Why Gustave Whitehead was Recognized as First in Flight
John Brown, D-38108 Braunschweig, [email protected]
On March 8 2013, subsequent to the publication of the findings below, Gustave Whitehead (born Gustav Weißkopf), was
recognized by the Aviation Reference Annual, „Jane’s All the World’s Aircraft“ (est. 1909), for having accomplished the
world’s first powered, sustained, controlled airplane flight on August 14, 1901 in Fairfield, Connecticut, USA,
Gustave Whitehead, 1874-1927, son of a bridge
1
construction engineer , lived in Germany from his birth on
2
3
1.1.1874 at least until Autumn 1889 . As a schoolboy, he
4
built model aircraft and jumped from roofs with self-built
5
wings . Starting mid 1887, he did a two-year machinist
6
apprenticeship at the Diesel Works – a predecessor of
7
today’s M.A.N. He emigrated to Brazil, then became a
8
9
sailor before immigrating to the USA in 1893 .
The oldest known
photo of Whitehead
shows him in 1894
as an assistant to
Prof., W. Pickering,
building meteorological kites at Harvard
University’s Blue Hill
Observatory.
On March 19, 1895,
America’s first aviation
organization,
the Boston Aeronautical
Society
(BAS) was founded
for the purpose of
building
Lilienthal
gliders and experimenting with powered
10
flight ,
Whitehead
was
hired as one of
Whitehead, 1894, Harvard Univ.,
11
two mechanics . Its
Blue Hill Observatory
Chairman was the
publisher, James Means, who in 1894 had written the
booklet, “Manned Flight”. Starting in 1895, Means was
12
Otto Lilienthal‘s representative in the USA .
Whitehead got the BAS-job by claiming he knew
13
Lilienthal . However, there’s no clear record of them
1
1934-11-05, Letter J. Whitehead to S. Randolph, p.2
Baptism Cert., Evang. Church, Leutershausen, 1866-90, Vol. 11, p.180
1889/Q4, Meldeeintrag/Registry, Höchst am Main, Germany, p.10
4
1934-08-06, Letter J. Whitehead to S. Randolph, p.1
5
1901-06-16, NY Herald, Part 5, p.3;
1937, Randolph, Lost Flights of Gustave Whitehead, Places Inc., p.13
6
1934-11-05, Letter J. Whitehead to S. Randolph, p.2
7
1901-06-16, NY Herald, Part 5, p.3; 1901-11-24, Dallas Morning
News, p. 10; 1901-11-19, NY Evening Telegram, p.10; 1901-12-07,
Weimar Mercury; 1952-08, Fränkische Zeitung, Ansbach; 1951-08-14,
Ludwigsburger Kreiszeitung; 1979-09-17, Spiegel, p.82-86 [Prior to
that, he broke off a bookbinder apprenticeship: J.Whitehead to S.
Randolph, 5.Nov. 1934]
8
1934-11-05, Letter J. Whitehead to S. Randolph, p.4
9
1900-06-16, 12th US-Census, Distr.. 18, Part 179, Sheet 16, line 74,
column 16
10
1895-02-28, NY Evening Post, p.5
11
1936-01-28, Letter, A.Horn to S. Randolph, p.1
12
Correspondence, Means-Lilienthal, 1895-1896, NASM Archive
13
1981, Dream of Wings, T.Crouch, W.W.Norton & Co., p.169
2
meeting. It could only have happened between
Whitehead’s sea voyages on the guano trading route
between Chile and Germany (when he servied on the
14
Norwegian Bark, „Gomünd“ ) or during his time at Blue
Hill. He insisted that not only did his employer (the BAS)
15
work with Lilienthal, but that he himself knew Lilienthal .
Thus far, only circumstantial support for this claim could
be found:
The Director of the Blue Hill Observatory, Rotch, had
studied in Berlin. There was an exchange program
16
with the Observatorium in Berlin-Tegel .
Immediately prior to the BAS’ founding in 1894, cofounder Cabot travelled to Germany. It’s not known if
17
he was accompanied by anyone from Blue Hill .
The English-language drafts of six letters Means sent
to Lilienthal have been preserved only because
German translations were sent to Lilienthal. It’s not
known who did the translations. Only small samples
of Whitehead’s and the translator’s handwriting have
survived – too little for a graphological evaluation.
Means wanted to establish gliding as a sport in
America. To this end, he suggested either Lilienthal
18
come to Boston or that a delegation travel to Berlin .
Whitehead’s immediate boss, Samuel Cabot, took a
group from Boston to Berlin in 1896. It’s not known
who all the group’s members were.
In June 2013 a witness contacted the author. Prof.
Em. Martha M. Shipul, a niece of Whitehead’s later
helper, Junius Harworth, attested to seeing an
original letter from Lilienthal’s brother, Gustav, in the
possession of her uncle.
Beyond this, all that’s known is that Whitehead was
German, understood German technical terminology
(evidenced by his correspondence with Austrian and
19
German aviation peer journals ), spoke English,
was an experienced seaman, and was responsible
for the construction and testing of two Lilienthalgliders, the instructions for which were written in
German.
The aircraft with which Whitehead flew in 1901 had a
nearly identical wing to the one patented by Lilienthal
– see comparison (below):
3
14
1934-11-05, Letter, J. Whitehead to S. Randolph
1897-10-06, NY Press; 1897-10-06, NY World, p.8; 1901-06-09, NY
Sun, p.2; 1901-06-10, Washington Times, p.4; 1901-06-15, Watertown Daily Times, p.12; 1934-10-07, Affidavit of Junius Harworth;
1908-11-14, Scientific American, p.338
16
2010, Wetterdrachen, Diem W./Schmidt, W., Norderstedt, pp.26 & 31
17
Letters, Lini Dienstbach (Carl’s sister),to Hermann Wetzler,
1894 Jan. 18 & 24, Sept. 23, Oct. 18, 1895 Jan. 9 & 13, 1896 Jan. 12
18
1896-04-30, Letter, James Means to Otto Lilienthal
19
1901-10, Illustrierte Aeronautische Mittheilungen, Deutsche
Zeitschrift für Luftschifffahrt, No.4, p.164-5
15
Whitehead glider 1897 (above), Lilienthal glider 1895 (below)
Whitehead’s Machine No. 21, 1901 (above), Lilienthal‘s 1895
patent (below) –9 ribs per wing respectively.
By Spring 1897, Whitehead had built two Lilienthal gliders
for the BAS. They were partly financed by the man who
later sponsored the Wrights, Octave Chanute, President of
20
the American Engineer’s Association .
