity of
small, medium and large commercial and service enterprises, that were settled
in the study zone.
Globalization did not modify directly the territorial configuration that was
defined based on the requirements of the industrial productive apparatus and
the necessary tertiary activities, but it did influenced the space since from there,
the enterprises started getting more economic importance, which influenced
the growth of the population devoted to these works. Finally, the new territorial
configuration did contribute to the territorial tertiarization since from these
economic and social modifications the commercial and service enterprises
registered a prominent increase, which marked a change in the general
conditions of the market distribution in the study zone.
Metropolization y tertiarization of the work
The conformation of the TMZ began from the urbanization-industrialization
process that was mainly generated in the municipalities of Toluca and Lerma
from the second half of the decade of 1960. By the end of the 60's, when the
industry was set with more constancy and the Toluca-Lerma Industrial
Passage, the physical co-urbanization between Toluca and Metepec and
during the 80's another TMZ growth axis is outlined, with the TolucaZinacantepec Industrial Passage. By then, Toluca had become the economic
and social development diffusion center for the adjacent municipalities, with
which the metropolitan zone was delimited, with an increasing industrial
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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
activity. From this socio-territorial metamorphosis, the tertiary group grew
correspondingly, which from then on would have its own course and it would
represent the predominant economic activity, and even to impose its logic and
determination in the zone's territory, for what it can be affirmed that this is about
a tertiarization of the economic activities as well as the territorial organization.
About the expansion of the tertiary activities in the State of Mexico, as a
consequence of the industrial development, the population transference process
of the primary and secondary to the tertiary sector was also preponderant; if
by 1950 meant only 12 percent of the global EAP, by 1990 registered
approximately 53 percent of the total, with which the state economy turned to
employment tertiarization. The behavior of the sector has been heterogeneous
and fluctuant among the municipalities in the last decades. This may be
associated to an inter-sector redistribution of the workforce, which leads to the
tertiary growth. In certain period concentrates more population since it is about
moments where the employment global offer contracts and, proportionally, this
grows (Castillo, 1997: 37).
Close to 73 percent of the municipalities of the State of Mexico present a
clear tendency to tertiarization, although they differ in the degree of their
economic activities predominance, in direct relation to their urbanization level
and the volume of their population. Tertiary employment in the entity has
registered increments at a pace of 8.84 percent annually between 1980 and
1993, and for 2000 the average reached 9.02 percent, consolidating the
tertiarization of employment (GEM, 2001: 12). About the diversification of
tertiary activities towards the end of the decade of the 90's, it is observed that
the economy of the services is characterized by a predomination of the service
and daily commerce consumption by the population, more than by the demand
of the manufacturing industry, although there are industrial requirements in
certain municipalities. We have to keep in mind that the tertiarization is an
expression that the working population arrives to that sector since in the
agriculture and industry there are few catchment possibilities, or because in
those sectors the salaries are too low and the benefits are fewer within time.
Finally, and as an indicator of the tertiary employment situation in the entity, as
well as in the zone we are interested in, the productivity of the sector is lower
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than the registered at a national level since it has decreased consistently from
the 60's (Castillo, 1997: 48).
Especially in the municipalities of Toluca and Metepec the generation of
many activities belonging to the commerce and services was boosted since that
only that way that the industry growth may take place.
Indeed, the industrial development created a fundamental service demand,
such as banking and insurance, lawyers, accountants, doctors, among others.
That is the reason why the fast expansion of the tertiary sector may be
interpreted as a logic consequence of the industry development (Kaldor,
1984).
Similarly, the concentration of industrial activities conditioned an unusual
expansion of the tertiary activities; the commercial activity, apart from spreading,
it was specialized, and the same happened with the financial activity. The formal
education network had a great growth, mainly in the primary, secondary and
high school education, as well as in different options of technical and semiprofessional education. Personal services also grew; so all kinds of establishments
increase, as well as the automobile services and those necessary for construction
and urban dwelling areas (Singer, 1975). The same happened with the
maintenance and repairing services.
Similarly, an impressive growth was registered in the communication and
transport network, as basic services that at the same time generate accessory
services, and that were determinant for the industrialization of the TolucaLerma industry passage (Aranda, 1999)
Analyzing the commercial activity in Toluca zone, and the state set, it may
be affirmed that until the industrialization was not important, which is explained
by the same limitation of the predominant material production; but also due to
the fact that many in of the purchases the population took place in Mexico City,
and even a quantity of local businessmen bought in the capital city of the nation
to re-sell then in Toluca.
On the other hand, it is necessary to highlight the importance of the tianguis
and weekly markets, specially the one that takes place on Fridays in Toluca,
which performs a significant function in the economic development on the zone
due to the large quantities of exchanged merchandise, as well as its variety.
