Genocide and Mass Killing: Origins, Prevention, Healing and Reconciliation Author(s): Ervin Staub Reviewed work(s): Source: Political Psychology, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Jun., 2000), pp. 367-382 Published by: International Society of Political Psychology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3791796 . Accessed: 08/01/2013 11:33 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . International Society of Political Psychology is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Political Psychology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PoliticalPsychology, Vol.21, No. 2, 2000 Genocideand Mass Killing:Origins,Prevention, Healingand Reconciliation ErvinStaub at Amherst University ofMassachusetts Thisarticlefocuseson intensecollectiveviolence,especiallymasskillingand genocide.It briefly presentsa conceptionof theirorigins,withnew elementsin theconceptionand comparisonswithotherapproaches.Variousaspectsof genocideand mass killingare considered,includingtheirstarting points(such as difficult lifeconditionsand group culturalcharacteristics, and social conflict), psychological processes(suchas destructive and ideologies),the evolutionof increasingviolenceand its effecton perpetrators and therolesofleadersand ofinternal and externalbystanders. Actionsthat bystanders, be takenbythecommunity violenceare might ofnationsand otheractorstohaltorprevent described.In considering preventionthereis a focus on processesof healingwithin betweenhostilegroups.A projecton previouslyvictimized groupsand reconciliation and reconciliation inRwandais briefly described. healing, forgiveness, KEY WORDS: genocide,masskilling, betweengroups, healingbyvictimized groups,reconciliation Rwandagenocide,originsofgenocide/group ofgenocide/group violence. violence,prevention In addition togreatandsmallwars,the20thcentury hasseenmanygenocides, masskillings, andinstancesofethnicwarfare oftenaccompaniedbymasskilling or genocide.An empiricalreportindicatesa declinein thelastfewyearsin the numbers ofsuchviolentevents(Harff, Gurr,& Unger,1999).However,itis during thissameperiodthatthetragedies ofBosnia,Rwanda,Kosovo,andSierraLeone have occurred, withcontinuing violencethatdestroys lives and communities in aroundtheworld. Angola,theSudan,Sri Lanka,Chechnya,and othercountries Without thecreationofan international masskilling systemthatdoesnottolerate and genocideand thatengagesin seriousefforts to preventviolencebetween groups,suchviolenceis likelytocontinue. Thetremendous rateofchangeintheworldplacesgreatdemandsonindividuals and groups.In manyplaces,thesechangesare takingplace in thecontextof orevenincreasing Suchconditions areinstigators ofviolence. continuing poverty. 367 0162-895X@ 2000 International Societyof PoliticalPsychology Publishedby BlackwellPublishers, 350 Main Street,Malden,MA 02148, USA, and 108 CowleyRoad,Oxford,OX4 IJF,UK. This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Staub 368 In addition,thecollapseof Sovietcommunism and theresulting changein the to and to efforts ethnic has led international independence gain by groups system a and serves as model their Their minorities to assert inspiration example by rights. forothers.Theconflicts thatresultcan lead tocollectiveviolence.Theremayalso orpoliticalpowerwithin aroundethnicity, be seriousconflicts religion, revolving newcountries thatarecreated. Thereis a recenttrendto referto variedkindsof violencebetweengroups, warfare. Butthere as ethnicorethnopolitical including genocideandmasskilling, such aremanybaseson whichgroupsturnagainsteachotherapartfromethnicity, These divisions as religion,politicaldifferences, and social class membership. butnotalways.InCambodia,forexample,theKhmer oftencoincidewithethnicity, I what othershave referred to as "autogenocide" committed and (Staub, Rouge Khmer wereregardedas political of numbers of who the 1989), killing huge to the ideal of totalsocial equalitythey enemiesor incapableof contributing envisioned.At thesametimetheyengagedin genocideagainstethnicminorities is overusedandbecomesa blanket (Kiernan,1999).Thereis a dangerthatethnicity termformanydifferences. In thisarticleI briefly describea conception of theoriginsof (or influences leadingto) genocideand mass