BAS‘s Lilienthal glider replica
Cabot regretted Whitehead leaving the BAS and hoped to
21
rehire him
Whitehead continued to be employed
separately as a kite-builder by one of the BAS’ officials,
A.A.Merril, until at least September 1897.
20
21
1897-05-31, Letter, Octave Chanute to A.A.Merrill
1897-05-07, & 1897-09-01, Samuel Cabot to Octave Chanute;
1981, “A Dream of Wings”, T. Crouch, W.W.Norton & Co., p.119
In Summer 1897, Whitehead tested his own biplane glider
called „Condor Gus“ at Blue Hill. This was reported in both
22
international peer journals
and in correspondence
23
between Cabot and Chanute . (In 1902, Whitehead
24
described these flights to his brother, John, too. )
Starting in June 1897 Whitehead was also employed by
the Horsman Co. in New York as a kite builder and
25
member of their „Scientific Kite Team“ . The team
conducted meteorological and aerodynamic experiments,
took aerial photos and gave kite and firework displays in
and around New York. (The owner, Edward I. Horsman,
26
had previously participated in the BAS contests ). The
oldest known interview with Whitehead took place during
just such an experiment on the roof of the Fifth Avenue
27
Hotel on June 14 1897 . Whitehead had strung several
box-kites together and measured them generating 100
pounds of lift.
After Whitehead left Horsman‘s Scientific Kite Team, it
continued to experiment with kites lifting both sandbags
28
and humans . It even planned to install a rudder and a
29
motor . Horsman remained part of the US aeronautical
community, even exhibiting alongside Whitehead and the
Wright brothers ten years later at the Dec 1906 exhibition
30
of the Aero Club of America . (Experiments with kites
22
1898-01, Zeitschrift für Luftschiffahrt, p.27;
1898, Illustrierte Aeronautische Mittheilungen p. 55
23
1897-05-07, Letter, Samuel Cabot to Octave Chanute
24
1934-09-03, Letter, J. Whitehead to S. Randolph, pp.7-8
25
1967, Heilbroner-Herz, L., Complete Book of Model Aircraft, p. 220
26
1898-07-04, NY Times; 1899-05-19, NY Sun, p.8;
1899-03, Chittenango Madison County Times, NY
27
1897-06-15, NY Herald, p.7
28
1903-09-08, NY Herald, p.7; 1903-09-08, New Daily Tribune;
1903-09-08, NY Sun, p.1
29
1902-12-29, NY Herald, p.4
30
1906-12,Catalogue, 7th Annual Auto Show, Aeronautical Division
were an important part of aviation’s development. The
Wright brothers, too, started with kites and spoke of their
31
„Scientific Kite Flying“ .)
Whitehead was commissioned by Horsman to build a
man-carrying airplane equipped with a 3 hp gasoline
32
motor and a propeller . The completion of the motor was
33
delayed for so long that the case ended up in court .
On Oct. 4, 1897, Whitehead invited both domestic and
foreign journalists to a press conference in Manhattan. At
least six New York newspapers as well as papers from
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Colorado and even Spain
34
attended. Whitehead presented two airplanes ; one a
bright red triplane glider; the other, an almost-completed
nd
biplane with fold-out wings (according to him, his 42
flying machine). Some articles describing the event
featured lithographs of these flying machines along with
specifications of how one was powered by a 3 hp gasoline
engine. Two days later, on Oct. 6 1897, Whitehead
detached the motor and did a gliding display in the New
35
York suburb, Jersey Heights, for hundreds of spectators .
known – besides Cabot, the only other American to have
36
bought glider plans from Lilienthal .)
After the flight demonstration, Whitehead moved to
Buffalo. On Nov. 24 1897, he married. When the celebrant
asked his profession, he answered „Aeronaut“ – after all,
for the last three-and-a-half years he’d been steadily
employed as a builder of heavier-than-air aircraft.. [It
wasn’t until two years later that the Wright brothers began
37
investigating the problem of flight. .]
Records from the Buffalo Library show that Whitehead
studied the works of Count d’Esterno whose flying
machine (patented in 1864) bears strong resemblance to
Whitehead’s later airplane (see below):
Count d’Esterno‘s 1864 patent (above)
Whitehead’s „No. 21 airplane, 1901 (below)
Whitehead’s handwritten notes penned in 1897 at the
38
Buffalo Library show that he chose Prof. Maxim’s „Type
J“ propeller for his 1901 airplane. More than just a simple
airscrew, it was one of the first modern propeller designs
with optimized pitch angles and cambered blades.
Whitehead’s flight demonstration, Oct. 6, 1897 in New York
Curiously, even though it was reported internationally,
neither the presentation of a powered airplane in 1897, nor
its public demonstration in flight (as a glider with the motor
detached) made its way into aviation history books,
despite both events taking place before large crowds in
the metropolis of New York.
One of the spectators at the event was a young man who
told reporters he’d „witnessed flights by Chanute and
Lilienthal“. (The only person known to historians who fits
this description is the New York aviation pioneer,
Augustus Herring. He’d been assistant to Chanute,
studied in Zürich, spoke German and was – as far as is
Whitehead’s airfoil also dates from his time in Buffalo. He
39
chose one by the British researcher, Horatio Philipps . It
wasn’t symmetrical like Lilienthal‘s. Its camber was nearer
the leading edge. Whitehead went a step further, penciling
in the lower part of the wing below the camber – just like a
modern wing. (Whitehead’s understanding of aerodynamics is further underscored by a May 1903 article in
which he explains how a cambered surface generates
40
two-and-a-half times more lift than a flat surface. )
Philipps airfoil 1891 with lines penciled-in by Whitehead
Early in 1898, Whitehead moved to Baltimore where he
41
presented a new, wheeled version of his triplane (below):
31
36
32
37
1981, Crouch, T., Dream of Wings, W.W.Norton & Co., p.236
1936-01-28 & 1936-08-27, Letters, A. Horn to S. Randolph
33
1901-06-09, NY Sun, p.2
34
1897-10-26, El Liberal (Spain); 1897-10-06, The World, p.8;
1897-10-06, NY Times; 1897-10-06, NY Press; 1897-10-06, NY
Herald, p.12; 1897-10-05, Syracuse Daily Journal, p.1; 1897-10-05,
NY Herald, p.11; 1897-10-09, Boston Globe
35
1897-10-07, NY Herald, p.15
1894-09-20, Letter, Octave Chanute to Otto Lilienthal
1899-05-30, Letter, Wilbur Wright to Smithsonian Institute
38
1896, Aeronautical Annual, Means, J., with stamp of Buffalo Library,
NY, Exhibit, Gustav Weißkopf Museum, Leutershausen
39
1978, History by Contract, O’Dwyer/Randolph, Majer & Sohn, pp.9697; Original bboks, Rose Whitehead-Radisson
40
1903-05-31, Bridgeport Herald, p.4
41
1898-03-04, NY World, p.15
50
and England - reported the test of his new monoplane. It
th
carried sand bags during that test flight. It was his 57
th
51
flying machine and 20 manned airplane, he said . It was
equipped with a new acetylene motor and two tractor
propellers. The test occurred near Fairfield, about 1.5
miles from Bridgeport.