In fact, the merchants of the city, since the mid 60's, were the ones that
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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
lobbied the state and municipal governments to widen the commercial square
(downtown), apart from zone markets and urban works. Particularly, the
delimitation of the city's first square was a priority.
When the industrial businessmen interested in settling in the Toluca-Lerma
industrial passage presented the need of having all the basic urban services in
the Toluca, for the industry and personal aspects, the change in the tertiary
sector that derived in the arrival of the first large commercial department stores
to the city, and with this the beginning of the mayor capitalist commerce and,
at the same time, the growth and diversification of the services, within which the
banking services have a very special place.
The commercial and of services panorama towards the end of the 60's and
the early 70's may be summarized in the following points:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Local commerce suffered from financing, quality control, service,
legality and sanity.
Out of the close five thousand merchants located in the municipality of
Toluca, 90 percent were small businesses lacking organization and
entrepreneur purport. The other 10 percent were in hands of foreigners
and people from other entities.
The economic rating of the population from Toluca and surroundings
went to Mexico City, for both the lack of competitiveness and the variety
of products.
The itinerant commerce was already important, which had grown from
the late 60's when it was settled in the central streets of Toluca.
The predominant services were: personal services, for the home and
diverse, which were 43.6 percent of the establishments and 38.2 of the
occupied personnel. As for the food and drinks were 36.7 percent of the
establishments and 30.5 percent of the occupied personnel. The rest
were not very significant so they do not appear specific data for the
banking and hotel services.
However, a fact that was very important for Toluca's urban reconfiguration
was the arrival of large commerce from Mexico City at the end of the decade
of 1960, such as Sears Roebuck de Mexico and the shoe stores chain Canadá,
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which came to alter the traditional economic life of the city because it meant a
commercial aperture that would contribute to avoid the competence of Mexico
City since worked as a spur for the modernization of the local commerce
sector. What is important to underline is the presence of stores in chain, with
features and organization characteristic of the commercial capitalist machinery,
this is, with a high level of commercial capital concentration and development
of exchange techniques (Pradilla, 1982; 149).
By 1971, in the center of the city, the department store Blanco, which was
the largest at the moment, was established. In the mod 60's, but located in the
south zone of the city, which we call the commercial sub-center which started
with the re-location of the Juarez Market and the Bus Station, were other two
important department stores; Aurrerá and Comercial Mexicana, and with this
the capitalist commerce stage was definitely established, with the participation
of companies from representing the large commercial monopolies at national
and international scale.
As large department stores, which main objective is achieve a maximum
concentration of buyers in order to accelerate the rhythm of mercantile
circulation and reduce the costs of functioning, they became real attraction
poles and a certain "centrality" was generated due to the movement of the
mercantile exchange, this is, the urban configuration of Toluca was widened to
the zone where these stores were established, which worked as places of
mercantile provision to the interior of the urban area, now redefined (Pradilla,
1982: 150).
By 1985, the situation of the commerce continued with the predominance
and increment of the large department stores, which were concentrated in the
south zone; although they were appearing in other parts, reaching the municipality
of Metepec (which was already shared urbanization with Toluca). The new
malls, which their distinctive feature was to contain commercial departments,
are: Super Kompras, Garcés, Gigante, Woolworth, Comercial Guerrero,
Bodegas Aurrerá, Sanborns, Suburbia and Impecsa. By 1990, the commerce
sub sector represented the following: (cultural research program, 1995: 79)
In the framework of the general increment of the commercial establishments
in the entity, its significant increment in the TMZ was related to the basic
consumption requirements increment of the population that was settling there
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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
and that the TMZ passed from 400 thousand to 644 thousand inhabitants
between 1970 and 1980 (SIC, 1970; INEGI, 1980), until reaching 1 233 291
inhabitants in 2000 (INEGI, 2001); but also with the development level of the
capitalism reached in the commerce, expressed, as we were seeing, in the
importance of the large commerce within the exchange pillars installed in the
urban sphere. What is important to highlight here is that the distribution of that
population, which was adding to the population that was already settled
widened the urban configuration, principally in the municipalities of Toluca,
Metepec and Lerma, later the more dynamic in this population increment.
The transformation of the commerce was very dynamic since whereas in
1975 in Toluca there were 24 mini-markets and department stores were
registered which employed 700 people; in 1993 Toluca municipality had 3 739
commerce stores among supermarkets, mini-markets stores and branch
stores, providing employment to 9 513 workers. For the series of commerce
in the capital city of the State of Mexico, the increment was very significant since
from a total of 1 496 registered establishments in 1975, with 3 670 employees,
by 1993 there were 5 569 stores, that employed 20 263 workers, situation that
by 2000 indicated an increment of 24 403 establishments with 40 542
employees (Table 1). About the services, they grew at the same time and in
direct relation with the commerce and, as the tertiary sub sector, presented its
own development (Table 2).
