FRONESIS
Revista de Filosofía Jurídica, Social y Política
Instituto de Filosofía del Derecho Dr. J.M. Delgado Ocando
Universidad del Zulia. ISSN 1315-6268 - Dep. legal pp 199402ZU33
Vol. 19, No. 1, 2012: 74 - 95
Venezuela’s Integration Initiatives
Under the Government of Hugo Chavez:
Current Influence and Future Prospects
Ana Carolina Romero
Universidad de Bath, UK
Londres - Inglaterra
[email protected]
Abstract
This work originates in research divided into three projects, each considered a
case study whose objective was to identify the different instruments through which
President Hugo Chávez exercises power. The research is based on the assumption
that the set of those instruments acts as a system of networks that stimulates new
methods for integration. The principles of Bolivarian foreign policy are especially
present in the ALBA initiative, which is presented as Chávez’s main tool for strengthening tactical and strategic alliances with Latin American countries. ALBA resists and
responds to the US-sponsored Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) by
promoting alternative methods for economic and social development.
Keywords: ALBA, Latin America, integration, Free Trade Agreement of the
Americas (FTAA), Washington Consensus, Bolivarianism.
Recibido: 12-06-2011 · Aceptado: 10-10-2011
Venezuela’s Integration Initiatives Under the Government of Hugo Chavez:
Current Influence and Future Prospects
75
Iniciativas de Integración de Venezuela
en el Gobierno de Hugo Chávez: Influencias actuales
y perspectivas para el futuro
Resumen
Este trabajo se origina en una investigación dividida en tres proyectos considerados cada uno como un estudio de caso, cuyo objetivo es el de identificar los diferentes instrumentos mediante los cuales el Presidente Hugo Chávez ejerce el poder. La investigación se basa en la hipótesis de que el conjunto de esos instrumentos actúan en la forma de un sistema de redes que estimulan nuevos métodos de integración. Los principios de la política exterior bolivariana están especialmente presentes en la iniciativa del ALBA, la cual es presentada como la principal herramienta de Chávez para reforzar alianzas tácticas y estratégicas con los países latinoamericanos. El ALBA resiste y responde al Tratado de Libre Comercio de las Américas
impulsado por los Estados Unidos (TLC), al promover métodos alternativos para el
desarrollo económico y social.
Palabras clave: ALBA, Latinoamérica, Integración, Tratado de Libre Comercio,
Consenso de Washington, Bolivarianismo.
1. Introduction
“Look the flags waving everywhere, the flags of our people. We, deep inside us, are all one flag. The flag of Bolivar, Artigas, San Martin, Sandino, Che…the flag of Tupac; those are our flags of struggle, of battle and
victory.”
Hugo Chávez
1.1. Context of Analysis
In 1998, Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías was elected President of Venezuela, introducing the “Socialism of the XXI century”. The incumbent has
been trying for the last decade to export his “Bolivarian Revolution” to
Latin America and the Caribbean in an attempt to use it as a tool to integrate the region. The dramatic increases of oil prices in the last decade and
the support of left-leaning governments and the masses have made Chávez
an influential figure in the region. His influence in the area can be explored by examining the integrationist proposals he has put forth: the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), Television del Sur (Telesur),
Banco del Sur (Bank of the South) and Petro-America.
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The aspirations to integrate Latin America date back to the 19th century from San Martin, Francisco de Miranda and Simón Bolívar who
sought to unify the newborn Republics into a Confederation. In the 20th
century the integration projects were different to this vision. The arrival of
the US-sponsored neo-liberal wave to Latin American formed a few subregional blocs predominantly for economic cooperation and with limited
political connotation (Canovas, 2007). Examples include, the Southern
Common Market (MERCOSUR), The Andean Community (CAN), the
Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the G-3 (Grouping of Colombia,
Venezuela and Mexico)[See Table 1] (Balza, 2007:20).
The “innovative” formulation of Chávez’s initiatives arrives with the 21st
century as counter-hegemonic projects. In the current globalized scenario, these
proposals introduce two new ingredients to the integration formula of the region: Chávez’s loud discourse in opposition to neo-liberalism and the US hegemony and his rhetoric in favor of the dispossessed and excluded.
