Problems and Tactics in
the Transcultural Study
of Intelligence: An
Archival Report
1
Barbara Nowak
Robert K. Dentan
We deal here with conceptualizing mental retardation transculturally and with its
problems—with the way a modest transcultural library study of mental retardation
might be done within a limited geographical area. Finally, because finding useful
references is difficult and time-consuming, an archival appendix gives a data base
that might serve as a starting point for future, more ambitious studies. While readers
may not agree with the conclusions we draw from the data, the accessibility of our
data archive should make informed discussion easier.
Introduction
If scholars
problem of mental retardation head on,
are essential, both to suggest
operational, non-parochial (etic) definitions of their subject matter and to
discover what situationally appropriate treatment might be. Even people
concerned more practically with helping the &dquo;retarded&dquo; than with scientific
abstractions must recognize that non -medical and non - scientific cultural
factors limit what people can imagine, let alone do, about treating the
&dquo;retarded&dquo; (cf. Williams 1973). Conceivably, &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; may be
an arbitrary, culture-bound category, properly understood in terms of how
well people cope with local social challenges, so that a person who is
&dquo;retarded&dquo; in one culture might be &dquo;normal&dquo; elsewhere. Transcultural
are
to meet the
transcultural studies of mental retardation
Barbara Nowak is a Ph. D candidate in Anthropology at the State University of New York at
Buffalo.
Robert K. Dentan is a Professor of Anthropology and of American Studies at the State
University of New York at Buffalo.
45
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46
studies may be useful in elucidating what social factors affect the treatment
of the &dquo;mentally retarded.&dquo;
This paper deals with these and related problems. The first section
summarizes major problems in studying intelligence transculturally. The
next briefly exemplifies how a modest transcultural library study of
&dquo;mental retardation&dquo; might be done within a limited geographical area.
Finally, because finding useful references is difficult and time-consuming,
an archival appendix gives a data base that might serve as a starting point
for future, more ambitious studies. Whether or not readers agree with the
conclusions we draw from the data, making the data easily accessible in
archival form should make informed discussion more readily feasible.
Three difficulties dog even preliminary hologeistic2 accounts of how
non - Western peoples define and respond to &dquo;mental retardation.&dquo;
1) Relevant data
are
few and far between, and
retrieving
extant data is
difficult.
2) Techniques for identifying &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; in the field
3)
or from
the literature are unreliable.
Different peoples define and treat &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; in such
different ways that meaningful comparison becomes problematic.
Inadequate Data
Anthropologists concerned with folk treatment of &dquo;mental retardation&dquo;
traditionally complain that relevant data are few (e.g., Edgerton 1968,
1970: 524-525, 527; Evans 1970; Gladwin 1959; Sarason and Gladwin
1958:279). Few ethnographies devote much attention to the topic (but see,
e.g., Dentan 1967, 1968; Eaton and Weil 1955; Gajdusek and Garruto 1975;
Gladwin and Sarason 1953; Lamson 1934:379-403). Ethnographers who
discuss mental retardation or folk notions of intelligence rarely index their
discussion. Even coders for the Human Relations Area Files often miss
useful references. Apparently only Edgerton (1970) has tried to do a serious
transcultural study of the treatment of &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; by
non - Western peoples.
The very inadequacy of these data, however, may indicate something
about the treatment of &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; in non - Western societies.’ A
possible reason that Western ethnographers write so little about &dquo;mental
retardation&dquo; and index the topic so rarely might be that they tend to stress
&dquo;normal&dquo; behavior and socially significant aberrations (cf. Edgerton
1963:372). Perhaps non-Western peoples tend not to distinguish mild
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47
&dquo;mental retardation&dquo; from &dquo;normality&dquo; or to respond to it as a socially
insignificant aberration (cf. Dexter 1962, 1964). Since most cases of
&dquo;mental retardation&dquo; would thus not pose a serious cultural problem, the
ethnographer would tend to overlook it or to discuss it only in the context of
more salient folk ideas. In other words, the absence of ethnographic data on
mild &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; suggests that it is not necessarily a personal or
social problem.
Sometimes it is possible for the investigator, particularly one familiar
with the ethnography of a particular area, to make tentative inferences
about a people’s attitude toward &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; from indirect
contextual data. For example, the Dinka of the Sudan say that a particular
deity is &dquo;stupid&dquo; and &dquo;bad,&dquo; &dquo;does not treat people with respect&dquo; and
&dquo;kills people&dquo; (Lienhardt 1961: 81).They do not respect this deity (ibid.,
267, 294), which is associated with women and should be approached by the
middle children of junior wives, i.e., by people Dinka regard as materially
and spiritually impoverished (ibid., 82-83, 267, 294). Thus, although there
seems to be no Dinka notion similar to &dquo;mind&dquo; (ibid., 149-152), they
appear to link stupidity in this context with poverty and powerlessness in a
way familiar to Westerners and some Southeast Asians (see below, pp. 12).
Dinka also contextually connect stupidity with antisocial behavior in a way
that might seem more familiar to, for example, a Kikuyu in Kenya than to
an American. Unfortunately, inferences like the foregoing can only be
tentative, and, since the references are scattered throughout the text,
involve spending a good deal of time for rather meager returns. Typically,
Leinhardt indexes the Dinka data under religious ideas. A coder for the
Human Relations Area Files would probably do the same.