killing,withoccasionalreferenceto specific instances (see Staub,1989,1996,1999a).Theseinfluences giveriseto mayatfirst variedformsof"ethnopolitical" (orcollectiveorgroup)violence,outofwhichthe extremesof mass killingor genocideevolve.An important questionis why,in forintenseviolenceare present, certaininstanceswhentheconditions violence In thecourseofthediscussion, I refer remainslimited. tosomeimportant concepts andfindings offered anddiscusssomeissuesinunderstanding, byothers prediction, I also discussreconciliation as a meansof preventing and prevention. renewed inRwanda. violenceandbriefly describea projecton healingandreconciliation Definitions and Approaches Genocideis an attempt to eliminate, directly bykillingthemorindirectly by conditions that lead to theirdeath,a wholegroupof starvation) creating (e.g., whichdefinesgenocideas "actscommitpeople.TheU.N. GenocideConvention, tedwiththeintent todestroy inpartorinwholea national, racial,orreligious ethnic, as not does cover the of of members a such," group killing politicalgroup.This wastheresultofpoliticalconsiderations thatled somestatesatthetime,especially theSovietUnion,to resisttheinclusionof politicalgroupsundertheGenocide Convention. of groupsidentified Althoughsomehave called theelimination by theirpoliticalaffiliation & Gurr, 1990),manyscholarsconsider politicide(Harff itgenocide,as I do. The GenocideConventionalso createsotherproblems,forexample,by tokillinga group"inpart"as genocide.Inmyview,killinglargenumbers referring of people withouttheapparentpurposeof eliminating thewholegroupis best This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 369 Genocideand Mass Killing regardedas mass killing.The purposeof mass killingmaybe to eliminatethe thegroup,and in generalto reestablish leadershipof a group,or to intimidate ofpeoplewhoarekilledcanbe muchsmallerin thenumber dominance. Although masskillingthanin genocide,itcan also be verylarge. The influencesleadingto mass killingand genocideare similar.Because to masskillingcanbe a waystation genocideis oftentheoutcomeofan evolution, or violence is of collective the likelihood predictable, group genocide.Although can onlyaimat group theexactformof itis probablynot.Therefore, prevention elaborate ofscholarshaveoffered atgenocide.A number violence,notspecifically of genocide(see Fein, 1993b). Because the emphasishere is on definitions of collectiveor groupviolence,and theoriginsand prevention understanding thisgoal,efforts ofgenocidedo notespeciallyfurther becauseprecisedefinitions toexactlydefinewhatis andwhatis notgenocidearenotcrucialforthisarticle. ofgenocides.Forexample, Some scholarshavealso offered categorizations monoSmith(1999a) hasproposedfivetypes:retributive, utilitarian, institutional, motives. But different In these different and typesimply polistic, ideological. part, influences and motivesare oftenmultipleand oftenoverlapacrossthedifferent sourceofgenocidein the types.Accordingto Smith(1999a), "themostfrequent ofpower"(p. 7), thatis,thequestionof hasbeenthemonopolization 20thcentury I who will havepowerand who willrule.However,a numberof theinfluences in a group,a describebelow-such as motivesarisingfrompast woundedness lifeconditionsthatlead to betweengroups,or difficult historyof antagonism in all be intensification ofgroupconflict-may present thecase ofa monopolistic genocide. the The approachI have used in thepast,and followhere,is to identify the influences thatnormally contribute tocollectiveviolence.In specificinstances, thataremostimportant influences (andthemotivestheygiveriseto) can thenbe efforts. Thiscan be doneinbothposthoc analysesandpredictive identified. The OriginsofGenocide,Mass Killing,and OtherCollectiveViolence life difficult Instigators.Therearetwoprimary starting pointsorinstigators: ofthetwois especially ina society, andgroupconflict. Thecombination conditions ormotive-which, instigator likelytolead tocollectiveorgroupviolence.A third combinedwiththeotherinfluences describedbelow(e.g.,devaluation), can lead Thiscan lead to whatSmith(1999a) has to collectiveviolence-is self-interest. calledutilitarian self-interest has led genocide(ormasskilling).Mostcommonly, a subordinate tooneoftwokindsofviolence:violencebydominant groupsagainst and violenceagainstindigenouspeoplesarising