Whitehead’s 1898 wheeled triplane
Whitehead’s Oct. 1897 and March 1898 designs provide a
snapshot of his progress. Firstly, the triplane was
reminiscent of Hargrave’s box-kite. (During Whitehead’s
time at Blue Hill, the box-kite replaced the diamondshaped „Malay kite“.) Secondly, Whitehead was still using
a symmetrical, Lilienthal-type airfoil. Thirdly, his airplanes
had a stabilizing, cruciform empennage. This was a key
component in the invention of navigable airplanes.
From Baltimore, Whitehead moved to Pittsburgh, where,
42
according to a stack of affidavits he flew a steampowered monoplane in the Spring of 1899, crashing in the
process. Despite this, the aeronautical world expressed
interest in his lightweight steam motor. Even as far away
as Australia, Lawrence Hargrave built a Whitehead motor
using original plans. On July 1, 1901 Hargrave presented
43
it to the Royal Society of New South Wales . It’s unclear
how Hargrave got hold of those plans. However, Hargrave
was an honorary member of the Boston Aeronautical
Society. He corresponded regularly with its members,
44
Chanute , Eddy, Zahm and Means. (One of the members,
45
Alexander G. Bell, even visited him in Sydney .)
Whitehead with his Machine No. 21, mid 1901
th
Two months later, on August 14 1901, Whitehead again
invited the press to witness his first manned flight. Around
midnight, Whitehead, his helpers and the press set out
from Bridgeport to Fairfield. The flying machine travelled
along the road under its own power. It arrived at first light.
After extending and securing the wings, the takeoff took
place at sunrise. The flight covered half a mile at a height
of 15 meters (fifty feet), during which Whitehead made a
slight turn to avoid a grove of chestnut trees.
The Editor of the Bridgeport Herald, Richard Howell, wrote
an eyewitness report of Whitehead’s first flight. It was
published four days later on August 18, 1901 in the very
next edition of his newspaper. His article was illustrated by
a lithograph, based on a blurred photo he’d taken. (Due to
high type-setting costs, it was normal at the time to use a
lithograph, even if a high-quality photo was available.)
A complete model of a steam motor, hand-built by
Whitehead in 1898, has survived to this day and can be
viewed at the Deutsches Flugpionier-Museum Gustav
46
Weißkopf in Leutershausen, Germany .
In Dec. 1899, the press reported Whitehead’s arrival in
Bridgeport, Connecticut, and that he was already
47
performing flight tests there . Whitehead’s first Bridgeport
48
machine had only one propeller . He attached it to a post
49
and tested it flying in circles .
In June 1901, the frequency of reports about Whitehead
increased. Newspapers across America - even in France
42
Mrs. L. Davarich, Charles L. Richey, Martin Devine & John A. Johns
say they saw the airplane; Louis Davarich says he saw it fly. Whitehead
mentioned the flight in 1901: NY Evening Telegram, 1901-11-19, p.10
43
1902-09, Aeronautical World, Vol I, No.2, p.13;
1977, Shaw, W. /Ruben, O.. Lawrence Hargrave, Cassell, p.117
44
Only one letter, Chanute-Hargrave (1893-09-26) survived
45
http://www.ctie.monash.edu.au/hargrave/timeline4.html, Monash
Univ., Melbourne, Australia, retrieved 2012-07-18;
1893-09-26, Letter, Octave Chanute to Lawrence Hargrave.
46
1934-08-21, letter Charles Whitehead (son) to S.Randolph - motor
dated by L. Davarich,,
47
1899-12-28, Holley Standard
48
1964-09-03, Affidavit of John S. Lesko
49
1936-01-28, Affidavit of Joseph Ratzenberger;
1936-10-10, Affidavit of Cecil A. Steeves
Lithograph illustrating the eyewitness report of Whitehead’s
first flight on August 14, 1901
50
1901-06-08, Scientific American, S.357; 1901-06-09, NY Sun, S.2;
1901-06-10, Washington Times, p.4; 1901-06-15, Watertown Daily
Times, p.12; 1901-06-16, NY Herald, Part 5, p.3; 1901-06-21, Vermont
Phoenix; 1901-07-26, Minneapolis Journal, p. 7; 1901-08-02,
Ogdensburg News; 1901-09-08, Le Petit Parisien, p. 4; 1901-07-10,
Falkirk Herald, p.7; 1901-07-10, Kent & Sussex Courier, p.3
51
1901-11-19, NY Evening Telegram, p.10
52
Other witnesses, Harworth and Pruckner also wrote
eyewitness reports. And Whitehead himself sent his own
53
flight report to the press . So far, the author has found
54
one-hundred-and-thirty-three
newspaper reports of
Whitehead’s flights in the years 1901/1902 – many of
them on front pages. The reports appeared all over the
world, from Oceana (Australia, New Zealand, Indonesia),
throughout Europe to North America and Hawaii.
17 eyewitness statements testify to flights by Whitehead
between August 1901 und January 1902 (14 of them
55
sworn under oath) . Some were even recorded on audio
and video. Photos and parts of the original airplane have
survived. However, there’s no clear photo of it in flight.
The original photo of Whitehead’s flight was lost when the
newspaper changed hands. And Whitehead’s own copy
was lost when his workshop burned down. Two such
photos were known to have been on display in Bridgeport
in September 1904. A newspaper report described them
as showing the airplane about 20 feet off the ground (2/3
of the 36ft. wingspan) with the takeoff slope in the
56
background . Two print media, one of them „Scientific
American“, later reported seeing the photo at the
57
exhibition of the Aero Club of America in January 1906 .
Mid 2012 the author decided to check the credibility of
these journalists. Was there cause to assume all these
reports were lies (as stated in current literature)?
Several panorama photos of that exhibition can be found
in the Hammer Collection at the Smithsonian Institute.
That’s where the author worked in 2012 when hired to
research a 2-part TV-documentary for Smithsonian
Channel. One such photo shows a Lilienthal glider
hanging from the ceiling. However, in the blurred
background, photos can be seen hanging on the walls.