Identifying&dquo;Mental Retardation&dquo;
Introduction
It is necessary to have a clear notion of what &dquo;intelligence&dquo; (or &dquo;mental
retardation&dquo;) is in order to identify &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; in the field or
from ethnographies. Psychologists and comparativists cannot fault an
ethnographer like Doughty (1921,1:254,470,498, 590; 11:287-288,487) for
lumping dementia and &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; together as &dquo;imbecility,&dquo; a
gloss of Arabid mejnun (possessed by a jin or jan, unless they provide
adequate criteria for distinguishing between types of intellectual
impairment. Current Anglo-American evidence suggests that the notion is
obscure and the criteria shaky.
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48
Western
Intelligence Tests
The reliability of Western intelligence tests within Western society has
recently come under attack by Anglo-American academics (e.g.,
Braginsky and Braginsky 1974:114-119, 166-167; Dexter 1962, 1964;
Faris, Kroch and Newcomber 1974; Kamin 1974, 1977; Rivers, Mitchell and
Williams 1975) and mass media (e.g., Green 1976; Medawar 1977; Schwartz
1976; Silberman 1977). Space requirements make a detailed discussion of
these criticisms inappropriate. The following enumeration of them therefore cites for each criticism two or three sources which elaborate the criticism in clear language and which provide a brief bibliography. Broadly
speaking, the criticisms fall into two types: technical criticisms of the test as
an instrument, and allegations that the tests are class- and culturebound.
1. Evidence demonstrates that &dquo;intelligence&dquo; is a global or unitary phenomenon (Green 1976:402-403; Kagan 1977). Charles Spearman (e.g.,
1904, 1927; Spearman and Holzinger 1924) virtually invented factor analysis to demonstrate statistically the existence of such general intelligence,
&dquo;g,&dquo; hypostasized to underlie overall test scores which psychometricians
contend measure intellectual level. As Holzinger (e.g., 1937), one of Spearman’s collaborators, concedes, however, factor analysis merely permits but
does not require such an interpretation of test scores. Multiple factor
analysis, another statistical technique, indicates that over half a dozen
mutually independent abilities are conflated into &dquo;intellectual level&dquo;
(Thurstone 1935, 1938, 1945; Kelley 1928, 1935). By the mid-fifties J.P.
Guilford (1954) could assert that 120 highly specific skills were involved,
although for practical reasons testers usually test only a couple of dozen
(Rice 1979:27).
2. Therefore,
measures of &dquo;intelligence&dquo; expressed as single numbers,
like &dquo;intellectual level,&dquo; &dquo;mental age&dquo; or IQ, are inherently suspect and
even misleading (Medawar 1977:13; Tyler 1977:13). The use of such numbers obscures &dquo;intellectual profiles&dquo; (Thurstone 1945), &dquo;variations within
an individual among different dimensions of general ability&dquo; (Haywood
1980:676). The intellectual level number for an idiot savant, for instance, is
uninformative and mystifying to the degree that it obscures his or her
intellectual profile. More subtly, intellectual level numbers obscure the fact
that above-average scores usually involve higher verbal than performance
scores, while below-average scores tend to involve higher performance
than verbal scores (Haywood 1980:674). Since verbal facility is extremely
culture-bound and sensitive to developmentally early experience (Butcher
1980:679), weighting the test to favor verbal facility over performance
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49
affects how disparate intellectual level scores are and favors certain sorts of
early experiences over others.
3. Hence, the applicability of the Central Limit Theorem, which suggests
that intellectual level scores should be normally distributed, is questionable
(Green 1976:402-403; Tyler 1977:16). Assuming that intelligence is
hereditary (Haywood 1980:673), testers deduced and then enacted a normal
distribution of test scores in &dquo;an effort to produce a scale that would have
equal values along a continuum... &dquo; (Tyler 1977:16). The assumptons and
the scale are no longer acceptable, at least a priori.
4. The arbitrary, flat shape of the assumed normal curve is therefore yet
more questionable. For instance, the common and a priori use of standard
deviation of 15 with a mean of 100 produces a flat curve that probably exaggerates differences in intellectual level (Green 1976:403 -406; Tyler 1977:16;
cf. point 9 below). Combined with the conflation of verbal and performance scores mentioned in Point 2 above, this large standard deviation may
give the impression that &dquo;intellectual levels&dquo; differ more than they do in
fact, whatever &dquo;in fact&dquo; means in this arbitrary context.
5. IQ is the ratio between &dquo;mental age&dquo; (intellectual level expressed in
mental months) and chronological age. Psychometricians often
miscalculate chronological age in dealing with American children. This
problem would be worse in places like Korea or China, where people
calculate their ages differently, and worst of all in the many parts of the
world where people have only the vaguest idea of how old they are. Dentan
(1976) found, for example, that official identity cards carried by Hmak
Mrih often erred about age by comparing relative age with relative age as
encoded at birth in the kinship terminology.
6. Intellectual level scores and intellectual profiles may obscure such
significant factors in the testing situation as apprehension, motivation and
familiarity with tests (Green 1976:402-403; Orsanu, McDermott and
Boykin 1977; Zigler and Butterfield 1968; Zigler, Abelson and Seitz 1973).
Psychometricians have misdiagnosed as retarded, people with emotional
problems, &dquo;partial loss of vision, loss of hearing, or musculoskeletal problems&dquo; (Loschen 1975:29). Cole and his collaborators (1971, cited in Orsanu
et al. 1977) were able to isolate a procedure in testing Kpelle in Liberia
which greatly influenced scores, but were unable to understand how it could
do so.
Two factors unrelated to intelligence seem particularly salient. The first is
the emphasis on speed, which affects scores. Anglo-American metaphors
reflect this bias: &dquo; quick-witted,&dquo; &dquo;slow-learner,&dquo; and etymologically,
&dquo;retarded.&dquo; Non-Western peoples often do not use this metaphor. Traditional Luba taking Western tests in Zaire do not work for speed (Ombreane,
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50
Bertelson and Beniest-Noriot 1958:336) and, like Ugandan Ganda, their
scores therefore suffer in comparison to people taught to hurry (McFie
1954, 1961). Traditional Zulu do not hurry or guess at answers (Dent 1949).
