CONNOTATIVE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN ENGLISH AND SPANISH: A PRELIMINARY STUDY Theodor Maghrak-Sherve University of Minnesota Minneapolis, MN [email protected] Abstract When you hear the word burgundy, you think something different from when you hear the word red. Although both words have to do with the same color, there are some large differences between their respective interpretations. It is easy to see that words like these are different, but oftentimes difficult to say exactly how. Extending the question of how these words differ, we arrive at the question this paper addresses: How do the same words differ between two [or more] languages? Surprisingly little has been written examining these connotative differences between languages. Furstenburg et al. have demonstrated that there are large connotative differences between English and French. The researchers found that different connotations in the two languages not only exist but also can be misunderstood by, or completely unapparent to, speakers of the other language. There is no literature examining the differences between English and Spanish. In this paper, the first examining English and Spanish, I show that there are connotative differences between these two languages and highlight the pedagogical importance of these findings. Drawing upon Furstenburg et al. as a model, I examine data compiled from word association surveys taken by native speakers of English (in Minnesota) and of Spanish (in Argentina); these word associations approximate connotations. Responses are categorized into meaningful data units using Rosch’s Prototype Theory. By comparing the results of each word in English and Spanish, connotative differences are illuminated. For example, Spanish speakers seem to associate school [escuela] with relationships of power much more than English speakers [35% as compared to 3% of the responses]. Spanish speakers seem to associate success with goals more than English speakers, who most associated success with money. Future research directions and pedagogical importance are discussed in the final portion of the paper. Keywords - Linguistics, applied linguistics, prototype theory, connotation, L2 acquisition. 1 INTRODUCTION When you hear the word burgundy, you think something different from when you hear the word red. Although both words have to do with the same color, there are some large differences between their respective interpretations. It is easy to see that words like these are different, but oftentimes difficult to say exactly how. Extending the question of how these words differ, we arrive at the question this paper addresses: How do the same words differ between two [or more] languages? This question, like many linguistic questions, has to do with almost all aspects of life, including language, the culture which one adopts as a child, social and educational levels, gender, and the knowledge and understanding of words within one’s own culture. It also has to do with the connotations of the predominant culture as well as personal connotations, which reflect each individual’s unique mental processes. This paper aims to show that there are connotative differences in respect to all words between native speakers of English and Spanish—for example between coffee and café. These differences can be illuminated by a deep analysis of word associations. 2 LITERATURE REVIEW The question of how to classify words has been a problem within academia for many centuries, and it is necessary to review the various steps in the development of classification methods to understand Proceedings of EDULEARN09 Conference. 6th-8th July 2009, Barcelona, Spain. ISBN:978-84-612-9802-0 002810 this study. Even Aristotle tried to classify words; the Aristotelian system of classification is called the classical approach [1]. This system has four basic propositions: 1. Categories are defined in terms of a conjunction of necessary and sufficient features. 2. Features are binary. 3. Categories have clear boundaries. 4. All members of a category have equal status. [1] But there are many problems with this method. Wittgenstein shows these problems with the English word game. He shows that you cannot establish a system of necessary features that make something a game; there is no single feature that all games share [1]. You can say that all games are fun, but many things not considered games are also fun [1]. Instead, Wittgenstein discusses features shared by games like those shared by relatives, showing the fuzziness of the category game [1]. This metaphor is easy to imagine: some games share the use of cards like some relatives share an eye color, while other games share the use of a board like some relatives share the shape of their noses. This example clearly shows that the Aristotelian classification scheme does not work with all words. With this conclusion, Wittgenstein shows the necessity of a different classification system. Another example comes from one of Labov’s studies, in which participants were shown drawings of containers and were asked whether each was a glass or a bowl; they were also shown other drawings