This services development, tightly linked to metropolization, is an indicator
of the territory's tertiarization trend, as Toluca city, that for many years has
presented a specialization in such activity, has turned into a growing source of
employment in the mentioned sub sector, with an extension and diversification
of the branches linked to the banking and financing services, as well as the
increment in the restaurant and hotel services; at the same time, the technical
and professional services have also increased.
The important increment of the establishments and service activities in the
territory of the TMZ, and particularly in Toluca-Metepec, generated the
population's growth in the conjunct of the municipalities that form it, to the
extent that thousands of inhabitants were taking part of the correspondent
activities, arriving from other entities, or from the same city and close localities.
Similarly, we have to take into account that the services include a wide range
107
October/December 2005
108
100
11.49
0.41
1.22
0.36
0.47
8.24
O.33
0.46
100 67 623
7 770
281
825
244
315
5 569
225
311
14.5
0.47
0.63
0.38
0.19
12.07
0.26
0.50
1 798
58
78
47
24
1 496
33
62
11 9591 13.84
3 989 0.46
12 097 1.40
2 394 0.28
3 771 0.44
40 542 10.48
2 268 0.26
4 530 0.52
12.85
0.40
1.99
0.38
0.29
9.28
0.21
0.30
28 051
869
4 353
832
630
20 263
455
649
12.5
0.35
0.46
0.37
0.10
10.75
0.16
0.31
4 269
121
159
125
34
3 670
55
105
39 857 21.82
1 889 1.03
4 901 2.68
1 664 0.91
3 416 1.87
24 403 13.36
1 074 0.59
2 510 1.37
100
%
100
863 785
2000
ABS
21 8350
Occupied personnel
1993
%
ABS
%
100
%
1975
ABS
100 34 133
182 670
Number of establishments
2000
1993
ABS
%
% ABS
12 931
1975
ABS
Source: VIII Commercial Censuses, 1975. State of México, SPP, 1981; X Commericial Censuses, 1988, State of México, INEGI, 1993, XII
Economic Censuses 1999, and Basic Tabulations México, Tomo V, XII Censo General de Población y Vivienda, 2000, INEGI, 2001.
State of
México
TMZ
Lerma
Metepec
Ocoyoacac
San Mateo
Atenco
Toluca
Xonacatlán
Zinacantepec
Muncipality
TABLE 1
TMZ. ESTABLISHMENTS AND PERSONNEL OCCUPIED IN COMMMERCE,
1975, 1993 AND 2000
Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 46
CIEAP/UAEM
Number of establishments
1975
1980
1985
1993
2000
1975
Occupied personnel
1980
1985
1993
2000
109
Source: VII, XI and XII Services Censuses, State of México, 1976 , 1993 and 1999, SIC and INEGI.
México
42 293 53 359 58 664 136 195 201 277 82 041 118 058 129 835 326 188 635 873
TMZ
5 194 6 205 6 636 14 938 24 877 9 498 14 440
9 255 39 171 87 970
Lerma
234
231
208
733
890
291
359
209
1 375
6 187
Metepec
269
271
454
1 581
3 020
351
400
445
4 400 12 610
Ocoyoacac
134
198
240
512
1 239
161
321
160
782
2 931
San Mateo A.
5
234
216
1 339
1 074
10
602
190
2 554
2 067
Toluca
4 071 4 675 4 907
9 285 16 759 7 902 11 812
7 631 27 324 60 361
Xonacatlán
144
188
188
449
633
238
349
215
855
1 255
Zinacantepec
337
408
408
1 039
1 262
545
597
405
1 881
2 559
Municipality
TABLE 2
TMZ. SERVICE ESTABLISHMENTS AND OCCUPIED PERSONNEL,
1975 TO 2000
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of activities that require different levels of preparation and training so the
incorporated sectors include from simple and not well paid labors to specialized
or experienced professionals.
As a factor that contributed importantly to Toluca's metropolization, the
services growth followed the path of creating the material supports of the
exchange in the central city. The changes registered towards the mid 80's
already reflected the development of the tertiary sector and especially of
services, in correspondence to the economic and political-administrative
functions of Toluca city as the nucleus of the metropolitan zone.