A popular recent theory of intelligence suggests that better problemsolvers take longer than others to &dquo;encode&dquo; the terms of a problem (Sternberg 1979b:53), so that the traditional African way of taking intelligence
tests may reflect greater &dquo;intelligence&dquo; than the traditional Anglo-American way of scoring them.
The other factor is that subjects must be familiar with and acquiesce to
Anglo-American &dquo;bureaucratic procedures&dquo; (Notcutt 1950:195). Leighton
and Kluckhohn (1969) remark that, if schooling has no other effect on
Navajo, at least it provides &dquo;familiarity with being told by a strange white
person to do an apparently senseless task&dquo; (cf. Piddington ex Porteus
1937:235-236). Abbott (1981:141) contends that this aspect of the testing
situation &dquo;means that the most passive and obsequious-ultimately ignorant and dependent-people in our society will score the highest.&dquo;
7. Conversely, tests rarely evaluate &dquo;the habitual activity of the intelligence of individuals&dquo; in their quotidian life outside the testing situation
(Bateson 1958:222; cf. Pottinger 1977). For example, &dquo;severely retarded&dquo;
people, whose test scores &dquo;show&dquo; them incapable of orienting themselves in
time and space, will appear at the proper time and place for a tryst (Edgerton and Dingman 1964:224-225).
8. Most tests are &dquo;norm-referenced&dquo; rather than &dquo;criterion-referenced.&dquo; That is, test results do not measure the processes by which a person
arrives at his or her (scored) conclusions (Gladwin 1970:214-232; Stodolsky
and Lesser 1967:555). Criterion-referenced tests would require a theoretical model of how a score was obtained and unambiguous measures of the
intellectual skills needed to perform the task set (Orsanu et al. 1977:65).
9. In contrast to the fine distinctions claimed by standard intelligence
tests, trained clinicians have difficulty identifying even severe &dquo;mental
retardation&dquo; in the field (Loeschen 1975). For example, Choufoer, van
Rhijn and Querido (1965:390, 396-401) describe the difficulty of identifying cretins among the Mulia Dani of New Guinea, while Gajdusek and Garruto (1975:277) endorse the view of western Dani from other areas that
Mulia people are dim witted:
speak categorically of cretinism, deaffeeblemindness, for one has a spectrum of all degrees of
these syndromes from barely detectable abnormality to gross, easily recIt becomes difficult here to
mutism,
or
ognizable defects.
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51
The Mulia Dani case, and others like it,’ pose the exotic question of identifying &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; when the bulk of the population is &dquo;mentally
retarded&dquo; but capable of carrying on the day-to-activities necessary for survival.
Another set of criticisms concerns the applicability of tests designed by
and for Western white bourgeois to other peoples.
10. As culture-bearers, testers may interpret their findings to bring them
in line with culturally defined &dquo;limits of common sense&dquo; (Williams 1973:8),
the soft sciences’ equivalent of hard science’s paradigms (Kuhn 1970). For
instance, Richman, Kellner and Allen (1968:581-582) finding the &dquo;mentally retarded&dquo; better judges of size constancy than &dquo;normals,&dquo; attribute
the higher scores to &dquo;a lack of subordination to higher level, conceptual
operations... &dquo;. Braginsky and Braginsky (1974:97) point out that this
transformation of a skill into a weakness, &dquo;intelligence&dquo; into &dquo;mental
retardation,&dquo; rests entirely on metaphors drawn from stratification and
quasi developmental ideas.
11. Even when testers’ values are inexplicit, those values express themselves in obsessive secrecy about test scores (Baker 1977), reporting fraudulent data (Dorfman 1978, 1979a, 1979b; Kamin 1977; Rubin 1979; Wade
1976) and test results scientifically predictable from biographical characteristics of the investigators (Sherwood and Nataupsky 1968). The anxiety and
stigma Anglo-Americans attach to test results contrast with the more casual
and matter-of-fact French attitude (Kamin 1974:5-8; Pfaff 1977:72-73;
-
Wylie 1964).
12. Anglo-American tests seem inherently class-,cast-and culture-bound (Crijins 1962; Gajdusek 1962:355; Gajdusek and Garruto
1975:276; Gladwin 1970:220-225; Gottesman 1968:25; John et al.
1977:1393, 1405). Their cultural context stultifies efforts to purge them of
this bias, efforts like the Dove test (1974), BITCH (Rice 1979:34) or Jane
Mercer’s SOMPA (Soeffing 1975; Rice 1979:34-35). For instance, the emphasis on speed and acquiescence in bureaucratic procedure (No. 6 above)
meet requirements of Western life, whether or not such &dquo;skills&dquo; are properly part of &dquo;intelligence.&dquo; Glazer (1981:55) summarizes: &dquo;One
can ... devise tests in which blacks will do as well as or better than whites;
but they are not tests of skills recognized as useful by schools or society.&dquo; In
short, social values are the issue, not &dquo;intelligence.&dquo;
For example, conservative apologists for intellectual level tests cite high
Japanese and Chinese scores as evidence that such tests are unbiased (Glazer
1981:55; Van den Haag 1979:559). The argument is historically and conceptually naive. Historically, when even test proponents concede the psycho-
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52
bigotry (Glazer 1981:57; cf. Kamin 1974:5 - 30), Chinese and
Japanese scored high (e.g., Pyle 1918; Goodenough 1926). Conceptually,
metricians’
differentially weighting activities which subjects
from different backgrounds themselves weight differently. Thus, intellectual profile scores indicate that the East Asian exception stems from very
high scores in rote learning (Freeman 1939:418), no longer stressed in
Anglo-American schools. Changing the importance given rote learning
would change the intellectual level. Again, the question is of parochial
values.