of containers and asked whether each was a cup or a vase [1]. Labov found that there is no simple way to distinguish between the categories, that is to say there is no fine line that delineates the two categories, but it depends upon the relation between the width and the depth of the container [1]. This shows that there is a continuum that exists within a category, with an optimal measure of each attribute of the category [1]. This understanding opens the mind to a new manner of classification: a system that uses a continuum instead of binary features. One final example, which is used in the introduction, again shows the problems with the Aristotelian system. By examining the Aristotelian rules, the problems are clear. Red and burgundy are reds, but red is more ‘red,’ or has a stronger tint. They do not have equal status, because red is ‘red.’ As Rosch elaborates, color categories are not Aristotelian, but they use a different system [2]. Rosch overcame the difficulties with the Aristotelian system by proposing a different classification system: Prototype Theory. Using the example of colors again, you can see that within the category red, there is a color that is most ‘red:’ the exemplary red, or rather the prototypical red [2]. This prototype is a cultural construction, which can change little by little between individuals, but at the same time, within a given culture, all people share the same basic prototype. This prototype, the prototypical red, is located within a series of colors that, moving away from the prototype, become less ‘red;’ there is a ‘decreasing degree of membership’ within the category [2]. Moving from the world of colors to the world of ideas, Rosch postulates a system of degrees of membership, in which something belongs to a group to a certain degree, in which there are neither clear boundaries nor a strict, binary system of membership [1]. As stated above, the best examples of each category are prototypical of those categories. This idea is Prototype Theory at its most basic: an alternative to the defunct Aristotelian system. Rosch demonstrates the strength of this theory in a series of experiments showing, among other things, that there is remarkable agreement between participants [in this case, university students] in terms of what constitutes each of the categories used in the study [2]. In this study, participants were asked to say to what degree a piece of furniture [for example, a chair, a table and a mirror] belonged to the category furniture. There was a great deal of agreement in the responses that a chair belonged to the category more than a mirror, although both are pieces of furniture [2]. Later, Rosch et al. showed that all objects could be categorized by comparing a series of features [like the shape of an object or how it is used] [3]. This shows how you can classify objects using their features: these objects are worn [like clothing], these are used for eating [like silverware], etc. Labov and Labov have shown that even in a very young child’s lexicon, there are prototypes [4]. They noted this in the categorization [by children] of animals as a cat [4]. The child in the study could say only two words, including cat. They found that when an animal had more central features to the category cat, the child felt more comfortable calling it ‘cat’ and felt less comfortable calling a less similar animal ‘cat’ [4]. The method of forming categories [in this case, situated around prototypes] is much simpler than the theoretical language above implies. There are a series of rules of categorization used in many fields of study, including linguistics and archaeology. A system of categorization should: 002811 1. maximize the number of attributes shared by members of the category; and 2. minimize the number of attributes shared with members of other categories. [1]. Archaeologists add a third consideration: the categorization system should be objective and explicit, that is to say it should be a classification that any person can create using the same data [5]. It is important to understand the limitations of the theory before continuing with this study. There is no assurance that any categories will be the same between cultural groups [2]. Within a culture, a categorization can be objective regardless of small differences between the minds of different individuals, and of course the manner in which each individual classifies, even with this creating some small differences in what makes up a prototype within a culture. But by following the rules above, the classification scheme will become as objective as possible because the prototype itself comes from the culture, not from personal differences [2]. That is to say that prototypes are more similar between people in a given culture than they are different, and this creates a certain measure of objectivity of classification within the culture. Prototypes depend on the relative importance of each of their attributes in a given culture [1]. It is also important to understand that you cannot define the categories before the recompilation of data in a study like this [2]. One final note is that the prototypes of each category are very difficult to describe. As Aitchinson says, ‘…the more closely prototypes are examined, the more elusive they seem to be’ [6]. But this does not mean that the categorization is not useful. It is difficult to say exactly what constitutes an animal, for example, but within every individual’s mind there is something prototypically ‘animal.’ Prototype Theory is very useful because all people have prototypes in spite of the difficulty of defining them. Now that we have a basic understanding of Prototype Theory, it is necessary to discuss the study used as a model for this study: The Cultura Project. Cultura was a study ‘…designed to develop foreign language students’ understanding of foreign cultures, attitudes, concepts, beliefs, and ways of interacting and looking at the world’ [7]. The investigators said that these things are very ‘abstract, elusive, and difficult to access,’ and tried to use the study to learn them [7]. The study was performed between students of French at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Cambridge and students of English at the Institut National de Télécommunications in France [7]. In the study, surveys were distributed in the foreign language [and about the foreign language] to all the students. Three types of surveys were used: ‘word associations’ [say what you think when you read a word], ‘sentence completions’ [complete a phrase], and ‘situation reactions’ [how would you respond in a certain situation?] [7]. Then, the results of each student were shared with the native speakers of the foreign language. Through Internet chat, the students tried to resolve the differences between the responses, or rather to understand why they gave different answers to the same words or situations [7]. Here, it is necessary to understand that the connotation of a word has to do with these word associations; this is juxtaposed with denotation, which defines the word. The study showed that there are connotative differences between each word in the first survey, and also that there are differences between the responses to the other two surveys [7]. They concluded that the same word can have opposite connotations in the cultures and that the dominant ideas in relation to each word can be normal and acceptable in one culture but the opposite culture can view them in a very different manner [7]. For example, in the surveys, the American participants associated doughnut with the word police, but the French participants did not and could not understand this associaton [7]. This study aims to show that there are connotative differences between English and Spanish. The differences will be defined using Prototype Theory. This study is crucial because, as Cultura shows, there are connotative differences between two languages, and I aim to show that these differences also exist between English and Spanish. These differences affect the teaching of each language as a second language, something that will be discussed at the end of the study, and for this reason, the phenomenon must be studied. 3 3.1 METHODOLOGY Participants The English-speaking participants were limited to people from Minnesota or Wisconsin, or university students who had been in Minnesota for at least one year. This limitation was used to maintain some level of similarity between the participants, in the hopes that within one year prototypes can be 002812 acquired. The idea is that there is something prototypical that can be learned, but it is unknown in what amount of time. Due to this, one year of residence in the area was arbitrarily used in order to make the study more feasible. The Spanish-speaking participants were limited to inhabitants of Buenos Aires or university students who had been in Buenos Aires for at least one year for the same reason. This precaution was taken to assure that the results came from the same dialect, in this case the dialect of Minnesota and Wisconsin and the dialect of Buenos Aires. It is unknown if it is one dialect between the two states or more than one, but both states were used, again, to make the study more feasible. But the question of this study is not about the acquisition of a prototype or how many dialects are in Minnesota and Wisconsin, but rather it is a question of the connotative differences between the languages. The data consists of responses from 30 participants in an English survey and 15 participants in a Spanish survey. 3.2 Method Following the model of Furstenburg et al., a twenty-word survey was used. The words can be seen in tables 1 and 2, English to the left and Spanish to the right. English school police siesta United States Argentina freedom money culture success strength Tables 1 & 2: Words used in the surveys Spanish English escuela love policía honor siesta president Los Estados Unidos gay La Argentina beauty libertad partner dinero white cultura red éxito pronto fuerza hasta la vista Spanish amor honor presidente gay belleza compañero blanco rojo pronto hasta la vista The surveys were distributed on the Internet using the sites eSurveysPro.com and Facebook.com. The surveys were available for completion over a period of twenty-two days in November 2007. Within the surveys, participants were asked to write their initial thoughts upon reading each word. 4 ANALYSIS After the surveys were closed, the answers were compiled and categories were created for all the words used in the surveys, creating new categories each time with each pair of words. The categories were made applying the classification rules discussed above. Within the analysis, the most common examples of each category are shown. 