Using 1981 technologies, previous researchers had
discovered three known photos of Whitehead’s 1901
airplane showing it on the ground. However, there were
other photos, the content of which – due to the degree of
blurriness – couldn’t be viewed with 1981 technology.
Forensic technologies have come a long way since then.
Today, cameras on satellites in low-earth orbit can read
texts in documents on the earth below. Police now
regularly solve crimes using software to analyze shadows,
contrasts and patterns in surveillance videos. Germany is
particularly advanced in this field because speed cameras
require identification of the driver, not just the number
plate. This technology enabled identification of further
images.
The goal was to determine if there was an image there
which could be the one the news reports described (i.e.
Whitehead in flight). One of the photos fit this description.
It shows a monoplane at a height of roughly 2/3 of its
wingspan. Furthermore, there’s a fencelike object in the
foreground, a tree on the right, a horizon falling off to the
left and a low light-source on one side, consistent with
dawn or dusk. These features conform to the mirrored
image of the lithograph illustrating the eyewitness report
which appeared in the Bridgeport Herald. Added to that is
the fact that the photo was hanging right next to images
known to shown Whitehead’s 1901 machine.
However, since - due to the blurriness - important details
(such as the motors)
can’t be identified, the
photo can only serve to
circumstantially
substantiate the credibility
of those witnesses who
wrote that they saw a
photo of Whitehead
flying
his
1901
machine
at
that
exhibition.
Apart from power, control is also a necessity for true flight.
58
Whitehead’s 1901 airplane had a steering apparatus . It
was described in at least three newspapers as follows:
59
„wings, which can be set at different angles“ .
Whitehead’s brother, John, described it thus: “For steering
there was a rope from one [of] the most forward wingtip
rib[s] to the one opposed running over a pull[e]y, in front of
60
operator. A lever was connected to pull[e]y.”
Statements by family members generally have low
evidentiary weight. In the past, Whitehead critics have
61
dismissed this particular statement as sour grapes . After
all, the central feature of the Wrights’ patent was wingwarping. However, in the peer journal Aeronautical World,
dated Dec. 1 1902, Whitehead described the wing-warping
system in his No. 22 aircraft as follows (in the illustration,
below):
52
1964-10-30, Affidavit of Anton Pruckner;
1934-08-21, Affidavit of Junius Harworth
53
1901-08-25, Boston Journal, p.14;
1901-09-19, Broad Axe, St. Paul, Minnesota, p.2
54
http://www.gustave-whitehead.com/history/news-reports-1901-2flights/ (author’s website)
55
Junius Harworth (1934-10-07), Anton Pruckner (1934-10-30, 193601-04 & on tape 1963-11-13) , Richard Howell (1901-08-18), Alexander
Gluck (1934-07-19), Michael Werer (1934-09-24), John S. Lesko (193409-24 & 1936-01-04), John A. Ciglar (1936-01-04), Joseph Ratzenberger (1936-01-28), Louis Darvarich (1934-07-19), Cecil A. Steeves
(1936-10-10, 1964-08-17 & on tape 1960s), Thomas Schweikert (193606-15), William London (1948-05), Mary Savage (1948-05), John F.
Fekete (1948-05), John Harvey (1948-05), Frank Layne (on tape 1960s),
Elizabeth Koteles (1974-08-01 & on tape & Video 1974-02-02)
56
1904-10-01, Bridgeport Daily Standard, p.5
57
1906-01-27, Scientific American, p. 94;
1906-03-08, Silver Springs Signal, p. 3
58
1901-08-21, Chicago Tribune, p.4
1901-11-24, Dallas Morning News, p.10;
1901-11-19, NY Herald, p.10; 1901-12-07, Weimar Mercury
60
1934-08-06 & 09-03, letter, J. Whitehead to S. Randolph
61
Whitehead’s main critic ist he Smithsonian Institute. Under point 2.d.
of ist contract with the Wrights‘ heirs, dated 1948-11-23 , it agreed to
never state anyone else flew before the Wrights. It defends itself against
accusations of bias by saying, its own Director, Langley, had wrongfully
claimed first flight primacy. When asked why the contract doesn’t
simply forbid it from claiming Langley was first, no answer is
forthcoming.
59
engines, i.e., they didn’t have internal but rather, external
combustion. The gas pressure they created was fed into
either separate cylinders or all into one cylinder. One
motor could drive either the wheels or the propellers; the
63
other drove just the propellers. At rotation speed the
smaller motor’s 10 hp was transferred via a lever and a
hose to augment the larger, 20 hp motor which drove the
64
propellers . This way, a total 30 hp powered the flight.
Whitehead’s wing-warping disclosure, Dec. 1, 1902,
nearly 4 months before the Wrights‘ patent application.
The fundamental significance of this disclosure (above) is
the fact that the Wrights didn’t apply for their wing-warping
patent until some four months later (on March 23, 1903).
Photos exist showing Whitehead’s wing-warping system.
Modern technology made it visible:
In 1901 and 1902, Whitehead’s acetylene motor was
written up in the international peer journal „L’Acetylene“,
65
published in French . (At the time, there were high hopes
for acetylene as an alternative energy source. Acetylene66
powered cars were sold in New York as early as 1899 .)
Via the same lever which transferred the gas pressure, the
67
fabric wings’ surfaces were brought under tension . Here,
a similar procedure was applied as is used in modern
paragliding or kite-surfing where the wings/kite is left in a
safe, low-lift mode during preparations, then tightened at
the last minute for take-off. This may explain why reports
68
observed that Whitehead’s aircraft „shot in the air“.
After the events of August 14 1901, Whitehead made
69
several more flights over the next five months . He built a
stronger, 40 hp diesel motor, added silk (rather than
canvass) wings and called the new version „No. 22“. It had
a pneumatically regulated wing-warping system. On
January 17, 1902, Whitehead navigated a full circuit over
the shallows between Charles Island and the Milford
70
coast . (Flying over water was a safety measure also
used by the pioneers, Kress and Blériot. Others, such as
Herring, Chanute and the Wrights, made their flights over
sand dunes for the same reason.)
Enlargement of Whitehead’s cockpit, mid 1901: Cables run
from the windlass’s lower tip to each wing.
A later improvement was the addition of a vertical rudder
for yaw control. Whitehead himself described it on many
62
occasions . (Smithsonian Curator, Paul Garber, even
drew a plan of it when he interviewed Whitehead’s
assistant, Tony Pruckner, in 1966.)
Whitehead’s airplane therefore had 3-axis control. (3-axis
control was invented by the Frenchman, Goupil. But the
Wrights claimed it, citing US patent law which, at the time,
required an invention to be practically demonstrated to
secure a patent.) 3-axis control was one of the most
important steps toward the development of the airplane.