13. Anglo-American bias almost always favors the more powerful
(&dquo;higher&dquo;) class, caste or culture over the less powerful (&dquo;lower&dquo;; Orsanu
et al. 1977:61; Rivers et al. 1975). Indeed, more or less consciously enacting
the a priori assumption that the powerful or leaders are &dquo;more intelligent&dquo;
than the less powerful or followers, the people who originated intelligence
testing (notably Spearman, Goddard, Terman, Yerkes, Nathaniel Hirsch
and C.C. Brigham) deployed tests in order to justify restricting social privileges to ruling castes, classes or ethnic strata (Kamin 1974:5-30 and
passim). Anglo-American metaphors again reveal this confound of &dquo;intelligence&dquo;and power: &dquo;feeble-minded,&dquo; &dquo;powerful intellect&dquo; and so forth.
Conflating power and intelligence is not always merely ideological. In
market economies with a vestigial subsistence sector and in agricultural
societies where protein is scarce, the rich may eat better than the poor. Malnutrition, especially protein malnutrition, is the best single predictor of low
birth weight, which in turn is the best single predictor of developmental
mental retardation (Koch and Koch 1976). Poor people in America run additional risks: inadequate medical care, lead paint, etc. Although the resulting perinatal neural damage tends to be permanent, limited regeneration of
the central nervous system is possible (Masland, Sarason and Gladwin
1958:136-138). Severely malnourished Korean children adopted by well-off
white Americans come to score as high on intelligence tests as their better
nourished compatriots (Winick 1980), and IQ scores of Osage Indians rose
along with their oil income (Rohrer 1942). Although mental retardation due
to poverty is too common to justify the idealogy, economic systems that
distribute food and medical care on the basis of recipients’ income may thus
produce among a fraction of the poor the lack of intelligence predicted by a
meritocratic idealogy which confounds power with intelligence (Hurley
test bias involves testers’
1969).
*
...
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53
&dquo;Culture Free&dquo; Tests
Introduction
anthropologists, an etic and culture-free test that permits identifying
&dquo;mental retardation&dquo; would be ideal. This part of the paper sketches three
possibilities (neurometry, locally modified Piaget tests, folk tests) and examines the transcultural use of a test once thought etic and culture free.
For
Neurometrics
Measures of evoked brain potential like E. Roy John’s Quantitative Electrophysiological Battery (John et al. 1977) assess only a few abilities in an
&dquo;intellectual profile,&dquo; notably response speed (Rice 1979:28). As indicated
in point 6 in the last section, speed may exemplify a response which inhibits
solving certain problems (Sternberg, 1979a, 1979b) but reflects the sort of
cultural bias sketched in points 12 and 13 above. So far, almost the only
validation of neurometric tests is correlation with scores on &dquo;intellectual
level&dquo; tests, which also stress speed (John et al. 1977; Rice 1979:28). For
now, rather than lugging EEGs into the field, anthropoligists may prefer to
rest on Young’s (1981:45) assertion that &dquo;physiologists who study nerve
fibers and reflex actions can hardly even imagine that they could ever tell us
what goes on in the brain when a person solves a mathematical problem.&dquo;
Modifying Piaget
Starting with Binet (1913:140-141), French speaking psychometricians,
like French people generally (Pfaff 1977:72-73; Wylie 1964), have been
more circumspect than Anglo-Americans about what their tests measure
and more humane in using test scores (Kamin 1974:5 -8). Anthropologists
have used tests derived from the work of Piaget, a French-speaking Swiss,
for example, among the Wolof of Senegal (Greenfield, Reich and Olver
1966a, 1966b), Shona of Zimbabwe (Evans 1970:97-98), Ganda of Uganda
(Almy 1967; Almy, Davitz and White 1970; Davitz 1967; Evans 1970:87-96
and cf. Silvey 1963) and Kipsigis and Logoli of Kenya (Munroe and Munroe
1977; Munroe, Munroe and Daniels 1969 and 1976). Interpreting such tests
in terms of &dquo;intelligence&dquo; or &dquo;cognition,&dquo; however, is a matter which requires extensive and systematic observation of local cultural conditions
(Munroe and Munroe 1977:318) in the manner pioneered by Nissen, Machover and Kinder (1935) among Susu, Bateson (1958:218-256) among Iatmul or Price-Williams (1961a, 1961b, 1962) among Tiv. A &dquo;native&dquo; anthropologist (Gwaltney 1976a, 1976b) or psychometrician might be more sensi-
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54
tive to relevant local factors than a foreign one. Ombredane’s (1957) evaluation of Luba scores on the Raven Matrix Test in Zaire would be a start.
Tests originated, administered and evaluated by &dquo;natives,&dquo; like the
Nigerian work of Uka (1962) with Igbo or of Abiola (1965, 1966) with
Yoruba, carry this possibility a step further. There are two potential
drawbacks to this tendency. The first involves adding parochial &dquo;elite&dquo;
biases to Western ones, one of the accusations levelled at the attempts to
devise a culture free intelligence test for Americans described in Section #12
of the last part of this article (e.g., Glazer 1981). The other is that such
modified scores would be of little transcultural use.