The important tertiary growth of Toluca and the close municipalities,
especially Metepec and Zinacantepec, constitutes one of the features of
metropolization, in a process where the commercial capital has not only joined
the financial capital dominion, but it appears in a widening where the concentration
of the capital in the large establishments and the fragmentation of many capitals
in the traditional commerce are polarized; although the case of the "informal"
commerce also presents a high concentration of capital "outside the legal
market. In an intermediate period, by 1985, the services sub sector of the zone
under study had been redefined and marked some tendencies of specialization,
according to the changes in the predominant economic functions in Toluca as
a nucleus of the metropolitan territory, as it is and Metepec were the
municipalities with a higher tertiary importance (Table 4).
The fact that the higher percentage of services establishments corresponded
to restaurants, bars and night centers, much higher than the automotive
maintenance sector, indicates that in those years the demand of the settled and
itinerant population had to do with food supply, distraction and drinks, situation
that a decade before was unconceivable, and that reflected a certain change
in the habits or needs of the growing cities that in such way were preparing their
territory for the requirements of the entity's population, which mostly was nonnative from the entity and enlarged the quantity of consumers in the capital of
the State of Mexico.
And something similar happened with the repairing, medical services,
personal and professional services that along the first considered entry
represented almost 90 percent of the registered. This demonstrated that the
110
111
88.5
9.4
240
2 267
11.0
10.0
17.4
12.3
447
316
282
255
28.4
727
9.6
6940 97.5
919
890 12.5
923 11.7
8.7 2218 12.3
6.7 1394 10.1
869 10.3 7129 21.4
12
21
447 77.6 640 94.0
737
569
1490 19.2 1283 15.0 3655 17.3
852 14.4 582 6.9 1279 9.5
7.8
4.5
908 12.2
4
957 66.5
579
339
819 11.0
323 4.3
8.6
6.3
462 9.5
4
416 60.9
682
257
884 12.1
281 3.9
1866 30.1 8407 30.0 5965 23.4 1989 26.7 1850 20.5
Num. of counted units
ABS
% ABS
% ABS
Source: IX and XII Service census. Data from 1985. (1991) and 1999 (Census information Automatic System), INEGI.
*Mainly to households
**Except agricultural and forest.
Total
Restaurants, bars and night clubs
Automobile repairing and
maintenance
Other repairing services
Medical, odontologic and veterinary
private services
Diverse personal services
Professional technical and
specialized services
Activity Branco
Gross census
Total occupied aggregated value Valor
personnel
(million of pesos)
% ABS
% ABS
% ABS
%
TABLE 3
MUNICIPALITY OF TOLUCA: SERVICES AND ITS OCCUPIED PERSONNEL
1985 AND 2000
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changes in the economic activities met, in the first place, the demands of a
population that was settling, with other customs and needs, but also with the
demands of a growth of medium class that was turning in the main consumer
of personal and professional services related to the urban lifestyle and its
purchasing capacity.
TABLE 4
EAP IN THE TERTIARY SECTOR, IN THE MUNICIPALITIES THAT
INTEGRATED THE TMZ, 1950-2000 (IN PERCENTAGE)
Municipality
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
TM Z
Lerma
Metepec
Ocoyoacac
San Mateo Atenco
Toluca
Xonacatlán
Zinacantepec
100
11.22
16.49
14.05
9.06
37.08
6.24
10.9
100
18.76
15.97
22.94
7.57
38.02
8.73
9.28
100
46.84
27.71
25.19
24.15
43.78
14.59
20.13
100
19.21
31.01
25.71
21.3
36.89
16.4
19.21
100
33.38
56.17
41.32
35.21
59.43
37.73
37.2
100
40.10
64.23
48.27
43.41
61.33
45.31
48.06
SOURCE: Dwelling and Population General Census VII, VIII, IX, X, XI y XII, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980,
1990 and 2000, SIC and INEGI.
The social actors of tertiarization
Mostly, the tertiary activities were and have been fostered by the separation
of the work force from the other economic sectors. Similarly, the population's
natural growth, the migration currents and the need of incorporation to the
work force of first entrance to the labor market provoked that a sector of the
occupied population had to remain in a situation of sub-occupation, and
another contingent in the informal employment.
The main feature of the tertiary sector in the last three decade has been its
elevated capacity of work force absorption; but in general without achieving
adequate remuneration and benefits conditions.
In terms of the economically active population that participated in the
economy's tertiarization as actor of the social process, and despite the figures
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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
of 1970 and 1980 that present some apparent maladjustment, it is observed
that the labour conjunction dedicated to the commerce and services activities
passed in the TMZ from 15 526 in 1950 to 135 496 in 1990, and reached 311
836 in 2000. This means that in fifty years the EAP in services grew twenty
times.
The predominant participation in the Toluca municipality since 1950 has led
it to register in 2000 61.33 percent of the EAP, that added to that from
Metepec, constitute an abundant work force, and in most cases, underused,
so it will continue increasing at a fast pace since the market in the TMZ leads
to the continuation of the tertiarization, where besides the important commercial
growth, the financial, professional and tourist services maintain their increment.