groupdemandingmorerights, fromtheintention to taketheirlandor developthearea thattheyhaveoccupied & Twedt, 1997;Staub,2000). (Hitchcock Economicprobconditions andtheir life psychological/social effects. Difficult conflict and and intense and lems,political disorganization, rapidsocial change This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 370 Staub notonlyhavematerial butalso profoundly orincombination) effects, (separately frustrate basic humanneeds(Staub,1989,1996,1999a,1999b).To satisfy needs foridentity andconnection, peopleoftenturnto a group.Theyelevatethegroup or physically diminishing (Tajfel,1978,1982; Turner,1987) by psychologically whichprotects their othergroups.Theyscapegoatanother groupforlifeproblems, withinthegroup,andprovidesa psychologically connection strengthens identity, of events.As partof theprocessleadingto useful(even iffalse)understanding violence,thegroupusuallycreatesor adoptsan ideology,a visionofidealsocial Thisoffers arrangements. hopeofa betterfuture, providesa newcomprehension to otherpeople,and offersthepotentialforeffective of realityand connection an enemygroup. suchideologiesalmostinvariably action.Unfortunately, identify devaluated Effective actionmeansdealingwiththisenemy,usuallythepreviously andscapegoatedgroup. The groupand its individualmemberschangeas theyengagein harmful actionsagainsttheothergroup.Theydevaluetheothergroupmore,andexclude itsmembers fromthemoraluniverse(Opotaw,1990;Staub,1990).The standards ofgroupbehaviorchange,institutions change,ornewonesarecreatedtoharmthis The evolution violence can endin masskillingorgenocide. ofincreasing enemy. Theviolenceoftenexpandstoothergroups.Thisevolution can takeplaceoveran extended historical with of relative Itis a central feature period, periods tranquility. ofintensegroupviolence. Culturalcharacteristics. Certaincharacteristics of a culture/society makeit morelikelythatdifficult conditions will give riseto theprocessI described.A crucialone is a historyof devaluationof a groupof people.The morethisis in theformofdiscrimination maintained orpersecution, the bysocietalstructure, moredangerousit is. Anotherimportant characteristic is verystrongrespectfor Accustomedto beingled,peoplewill turnto new leadersin difficult authority. destructive times,oftentothosewhopropagate ideologies.Theywillbe lesslikely to opposetheactionsof leadersand thegroup,includingharmful actstowarda victimgroup.Theywillbe morelikelyto obeydirectordersforviolence.Monolithiccultures-thosewithnondemocratic (Rummel,1994), governmental systems a limitedrangeofvalues,andlimitedaccessbypeopletothepublicdomain-also contribute to thelikelihoodofgenocideandmasskilling."Mature"democracies, withwell-established civicinstitutions andpractices (Staub,1999a),areleastlikely toengageingenocide. Thepastvictimization ofa groupandtheunhealedwoundsthatresultarealso contributors togenocideandmasskilling.Without of important healing,members a victimized will feel diminished and vulnerable. will see the world as group They will to to conflict with conditions, dangerous. They respond instigating especially anothergroup,withviolence,whichtheyexperienceas necessaryself-defense (Staub,1998,1999a; see also Herman,1992;McCann& Pearlman,1990). Collectiveviolence,and mass killingand genocide(whentheyresult),are ofinfluences. ButSerbviolenceinthe1990s alwaystheoutcomeofa combination This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 371 Genocideand Mass Killing seemsa goodexampleofviolencethathaditsroots,inpart,in pastvictimization and unhealedwounds.The Serbswereruledforfivecenturies by Turkey,until late in the 19th Hundreds of thousands of Serbs were killedduring fairly century. A victim theSecondWorldWarbya fascistCroatrepublicalliedwithGermany. in the for self-defense become and the belief have necessity aggressive part identity WhenYugoslaviabegantocollapseintheearly1990s,after Croatia ofSerbculture. andtheremaining led by SerbiaattackedCroatia, declaredindependence country cleansedfrom as thetideturnedin thewarabout200,000Serbswereethnically thewar,thismadetheSerbsfeel Croatia(Hodge,1999).Eventhoughtheystarted and like victimsagain.