Folk tests. Ethnographically, however, extending this approach beyond
emerging &dquo;elites&dquo; might prove rewarding. Semai exposed to the Draw-a-
spontaneously devised their own intelligence
systematically, one might ask people to rate or rank
each other’s intelligence (Choufoer et al. 1965:387; Dentan 1967:764;
Gajdusek 1962:345; 355 - 356; Gajdusek and Garruto 1975:277; Nerlove,
Roberts and Klein ex Munroe and Munroe 1977:318). The folk criteria of
intelligence that might emerge are unlikely to be congruent with AngloAmerican ones. For example, although Puluwatans think navigators are
intelligent and navigational skills supremely important, they would pick as
&dquo;most intelligent&dquo; people able to discuss politics in a moderate and
statesmanlike way (Gladwin 1970:219-220). Kikuyu emphasize the ability
to recognize quantities without counting (Kenyatta 1956:102-103). African
proverbs tend to stress that silence and slowness of speech are better
indicators of intelligence than the verbal facility that, as shown below,
Southeast Asians tend to stress (Leslau and Leslau 1962:24, 32, 40, 41, 45).
Folk tests of intelligence might elicite such folk criteria (cf. Cole et al.
1971). Understanding traditional proverbs seems a legitimate test of
intelligence for Yoruba (Leslau and Leslau 1962:5,41), Ashanti (Leslau and
Leslau 1962:10), Kikuyu (Evans 1970:9) or Malays (see below). Kenyan
Kamba and Kikuyu might prefer riddling (Kenyatta 1956:104), while Iatmul
might use recalling totemic myths in detail (Bateson 1956:218). The resulting transcultural studies would be of the criteria for intelligence rather than
Person,-House,-Tree
test
test for Dentan. More
&dquo;intelligence&dquo;
itself.
A &dquo;Culture Free&dquo; Intelligence Test
A sensitive and sophisticated student of non-Western intelligence,
Gladwin (1965:145) remarks that &dquo;Of all the tests of mental ability thus far
generally available for use in cross-cultural settings, there is some reason to
feel that the Porteus Maze is the ’fairest’ in the sense that it appears to be
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55
the least strange and confusing to non-Europeans&dquo; (Masland, Sarason, and
Gladwin 1958:271-72). The Maze purports to measure the intelligence, i.e.,
&dquo;learning capacity,&dquo; &dquo;prudence,&dquo; &dquo;foresight&dquo; and &dquo;planning&dquo; involved in
solving a set of measures arranged in order of increasing complexity
(Porteus 1937:213; 1950:119). Porteus concedes (1937:213; 1950:119) the
Maze measures how much people act like Anglo-Americans, although he
phrases this concession in terms of &dquo;subject’s&dquo; educability and capacity for
&dquo;modernization.&dquo; Scores from small sample populations purport to be the
&dquo;Average Mental Age&dquo; of ethnic or &dquo;racial&dquo; groups (Porteus 1937:3 -5,
214). The transcultural use of the Maze thus enacts Irvine’s (1966)
suggestion that, since the pro-Western bias of intelligence tests is constant,
transcultural comparison of scores made by non-Western people might
reveal their relative &dquo;intelligence.&dquo;
Porteus hypothesizes that &dquo;representative&dquo; environments would produce
lower scores than peaceful environments rich in resources. When this
correlation fails to materialize, he still dismisses the chance that
Westernizing education influenced the scores (Porteus 1937 :3 - 5, 215 - 216,
235 -237, 257, 268), speculating that &dquo;racial&dquo; influences are at work. The
discussion in this article (point 6, above) of how schools increase test scores,
largely by emphasizing speed and obedience, suggests, however, that
schooling and other Western contacts cannot be ignored.
Table I, based on Porteus’s data, supports the latter contention. For
instance, among culturally and &dquo;racially&dquo; akin peoples, Temiar, who had
taken psychological tests from an anthropologist for a year or so, scored
higher than Temiar-speaking Semnam-Sabum, who had not (Noone and
Holman 1972:42-43, 49-59, 65, 76). Similarly, although Shangaan Shona
are &dquo;racially&dquo; and culturally close to Thonga (Murdock 1959:375), Thonga
score higher on the Maze. The essential difference seems to be that the
Thonga tested, unlike the Shangaan Shona, had gone to school.
More generally, Tamils, Gurkhas and Arunta, who scored &dquo;old&dquo; on the
Maze, had been in school. The Tamils and Gurkhas had also undergone a
dislocation as they went to Southeast Asia under British influence, to
become plantation workers or soldiers. Thus they had already made a major
adjustment to Western influence. Similarly, the middle-ranked group
(Xosa, Karadjeri, Temiar and Shangaans) seem to have no schooling but
more contacts with Westerners than the people who scored &dquo;young&dquo; on the
Maze.
Thus the test scores indicate only that, the more familiar people are with
Western peculiarities, the better they do on &dquo;intelligence&dquo; tests Westerners
give them. One cannot conclude from Porteus’s data that Tamils are more
&dquo;intelligent&dquo; than San. The Maze Test apparently reflects experience with
9
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56
European culture. In 1947 it was dropped from the Arthur Point Scale battery of performance tests.
Summary
Anglo-American measures of intelligence are suspect, not just scientifically but because they have often been used to rationalize and justify the
rule of one set of people over another. In an imperialist context, equating
non-Westerners with the &dquo;mentally retarded&dquo; or, by the metaphor of
&dquo;mental age,&dquo; with children must be suspect because of the higher status it
on those who design and administer the tests. The remarkable consistency with which poor and non-Western people score lower on Western
intelligence tests than bourgeois and Westerners (and &dquo;nonwhites&dquo; than
&dquo;whites&dquo;; cf. Porteus 1937:268) is a statistical aberration that might
evaporate if traditional Yoruba or Semai had enough power to design and
confers
administer their own tests.