Whitehead’s airplane No. 21 had several other, interesting
technical features. It was equipped with two
interconnected, acetylene motors. They worked like steam
62
1901-08-23, Washington Times, p.2; 1901-08-23, St. Louis Republic,
p.6; 1902-01-26, Bridgeport Herald, p.4&9; 1901-08-23, NY Sun, p.8;
Whitehead had plans for yet another version, „No. 23“.
Drawings show that it had a canard. Unfortunately, it’s not
known why Whitehead abandoned this idea,. His selection
of a monoplane with inherently stable dihedral, an
empennage, wheeled undercarriage and tractor propellers
was about 25 years ahead of its time. Today, almost all
airplanes embody these features. On the other hand, the
Wrights‘ canard biplane with pusher-propellers, catapultlaunch, skid-landing and 10° anhedral (on each wing)
quickly all but disappeared from aviation design.
Whitehead’s media success attracted a steady stream of
opportunists. The first, H. Le Cato, was a convicted
71
fraudster from Philadelphia . Promising a lucrative, 6-
63
1901-08-19, San Francisco Call, p.1; 1901-11-19, NY Evening
Telegram, p.10; 1901-11-19, NY Herald, p.8; 1901-11-24, Allg. SportZeitung, p. 1353-1354; 1902-03, Wiener Luftschiffer Zeitung, p.36
64
1902-04-01, American Inventor, pp.1-2
65
1901-10-06, Le Journal de LAcétylène, p.318;
1902-01-05, Le Journal de LAcétylène, p.7-8
66
1899-11-11, Scientific American, p.315
67
1902-04-01, American Inventor, p.1-2
68
1901-08-19, San Francisco Call, p.1
69
1901-11-17, Bridgeport Herald, p.1;
70
1902-04-01, American Inventor, p.1-2;
1902-05-02, L'Aeronaute, p.143
71
1890-02-08, Poughkeepsie Daily Eagle, p.2;
1890-03-08, Lockport Daily Standard, p.1
80
month exhibition contract, he enticed Whitehead to bring
72
his airplane to Atlantic City. It arrived on Sept. 1, 1901 .
at least bought a Whitehead motor
81
the first dealers for it .
There, the next opportunists awaited him. This time they
were employees of the Smithsonian. A clerk, James
Traylor, watched the airplane being unloaded. An
ethnologist, Frederick Hodge, was assigned to watch its
assembly. They’d been instructed to spy on Whitehead by
Charles Manly, assistant to Smithsonian Director, Prof.
73
Langley . (Langley himself wanted to enter history as the
inventor of the airplane.)
Whitehead’s most fateful visitor was Hermann Linde, a
82
well-off, German art dealer and Shakespearen actor .
Towards the end of 1901, Linde formed a partnership with
Whitehead and financed a factory for the development of a
larger airplane. Encouraged, Whitehead took out a $1,700
loan. He even wrote to his German relatives that he was
now the owner of an aircraft factory.
7475
substantiate that the Wright brothers,
Three affidavits
too, were among Whitehead’s first visitors. Previously, on
July 1, 1901, Octave Chanute wrote a letter to the Wrights,
recommending Whitehead’s lightweight, 10 hp, 30 lb.
motor. On July 4, 1901, Wilbur Wright replied as follows:
“The 10-horsepower motor you refer to is certainly a
wonder if it weighs only thirty lbs. with supplies for two
hours, as the gasoline alone for such an engine would
weigh some ten or twelve lbs. thus leaving only 18 or 20
lbs. for the motor or about two lbs. per horsepower. Even if
the inventor miscalculates by five hundred percent it still
would be an extremely fine motor for aerial purposes”.
At the time, the Wrights were actively looking around for a
powerful, lightweight motor. And they almost always
followed Chanute’s advice (e.g. when hiring Huffaker,
Herring and Spratt.). Furthermore, the Wrights had a good
friend in Bridgeport, Simon Lake, with whom they
76
discussed their patent application prior to 1903 .
Prior to 1902, the Wrights were in contact with most
known aviation pioneers such as Means, Cabot, Chanute
and Langley. They provably knew he was building motors
for their competitors, Herring/Arnot. Why would they have
ignored him - right when his flight experiments were
77
reported, not only in Scientific American
but in
newspapers around the world including their county’s own
78
newspaper in Ohio , However, despite all the evidence,
the Wrights still denied ever visiting Whitehead – or even
79
Bridgeport – before 1909 .
When Le Cato’s promised show-contract fell through,
Whitehead returned to Bridgeport where the next
opportunist, a Texan named William D. Custead, awaited
him. Custead promised to invest $100,000 but
disappeared again quickly when Whitehead refused to
divulge secret details about his acetylene motor. Custead
and became one of
Secretly, Linde soon started colluding with workers. MidJanuary 1902, right when Whitehead was short of cash,
Linde withdrew his support, announced the formation of
83
his own airplane company , refused to pay any more
84
bills and locked Whitehead out of the factory. Linde was
later convicted of multiple crimes and spent his last days
85
in an insane asylum . But, that all came too late for
Whitehead. He was broke. Four to six unfinished airplanes
86
languished in Linde’s workshop .
No. 22 sustained motor-damage and, for lack of a hangar,
spent the Winter outdoors, becoming unserviceable. In
April 1902, Whitehead’s brother, John, came to Bridgeport
87
and contributed his savings . That wasn’t enough. John
soon left. As a result, Gustave decided to only build
airplanes or motors for others – cash in advance. At the
time, he had a wife and two infant children to support and
had just started building a house for them. (He’s not the
only guy to have given up flying when he could no longer
afford it – but probably the first!)
This decision led to Whitehead becoming a central figure
in early US aviation. He quickly made a name for himself
as a supplier. As early as 1902 the “Automobile Trade
Magazine” reported that customers could order
“lightweight kerosene, gasoline, acetylene, steam and
gunpowder motors along with dirigables and airplanes”
88
from Gustave Whitehead .
Whitehead exhibited one of his motors at the 1904 World
89
Fair in St. Louis . At the accompanying contest, Roy
Knabenshue piloted Thomas Baldwin’s „California Arrow“
to victory. It was equipped with a Whitehead motor – at
least that’s what the eyewitness report of a Viennese
90
aviation journalist states . However, some American
historians have claimed it had a Curtiss motor, which isn’t
91
necessarily a contradiction. Two sources report that
Whitehead subcontracted for Curtiss. This would explain
the similarity between many early Curtiss and Whitehead
motorsV also, why Whitehead’s later business partner,
72
1901-08-31, Wichita Daily Eagle, p.12;
1901-08-23, Washington Times, p.2
1901-09-20, Letter, C.M. Manly to F.W. Hodge
74
Junius Harworth (1934-10-07), Anton Pruckner (1936-01-04 & on
tape 1963-11-13) , Cecil A. Steeves (1936-10-10)
75
1901-09-05, News Herald, Hillsboro, Ohio, p.3
76
2012-08-20 http://www.simonlake.com/html/simon_lake_who_.html:
“The inventors first met when the Wright brothers submitted their
airplane designs to Simon Lake for his review before making their
famous Kitty Hawk flight.”