ALBA is Chávez’s central tool; it is the umbrella or the mater initiative
from which two kinds of projects are impelled in the form of (i) parallel
initiatives and (ii) supplement initiatives. Parallel initiatives include integration projects, such as the Bank of the South, that were formed independently while remaining imbued with the same Bolivarian vision of
ALBA. This proposal has been framed into the Union of South American
Nations (UNASUR). Supplement initiatives include integration projects
like, Telesur and Petro-America that have been promoted by ALBA as supplements to reinforce the integration of the Latin American nations.
The initiatives are instruments that extend into various areas. ALBA, as
the mater initiative, approaches various forms of integration but mainly focuses
in political and social integration. With Telesur, Chávez uses the media and
telecommunications as an integrative instrument to unify peoples. The Bank of
the South and Petro-America, unlike Telesur and ALBA, have yet to be established and institutionalized. They will focus in the areas of financial integration
and energetic-infrastructural integration. Chávez has therefore strategically formulated a series of initiatives in order to promote a holistic integrated bloc with
the use of the media as the key-linking instrument.
Hence, this dissertation will investigate the influence of Hugo Chávez
to the integration of South America in the context of his “innovative” initiatives: ALBA, Telesur, Bank of the South and Petro-America in the period of
1999 to 2009. This research will provide a restrictive study of the geopolitical strategic agenda driven by the Bolivarian Movement. For this dissertation the analysis of the influence of Chávez will be confined to the region of
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77
South America referring to the southern portion of the landmass covering
most of the southern hemisphere and composed by 12 countries only.
1.2. Key Concepts and Theoretical Framework
Several key concepts need to be defined to contextualize the focus of
this analysis. By integration it is understood that a shared definition is nonexistent and that it is a complex and multidimensional process (Oyarzun,
2008:107). This study will refer to integration as a form of regionalism that
allows a region to transform into a systematic relevant actor (Fawcett and
Hurrell, 1995: 110). Hurrell’s conceptualization of regional cohesion will be
used as the kind of regionalism Chávez is seeking. Regional cohesion, is a
combination of the four processes (soft-regionalism, regional awareness
and identity, regional interstate cooperation and state-promoted integration) that form a consolidated regional unit that plays a determined role at
international level relations and a unit that is capable of organizing policies
concerning various points within the region (Ibid: 44).
Chávez’s initiatives are different from “traditional” methods of integration in that they are counter-hegemonic globalization projects that evolve from
the Neo-Gramscian theoretical approach. These emerge in resistance to the
dominating global forces and institutions. Counter-hegemonic forces manifest
in an attempt to challenge the prevailing institutional arrangement, in this
context, it is the arrangement based on the Washington Consensus and the
neo-liberal policies (Gill, 2003:35) (1). The initiatives take this position without
excluding the existing globalized mechanisms. Chávez’s proposals work with
globalized forces by considering the social advancements of the region (Montañez, 2008: 63). Effective counter-hegemonic movements require access to financial resources as well as knowledge and information, including a degree of
control over the production and the distribution process (Ibid:114) (2). These
requirements are embedded within the agenda of Chávez’s projects. His influence is possible because of two main factors, (i) the oil wealth produced by
Venezuela and (ii) the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist discourse. The
movements use resources to create alternative institutions and alternative intellectual material with the existing society by, “building bridges between workers
and subordinate classes” (Cox and Sinclair, 1996: 128-129). Chávez does the
same, by using the initiatives as instruments.
Furthermore, the concepts power and influence need to be defined.
Power is a complex and ambiguous term to examine and to structure because it is dependent on the variables and contexts being studied. According to Bachrach and Baratz (1970), power and influence are alike by rela-
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tional and rational attributes but they differ in that the exercise of power
depends upon potential sanctions or the threat of deprivation while influence does not. Hence, both terms are difficult to distinguish because they
supplement each other -one can always lead to the other (Ibid: 32). In this
particular context, influence will be used as a facet of power (see Nye,
2008:27). Consequently, power cannot be measured in terms of the attributes of a state, but only in the effect one state has over another through action, distinguishing power-as-influence-in-a-relationship (Brown and Ainely,
2005:138). This study will therefore not be able to measure power but instead conduct a qualitative evaluation of the sustainability of Chávez’s initiatives and how these have had effect in the integration of South America.
Steven Lukes’ “three faces of power” will explain how power is exercised through the different initiatives and what effects it has on the political process and the actors of the international system (Lukes, 2005:25-26).
Each will be explained within one of the dimensional views of power to
analyze the way in which Chávez exercises power-as-influence to drive his
geopolitical integrative agenda.