For these reasons, a sharp distinction between &dquo;normal&dquo; and &dquo;mentally
retarded&dquo; people is in principle arbitrary, in practice almost impossible and
politically undesirable. Yet using non-Western folk criteria for &dquo;intelligence&dquo; or &dquo;retarded&dquo; produces data so mutually incongruent that
meaningful transcultural comparisons would be difficult. Even isolating
such criteria poses problems, as illustrated in the following section of this
article.
Translating Folk Concepts: A Malay Example
Introduction
Even if
recognizing &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; in the field were easy, the way
treat
&dquo;retardates&dquo; would still depend on their definition of the situapeople
not
the
tion,
ethnographer’s. The great linguist Wilhelm von Humboldt
remarks that &dquo;hippos,&dquo; &dquo;equus&dquo; and &dquo;horses&dquo; do not mean exactly the
same thing. Translation problems escalate when the topic involves terms in
mutually unrelated languages, with non-empirical and value-laden referents
like &dquo;intelligence&dquo; and involved in the radically divergent systems by which
different people classify, explain, and respond to acting &dquo;intelligent.&dquo;
These diverse folk nosologies, etiologies, and emotional sets may be crossculturally incommensurable. Yet, since they constitute the idealogical
framework through which people deal with &dquo;mental retardation,&dquo; a Procrustean imposition of Western categories on the raw facts impedes under-
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57
Correlates of
TABLEI
&dquo;Average Mental
Age&dquo; Scores
(Porteus 1937)
’Degree of contract with Westerners S schoohng, C substantial contact, c mmimal contact
foraging, F fishmg, H herding, A = agriculture. Numbers mdicate approximate
dependence of the people upon that activity, on a scale of 0-10
=
2G
=
For
details,
=
see
=
=
=
Murdock 1967 154-155
standing what is going on in the real world (see, e.g., Appell 1973, Bricker
1976, Frake 1961, Goodenough 1970, Yap 1952). Symptoms Westerners
might lump under a single rubric, for example, may fall into several mutually incongruent folk categories, which in turn fit into a given people’s
folk scientific systems. Conversely, phenomena Westerners might think irrelevant may be lumped with those Westerns think significant.
Before transcultural comparisons can be meaningful, therefore, each of
the indigenous systems to be compared should be understood in its own
terms. The basic procedure for a given people might be (1) to isolate terms
that seem roughly similar to &dquo;intelligent&dquo; or &dquo;unintelligent&dquo;; (2) since
meaning is context, to determine the contexts in which the terms are used;
and (3) to examine cases of &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; so severe that the
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58
Glosses of Some
Malay
TABLE II
Words Referring
to
&dquo;Mental States&dquo;
ethnographer can readily identify them. At each step a comparison with
related peoples may serve to highlight nuances of meaning.
The Malays of West Malaysia are the focus of the following example of
such a procedure. They are compared with two sets of peoples with whom
they have been in contact for centuries: (1) Batak around Lake Toba in
Sumatra, who, like Malays, speak an Austronesian language; and (2) three
Austro-Asiatic-speaking indigenous &dquo;hill peoples&dquo; of West Malaysia,
Semai, Temiar and Hmak Mrih (Mah Meri or Besisi). The Hmak Mrih are
culturally like some of the &dquo;Proto-Malay&dquo; peoples of Sumatra. Table II
lists some Malay words referring to aspects of intelligence. The glosses come
from three standard dictionaries (Echols and Shadily 1963, Iskandar 1970
and Wilkinson 1956) and are to be understood as rough approximations.
&dquo;Intelligence&dquo;
Akal, from Arabic aqala, Ju, refers to abstract intelligence. Calling
someone berakal indicates, neutrally or approvingly, that he or she is
intelligent. The Austronesian cerdik takes its connotations from its context:
approving for leaders or for weak people outwitting powerful ones (cf.
English &dquo;shrewd&dquo;); but ambivalent or disapproving in the case of equals
dealing with equals or of leaders dealing with followers.
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59
example, stories of the cerdik but weak Mousedeer, Malays’ Br’er
Rabbit, who outwits more powerful animals, are traditionally popular
among Malays (e.g., Murad 1953) and other Austronesians in Borneo and
the Philippines (e.g., Francisco 1962). Similarly, for a Malay to outwit a
Chinese shopkeeper is amusing (Swift 1965:66; Wilson:26-27). Malay
proverbs, however, treat being cerdik in one’s relations with one’s peers
ambivalently, e.g.,
For
The cerdik climb high;
Plausible liars win the accounting
(Iskandar 1970:185)
The cerdik eat the unwary
(bingung)
(Hamilton 1947:20)
wily Mousedeer, like other trickster figures (Radin 1956), is morally
ambiguous.
Malaysian Austroasiatic peoples hold similar attitudes. They also use the
Malay word cerdik, but, since they regard aspiring to or asserting leadership
as antisocial, the negative connotations seem even stronger. Like Malays,
Semai and Temiar associate being cerdik with verbal facility and social
climbing (Benjamin 1968, Dentan 1967 and 1968). Batak similarly associate
being clever (bisuk) with such social desirables as powerful soul stuff,
wealth, a large progeny, courage and power (Vergouwen 1964:83-84,
95 -98, 131-132). A common proverb runs:
The
The bisuk win the lawsuits
The stupid (oto) go to the slave market
short, although Semai, Temiar, Malays and Batak seem to define
intelligence in like ways, they appear to evaluate it differently. Semai and
Temiar regard cerdik people with distrust, Batak with admiration. Malays
seemingly fall in between, having reservations about being cerdik in
specifiable situations. These differences seem related to how people feel
about the connection between upward social mobility and being clever.