77
1901-06-08, Scientific American, p.357
78
1901-09-05, News Herald, Hillsboro Highland Co., Ohio, p.3
79
Did they remove Whitehead letters from their files? In a similar case,
a letter in which Dr. George A. Spratt corrected their wind tunnel
calculations was removed. This came to light when a copy of it
showed up in their sister’s files.
73
80
1949-10-30, Waco Tribune Herald, (Centennial Edition)
1902-02-23, NY Herald , Teil 4, p.5
82
1909-05-29, NY Dramatic Mirror, p.3
83
1902-01-26, Bridgeport Sunday Herald, pp..4 & 9
84
1902-04, NY Sun
85
1909-05-29, NY Dramatic Mirror, p. 3
86
1934-08-06, Letter, J. Whitehead to S. Randolph
87
1902-08-02, Bridgeport Daily Standard, p.1
88
1902-09, Automobile Trade Magazine, Horseless Age Co., , p. 217;
1910, Automobile Trade Journal, Band 14, Chilton Co., pp.203-4
89
1981, Crouch, T., Dream of Wings, W.W.Norton & Co.,p. 119
90
1904, Wiener Luftschiffer Zeitung No. 11, p.251
91
2010, Steam Aircraft, Books LLC Memphis Tenn. USA, p.19,
footnote 13, Air Sports International; 2008, Visual Languages for
Interactive Computing, Fernando Ferri, IGI Global Snippet, p. 442
81
George A. Lawrence, was a creditor in the Curtiss-Herring
92
bankruptcy proceedings . (Knabenshue later became the
Wright Exhibition Team’s Chief Pilot while Baldwin
became Vice-President of the Aero Club of America. In
1908. His airship was selected alongside the Wrights’
93
Flyer as one of the US Army’s first aircraft. )
Yet another Whitehead motor was used in St. Louis. Prof.
Carl E. Meyers sold balloons to the US Weather Service
94
and the US Army’s Signal Corps . His airship, „Sky Cycle“
(originally pedal-driven), was patented in 1897. In July,
1901, a New York newspaper reported that the same
30lb./10hp motor which had fascinated Wilbur Wright
would be installed in the Sky Cycle for the St. Louis
95
event . In St. Louis, the local press then described the
96
motor’s use . The Sky Cycle was one of the earliest,
commercially successful flying machines. Prof. Meyers
sold it via classified ads in national science magazines for
many years, offering versions with 1, 2, & 4 cylinder
97
motors . It’s not known how many were by Whitehead.
The world record balloonist, H.E. Honeywell, also ordered
98
two Whitehead motors , as did the physicist, John J.
Dvorak. After examining the motor, Dvorak penned a frontpage article, declaring that Whitehead was farthest ahead
99
among the early aviation pioneers .
The Connecticut resident, Charles K. Hamilton, who later
became a Curtiss Show Team pilot, equipped his airship
100
with a Whitehead motor in 1905 . Mid 1905, Hamilton
was hired by New York Attorney, Israel Ludlow, to pilot
manned kites towed spectacularly behind boats and cars
along the beaches of New York. A short time later, Ludlow
installed a Whitehead motor and began powered flight
tests. In 1907, Ludlow hired J.C. (Bud) Mars (who later
also joined the Curtiss Show Team). That same year,
Ludlow (assisted by 10 US Navy personnel) displayed his
powered airplane piloted by Mars at the World Fair in
101
Jamestown and the Air Races in St. Louis .
Thus, in 1907, both US military services were equipped
with Whitehead-powered aircraft (Army, Meyers / Navy,
Ludlow). The Wright brothers, however, didn’t sell their
machine to the US Army until 1908.
1906 was a year in which Whitehead’s position in US
aviation was prominent. Close analysis of photos of the
Aero Club of America’s January 1906 exhibition revealed
not only photos of Whitehead’s machines but also
evidence of Whitehead’s stature among US aeronauts.
Visitors were guided around the room clockwise. First,
they saw a collection of photos showing Whitehead’s
aircraft and motors followed by 33 photos of famous
airships (Santos-Dumont, Knabenshue, etc.), then 8
92
1910-12-06, Binghamton Press, p.5
1908-10-04, Los Angeles Herald, Special Section
94
2012-09-10, Smithsonian Research Information System (Internet)
95
1901-07-08, Utica Observer
96
1904-08-25, St. Louis Republic, p. 4
97
Popular Mechanics, classifieds, monthly 1905-1911
(e.g. Popular Mechanics, Apr. 1906, p. 486)
98
1935-04-18 & -06, Letters , H. Honeywell to S. Randolph
99
1904-10-29, John J. Dvorak in Bridgeport Daily Standard, p. 1
100
1906, Automotive Industries, Vol. 14, p.600;
1906, Motor Body Paint & Trim, Vol. 42, p.404
101
1907-08, Popular Mechanics
93
photos of Lilienthal, 6 of Herring/Arnot, 6 of the Wright
brothers, 8 of Prof. Langley and 20 of Hiram Maxim. The
highlight was Baldwin’s Whitehead-powered „California
Arrow“ in which Knabanshue made one of the first
controlled airship flights over New York in 1905. At the
nd
Aero Club’s 2 exhibition in December 1906, it was
similar. Four Whitehead motors were on display along with
102103
the fuselage of his No. 21
. German journalist and
motor expert, Carl Dienstbach, wrote a positive evaluation
of Whitehead’s lightweight 18-20 hp motor and balanced
104
propellers .
At the January 1906 exhibition, neither the Wrights nor
Herring/Arnot displayed photos of their claimed powered
flights. Instead, they showed kite and glider photos. (As
“proof” they’d flown, the Wrights placed the crank-shaft of
their motor on a stool.) Prof. Langley displayed a photo of
a powered model. It’s therefore understandable why
photos of Whitehead’s powered flight were given a place
of honor at the entrance to the display area. At the time,
only airships were otherwise known to be capable of freely
navigating through the air in any direction. (The Wrights
were silent, indeed, they didn’t release photos of any
powered flights until May 20, 1908, shortly after they
returned to Kitty Hawk for the first time on May 6, 1908).