The first dimensional view follows a pluralist view on power and is based
on behavioral decisions. It can be reduced to decision-making power that is
exercised within institutions (Ibid:15). This is measured from the outcome
of the decision usually expressed through policy formulation. The second dimensional view follows the views on power by the critics of pluralist and involves setting the agenda through formal or informal means thus, the power
to control the agenda of politics via influence, inducement or persuasion
(Ibid: 111). Finally, the third dimensional view of power is a critique of the behavioral and methodological focus of the previous. It involves the shaping of
preferences, whether that is in form of values or ideology. According to
Lukes, “power is exerted inducing compliance by influencing desires and beliefs,
without being intelligent and intentional” (Ibid: 136; see more Lukes, Op.cit.,:134:
Jon Elster and his analysis of adaptive preference formation). Each dimensional
view of power can be inter-connected with the other and for this study each
instrument works in a flow with the other (See below: Diagram 1).
Therefore the exercise of the 3 facets of power through the different
instruments proposed by Chávez when combined function as an intermeshing gear and they represent the strategic geopolitical agenda of Chávez.
Perhaps by themselves these initiatives, at the moment, are not sustainable
but it is the ensemble of these and the principles they propagate that will be
significant for the future integration of the region (See Diagram 2).
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Diagram 1.
Output =
Alternative
forms of
integration
Diagram 2.
1.3. Bolivarian Foreign Policy
An analysis of the fundamental principles behind Chávez’s integration initiatives is essential to understand their essence and the overall driving force behind President Chávez.
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The Bolivarian Revolution has strengthened the presidential powers
while weakening the checks-and-balances and encouraging the centralization of the state. This has made the foreign policy decision-making process
one defined by -The Executive-Chávez. The internal politics of Venezuela
closely correlated to its external affairs and have determined the “revolutionary” focus of its foreign policy (Wilpert, 2007) (3). The focus introduces a new strategy based on ideological and political components.
The Constitution (1999) codifies integration as a national mandate and
sets out the principles under which integration should be advanced (Cardozo
and Hillman, in Mora, F and Hey, J. 2003). Chávez’s initiatives are therefore
framed within these: independence, sovereignty, nationalism, Latin American
unity and an anti-hegemonic orientation (Ibid). The strategic objectives of the
foreign policy found in articles 152 and 153 of the Constitution under “New
International Geopolitics” include: (i) the strengthening of the national sovereignty by invigorating and expanding alliances directed at forming a regional
geopolitical bloc of a multi-polar world, (ii) it involves diversifying the political, economic and cultural relations and (iii) the deepening of the fraternal dialogue between the peoples by respecting freedoms of thought, religion and
self-determination (González, 2007: 9; Moncada, 2004: 119). The Bolivarian
foreign policy seeks to precede the transformation of cooperation systems via
solidarity advancements with developing countries. This would occur by institutionalizing a new order of financial integration with the establishment of
just commerce and by deepening cultural exchanges and technological scientific independence (Ibid). This strategy is therefore significant for the
contextualization of each initiative.
In 1999, Chávez began to put into practice the Bolivarian strategy
and undertook the leading negotiations to strengthen the integration between the different blocs. He proposed the creation of a political confederation grouping of Latin America and the Caribbean by 2010 (Buxton,
2002). Chávez explains, “we have defined as a priority in the definition of our
foreign policy the integration of the three entities that surround Venezuela, the Caribbean, the Amazon, the Andes,” thus, he believes that Venezuela will be able
to “press the accelerator” on the integration of the CAN, Mercosur and the
Caribbean (Gott, 2001: 192).
Chávez’s initiatives are “historic-political” led proposals particularly
based on the philosophy and ideals of the Venezuelan liberator Simón
Bolívar (Soto, 2004:57). What Bolivar referred to as “the equilibrium of the
universe”, stresses the need of integrating to stabilize the balance of world
power (Moncada, 2004:119; Bolívar, 2004:139). For Chávez,
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“The increases of economic blocs and of the global economy have
made the integration of Latin America an indispensible requisite for
the regional development. This process will only be possible through
solidarity, cooperation and common will, that is, the only way that
hope and the necessities of the Caribbeans and Latinos will be satisfied and that their independence will become sovereign and identity
preserved” (Salazar, 2006:32).