In
&dquo;Stupidity&dquo;
The commonest Malay word glossable as &dquo;stupid&dquo; is bodoh, of which
beloh is a near synonym. Teachers may rebuke pupils by saying, &dquo;bodoh!&dquo;
Out of school, children may rebuke each other the same way. After attending Malay schools, Hmak Mrih children may also call each other bodoh,
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60
less playfully. Semai and Temiar less exposed to schooling do not
their terms for &dquo;stupid&dquo; abusively, even in jest.
Malay proverbs are tolerant or amused about being bodoh. Like Binet
himself, they treat mental limitations as surmountable: &dquo;Even the back of a
machete, whetted long enough, gets sharp&dquo; (Hamilton 1947:41). One who
acts foolishly is &dquo;not yet old, already senile&dquo; (Wilkinson 1956, 1:60).~s
&dquo;Tom Fool&dquo; (Pa’ Pandir) is an archetypical figure of fun in folktales (ibid.,
more or
use
11:206).6
Nevertheless, being bodoh
’
(worse) bebal or tolol is a social liability.
intelligent (berakal) enemies&dquo; (Hamilton
1947:45). Malays conversely may speak of socially disadvantaged people as
generically bodoh, e.g., Austroasiatic hill peoples, particularly Semai and
Temiar, Malay peasants, and the ra’ayat, &dquo;lower class&dquo; or &dquo;commoners&dquo;
(e.g., Dentan 1976; Wilson 1967:31, 154). Reciprocally, less powerful people often present themselves to powerful ones as being bodoh. For instance,
Malays, Semai and Hmak Mrih regularly refer to themselves as &dquo;we
bodoh&dquo; (or bingung or tolol) when praying to powerful supernaturals and
may feign stupidity to evade more powerful people’s demands (e.g., Dentan
1976). This equation of powerlessness with stupidity resembles the standard
Anglo-American one (above, pp. 52). But, for Malays, the &dquo;stupidity&dquo; of
the poor constitutes an obligation for the rich. Thus one prominent Malay
(Mahathir 1970) argues for special Malay rights in West Malaysia on the
grounds that, genetically, Malays are intellectually inferior to later immigrants from India and south China. Given the traditional semifeudal
patron-client relationship between Malay royalty and commoners, arguing
that the rich owe the poor a living because the latter are bodoh makes
&dquo;Bodoh friends
are worse
or
than
sense. ~I
Semai kaloo’ covers any degree of intellectual impairment, including
&dquo;mental retardation,&dquo; as well as being too shy to speak up for
oneself, stammering or thinking slowly. It can also mean &dquo;mute,&dquo; &dquo;lacking
severe
authority
or
influence,&dquo; &dquo;tame,&dquo; &dquo;dependent/enslaved&dquo;
or
(of snakes)
&dquo;not venomous&dquo; (Dentan 1967, 1968; Skeat and Blagden 1906, II: s. v.
D186). Kaloo’ people are ipso facto harmless and fit into Semai life with little difficulty, although people may mock their handicap like any other (for
a Temiar parallel see Collings 1949:99). Carey (1961:123) glosses Temiar
ngauh as &dquo;stupid&dquo; and &dquo;bodoh,&dquo; Skeat and Blagden (1906, II: s.v. S206) as
&dquo;idiot.&dquo; 8 The semantic range sems like that of kaloo’. Hmak Mrih lu’, probably from Malay kelu (&dquo;mute&dquo;), also seems similar (Skeat and Blagden
1906, II: s. v. S506). The commoner Hmak Mrih word for &dquo;stupid&dquo; in 1976
was Malay bodoh, with the connotations described above (cf. Skeat and
Blagden 1906, II:F219).9
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61
Batak oto appears in contexts contrasive with bisuk, &dquo;clever,&dquo; e.g., being
sold into slavery, losing lawsuits and being driven from one’s homeland
(Vergouwen 1964:140, 293, 331, 429). Trying to fool a judge is treating him
as oto and merits a contempt citation (ibid., 331, 398). Batak disdain for the
socially unsuccessful (e.g., ibid, 81) suggests that being oto is socially very
disadvantageous.
Once again a continuum of attitudes seems to emerge. Except for getting
married, being unintelligent seems to pose the Austroasiatic people few
social or personal problems. The Malay attitude seems ambivalent and the
Batak
one
contemptous.
Diagnosis and treatment
Traditional Malays rarely bring &dquo;mentally retarded&dquo; people to hospitals
clinics (Dunn 1965). Unlike Malaysian Tamils, they seem not to exhibit
&dquo;retarded&dquo; children to solicit alms. ‘° Yet Firth (1968:76, 341) found only
six of 401 rural Malay men living on &dquo;miscellaneous jobs and charity&dquo; in
1939-1940 and only nine of 234 jobless in 1963. If all 15 were &dquo;mentally
retarded,&dquo; the incidence of &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; would be low by Western
standards (OMS 1954:9) and &dquo;retardates&dquo; would not be much of a social
burden. More likely, mildly &dquo;retarded&dquo; people are simply classed as bodoh,
so that they live normal, self-supporting lives in the community (cf. Fraser
1966:57-58). For very bodoh people, Mahathir (1970) reports that a female
simpleton might often be married off to an old widower, supposedly to take
care of the old man. If such an arrangement is not possible, backward
relatives are married to each other.