In Table 5 can be seen the following facts, very significant, in relation to the
changes in the composition of the EAP in the tertiary sector, that indicate the
kind of participation in these activities precisely in those three decades when
the metamorphosis of Toluca took place, changing from a city with no
economic importance to a metropolis of a regional importance:
1.
2.
3.
Of course, the total EAP growth in the TMZ is impressive, which
indicates a considerable increment of the tertiary activities, even larger
than the one registered in the secondary activities.
It is important to see the increment registered in the Toluca municipality
since it grew practically ten times between 1960 and 2000, and that
significant increment took place also in Metepec, municipality that
became the complementary pole of Toluca and where from the decade
of 1980 the largest malls and department stores of the zone would set,
boosting important residential settlements, after the largest worker
residential settlement had been constructed in the TMZ.
Similarly, in Toluca, as well as in Metepec, the increment of employees
was more than important since in Toluca was 46 times the figure
registered in 1960; whereas in Metepec meant, in year 2000, 120
times the number of workers of 1960.
Then, it may be said that an specialization of the economic activities in the
urban area of Toluca-Metepec took place, which during the decade of 1990
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kept that differentiation in respect to the other municipalities that integrated the
TMZ, and where the neo-liberal policies found a more fertile terrain, as well
as the ideal general conditions of the distribution to mould the territory towards
a "underdeveloped" tertiarization since, as we shall see in future paragraphs,
this was deriving in the predomination of the informal activities with the
following increment of the commercial activities on the streets and on their own.
TABLE 5
EAP IN THE TERTIARY SECTOR, ACCORDING TO THE POSITION AT
WORK, IN THE MUNICIPALITIES THAT INTEGRATED THE TMZ,
1960-2000
Municipality
TMZ
Lerma
Metepec
Ocoyoacac
San Mateo Atenco
Toluca
Xonacatlán
Zinacantepec
Year
1960
1990
2000
1960
1990
2000
1960
1990
2000
1960
1990
2000
1960
1990
2000
1960
1990
2000
1960
1990
2000
1960
1990
2000
Total Employees
17 850
127 505
233 210
1 026
3 925
11 797
741
23 491
44 620
843
4 000
7 595
208
3 743
8 271
14 355
82 541
139 466
154
2 438
5 505
523
7 367
15 956
10 261
95 354
167 959
729
3 610
7 926
280
18 621
33 776
281
2 494
4 606
43
2 187
5 277
2 187
8 713
100 301
34
1 636
3 823
181
5 513
12 250
Patrons Self-employed
324
3 930
6 765
7
125
223
2
881
1 721
144
77
178
3
101
265
151
2 539
3 991
5
68
84
12
139
303
7 265
28 221
58 456
290
190
3 648
459
3 989
9 123
4 108
1 429
2 811
162
1 455
2 729
5 491
18 709
35 174
115
734
1 598
330
1 715
3 403
Source: Dwelling and Population census, VIII , XI and XII 1960 ,1990 and 2000. Sic and INEGI.
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Precarization, feminization and adolescentization of the
work
Even if the work's precarization is a constant that affects the country's working
classes, in each federative entity, municipality or metropolitan zone it acquires
certain particularities, according to a series of variables among which are
important the economic sector of higher importance, the main activity branch,
the reached urbanization level, the concentration of population and its place
before globalization. In this matter, it can be observed that some of the common
features derived from the employment precarization that has been imposed,
along with certain specifications of the territory sphere in question. As a whole,
the precarization situation is identified for the following: a) increasing and not
recoverable unemployment; b) loss of the salary's purchasing power; c) work's
disqualification-qualification process; d) deregulation of the protection
conditions; e) workers desegregation, and separation or weakening of the
workers' organizations. This is, a series of conditions that provoke the
vulnerability of those who sell their working force, particularly those hired as
salaried workers and that are in the lowest level in the segmentation of the
different labour markets.
Work's precarization
In particular, two central aspects of the work's precarization in the zone under
study will be mentioned, precisely considering the conditions that have been
imposed to the requirements of the productive apparatus of an industrial zone
where the implantation of enterprises within the industrial parks that formally
emerged in the decade of 1980. In the first place, it is of our interest to reflect
on the relation of unemployment and sub-employment, emphasizing within the
latter in the increment of the informal employment, as a typical characteristic of
tertiarization; in the second place, a brief analysis of the deregulation of the
workers' protection conditions. About unemployment, and based on an
analysis of the census data from the years1980, 1990 and 2000, we found, in
the first place, the notable population growth and the constant migratory
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currents towards the entity provoked that an important fragment of the
occupied population had to work in a sub-use, and other in an informal
employment.