4.1 School and escuela The words school and escuela show many differences between the languages, results appearing in table 3. In English, physical entities—homework, book[s], paper[s]—are associated with school in English Category Physical entity Abstract idea Place [proper noun] Activity Not prototypical – evaluation Characteristic of friendship + evaluation Relation of power Example homework university Brown College study mornings boring friends important teachers Table 3: School and escuela Spanish N % Category 25 39.9 Abstract idea 13 20.0 Relation of power 8 12.3 Example educación maestro[s] N 13 10 % 35.1 27.0 5 4 3 2 7.7 6.2 4.6 3.1 Physical entity Characteristic of friendship Activity libro[s] amigo[s] 4 4 10.8 10.8 aprender 3 8.1 2 2 65 3.1 3.1 100 – evaluation Not prototypical feo niños 2 1 37 5.4 2.8 100 002813 39.9% of the answers. However, in Spanish, similar answers—libro[s], pizarrón—compose 10.8%. It is evident that in English, physical things are associated with school much more than in Spanish. In Spanish, abstract ideas—educación, esructura, clase—are associated with school in 35.1% of the answers. These answers—university, class, high school—appear in only 20% of the English responses. It seems that in Spanish, there is a greater association with ideas than in English. A very strong distinction between the languages is clear in the responses that have to do with relations of power. These responses in Spanish—maestro[s], alumno[s], estudiante[s]—appear in 27% of the answers, while in English—teachers, professor—appear in a mere 3.1%. In Spanish, these power relations are associated with school much more than in English. 4.2 Police and policía We see more differences between the languages with this pair, answers appearing in table 4. In English, we see a strong association with physical entities—car, light[s], badge—again, in 38.2% of the answers. This association in Spanish—uniforme, revolver, gorra—is found in only 11.4%. It seems that in English, people associate physical entities much more than in Spanish. English Category Physical entity Slang – evaluation Color People Not prototypical – abstract idea Abstract idea [neutral] Television Place + evaluation Example car cop bad blue officer bang fear law SVU prison important Table 4: Police and policía Spanish N % Category 26 38.2 Abstract idea 7 10.3 [neutral] 7 10.3 – abstract idea 6 8.8 5 7.4 Physical entity 5 7.4 4 5.9 – evaluation 3 4.4 2 2 1 68 2.9 2.9 1.5 100 Example autoridad N 13 % 37.1 represión 10 28.6 uniforme 4 11.4 injusto 3 8.6 Place comisaría 3 8.6 Slang cana 2 35 5.7 100 Again, we see a greater association with abstract ideas in Spanish—autoridad, control, orden—than in English—law, authority, safety. These answers in Spanish make up 37.1%, in English 4.4%. These ideas are classified as neutral because they either carry no strong positive or negative association or could have either association and it was unknown which was intended [this classification method was chosen, again, to make the study more feasible]. Talking about negativity, negative abstract ideas and negative evaluations can be combined. Negative evaluation appears in almost the same percentage between the languages: 10.3 in English—bad, unfair, fuck you—and 8.6 in Spanish—injusto, cruel. A difference is discovered in the associations with negative abstract ideas. The Spanish responses—represión, corrupción, violencia—make up 28.6% of the total, the English—crime, fear, trouble—a mere 5.9%. If the categories are combined, we see more negativity associated with the police in Spanish: 37.2% in Spanish and 16.2% in English. It should also be noted that only in English are police associated with color—blue, black, white. 4.3 Siesta With this borrowing from Spanish to English, we see something curious. The results appear in table 5 [following page]. The most common responses are correlated between the languages: associations with activities. Activities appear in 45.9% of English responses—nap, sleep, party—and in 45.5% in Spanish—dormir, descansar. In English, specific places are referred to—Mexico, Spain, Europe—but not in Spanish. Most notable here is the association with Spanish in the English responses. The category Spanish contains either Spanish words or proper names—Spanish, fiesta—but there are more in other categories: activity—take a siesta, party; physical entity—party hat, piñata, confetti; place [proper noun]—Mexico, Spain. If all these responses are combined, 36.0% [22] of the English responses have to do with Spanish. Also notable is the association with the word fiesta. 