(This was confirmed to me in meetings, conversations, interaction withaudiencesinpubliclecturesI gaveinBelgradein 1995.) Theroleofbystanders.As violencebetweengroups,orbyonegroupagainst another,intensifies-andas the membersof a group(or a smallergroupof withinit)becomeincreasingly committed to theirideologyandthus perpetrators of theothergroup-theyareless andless likelyto shiftcourse to thedestruction on theirown. Onlywitnessesor bystanders can stoptheevolutionof increasing violence.Unfortunately, bothinternal ofthegroupwhohave (members bystanders notjoined the perpetrators) and externalbystanders (outsideindividualsand groups)usuallyremainpassive.Theirpassivity (Taylor,1983),andevenmoretheir andcomplicity, affirms theperpetrators intheirbeliefsand not-infrequent support withdiplomatic actions(Staub,1989,1999a).Suchsupport rangesfromcontinuing andbusinessrelations as usual(Simpson,1993)to economicandmilitary aid. An extreme, butnotunusual,exampleofbystander andcomplicity passivity occurredin Rwanda.The Frenchsupported theRwandangovernment militarily andinotherwaysbeforethegenocidein 1994,without totheoccasional responding massacresofTutsis(des Forges,1999;Gourevich, continued 1998).Thissupport evenafterthegenocidebegan(des Forges,1999). The UnitedNationswithdrew mostofitspeacekeepers afterthekillingsstarted. The restoftheworldrefusedto call thekillingsgenocide,thereby the foractionimpliedbythe avoiding obligation Thegenocideendedonlyafter GenocideConvention. theRwandanPatriotic Front, a Tutsiarmyopposingthegovernment, defeatedthegovernment forces. Group Conflictas theOriginof CollectiveViolence Many of the psychologicaland culturalinfluencesdescribedabove also forviolenceis a conflict ofinterests betweengroups. operatewhentheinstigator Even whenconflictinvolves"vital"interests, suchas territory neededforliving elementsusuallymakeconflicts thatis,persis"intractable," space,psychological tentanddifficult toresolve(Fisher,1997;Staub,1989).Often, a particular territory is centrally connectedto a group'sidentity, andmayrepresent hopeforsecurity. Thisseemedtohavebeenthecase intheIsraeli-Palestinian conflict (Kelman,1990) as wellas theconflict aroundKosovo. This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 372 Staub A frequent formofconflict leadingtocollectiveviolenceis betweendominant in Argenin a and subordinate groups society(Fein,1993a).The disappearances in the in the much of the violence Cambodia, Colombia, tina, autogenocide Armenians in had their in and even the of roots, Turkey genocide genocide Rwanda, Economicproblemsin a societyoftenintensify at leastin part,in suchconflicts. theloss of butrather theconflict. Butitis notpoverty byitselfthatseemscentral, a sense of of basic and the threat to and frustration needs, injusticeor well-being, times. in difficult in comparison to othersthatis intensified relativedeprivation that it is the dominant not respondswith group Frequently, although always, nonviolent and toimprove subordinate both violencetoattempts violent, by groups, theirpositionin society.Such groupsact notonlyto defendtheirprivilegeand andworldview,a legitimizing butalsotodefendanidentity status, ideology(Levin, & Federico,1998),thatmakestheirpositioninsocietyright Sidanius,Rabinowitz, intheireyes(Staub,1989). OtherConceptions A numberof theinfluences I have describedhave also been notedby other lifeconditions and ofwhatI havecalleddifficult scholars,suchas theimportance An exampleof thelatteris conceptsrelatedto devaluationand discrimination. Helen Fein's (1979) conceptof placinga groupoutsidethe"universeof moral ofthe concernwithandappreciation However,therehasbeenlimited obligation." psychologicalprocessesand forcesat work.For example,thefocushas been on discrimination as a structural notdevaluation as a psychocondition, primarily force or motivator. logical The importance of leadershas been stressed,but witha focus on their I described motivation forpowerandinfluence. In contrast, theconception points to certainotherimportant of destructive One origins leadership. of theseis that life destructive leadersare themselvesaffectedby social conditions(difficult in theway therestof the conditionsor groupconflict)and thegroup'sculture, The followers'readinessopensthewayfordestructive leadergroupis affected. At destructive leaders be to to the needs of the may trying respond