Offensive behavior (e.g., fits, violence, sexual immodesty) may lead to a
reclassification of the bodoh person. Malays tease or reject people who are
tiga suku, &dquo;three quarters&dquo; (cf. &dquo;halfwit&dquo;) or gila, &dquo;mad&dquo; (Resner and
Hartog 1970:379). Semai, Hmak Mrih and Malays make disgusted faces
when they use the phrase tiga suku. The rejection tends to be mutual; a
salient sign of being tiga suku or gila is wanting to live away from other
people, se-orang, &dquo;by oneself.&dquo; One tiga suku Hmak Mrih woman, for
example, will spend a few months with her kin until, perhaps because of
teasing, she quarrels with them and decamps to her dilapidated hut about
half a mile away from the settlement. This pattern is central to her
classification as tiga suku.
Persisting in seriously offensive and thus potentially violent behavior is
gila (Resner and Hartog 1970:370-371). People intervene, first with medicine, e.g., sweets for &dquo;madness of stupefaction and loss of intelligence&dquo;
(gila bingung hilang akal). IIf medication fails, the axiom is &dquo;epilepsy and
or
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62
madness go beyond agreements,&dquo; e.g., invalidate marriage contracts
(Wilkinson 1956, 11:394), and the patient may be institutionalized.
Congenital &dquo;mental retardation,&dquo; including &dquo;mongolism, postencephalitic conditions and cerebral palsy&dquo; (Resner and Hartog 1970:371), is a
&dquo;birth defect,&dquo; kenan. Kenan also covers birthmarks, dry coughs (dog
kenan), dwarfism (macaque kenan), adactyly (crab kenan) and asthma (fish
kenan).
being maintained that... the child either displays some physical
deformity, causing a resemblance to the animal by which it was
affected, or else (and more commonly) unconsciously imitates its
actions or its &dquo;voice&dquo; (Skeat 1900:350).
it
The etiology, retrospectively sought by the parents in consultation with a
shaman, lies in prenatal parental activity. Kenan may appear long after a
child’s birth (cf. Wheller 1928:93). Occasionally a shaman can prescribe
medication.
The treatment of &dquo;mental retardation&dquo; in these cases thus depends on the
association with gila or kenan. Taking it out of its folk scientific context for
comparitive purposes would seriously distort a study’s data base. Yet this
context is so idiosyncratic that transculturally comparable cases are hard to
find. The same dilemma occurs in most adequately documented ethnographic examples of the treatment of &dquo;mental retardation.&dquo;
Summary and Conclusions
Redefining
&dquo;Mental Retardation&dquo;
Transculturally
In the absence of standard, reliable and unequivocal operational definitions of &dquo;intelligence,&dquo; transcultural studies of the treatment of &dquo;mental
retardation&dquo; must for at least the near future concentrate on how culturally
different peoples respond to individuals or acts which they or an observer
categorize with terms roughly equivalent to &dquo;intelligent&dquo; or &dquo;stupid.&dquo;
To the degreee that folk terms are embedded in specific cultural and linguistic contexts, transcultural studies should acknowledge their necessary
distortion of the data.
Since (1) techniques for determining who is &dquo;mentally retarded&dquo; are
unreliable and (2) the formulation of general categories to allow generalizations on the basis of an adequate sample of cases involves distorting folk
concepts and folk nosologies, therefore, we feel that the term &dquo;mental
retardation&dquo; implies a degree of scientific precision unattainable in the near
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63
Letting scientific jargon outstrip scientific competence is misleading. &dquo;Stupidity,&dquo; an overtly value-laden and imprecise term, makes
clear that, given the inadequacy of our Western conceptual and scientific
tool-kit, our focal concept is essentially just a Western folk notion.
future.
Prospects for Future Studies
Three types of studies
1.
2.
3.
seem
feasible in the immediate future.
It is imperative that detailed field studies of &dquo;stupidity&dquo; replace the sort
of fragmentary information assembled in the second section of this
article and in the appendix. There are areas in which the high incidence
of neurological disease would make extensive direct observation of how
&dquo;stupid&dquo; people are treated possible even within a brief time frame.
Controlled comparison of responses to &dquo;stupidity&dquo; within a cultural or
geographic area with whose ethnology the investigator is familiar may
highlight subtle differences lost in studies on a broader scale, as well as
draw together scattered materials for later hologeistic work. The
comparisons made in the second section of this article may exemplify
this approach.
Since the data base is inadequate for a large scale study, publication of
such assembled data as are gathered together in the second section of
this article and the appendix seems also an urgent imperative.
APPENDIX
To
space, references
quoted in the text of this article or in the footlisted in the following table. Lengthy references
(Dentan 1967 and 1968, Eaton and Weil 1955, Edgerton 1970, Gajdusek
and Garruto 1975, Gladwin and Sarason 1953 and Lamson 1934: 379-403)
should be consulted in their entirety and generally do not occur here.
The code in the first column of the following table directs the reader to
the Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock 1967). The EA contains 89 columns of
coded information on each people. Some of these coded factors may
influence the defintion and treatment of &dquo;mental retardation.&dquo; When we
could not determine a people’s place in the EA, we used the Outline of
World Cultures (Murdock 1954), by which the Human Relations Area Files
save
notes are
usually
not
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64
are
arranged. The initial letter in both codes gives the general geographic
area, thus:
With the
not
exception of those Papua New Guinea and Irian Barat peoples
represented in either the EA or OWC, the reference codes for people
mentioned in the text or footnotes of this paper are as follows: We used EA
codes when available and OWC codes when they were not. OWC codes are
marked with an asterisk (*).
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65
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66
Appendix Continued
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67
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68
Appendix Continued
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69
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70
Appendix Continued
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71
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72
Appendix Continued
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73
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74
Appendix Continued
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75
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Appendix
Continued
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77
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78
Appendix Continued
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79
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80
Appendix Continued
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Appendix Continued
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