By 1990, and based on the calculation of the number of people who had
incomes by 2.6 minimum wages (with which the 17-basic product set could be
purchased), it was estimated a total of 94 895 people who were in a subemployment situation, from which 57.58 percent correspond to workers from
the commerce and services sector, whereas in the industry that sub-use of the
work force registered 35.15 percent (Guadarrama, 1994: 44).
The yearly growth average rhythm during the decade of 1980 was of 6.25
percent for workers of services, whereas for workers on the street the rate was
of 18.83 percent, which reached 20.63 percent during the decade of 1990.
This last figure shows that the population in informal activities will continue
increasing due to the impossibility of getting a formal employment, apart from
the relatively easy way to have access to the informal activity. Similarly, we
have to keep in mind that ever day there are more people in search of a job,
because they do not have one or because they need an extra one to complete
their income and reduce the involuntary sub-employment, generating pressure
over the labour market.
In Toluca, centre of the TMZ, out of every nine people employed in 1992,
approximately seven were dismissed; by year 2000 the figures indicate a
proportion of seven to six that leave creating less posts, and dismissals have
increased due to the technological change that replaces and makes unnecessary
the participation of the workers, as well as for the fact that those who are
looking for an employment are more and the proportion of those who get one
is reduced in absolute terms. By the end of 2000, the National Survey of Urban
Employment (ENEU) indicated an open unemployment rate for Toluca of 4.0
percent, of which 4.1 percent were men and 3.8 percent were women (INEGI
2001).
The occupation of the work force in the informal sector in a certain way
hides unemployment, this is, that these unoccupied people recurred to commerce
and services on the streets as a survival resource before the impossibility of
achieving a remunerated employment.
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Work's feminization
Since 1993, the activity rate of women (37.4 percent) was higher than in
previous years, besides, the feminine incorporation to the work was higher than
the male incursion in that year. Then it was thought that women entered to the
labour market mainly due to transitory factors such as their spouses'
unemployment, to household surviving strategies, due to the loss of the salaries
purchasing power, etc. (Baca, 2002: 71).
Similarly, by 1994, the participation in the ages from 12 to 39 years was
higher in the women that in men; by 1995 the situation persists, with an
increment, adding to this trend the age group from 40 to 44. In 1997, the male
group between 20 and 24 years was the one with more activity, whereas the
group from 30 to 34 also incremented its participation in comparison to the
other groups. The constant is that women search for a certain occupation that
allows them contribute to meet some domestic needs. This implies important
modification in the household's organization of the daily life, as well as the
magnitude of the required work inside and outside the house.
The occupied feminine population is very young. In 1994, close to 60
percent were between 20 and 39 years of age, with participation higher of 12
percent. By 1997, the 20 to 24 year group represented 27.9 percent of the
occupied women (Baca, 2002: 75).
The participation of the women in the labour market has increased, but that
does not mean that their working conditions have changed for better. And
although they have increased their participation in the industrial sector, the
occupational segregation by gender is a reality that limits the women's
occupational participation to certain branches of specific activities and
occupations. Sub-sectors are notices, such as the construction sub-sector, that
are absolutely of male occupation, whereas the domestic services belong to the
sphere of the feminine occupation; in the case of the retailing commerce, hotel
services, different establishments and public administration, the gender
participation are almost equal, but in the medical services, education and
amusement the tendency towards feminization is maintained. However, in the
financing and professional services the male predomination persists.
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In the base of the changes in the relation between the capital and the work
is the working flexibility policy, which generates changes in the productive and
occupational structure. Processes such as the precarization in the forms of
hiring, sub-hiring, partial or temporal employment, employment with no social
protection, the changes in the modality of remuneration, new forms of work
organization, transformation in the mobility and assignation of tasks are part of
this process.
By year 1997, particularly in Toluca, 66 percent of the total occupations
were of the salaried nature, and 16.9 percent corresponded to self-employed
female workers. The differences by gender show that occupied women
receive, in the majority, one minimum wage, situation that concurs with the
national urban employment context. Women work mainly in the public
administration since they register 17.4 and 19.1 percent in 1995 and 1997
respectively for that economic activity, and in the order of other services where
they reach a participation of 14.6 and 15.7 as salaried women, within the total
of salaried people in those two years.
Most of the women who work are employees, although also self-employment
increases, which is usually an important resource for women, in particular for
those with domestic responsibilities, in order to perform an economic activity.
The most common thing in the tertiary employment is the fact that the
supposed compatibility of the domestic sphere with the extra-domestic one
due to part-time work leads to a contradiction since at the moment of having
less working hours, there is less salary and social benefits, the articulation of
such spheres, increasing the risk of surviving in marginalization conditions in the
labour market.