ship. times, in that the culture has both leaders and members to prepared group ways group In a the and are leaders Another of sense,then, group respond. joined. origin destructive inthecase ofpreviously victimized leadership groupsis thewoundednessoftheleaders.Thiswoundedness in maybe simplydue to theirmembership thegroup,or itmaybe personal(whentheirownfamilyhas suffered fromprior victimization). That violenceevolves has been noted.For example,the increasingharm inflictedon Jewsin Germany,one of the moststraightforward examplesof hasbeendescribed(Hilberg,1961).Butthecrucialandpossiblycentral evolution, role of suchevolution(Staub,1989) has notbeen stressed,withpsychological and changesin groupprocesses,group changesin individualsand a collectivity This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Genocideand Mass Killing 373 ofviolenceis usuallytheoutcome Evena suddenflare-up norms,andinstitutions. inculture, sudden andofpriorevolution. Suchseemingly ofhistorical continuities of limited occur after or no as in the can violence, intervening periods flare-ups orthemasskillinginBosnia. case ofthegenocideoftheArmenians In theformer remained unattended Yugoslavia,pastwoundsandantagonisms This of life conditions communist era. made the difficult the emergence during economic the of the of communism, difficulties, breakupof (consisting collapse of as a and the Croatia thecountry) (Bennett, 1995) emergence separatestate(with Croat inflicted tremendous of a thehistorical republichaving background prior and to Serb violenceon Serbs)intensely security identity. threatening togenocideormasskillingthatarenot Two important influences contributing presentedabove have also been explicit,separateelementsin theformulation someformofwar,oftenanethnicorrevolutionary identified: war,andan "abrupt" in regimeswheretheleadersareunableto createa viablesystem. Both transition of thesehave sometimes been regardedas indications of "statefailure"(Harff, 1996;Harffetal., 1999;Melson,1992). A civilwarrepresents ofthemostextreme form;itusuallyarises groupconflict as well as difficult life conditions. Civil wars from, embodymutual engenders, devaluationor an especiallyintenseformof it whichI have calledideologiesof orotherideologiesarealsousuallypresent. (Staub,1989).Nationalistic antagonism ingovernment inwar.A transition Theevolution ofincreasing violenceis inherent and thefailureof thatgovernment to successfully establishitselfand lead the andstableconditions) are country (e.g.,tocreatepositiveeconomicdevelopment ofdifficult lifeconditions. specificindicators important A positivefactor(Harffet al., 1999) thatmakesgenocideless likelyis the betweena particular stateandotherstates.This degreeofeconomicinterconnection to a country, theless isolateda country suggeststhatthemoreotherstatesmatter thatgiven is,thelesslikelyitis toengageingenocide.Itis also possible,however, theseinterconnections theeconomicsituation of suchcountries is usuallybetter, one typeofinstigation. reducing can be affected However,even statesthatisolatethemselves by bystander actions.Afterthefundamentalist in Iran,thehistorical revolution of persecution Baha'i flaredup.Morethan200 Baha'i wereexecutedina relatively shorttime.It is reasonableto expectthatwithoutbystander the intensity of the influence, violencewouldhaveincreased.However,actionsbyBaha'i communities outside andtointernational Iran,andrepresentations bythemtogovernments agencies,led to a numberof resolutions the United Nations and individual countries by by the of the in Baha'i Iran. various formsof condemning persecution Although the have been executions halted continued, persecution (Bigelow,1993). They ona muchsmallerscale,inthemid-tolate1990s. resumed, unfortunately, although Is it possiblethatthereare conditions underwhichtheinfluences described aboveareunnecessary inleadingtoextreme violencebyonegroupagainstanother? The behaviorof conquerors in earlierhistorical times,theirkillingof thosethey This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 374 Staub as routineor institutionalized conquered,has been interpreted genocide(Smith, 1999a).Perhaps,at thetime,thewaythe"other"(all thoseoutsidethegroup)was andmilitary seen,combinedwithpoliticaljudgment practicethatled