.
Alongside his brisk motor business, Whitehead took on
aircraft construction jobs. One of his customers was Wild105
West hero, Buffalo Jones , for whom he built an orni106
thopter . His main customer was "Scientific American’s
Aeronautical Editor, Stanley Yale Beach, whose father
edited and grandfather founded that magazine. Beach was
107
also co-founder of the New York Aeronautical Society .
Whitehead built at least three aircraft for Beach.
Beach had his own ideas about aircraft design and was
108
very insistent about them . In one case, the two argued
109
so vehemently that Beach had Whitehead arrested . The
disagreement arose when Beach hacked off the upper
wing of a biplane to make it a monoplane (which he
believed would fly better). That led Whitehead to
110
confiscate the engine – presumably for safety reasons .
(In unrelated incidents, Beach ran over and killed a
111
pedestrian in Bridgeport , then refused support for his
wife and child causing his father to cut off all funds, thus
ending his aviation experiments.)
A Beach aircraft was one of three Whitehead-built planes
to compete at the very first air show of the New York
102
1906-12-15, Scientific American, p. 447-449.
1906-12-15, Scientific American, p. 448 (photo, lower right: stern of
Whietehead’s 1901 machine);
1907-01, Illustrierte Aeronautische Mittelungen, p.298;
NASM, Ernest Jones Collection, Accession XXXX-0096 Appendix,
p. 33, (photo, bow of Whitehead’s 1901 machine);
104
1907-01, Illustrierte Aeronautische Mittelungen, p.298
105
1966, Before the Wrights Flew, S. Randolph, G.P.Putnam’s Sons,
New York, p.101
106
1934-07-23, letter, Junius Harworth to Stella Randolph
107
1908-11-03, NY Sun, p.6; 1909-03-14, NY Times
108
1934-07-17, Interview protocol, S. Randolph/S.Y. Beach
109
1910-06-06, NY Sun, p.10
110
1909-12-05, NY Sun, Part 2, p. 8
111
1906-09-13, NY Herald, p.4
103
112
Aeronautical Society in Morris Park in 1908 . The
113
second was built for Louis R. Adams , President of the
Long Island Automobile Club and Vice President of both
114
the New York Aeronautical Society and the Aero Club of
115
America . The third was built for Bridgeport resident,
116
Howard Booth .
Charles Wittemann was co-founder of the New York
125
Aeronautical Society . When asked about Whitehead’s
abilities as a motor-builder, he described him as “a genius”
126
. The airplane shown in the photo above was built for
C.W.Miller by Wittemann and, according to him, equipped
127
with a Whitehead motor :
In 1909, all winged, heavier-than-air aircraft in America
117
were grounded by Wright brothers’ injunctions . If an
aviator wanted to continue flying his own aeroplane, he
was required to buy a Wright license which cost more than
118
$25,000 . The only other legal option was to buy the
119
Wrights' canard-biplane-pusherprop invention , which
most were unwilling to do.
Other wholesalers of Whitehead motors were the
President of the Pacific Aero Club and first commercial
128
airplane builder on the US West Coast, Cleve Shaffer
and the international airplane and motor dealer, Geo.
Lawrence, who sold Whitehead motors throughout the
129
USA and Europe . So far, over 40 different Whitehead
130
motors have been identified . Parts of an eight-cylinder
engine exist to this day. Whitehead’s daughter, Rose,
remembered there were sometimes more orders for
motors than she could hold in her hands when she fetched
the mail. She also remembers her father returning more
than 50 orders (including down-payments) on a single day
131
due to overcapacity . There are indications of the
existence of many more Whitehead motors in the years
1902-1915. Here, research has only just begun.
Whitehead’s final aircraft construction job was for a
120
helicopter (which didn’t violate the Wrights’ patent). He
built it for the President of the Aeronautical Society of
121
America, Lee S. Burridge . Whitehead had previously
stopped flying altogether when the monoplane he was
122
piloting crashed into a bridge, crushing his rib-cage.
Starting in 1910, Whitehead’s motor business boomed all
the more. He continued building motors for retail
customers like C.S.Wilson, who successfully competed in
123
events in his Whitehead-powered plane . He also
wholesaled his engines to dealers and manufacturers.
One was America’s first successful, commercial aircraft
124
builder, C. & A. Wittemann .
On October 15, 1964, Charles Wittemann made a sworn
statement declaring he’d spent a week in Bridgeport, had
closely examined Whitehead’s acetylene engine and
found it capable of performing No.21’s August 14, 1901
flight. The weight of this testimony derives not only from
Wittemann’s familiarity with the motor but also from his
legal standing. Upon entry to WW1, Wittemann was
appointed by US President Wilson, as America’s highestranking aeronautical expert.
Both direct and circumstantial evidence for a powered
flight by Whitehead can be summarized as follows:
Curtiss type Wittemann airplane with Whitehead motor
112
2012, T. Crouch, Aeronautic Society of New York & the Birth of
American Aviation
113
1909, Automobile Topics, Vol. 17, E.E.Schwarzkopf, p. 1555;
1900-12-20, NY Daily Tribune, p.5
114
1915-03-26, NY Tribune, p.11
115
1908-09-20 Los Angeles Times, Part 3, p.1; 1912-05-10, NY Times
116
1908-11-22, Bridgeport Sunday Herald
117
1909-08-20, Syracuse Herald, p.1;
1910-04-07, Brooklyn Daily Eagle, p.4
118
1910-05-22, NY Sun
119
1981, Crouch, T., A Dream of Wings, p. 307: As a result of the
Wrights‘ injunctions against all flying in the US, their friends (incl.
Octave Chanute & Dr. George A. Spratt) distanced themselves.
120
1911-07-23, Bridgeport Sunday Herald, p.18
121
1911-07-23, Bridgeport Sunday Herald, p.18;
1911-12-23, Western Champion, p.24, Qld., Australien
122
1910-07-13, Utica Daily Press, p.1; 1910-07-13, Rome Daily
Sentinel, p.5; 1910-07-13, Democrat Chronicle, Rochester, NY, p.1;
1910-07-23, Fair Play, St. Genevieve, Mo., p.1
123
1910, Aircraft, Bänder 1&2, p.225; 1978, Randolph/O’Dwyer,
History by Contract, p.138
124
1910, C. & A. Wittemann Catalogue
Evidence:
17 witnesses saw him in powered flight pre 1903;
3 news reports attest to having seen a photo of
his 1901 machine in flight;
Circumstantial Evidence:
the Lilienthal wing he used was airworthy;
the US’s highest ranked aeronautical expert,
Wittemann, examined the motor and deemed it
airworthy; (as did the German motor expert,
Dienstbach);
Whitehead was a trained engine-builder;
numerous pioneers used Whitehead motors;
by 1901, Whitehead had eight years‘ flight
experience;
two replicas (USA ’86 & Germany ’97) flew
successfully (albeit with modern motors, throttled
for max. 16 hp output);
Surviving photos show an airworthy machine.