Hence, integration under the Bolivarian foreign policy implicates a
change in the paradigm of the previous schemes but also a change in the
balance of powers through the critique of the practice and theory of the
neo-liberal model. It is significant to understand that principles such as nationalism, independence, sovereignty, cooperation, solidarity and unity are
all represented by the counter-hegemonic initiatives proposed by Chávez.
These are essential in the formation of a new integrative strategy that is
meant to stabilize the structure of the balance of power for a multi-polar
world. According to Gott, Chávez is trying to “crave a new program for Latin
America that wants to bring into existence a multi-polar world involving new economic consensus alternatives different to those that have devastating impacts on poor
populations of the third world” (Gott, Op.cit.: 6).
1.4. Overview
This dissertation will be divided into three chapters where each project will be examined as a case study. The objectives of this study will be to
identify the different ways in which Chávez exercises power with different
instruments. Examining each case study will permit a further analysis on
how the ensembles of the instruments act in the form of an intermeshing
gear to stimulate new methods for integration. The principles of the Bolivarian foreign policy are present in each initiative. This study will, consequently, drive further interrogatives that will be considered throughout
the dissertation as to provide a clear understanding and the necessary arguments to draw the conclusions of the study.
Chapter 1 takes ALBA as Chávez’s main tool to strengthen tactic and
strategy alliances with Latin Americans. It resists and responds to the USsponsored Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), by promoting
and advancing alternative methods for economic and social development.
This Chapter defines ALBA as an exercise of the three dimensions of
power due to its inter-connection with the other initiatives but will only explore how it has given Chávez decision-making influence in the region.
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82
Chapter 2 examines Telesur as a proposal that resists multinational communication networks such as CNN. This Chapter will analyze the significance of Telesur to the integration of South America and how it has served
Chávez as an ideological tool to develop a common public sphere in the region. With Telesur, Chávez has the ability to shape the ideology and desires to stimulate cultural unity and consolidate his other initiatives. Chapter 3 will examine Bank of the South and Petro-America together because
they remain undeveloped projects. The Bank of the South is a resistance
instrument to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World
Bank (WB) while Petro-America to multi-national oil corporations. Both
projects are an expression of the exercise of Chávez’s agenda-setting in financial and energy matter in the region.
2. Case Study: Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples
of Our Americas (ALBA)
“With ALBA, peoples awaken…the ALBA is a concept; it
is a geopolitical, geo-economic, social, cultural and ideological space that is under construction. Let us dress the
suits and conscience of builders of new spaces. I believe we
are aligned with the projects of those who have us our
country, of the leaders and precursors of the revolutions
and independence of our peoples.”
Hugo Chávez
ALBA represents the main inspirational tool for the integration of
South America. This initiative is therefore identified as a catalyzing scheme
that ignites the three dimensions of power to influence and stimulate an
integrationist model. At this point the following questions arise: What are
the basic principles of ALBA? What are the problems of this initiative and
what has been its impact? In what ways has ALBA been an influence to the
integration of South America?
2.1. Framing of ALBA
In 2001, Chávez proposed the ALBA as an idea to liberate the countries
of Latin America. As its name automatically denotes, ALBA is an alternative to
other regional proposals in the hemisphere. It is a social, economic and political bloc defined by left-wing ideology. The member states belonging to this
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bloc follow the philosophy of the, “Socialism of the 21st century” with an
anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist discourse (Toussaint, 2008: 34).
On December 2004, the President of Cuba, Fidel Castro and Hugo
Chávez signed a declaration and designed a Strategic Plan to establish the
bloc (Martinez, 2006:14). The members include Bolivia (2006), Nicaragua
(2007), Dominica (2008), Honduras (2008) and as an observer member,
Ecuador. The purpose of this regrouping is to promote the eradication of
poverty and social exclusion. The objective is to preserve the autonomy
and identity of Latin Americans and to make this scheme a new alternative
project to promote integration. In that case, what are the approaches undertaken to achieve this?
According to the Minister of Foreign Relations of Venezuela, the approach of ALBA is “an historical one in the face of globalization (Maduro and
Sanz, 2005).” It was created in resistance to the FTAA proposed by the US government
(Bouzas, 2005) (4). It defies the ordained forces of the global economy and responds to the FTAA with “awakening” alternatives. Hugo Chávez as the
champion of the anti-neoliberal policies highlights how these have deprived
millions of people in the continent from basic public services. He objects the
deepening of structural asymmetries that have been counter-productive for
the reduction of poverty, the increased social debt and the disfavored access
to information and technological-scientific advancements (Oddone and
Granato, 2007:3). The ALBA opposes the logic of deregulation and protectionist barriers that limit the competition for developing nations.