toroutinization(Kelman,1973),madesuchkillingeasier.Although valuesof theproclaimed theinternational of people no systemincreasingly encouragethehumanization matter whatgrouptheybelongto,theactualpractices thatexistatcertain timesand in thefaceof violence, places,and thepassivityof theinternational community stillallowsuchviolencetobecomeroutine. Thereare manydifferent formsof groupor collectiveviolencethatcan and do leadtogenocideormasskilling.TheapproachI havedescribed focusesonbroad influencesthat,in my view,underliemostof them.In part,thisemphasison ofcauseshasbeena responsetoearlygenocideresearch, withitssharp generality differentiation betweengenocideand otherkindsof violenceby groupsagainst itis empirically othergroups.Moreimportant, based.Variousgenocidesandthe in thelate 1970s (Staub,1989, less focused,and limitedviolencein Argentina 1999a),as wellas theviolenceinBosniainthe1990s(Staub,1996),seemedtobe theresultof thekindsof influences describedabove. In considering important differences in thegroupsthatbecomeviolentwitheach other,conflicts between based on or involve but so can groups ethnicity religiondeeply identity, politically based violence.The heresyofreligiousdivergence andtheheresyofevenminor can bothlead to violentfury. politicaldifference as have suggested,distinctions Nevertheless, recentcommentators among different kindsof groupviolencemay advanceour understanding of origins. Distinctions can be made,forexample,amongformsofviolencesuchas official and ethnopolitical warfare(civil war) (Suedfeld,1999); revolution, persecution, of or motives forgroupviolencesuchas conquest, amongtypes genocide; among and so on and research (Smith,1999b).Such distinctions revenge,purification, basedon themmayhelpto establishtheextentofcommunality in theinfluences in specificformsofconflict and proposedabove,as wellas additionalinfluences violence.It maybe, forexample,thatoutoftheinfluences identified earlier,the thatispresent ina particular withadditional instance, specificcombination together willdetermine themotives, conditions, aims,andformsofviolence. Examiningspecificregionalor local conditions-forexample,the mass killingsof Hutusby thedominantTutsisin Burundi,and theireffectson the the psychologyand actionsof theHutuleadershipin Rwandathatengineered genocidein 1994(Wessells,1999)-can helpin understanding specificinstances ofmasskillingorgenocide.Payingattention tothespecificnature ofviolence,and to cultureand local customin dealingwithitsaftermath, is also quiteimportant withregardto prevention to (Wessells,1999). In Rwanda,forexample,efforts further ofthenature ofthegenocide healingandreconciliation requireanawareness butalso there,in whichthekillersincludednotonlythearmyandparamilitary, andevenrelatives(Staub& Pearlman, inpress). neighbors This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Genocide andMassKilling 375 PreventingCollectiveViolence is crucial.I have distinguished betweenhaltingand The roleof bystanders former refers tostopping violence violence The (Staub,1999a). preventing group refers atleasttosomedegree;thelatter totakingaction thatis alreadyinprogress, existthatmakeviolenceprobable.Whenviolencehasalready whentheconditions itrequires to a substantial level,evenifitis notyetmasskilling, halting progressed theinfluence andpoweroftheinternational community. in either Withsomeexceptions, theUnitedNationshas remainedineffective or individual nations have not collective violence. Traditionally, halting preventing or "intervention" to save the lives of citizens of another (often regarded engagement noras necessarily as a moralobligation, distant)country servingtheirinterests. Thisis shortsighted, becauseas violenceexpands,governments thathaveengaged inmasskillingoftheirownpopulation tendalsotoattackothercountries. Examples from ofthisincludetheCambodianincursions intoVietnam, Argentina progressing thedisappearances totheFalklandwar,andIraqinvading Kuwait.Itis conceivable thatstrong international ofJewsandother responsestotheincreasing persecution transgressions by Germanyin the 1930s wouldhave haltedtheevolutionthat contributed tothemanifold violencethatGermany laterengagedin.It is probable thatearly,committed andactionsbytheinternational reactions before community, a strong commitment