The last data confirm, on one hand, that the income received by the female
workers are lower than those received by men, and on the other hand, the
occupation of women has increased in different economic sectors, which can
be interpreted as if the employers prefer female work because it is cheaper.
Commerce and services is where more women are employed and where
they receive the lowest incomes: 73.9 percent of the occupied women work
in those branches and most of them receive less than one and up to three
minimum wages; whereas 62.6 percent of men work in those branches and are
in that range of income.
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Works’ terterizationa and precarization in Toluca’s Metropolitan Zone J. Aranda
As it has already mentioned, salaried women earn less than men, with a
tendency towards precarization, to the reason that by 1994, 10 out of every
100 salaried women received less than one minimum wage (7.6 percent in
men), and by 1998 it was 13.4 percent of women who perceived less than a
minimum wage (Baca; 2002: 104).
Self-employed women are performing a marginal work, probably in the
informal commerce or domestic work sub-sector, and although they declare
themselves as self-employed, it is very probable that the merchandise they sell
or produce is not theirs but part of large sub-hiring chains, strategies that
enterprises set up to produce or move merchandise using cheap female work
force.
Every day is more visible the occupation in tertiary activities increment, the
expansion of the urban space dedicated to offices and the proliferation of
corporative and commercial centers, which has given place to a growing
number of employees in the services sector, and these go from executive,
administrative and of course, to the occupations of very low remuneration.
Economic characteristics of the adolescents' work
It is observed more often that due to the reduced possibilities of employment
that are offered, the tertiary sector has constituted as the main refuge of the
young workforce.
The principal participation of young people in the municipality of Toluca is
registered in the services branch (57.65 percent), followed by governmental
work (18.04 percent). The rest of the municipalities of the TMZ adolescents
are also located in that activity branch, although at a lower scale (35.38
percent), with the second place to the transformation industry, with 16.92
percent. It is worth remembering that this is a mainly industrial zone (20 percent
of its activities is concentrated in that sector) which makes it more accessible
to young people to incorporate to the manufacturing industry. Even it is possible
to think that many of the registered activities in the services branches are within
the industry, such as concierges, stevedores and maintenance people, that even
if they are not directly linked to the productive process, they are linked to the
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industry in general; in the third place, in that same region there is the construction
branch, where is frequently to find adolescent and infantile work.
If the gender variable is taken as an analysis point, it is observed that in
Toluca the total number of adolescents incorporates mainly in the services
branch; in the second place, men appear in commerce whereas women move
to the governmental sector. It is a distribution by activity branches of the EAP
different for men and for women, since whereas men are place mainly in the
services sector in the central municipality (Toluca), women have a job
fundamentally located in the services sector in all the municipalities that take
part of the TMZ.
In close relation with the latter, age is also an essential factor in the entrance
to the labour market, as well as a determinant in the volume of the participation
of the young working force. A first observation refers to the fact that in men as
well as women most of the participation is in the 15 to 19 age group. However,
when separating the information by gender, it is clearly seen that the presence
in terms relative to a higher feminine participation in the younger ages (12 to 14
years).
In relation to the initial age, in Toluca it is registered that from 12 to 14 for
both genders; although in the rest of the TMZ the minimum age was of 13 years,
and for men was 14 years.
It is possible to thing that the fact that work from 12 years does not appear
in the rest of the TMZ has to do with the fact that in that sphere the
manufacturing industry predominates, where, legally, work under 14 years of
age is forbidden, that is the reason why young people are not commonly
incorporated to this activity in a formal way. But what is clear is that from the
young men and women who work, the largest volume occurs in those
municipalities of the TMZ.
Now, that the minimum age of labour entrance is 12 years does not mean
that in the State of Mexico, and particularly in the TMZ, there is not work under
that age. It is visible, although hardly quantifiable, a regular active participation
from early ages, in both rural and urban areas.
About the participation in function of age, and accepting that it is only about
an analysis of eight years based on what is not possible to mark a clearly define
behavior, apart that it is only about the beginning of the working life, as a
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particular feature it is observed that the older a person is, the activity increases
significantly.
Male workforce registers similar characteristics, since the beginning it
keeps a definitively ascendant trend, with a marked increment in its participation
from 17 to 18 years of age, with small differences, the activity levels are higher
in the municipalities of the TMZ, except from Toluca.