Alternatively, ALBA proposes an integral integration, thus it is composed of different pillars in various areas that include: petroleum and energy,
agrarian reform and food sovereignty, education, finance and economics and transportation and communication among others (see Appendix 1, Altamann,
2008). Unlike traditional state-promoted integration schemes in the region
that sprung with the arrival of the neo-liberal cycle, ALBA is presented as a
socially oriented initiative.
The alternative that ALBA proposes is a model of development based
on the four principles: (i) complementariness and (ii) cooperation, to achieve
(iii) solidarity and (iv) reciprocity (González, 2007:19). Rather than focusing
on profit-making processes, ALBA is aimed at prioritizing food selfsufficiently in each state (Toussaint, Op.cit.: 37) (5). It is based on an endogenous development model for the advancement of the agricultural and
industrial sectors. The focus is of generating “cooperative advantages” for
each country to put forth their comparative advantages to complement
other national economies (Oddone and Granato, Op.cit.: 33).
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The concept of endogenous development resists the conditions designed by globalization and capitalist rationality by presenting a “bottomup” approach defined by a glocal strategy. According to Martinez, glocalization reinforces political integrative prospects. From an economic approach
it becomes a peripheral strategy that would allow redistribution of resources and manufacturing within geo-cultural context that promote selfdetermination and cultural, economic and social exchanges (Martinez,
Op.cit.: 1-9). This model focuses on the relationship between contract and
individual, community and institution and local and global governments.
This alternative also proposes the reduction of the “social debt” by
prioritizing education and medical care. ALBA instigates the need for
states to transcend to the social sectors, to regulate the markets and to develop infrastructure (Martinez, 2006: 19). It is also within this scheme of
commercial and social exchange that ALBA stimulates the generation of
energy alternatives to achieve integration within the energy industries.
2.2. Achievements and Limitations
It is now possible to evaluate the ALBA initiative in terms of its practical achievements, as well as its current and future challenges. One of its
most notable has been the promotion of the social programs led by Cuba
and Venezuela and its impact to the region. From the Strategy Plan of 2005,
healthcare and literacy programs have contributed to the alleviation of the
region’s social debt. For example, Misión Barrio Adentro (Inside PoorNeighborhood Mission) began with the provision of 40,000 Cuban doctors
and 3,000 health specialists to the poorest areas in Venezuela. Since, it has
expanded to Bolivia in 2006 with more than 600 Cuban medical specialists
and Nicaragua (Girvan, 2008; Martinez O., 2006: 17). Misión Barrio Adentro
provides free healthcare while similar programs such as Operación Milagro
(Operation Miracle) provides free eye-surgery operations that allow people
to travel from their country to get treatment. The program has funded 61
ophthalmology centers in over 20 countries in Latin America and Africa and
has helped improve eyesight of more than 1, 5 million people (Ravsberg,
2009). Furthermore, Nicaragua and Venezuela have also developed social
cooperation with the construction of 8 centers for Child Development in
Nicaragua to reintegrate the country’s 47,000 street kids (Janicke, 2008).
In education, ALBA launched a literacy campaign in an attempt to
eradicate illiteracy and to promote free education. The program Misión Robinson I taught more than 1,4 million people from 2003-2005 to read and
write (Hernandez, 2005). Furthermore, Robinson II, Misión Ribas, and “Yo sí
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puedo! (Yes, I can), have encouraged people to further their studies into
high school and for personal development in different areas. In 2008, 395
students from all over Latin America began the Introductory Medical
Scheme at the Latin American School of Medicine as part of the educational
programs of ALBA (Janicke, 2008). The positive results of the ALBA Social
Programs have encouraged other countries to adopt the Robinson programs.
Further research on the initiative would be needed to determine the sustainability of these programs. Regardless of this, the undeniable attention
the social programs have drawn in the entire hemisphere has also extended
the popularity of Chávez and his discourse within the masses.
ALBA has also been successful at the promotion of the participation
of social movements. At its 5th Summit, representatives and leaders of major peasant organizations, Afro-descendant movements, indigenous and
social justice organizations, labor organizations, women’s organizations
and youth movements were invited to call on member governments for the
defense of social inclusion, women’s rights and labor rights (VIO, 2007).