19.7% [12] of the responses 002814 have to do with fiesta, whether the word party or the physical entity party hat. It is interesting that half of the responses associating with Spanish falsely associate with the word fiesta. English Category Activity Not prototypical Spanish Place [proper noun] Physical entity Food 4.4 Example nap afternoon fiesta Mexico seat food Table 5: Siesta Spanish N % Category 28 45.9 Activity 11 18.0 Abstract idea 9 14.8 Heat 6 9.8 Not prototypical 4 3 61 6.6 4.9 100 Place Example dormir sueño calor tarde N 15 9 4 3 % 45.5 27.3 12.1 9.0 cuarto 2 6.1 33 100 United States and los Estados Unidos There is a clear difference in the negativity associated with this country. The results appear in table 6. English Category Abstract idea [neutral] Flag Place [proper noun] Not prototypical People Evaluation [neutral] – evaluation – abstract idea + evaluation Table 6: United States and los Estados Unidos Spanish Example N % Category Example home 14 21.5 Abstract idea potencia [neutral] flag 10 18.4 of America 10 15.4 Not prototypical yanquis 50 Bush big 8 7 7 – abstract idea People Place [proper noun] Education – evaluation guerra Bush Hollywood % 30.6 7 19.4 6 5 4 16.7 13.9 11.1 6 9.3 universidades 2 5.6 2 3.1 uf siempre lo 1 2.7 mismo 1 1.4 65 100 36 100 More negative evaluation is evident in the English responses—corrupt, gluttonous, abusive—than in the Spanish—uf siempre lo mismo—constituting 9.3 versus 2.7%. However, it is fascinating that there is more association with negative abstract ideas in Spanish—guerra, avaricia—than in English— downfall, racism—constituting 16.7 versus 3.1%. Combining these results, we see more overall negativity in Spanish [19.4%] than in English [12.4%]. 4.5 corrupt downfall cool 12.3 10.8 10.8 N 11 Argentina and la Argentina More differences are illuminated in reference to this country. The results appear in table 7 [following page]. Culture-related answers in English—Spanish, dancing, soccer—outnumber those in Spanish— mate, tango, fútbol—29.8 versus 11.1%. It is interesting that these types of responses are more common in English. References to people appear in almost equal percentages: 15.8 in English— Shakira, Kirchner, Emilio—and 13.9 in Spanish—Maradona, familia, amigos. It is also interesting that in English, only specific people are associated with the word. As with previous pair, more negativity appears in the Spanish responses. 4.6 Freedom and libertad Within this pair, we see something interesting in English. The results appear in table 8 [following page]. In the answers referring to physical entities, those in English—flag, jail bars, birds—outnumber those in Spanish—cadenas—again, 18.3 to 3.5%. Notably, only in English, do we see references to the United States—America, USA—and specific people—The Beatles, Bush, Colbert. 002815 4.7 Money and dinero Interesting views of money are revealed in this pair, results appearing in table 9 [following page]. In English, 15.4% of the answers are negative evaluation—corrupt, limiting, pointless—and 6.2% negative abstract ideas—greed,shortage,downfall [21.6% combined]. In Spanish, 3.1% are negative evaluation—difícil—and 9.0% negative abstract ideas—corrupción, devaluación, codicia [12.1% combined]. It seems that Americans view money more negatively. Only in English do we see a reference to the color of money—green. Perhaps this has to do with the emphasis on physical entities evident in the English responses throughout this study. English Category Culture People Place [proper noun] Evaluation [neutral] Geography Abstract idea [neutral] Not prototypical – evaluation + abstract idea English Category Abstract idea [neutral] Physical entity + abstract idea United States Evaluation [neutral] + evaluation People – abstract idea – evaluation Not prototypical 4.8 Table 7: Argentina and la Argentina Spanish Example N % Category Spanish 17 29.8 Abstract idea [neutral] Kirchner 9 15.8 + abstract idea South 9 15.8 Evaluation America [neutral] big 8 14.0 People Example país N 9 % 25.0 belleza rica 5 5 13.9 13.9 Maradona 5 13.9 south attitude 6 4 10.5 7.0 – evaluation mal gobernado 4 11.1 high school corrupt beauty 2 1 1 57 3.5 1.8 1.8 100 Culture – abstract idea + evaluation mate inmadurez bella 4 3 1 36 11.1 8.3 2.8 100 Example democracia N 14 % 48.3 no existe 5 17.1 deseable 4 13.8 + abstract idea alegría 3 10.3 – abstract idea Physical entity Not prototypical margen cadenas San Martín 1 1 1 3.5 3.5 3.5 29 100 Example speech flag liberty America relative Table 8: Freedom and libertad Spanish N % Category 13 21.7 Abstract idea [neutral] 11 18.3 – evaluation 8 13.3 5 8.3 + evaluation 5 8.3 desirable The Beatles slavery unattainable defiinitely not China 5 5 3 3 2 8.3 8.3 5 5 3.5 60 100 Culture and cultura There is a fascinating phenomenon between the languages in this pair. The results appear in table 10 [following page]. In both languages, the most common associations are those with human endeavors—language, music, arte, literatura. In almost the same percentage are references to identity—ethnicity, race, identidad, nacionalidad. The only category that does not match up is negative evaluation, which does not appear in any English responses. This is the only pair of words in the entire study in which almost all categories line up in percentages between the two languages. 