125
1908-11-03, NY Sun, p.6
1964-10-15, Affidavit, C. Wittemanns (also on tape)
127
1910-07, “Aircraft”, p.193
128
Photo of Shaffer trade show booth with Whitehead Motor ad.
1910-01-17 in Oakland & 1910-05-11 in San Francisco.
129
1910-06, Aeronautics, p.213; 1910-07, Aircraft, pp.119, 232 & 269;
1912, Atmos L'Annuaire de L'Air, Switzerland
130
2009, Ich flog vor den Wrights, A. Wüst, 3rd edition p. 184
131
2009, Ich flog vor den Wrights, A. Wüst, 3rd edition, p. 184
126
professor who wrote a critical statement about Whitehead
in the 1940s. However, back in 1904 Dvorak wrote a front
page Op-Ed, praising Whitehead and opining that he was
136
far ahead of all other aviation pioneers .
At the very least, these facts
support a re-evaluation of
Whitehead’s place in aviation
history.
However, they also support
132
the author’s (and others’ )
conclusions that Whitehead
made history’s first powered,
sustained, controlled flight.
Opposing Views:
Gustave Whitehead
Jan. 1,1874-Oct.10,1927
Over the years, critics have used many arguments to
counter Whitehead’s claim. The first was Orville Wright
who chose to comment just before the end of WW2 in a
133
US military magazine .
Wright’s main argument was that, because no other
newspapers reported the flight, it must have been a hoax.
Using that same reasoning, the 133 articles discovered
since would “prove” it to be true. Of course, they “prove”
nothing, except how faulty Wrights’ argument was.
Wrights’ next argument was that a “delay” of 4 days from
August 14 until the story was published on August 18
1901, along with the fact it was published on page 5
(where sensational news sometimes appeared) under a
drawing of witches on broomsticks, somehow “proved” it
wasn’t meant to be taken seriously. However, the
newspaper was a weekly which published the story
without delay in its next edition. [In this context, Wright
overlooked the fact that he invited no journalists to attend
his own first flight attempt and that the first journalist to
see him and his brother fly, Amos Root, delayed 102 days
and seven editions before publishing his report on page 36
of a beekeeper’s journal (under illustrations of flowers and
beehives). The first time Wright invited 60 journalists to
watch him and his brother fly (on May 3, 1904) they failed
to get airborne for 3 days until all the journalists left, calling
134
them “liars, not flyers”] . Wright also neglected to
mention that witches on broomsticks were a well-known
135
good luck symbol among early aviators . The argument
was ultimately settled when the same newspaper
republished the story on Jan. 23, 1937, reiterating that it
had been a serious report.
Wright next relied on three persons he called “witnesses”,
all of whom state they weren’t present at Whitehead’s
1901 flight and two of whom didn’t even know Whitehead
at the time. The first, John Dvorak, was a physics
132
Also recognized as first in flight by
Prof. J. Crane (Harvard Univ.), 1935-11-23, letter to L. Whietehad;
Prof. A. Zahm (US Library of Congress), 1945, Powerplane Fathers,
Univ. Press, p.27-36);
Jack Carpenter, biographer of Glenn Curtiss & Waldo Watermann, letter
to L. Opdycke, May 23, 1989, p.1
133
1945-08, US Air Service, p.9
134
1905-01-01,Gleanings in BeeCulture, Root, Amos I., p.36
135
1908-09, Chicago Tribune on Glenn Curtiss, illustration by Briggs
1910, Commemoration medal, Pennsylvania Aero Club
1910-2013, Logo, Pennsylvania Aero Club
The next was James Dickie, who was identified in news
137
reports as being present together with Andrew Cellie for
unmanned test flights on June 3 1901 and again at the
first flight on August 14, 1901. Dickie later claimed he
never knew Cellie, although they lived a few blocks from
138
each other
and that he hadn’t seen “the aircraft” fly.
Wright neglects to mention that Dickie was being shown a
photo of a ground-based engine test bed at the time (and
being asked if it was “the aircraft”). He also neglects to
mention that Dickie had lost money he’d invested in
Whitehead’s projects. Furthermore, Wright would have
never known of Dickie’s statement if it hadn’t been
published by Whitehead’s biographer alongside the
statements of the other witnesses (whom Wright chose to
ignor)e. Ultimately, if Dickie’s statement is taken on its
face value, it’s a matter of weighing his statement, in
which he insists he wasn’t present, against the 17
statements of other witnesses, among them three JPs, two
engineers and one journalist, who say they were present
and saw Whitehead fly.
Wright’s most daring argument claimed that Whitehead’s
former customer, Stanley Yale Beach, had signed a
statement declaring that Whitehead never flew. This
argument appears to have been wishful thinking at best.
For, while such a statement was indeed drafted and sent
to Beach shortly before Wright’s article was published,
Beach never signed it. Even if he had, there’s no evidence
Beach even knew Whitehead at the time. The argument’s
“daringness” stems from what Beach actually did write
about Whitehead. On five separate occasions Beach, as
Aeronautical Editor of Scientific American, attributed
139
successful, pre-Wright flights to Whitehead .
Finally, Wright neglects to mention that none of the five
witnesses he cites for his own 1903 flight made any kind
of sworn statement.
Both the author and “Jane’s” examined arguments
advanced by other critics before reaching their respective
conclusions. While most arguments were disqualified (due
to speculation or hearsay), the author found some of them
did have varying degrees of merit. These were duly
weighed against the overall body of evidence and
succumbed, on balance, to the preponderance. Ultimately,
the core evidence is that Whitehead, a trained enginebuilder and experienced glider pilot, built 20 airplanes
before building a visibly airworthy No. 21 using a Lilienthal
wing. No reasonable grounds could be found for
dismissing the sworn statements of all 17 witnesses who
testified that they’d seen him fly.
136
1904-10-29, Bridgeport Daily Standard, p. 1
1901-06-09, NY Sun, p.2; 1901-07-26, Minneapolis Journal, p.7;
1901-06-15, Watertown Daily Times, p.12
138
1901. Bridgeport Directory
139
Scientific American, 1903-09-19, p.204; 190601-27, pp.93-94; 190611-24, pp- 378-379; 1906-11-15, pp. 447-449; 1908-01-25, p. 54
137