ALBA also encourages provinces and municipalities from the left to integrate and cooperate, for example the FMLN from El Salvador and El
Frente Sandista from Nicaragua (Martínez, 2006:19).
According to Chávez, “the [grand-national] companies and the ALBABank are achievements that will bring great impact to our project of construction of
the area…we are breaking a mechanism of the capitalism with ALBA-Bank. This is
a political instrument for social and economic development” (Chavez, 2008: 15).
To some extent, the Grand-National projects have propelled the endogenous model that this initiative defends. The projects involve the creation of
12 public companies co-managed by the member states focusing on the key
sectors of the national economies (VIO, 2007). ALBA-energy is linked with
ALBA-Bank through the financing operations of the Grand-National Energy Company that includes production, refining, transportation, storage,
distribution of oil and gas and the development of alternative energies
(Ibid). According to Dorado, the energy-pillar promises to be the base of
the evolution of ALBA, capturing the influence of the other countries in
the region and trying to keep them away from the US hegemony (Dorado,
2007:3). For example, from ALBA, Chávez created Petrocaribe, which uses
Venezuela’s oil as a bargaining tool in order to develop infrastructure for
energy plants, highways, gas ducts and technological advancements, once
more as a counter-hegemonic strategy to diminish the dependency of the
multinational corporations (Girvan, Op.cit.:8) (6). Chávez has signed 200
ALBA-associated declarations and agreements since 2000 from which 50
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have been bilateral economic agreements with Cuba (Muhr, 2009; Rama,
A. and Acosta, N., 2005).
Hence this proposal is one that has tried to surpass the social obstacles
that persist in the region, but what are some of the structural problems with
this initiative? A significant flaw in the proposal of Chávez is its rigid isolationist ideological position. The anti-US, left-wing bloc spurs tension and confrontation between other governments in the region (Altmann, Op.cit.:5). In order to assume ALBA as an integrative model, the South American governments would have to follow left-wing tendencies. Instead of promoting a consensus between states ALBA is closed and antagonist. Moreover, it is unclear
how, once its objectives are achieved and the bloc is consolidated, this leftleaning ideological position will function in regards with the US. It is therefore necessary to ask to what extent the measures developed by ALBA promote unity to the region and the extent to which it promotes diversity.
Similarly, another limitation of this initiative is its dependency on the
political and economical evolution of Venezuela (Salazar, Op.cit.: 3). As explained by Dorado, the energy pillar of ALBA is the base of its evolution
featuring Venezuela as the main promoter and the propulsion (emphasizing the significance of oil) to the bloc (Dorado, Op.cit.: 3). The numerous
social and healthcare programs of ALBA are almost entirely financed by
Chávez’s subsidized oil exports that rely on the market price of the barrel.
Oil, a volatile commodity, means that its success depends on the stability of
the Venezuelan economy. Thus, ALBA is not simply dependent on Venezuela, but on President Chávez, who is the agenda-setter, funder and
decision-maker of the projects.
This point consequently reveals the lack of direct participation from
the people in, for example, the interstate agreements, thus, weakening
ALBA as a social process for people to create their own sovereign destiny
in their territory. Fritz identifies this as the democratic deficit of ALBA,
where spaces of political power for the social movements are available but
neither the mobilization nor the participation of civil society is present in
any of the decisions (Fritz, 2007:13). According to economist Judith Valencia, “the idea of the ALBA comes to life when in the imaginative collective the people
begin recognizing and making their own the intention expressed in the formulated
desire” (Ibid). This argument defines the gap that exists between the level
of rhetoric and pragmatism of ALBA. More significantly is the uncertainty
in what will determine the future of this initiative: whether that will be the
governments and their ideology, the price of oil, the political parties, the
social movements or the leadership of Chávez.
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2.3. Analysis ALBA: an integrative tool
Having examined the challenges of ALBA it is now possible to say
that its future perspectives as a sustainable regional bloc are bleak. The initiative can be compared to traditional regional integration agreements in
the developing worlds that are mainly held by a powerful rhetoric and
have difficulties in turning into reality (Mistry in Soderbaum, F and T.
Shaw, 2003: 124). On the other hand, ALBA promotes new proposals to
tackle the problems of the continent. Consequently, it is defined as a catalyst initiative in that through the use of a continuous discourse of autarchy
based on fundamental principles it acts as stimulus of ideas.