4.9 Success and éxito With this pair, we see many differences between the two languages. The results appear in table 11 [following page]. Notably, in English, success is associated more with neutral ideas—money, wealth, goals—than with positive ideas—happiness, approval, winning—by a large margin, while in Spanish the opposite is visible. It should also be noted that positive evaluation is present in English—happy, 002816 rewarding—but not in Spanish, while negative evaluation is present in Spanish—falso, sobreestimado, para nadie—but not in English. Examining the neutral ideas more fully, we turn to table 12 [following page]. The percentages in table 12 are percentages of the total responses to the word. In this table, we see that in English these responses focus on money—money, wealth—and work—job, career. Also mentioned are goals—goals, dreams—and family—family, soulmate. However, in Spanish, there is an emphasis on goals—objetivos, meta, only one reference to money and no references to either work or family. English Category Color Abstract idea [neutral] – evaluation Form of money Slang – abstract idea Not prototypical Evaluation [neutral] + evaluation + abstract idea Activity English Category Human endeavors Abstract idea [neutral] Evaluation [neutral] Identity + evaluation English Category Abstract idea [neutral] + abstract idea Evaluation [neutral] + evaluation Example green power Table 9: Money and dinero Spanish N % Category 15 23.1 Abstract idea 12 18.5 [neutral] Example poder N 13 % 39.5 corrupt bills cash greed Washington rich 10 6 5 4 4 3 15.4 9.2 7.7 6.2 6.2 4.4 Slang plata 5 15.2 Form of money peso[s] 4 12.1 + abstract idea – abstract idea placer corrupción 3 3 9.0 9.0 amazing 2 3.1 necesario 2 6.1 success spend 2 2 65 3.1 3.1 100 Evaluation [neutral] Not prototypical – evaluation quiero más difícil 2 1 33 6.1 3.1 100 Example arte N 9 % 31.0 intercambio 9 31.0 general 3 10.3 identidad elitista necesaria 3 3 2 29 10.3 10.3 7.1 100 Table 11: Success and éxito Spanish Example N % Category Money 44 72.1 + abstract idea Abstract idea [neutral] happiness 12 19.7 to be earned 3 4.9 – evaluation Example felicidad esfuerzo N 11 8 % 37.9 27.6 falso 5 17.2 happy personal 4 13.8 I want it all 1 29 3.5 100 Example language values colorful ethnicity exciting Table 10: Culture and cultura Spanish N % Category 26 40.0 Human endeavors 16 24.6 Abstract idea [neutral] 11 17.0 Evaluation [neutral] 6 9.2 Identity 6 9.2 – evaluation + evaluation 65 100 2 3.3 61 100 Evaluation [neutral] Not prototypical 4.10 Strength and fuerza In this pair, we see references to a second definition of fuerza: force. The results appear in table 13 [following page]. In English, we see associations with physicality—muscles, might, weights—and mentality—perseverance, emotional, persistence—as the most common responses. In Spanish, we 002817 see associations with either force—movimiento, potencia, empuje—or strength—músculos, voluntad, coraje. To compare the languages, we delve into the associations with strength, as shown in table 14. Table 12: Neutral abstract ideas associated with success and éxito English Spanish Category Example N % Example N Money money 14 23 dinero 1 Goals goals 6 9.8 objetivos 6 Work job 10 16.4 --Family family 4 6.6 --English Category Physicality Mentality Not prototypical Abstract idea [ambiguous] References to the media Table 13: Strength and fuerza Spanish Example N % Category muscles 32 61.5 Association perseverance 10 19.2 with force family 5 9.6 Association with strength weakness 3 5.8 Mighty Mouse 2 3.9 52 100 Not prototypical % 3.5 20.7 --- Example movimiento N 15 % 50 voluntad 11 36.7 qué lindo 4 13.3 30 100 The percentages in table 14 are of the total, to make a comparison between the responses possible. In both languages, physicality is associated more with strength than mentality. It should also be mentioned that in Spanish, 20% of the responses had to do with physics—Newton, vector. These fit within the association with force, hence the lack of similar responses in English. Table 14: Associations with strength in fuerza Category Example N % Physicality músculos 6 20 Mentality voluntad 5 16.7 4.11 Love and amor An interesting phenomenon is noted in this pair. Notably, the association with familial relationships is far more common in Spanish—familia, madre, padre—than in English, constituting 19.4 and 4.3%. Association with friendship is also very different, Spanish responses—amigos, amistad, friendship— outnumbering English responses 16.1 to 1.6%. Interestingly, in English abstract ideas—heart, relationship, peace—are more associated with love than in Spanish—relación, bondad, posibilidad. 