In the case of the feminine workforce, in the municipalities of the TMZ
without considering the state capital in general to equally to age, the activity
increases, whereas Toluca does not present that feature. There it is observed
the higher participation at 15 years of age, to decrease at 16 and at 19 it is found
a very low level, even lower than that presented at 15 years of age. That trend,
which may seem to be a problem when gathering information, may be due to
the fact that those young female - most of them migrants - go to the city in search
of a job being almost children, and find it mainly as domestic aid. Some years
later, very probably, they form a couple or go back to their origin municipality,
or simply they stop working. This can explain why at 19 their participation is,
apparently, very low. On the other side, young girls of 19 that maintain their
jobs have already spent some years in the city (approximately six, if we
consider that they work as house maids since they were 12 to 18). This may
provide them with enough knowledge of the city, which makes more accessible
their incorporation to another kind of activities, they will not be the migrants
who just arrived in the city, but young girls who are capable of competing with
other women from Toluca for different employments. So, it may be said that
the domestic work is only the entrance door for the working life for those young
migrants.
About the participation by education level, we have to, before anything,
mention that this is about a zone with relatively simple scholar access. The
group of interviewees is formed by young people who are in elementary,
secondary and high school or similar education levels - about the years of study:
teacher's training school, technical careers such as accounting, infirmary,
beauty, typing, and others.
When making a comparison of all the surveyed adolescent population
(working and non-working), it was found that there is not a significant
difference between them in terms of the education level, this is, no matter they
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sell or not their workforce, young people of the same age have practically the
same education years. However, when taking into account only the education
of the working young people, there are different aspects about the gender and
the zone they belong to.
The percentage of adolescent population that did not have any education
was five percent for the TMZ, although for the case of women was of 6.8.
Most of the volume of these adolescents was located at the elementary and
secondary levels, but secondary education had a smaller magnitude that any
other education level. Conversely, in the middle high education level the lowest
participation was registered, being more women than men the ones that form
it. And although it can be stated that women are behind about the education
years (most of them are in elementary school), the municipalities of the TMZ,
except Toluca, the presence of women was higher in the medium level.
As it was to be expected, Toluca presented the highest education, with
young people in the first year of university (for both men and women). The rest
of the municipalities of the TMZ did not present any person in that level, being
third of high school the highest level reached. Also there were cases of young
people who did not know how to read o and write.
It is interesting the fact that Toluca (capital of the State), that has an
important and adequate educational infrastructure, is a zone that presents a high
percentage of illiterate working women. And even if we have mentioned that
most of those adolescents are migrants, it is also known that those who migrate
are the best prepared people of a community.
On the other hand, the largest volume of illiterate adolescents who work in
the urban and industrial zone is not the expected one; it may thing that the
industrial jobs and city services require a higher education; however, and as a
counterpart, it also true that the city provides practically option to any kind of
activity, that constitutes an endless number of activities: formal jobs, jobs in the
informal sector (where young people have incorporated numerously), selfemployment where, as the entrance is not as simple as it has been thought, does
not require a formal educative knowledge. On the other hand, education,
although important for the incorporation of the work force into economy, as
there are positions in high levels to be occupied, this is not the case of our study.
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Conclusions
As a main consequence of the neo-liberal globalization that affects the
economic and social life of the country, the TMZ registered between 1980 and
1990 the principal population and territorial changes when incorporating
important migratory flows that increased the EAP in the tertiary sector, in
function of the requirements of the commercial and services sectors that grew
more that the industrial sector that gave them the first impulse, and that were
steady and secure until year 2000.
Similarly, commerce and services "modernization", resulting from the
increment of the migrant population demand and the natural growth of the
settled population, mainly in the areas surrounding Toluca and Metepec, in the
first place, and Toluca-Zinacantepec in the second, had an impact irreversibly
the trend towards territorial tertiarization when implanting malls and prepare
spaces for the mercantile exchange and distribution, concentrating the services
at the same time.
The important growth of the tertiary employees in the municipalities of
Toluca and Metepec between the decades of the 60's and the 90's represented
a transformation in the social structure of the metropolitan conjunction where
the medium classes registered a significant increment.
In the TMZ, as a consequence of the tertiarization process of the economic
activities and the territory, work's precarization has been generalized, for both
the salaried as well as the non-salaried person.
The tendency of the tertiary work demand is towards the feminine and
adolescent hiring, in conditions of lower salaries, benefits, labour rights and
gremial organization.
The labour conditions of most workers in the tertiary sector are out of the
regularization of their protection because they are eventual, unqualified and at
the margin of the collective hiring.
Similarly, everything indicates that the informal sector will continue growing,
with a constant increment of sellers on the streets, house keeping, sub-hiring
by self-employment, and in most cases, eventual, and outlining a desegregated,
disarticulated and more exploited workforce.
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The women and adolescents' labour conditions in the work market of the
metropolitan zone of Toluca, with the diversification of occupations that the
metropolization and tertiarization process of the territory and economic
activities have generated, favor the exploitation of these two social sectors,
turning them very vulnerable before the new neo-liberal globalization stage.
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