With ALBA Chávez exercises all the dimensional views of power developed by Lukes and through the use of each of these; it provokes a catalyst
effect, which galvanizes other integration initiatives. The three-dimensions
of power may be interchangeable and inter-connected. Chávez links Telesur
with the agreement ALBA-Telesur and stems the formulation behind the
Bank of the South from ALBA-Bank and Petro-America from the ALBAEnergy all in one to create and promote a self-sufficient initiative. Chávez
has uses a flow of schemes, financial, media and energy/infrastructure to implement a strategy for a holistic integration of Latin America (see Diagram 3).
Diagram 3.
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In this sense, ALBA has permitted Chávez to set in agenda in discussions on integration. For example, he has brought up the status of Cuba to
the concert of Latin American nations, which became priority in the Summit of the Americas of 2009. Also, Chávez has constantly brought up the
role social movements in regional politics. More significantly, Chávez has
been able to put forth the urgency of considering “social issues”. Whenever
he has had the possibility Chávez stresses the need for social considerations, at the 2005 Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata he addressed
the need for a new integration based on a social model. From his speech at
the XXX Summit of Mercosur in 2006, Chávez explained that, “social integration is the only path that can make the sovereignty of the peoples of Latin America viable in front of the US-imperialist project (Oddone and Granato,
2007:36).”In 2007, Mercosur adopted the Instituto Social del Mercosur (ISM)
(Social Institute), a social dimension of this bloc for human development,
against social exclusion and poverty (Acta de la Comisión SEIS, 2007).
Even if Chávez has not been directly involved it is possible to observe a correlation in the structural changes taking place to the integration model.
Apart from Telesur, the overall social projects of Chávez have transmitted the Bolivarian ideology. The ALBA, as an exercise of the 3 dimensional view of power, has shaped the desires and values of the masses that
have benefited from these programs. This has guaranteed Chávez with the
loyalty of the peoples and a strong populist support of his socialist alternative. ALBA exports an ideology and specific values that stimulate the “South
American conscience” particularly among those that are the most affected.
Since Telesur, the Bank of the South and Petro-America stem from
ALBA the focus will be to examine the 1st dimensional view of power that
explains the influence of Chávez. This influence is explained where power
becomes decision-making.
From ALBA, it is possible to explain the influence of Chávez in the
decision-making process of the region in two ways. (i) It has given him a
protagonist role in the decision-making and discussions of the other initiatives ALBA engenders that involves different areas that deepen interdependence between states and expands their relations. According to Muhr,
ALBA as an integration project employs transnational processes, which involves regionalist inter-state agreements and additionally, four other
mechanisms: bi-national instruments between Venezuela and Brazil, Argentina and Ecuador, multinational agreements between three or more states,
sub-regional agreements between groups of states in the sub-regions (Andean, Southern Cone), and finally transnational agreements that bypass na-
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89
tional governments (Muhr, Op.cit.: 6). The numerous agreements in
which Venezuela has represented ALBA serve as an indicator of the increasing role of Chávez in the decision-making in the areas of energy, communications, finance and social issues. Since ALBA’s official start in Venezuela has signed more than 20 agreements with 18 different countries in
Latin America and the Caribbean (Girvan, 2008).
(ii) ALBA has been used by Chávez to support the campaigns and the
incumbent governments of Morales and Correa to name a few. ALBA’s
economic barter and donations principles have provided economic and
political support for left-leaning governments, which has strengthened
Chávez’s support. He has offered ‘donations’ that have summed up to
more than $47 billion to Argentina, Ecuador, Bolivia and even Brazil
(Agencia EFE, 2009). Some of these donations have been in the form of
technical aid, economic barter and bond buying. Thus, Chávez has reinforced his decision-making power in the region by using the barter and
donation orientation of the ALBA while insisting on integration. He develops a relationship between power and how to adopt strategies to create
teams that benefit from strong and weak ties (Nye, Op.cit.: 124).
Chávez needs to use his decision-making power to promote cooperation but for this to occur his leadership must be widely accepted. For the
consolidation of his ideas to have an effect on the future integration methods of South America they must provide the capacity to sustain themselves
and the will to do this and to be accepted as legitimate by other states
(Brown and Ainely, 2005:131).
ALBA can be framed as an expression of the 3 dimensional views of
power even though the focus of this study has been driven to Chávez’s
decision-making power. Consequently, Chávez has been able to represent
a key figure in the decisions of the international relations of South America, which has introduced new approaches to integration.