4.12 Honor Different responses are evoked in this word, appearing in table 15. We see a greater proportion of positive abstract idea association in Spanish—orgullo, respeto, dignidad—than in English—respect, pride, valor. In English, marks of honor—medal, purple heart—are associated more than in Spanish— medalla, condecoración. These differences show the importance of honor, but show its differing recognition between the languages. English Category Abstract idea [neutral] People + abstract idea Mark of honor + evaluation State of being Not prototypical Example integrity soldier pride medal[s] prestigious death Japan Table 15: Honor Spanish N % Category 17 31.5 + abstract idea 10 9 7 6 3 2 54 18.5 16.7 31.5 11.1 5.6 3.6 100 Abstract idea [neutral] – abstract idea – evaluation Mark of honor + evaluation 002818 Example orgullo N 12 % 38.7 lealtad 8 35.8 deshonra mentira medalla necesario 4 3 2 2 31 12.9 9.6 6.5 6.5 100 4.13 President and presidente The responses for this pair appear in table 16. In the responses in English, we see 33.8% relating to English Category Abstract idea [neutral] People – evaluation Evaluation [neutral] – abstract idea Place Table 16: President and presidente Spanish Example N % Category power 23 35.4 Abstract idea [neutral] Bush 22 33.8 – evaluation liar 8 12.3 powerful 5 7.7 People Example país N 15 % 46.9 corrupto 11 34.4 Kirchner 5 15.6 disgust oval office 4 6.2 – abstract idea fiasco 1 3.1 3 4.6 65 100 32 100 people—Bush, Obama, Hillary—and in Spanish only 15.6%—Kirchner, de la Rúa, Menem. In both languages, there are references to the president at the time, past presidents, and candidates for the presidency. There is also more negative evaluation in Spanish—corrupto, inepto, ladrón—than in English—liar, cheat, posterboy for evil. 4.14 Gay In this word, we see matters related to homosexuality and different opinions of it. The results appear in table 17. We see a larger association with abstract ideas in English—rainbow, marriage, parade—than in Spanish—colores, ropa, pelo. There are more negative associations in Spanish than in English. English Category Abstract idea [neutral] Definition People + evaluation Evaluation [neutral] + abstract idea – abstract idea Not prototypical Example rainbow N 21 Table 17: Gay Spanish % Category 34.4 Definition homosexual men fun open-minded 16 8 6 3 26.2 13.1 9.9 4.9 equality conflict gaywad 3 2 2 4.9 3.3 3.3 61 100 Example homosexual N 7 % 24.1 – abstract idea Abstract idea [neutral] People discriminación colores 6 5 20.7 17.2 persona 3 10.3 + abstract idea – evaluation Evaluation [neutral] diversión los odio fiel 3 3 2 10.3 10.3 7.1 29 100 4.15 Beauty and belleza In this pair, we see an obsession with physicality in both cultures, or rather both languages. In both languages, the most common responses have to do with physicality: in English—smile[s], makeup, skinny—in 31.7% of the responses and in Spanish—físico, vanidad, coqueto—in 26.7%. In this pair, Spanish responses having to do with physical entities—revistas, arte, imagen—outnumber those in English—magazine, clothes, pictures—16.7 to 11.7%. It is curious that in both languages, magazines are associated with beauty. Also notable is the presence of negative evaluation in both languages, but positive evaluation only in English. 4.16 Partner and compañero In this pair, compañero was chosen instead of compañera because in the investigator’s experience, when the gender of a partner is unknown, the masculine form is used. It must be noted that the use of compañero/a or compañera in lieu of compañero would likely have changed the results. In English, 35.6% of the references are made to romantic love—lover, life partner—but none are made in Spanish. Instead, a large part [29.6%] of responses relate to friendship—amigo, amistad. These references are far less prevalent in English. In English, there are references to homosexuality—gay, 002819 sexuality—sex, and what has been termed Old West—cowboy, howdy partner, ho-down. This is interesting because it shows that Americans think more in terms of romantic love while Argentines think more in terms of love between friends, but it is possible that this could be due to the use of compañero instead of the other possibilities. 4.17 White and blanco Speaking of colors, we note something interesting. Americans, once again, associate physical entities—snow, milk teeth—more than anything else [23.3%]. At the same time, we see a strong connection with colors in Spanish—negro, colores, color, sin color—in 46.7% of the responses, but only one specific color: black. There are references to racism in both languages, although few, and it is impossible to determine whether the reference to the color black in the responses is related to people [as racism relates] or just the color. 4.18 Red and rojo Similar associations appear between the languages with this color as well. In this case, we see strong associations with physical entities in both languages: 54% in English—lipstick, heart—and 32.3% in Spanish—sangre, fuego. Notably, there are two references to communism in Spanish—comunismo, comunista—but none in English. 4.19 Pronto A remarkable trend is visible in this borrowing from Spanish. The results appear in table 18. It is clear that this word has fully become an English word by relating it to speed—fast, quickly—in 41.5% of the responses and time—now, soon, right now—in 37.7% rather than associating it primarily with the Spanish language. In fact, there are only three references to Spanish—Spanish, ándale, and Texas. However, there are other uses in English referring to food—pup[s], corn dog. It is noteworthy that the word does not convey the same urgency in English as in Spanish. English Category Speed Time Abstract idea [neutral] Food Example fast now Spanish N 22 20 6 pup[s] 5 53 Table 18: Pronto Spanish % Category 41.5 Speed 37.7 Time 11.3 Not prototypical – abstract idea 9.5 Urgency 100 Example rápido ya para qué? ansiedad urgente N 10 6 5 4 3 28 % 35.7 21.4 17.9 14.3 10.7 100 4.20 Hasta la vista The power of American movies is evident with this phrase, as shown in table 19. As we see with pronto, this phrase has been adopted perfectly as a closing salutation—see you later, good-bye—in 48.3% of the responses. There are only five references to Spanish in the answers: Spanish [two occurrences], Texas, hasta luego, and te extraño. Incredibly, through its use in the movie Terminator, Argentines associate the phrase with the movie in 28.0% of the responses: baby, Arnold, Terminator and even gobernador de California. English Category Salutation Terminator Abstract idea [neutral] Not prototypical Example see you later baby Spanish Sylvester Stallone Table 19: Hasta la vista Spanish N % Category 28 48.3 Salutation 21 36.2 8 13.8 Terminator Example nos vemos N 16 % 64.0 baby 7 28.0 1 boludez 2 8.0 1.7 – abstract idea 100 002820 100 5 LIMITATIONS It is necessary to discuss the limitations of this study. First, it is important to understand that the classifications used in this study were created by the investigator, and this affects the objectivity of the study. Others could have created other categories; the categories are not definitive. Additionally, the investigator remained in Minnesota during the course of the study. The website of the study was distributed in Buenos Aires by one of the investigator’s peers. For this reason, the opportunity to secure participants was greater for English speakers than Spanish speakers. Equally important, it must be mentioned that the number of participants was very small, 30 speakers of English and 15 of Spanish. This is important because although it is possible that the results are representative of the cultures, more data must be gathered to verify this. If the results are representative, they are representative of the participants: university students. The connotations, like all cultural matters, can change between geographic areas, socioeconomic levels, ages, sexes, etc. This study is a very basic study of a specific population, and it is impossible and inadvisable to generalize about the two entire cultures based upon this study. It is not possible to overemphasize this; it can only be said that connotative differences exist between the two languages. 6 CONCLUSION This study aimed to answer the question: Are there connotative differences between English and Spanish? The results indicate that there are differences, in some cases very strong and important. In the future, more extensive and comprehensive investigations should use more participants, participants from all socioeconomic levels and more geographic areas. A study could address the hypothesis that Americans think more in physical entities and Argentines more in abstract ideas. Another possible focus could be a concentration in the words and phrases borrowed into English; word assimilation is a fascinating phenomenon, as the results of pronto and hasta la vista show. An instructor must have an understanding of word associations and connotations to be able to teach and learn a second language. The difficulty in learning a second language has to do with the differences between the native language and the second language [8]. Lado says that ‘Individuals tend to transfer the forms and meanings and the distribution of forms and meanings of their native language and culture to the foreign language and culture’ [8]. The teacher needs to know the importance of connotations as well as denotations and dedicate time to teaching them in order to avoid this. This is necessary in order for the students to have a better control of the second language. 7 REFERENCES [1] Taylor, J. R. [1995]. Linguistic categorization. New York: Oxford University Press. [2] Rosch, E. [1975]. Cognitive representations of semantic categories. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 104[3], 192-233. [3] Rosch, E., et al. [1976]. Basic objects in natural categories. Cognitive Psychology, 8, 382-439. [4] Johnson, K. [1985]. Prototype theory, cognitive linguistics and pedagogical grammar. Working Papers in Linguistics and Language Teaching, 1985[8], 12-24. [5] Thomas, D. H., and R. L. Kelly [2007]. Archaeology: Down to Earth. Belmont, California: Thomas Higher Education. [6] Hadley, G. [1997]. Lexis and culture: Bound and determined? Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 26[4], 483-96. [7] Furstenburg, G., et al. [2001]. Giving a virtual voice to the silent language of culture: The cultura project. Language Learning and Technology, 5[1], 55-102. [8] Gass, S. [2006]. A review of interlanguage syntax: Language transfers and language universals. Language Learning, 34[2], 115-32. 002821
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