3. Conclusions
Among integrationist proposals, ALBA is the most counterhegemonic project which has made President Chavez an influential figure
in the region. ALBA is Chavez’s central tool but from it, other proposals
are impelled in different areas such as communications, financial and energetic integration. ALBA focuses in political and social integration and
emerges as resistance to the dominating global forces and institutions,
principally the arrangement based on the Washington Consensus and the
neo-liberal policies.
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Chavez’s influence in South America is based on close relationship
between Venezuelan internal politics and its external affairs which determines the “revolutionary” focus of its foreign policy based on ideological
and political components. Chavez’s initiatives are therefore framed within
independence, sovereignty, nationalism, South American unity and antihegemonic orientation, all of these concepts interpreted as a “new international geopolitics”.
ALBA responds to the US sponsored Free Trade Agreement of the
Americas (FTAA) by promoting alternative methods for economic and social development. This work wanted to study the basic principles of ALBA,
the problems of this initiative, its impact and in what way it has been an influence to the integration of South America.
First, it is an alternative to other regional proposals in the hemisphere, it is a social, economic and political bloc defined by leftwing ideology which follows the philosophy of “Socialism of the 21st Century”, in order to promote eradication of poverty and social exclusion, to preserve the
autonomy and identity of South American people and to make this scheme
as a new alternative project for integration; it is presented as a socially oriented initiative.
A concrete strategic plan has been set up between Venezuela, Cuba,
Bolivia, Nicaragua, Dominica, Honduras and Ecuador, in which rather
than focusing on profit making processes, ALBA proposes a model of development based on complementariness, cooperation, solidarity and reciprocity. It is proposed within an endogenous development model for the
advancement of the agricultural and industrial sectors and it is defined
through the “glocalizacion approach” as a system of redistribution of resources and manufacturing within a geocultural context defined basically
within community, institutions, local and global governments.
Some of ALBA’s achievements are Misión Barrio Adentro led by Cuba
in Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua; Misión Robinson I and II in Education, the promotion of social movements such as peasants, Afro-descendant
movements, indigenous and social justice organizations, labour, women
and youth movements. In economic areas, the Grand National projects in
banking and industry proposes 12 public companies co-managed by the
member states and focusing on the key sectors of the national economies.
Nonetheless, the limitations of this initiative are clearly showed by its
rigid isolationist ideological position and its anti-US policies which spurs
confrontation of the region with the northern country and inside of it, as
Venezuela’s Integration Initiatives Under the Government of Hugo Chavez:
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91
well as by the high dependency of the scheme on political and economical
evolution of Venezuela and the personality of Chavez.
Therefore, ALBA’s future perspectives as a sustainable regional bloc
are bleak since because of rhetoric, it has difficulties in turning into reality.
It could be defined better than an integration model, as a catalyst initiative
that through the use of a continuous discourse of autarchy, acts as stimulus
of ideas and galvanizes other integration initiatives. In this sense, Chavez
has used a flow of schemes, financial, media, energy and infrastructure, to
implement a strategy for a holistic integration of Latin America. On the
other hand, ALBA has shaped the desires and the values of the masses that
have benefitted from these programs, guaranteeing Chavez with the loyalty of the people and a strong populist support. That is why we can affirm
that ALBA exports an ideology and specific values that stimulates the
“South American conscience”, especially among the poors who are the
most in Latin America.
Notes
1.
See more: how power and resistance may take the form of hegemonic leadership, counter-hegemonic resistance and what Gill, S. (2003) calls transformative
resistance that serves to constitute historical alternatives.
2.
See Gramsci’s definition of ethic-political level movements.
3.
Chavez’s election, as his projects, has been a reaction to consequences of USsponsored neo-liberal policies. In El Caracazo of 1989, a wave of protests unfolded as a result of the discontent for the drastic rise of cost due to changes in
economic policies, which affected mainly the poor. Chavez, a soldier at the
time, responded with a failed coup d’Etat in 1992.
4.
The FTAA is an extension of the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA) between Canada, Mexico and the United States, to reduce barriers
between all of the Americas with the exception of Cuba. It is based on the freemarket principles: privatization, liberalization and de-regularization, in order
to deepen specialization and competitiveness.
5.
By this, ALBA rejects the subjection of the agricultural sector to the market liberalization while have to compete with subsidies and maintain import tariffs.
6.
Petrocaribe includes twelve of the fifteen members of Caricom. The initiative
shares similar principles to those of ALBA.
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