toviolenceand/or a system thatpromotes ithavedeveloped in a givennation,couldusuallyhaltviolencewithout theuse offorce. Haltingviolence.Haltingviolencemay involvetheuse of specialenvoys thedisap(CarnegieCommission,1997; Staub,1999a). Theycan communicate andconsequences thatwillfollowifviolence provaloftheinternational community continues.They can also offerhelp of variedkinds:withmediation, conflict withleadersin supportive andhealingways,andhelping resolution, engagement leadersto findwaysto respondto theneedsof theirpeople without generating violence. The engagement ofhigh-level international leaders,theirdirectcontactwith leadersofpotentially at times be crucial.Becauseissuesof genocidalgroups,may and connection to are others often centralamongthosewho identity, security, the of involvement international perpetrate genocide, important figurescan help the of a and a of by affirming identity group feeling importance by thegroup's leaders.Itcanenhancea feelingofsecurity andcreatea senseofconnection tothe restoftheworld. Whennecessary, sanctions andboycotts needtofollow.Thesemight be more effective andcreateless suffering a if are more on focused among population they leaders-forexample,targeting theirassetsin foreign countries Com(Carnegie mission,1997). Finally,militaryactioncan be essentialin certaininstances, especiallywhenno prioractionhas beentaken,to stopmasskillingorgenocide. Bothtohaltviolenceandtoprevent todevelopa conception it,itis necessary ofwhenactionis needed,whatkindofaction,whois toperform theseactions,and This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 376 Staub action.Earlywarning andperforming has becomea a relatedsystemof initiating the crucial issueis Buthistory that recentfocusofgenocideprevention. suggests the creation and existence of a that which system responds earlyaction, requires abouttheimpending to information. For example,theexistenceof information violencein Rwandadid notlead to anyresponse(des Forges,1999; Gourevich, 1998;Staub,1999a). violence.Withregardto prevention, one focushas beenon ecoPreventing This nomicdevelopment is important, butwilltake 1997). (CarnegieCommission, timeandis byitselfnotenough.First,foreffective subordinate prevention, groups and to rightswithina oughtto have greateraccess to economicopportunities times.Thisinturnrequireschangesinthedominant society,especiallyindifficult betweengroups.Second, groups,as wellas in subordinate groupsandinrelations toprevent ormutualhostility. Various violence,groupsmustovercomedevaluation conflict resolution approaches(Deutsch& Coleman,2000;Fisher,1997;Rouhana & Kelman,1994)andgroupsworking forcommongoals(Pettigrew, 1997; together in Staub,1989,1999a)havebeenproposedandusedforthispurpose.Experiences suchgroupscan also further healingandreconciliation. newapproachtopreventing collecHealingand reconciliation.A relatively tiveviolenceandbreaking violencehasbeenworkonhealing cyclesofcontinuing andreconciliation 1996;Staub,1998,1999a;Staub& Pearlman, (Agger& Jensen, 1996,in press;Weine,1999; Wessels& Montiero,in press).As notedbefore, healingbyvictimized groupsmakesviolencebythemless likely.In ordertoheal, membersof victimized needto engagewith individuals, groups,likevictimized theirexperience. thepain,sorrow, andloss undersafe Theyneedto reexperience conditions. and fromeachother affirmation Theyneedtoreceiveempathy, support, and,ideally,frompeopleoutsidethegroup. connections tootherhumanbeings,bothwithin and Theyneedtoreestablish outsidetheirgroup.Individuals andgroupsfromtheoutsidereaching outtothem, theirpain and offering forhealing. acknowledging support,can be important Variousforms ofjustice,ranging frompunishment ofperpetrators torestitution by cancommunicate tovictims thatwhathashappenedtothemis notacceptable them, humanconduct.All thiscan supportvictims'identity, enhancetheirfeelingsof and with and contribute to reconciliation. So canthe security, thereby help healing of and (Staub,1998, 1999a,Staub& expression regret apologyby perpetrators in Pearlman, press). Whenmembersof victimand perpetrator groups-or,as is oftenthecase, that have victimized each other-live is reconciliation groups mutually together, essentialto breakthecontinuing is morethan cycleof violence.Reconciliation hostilegroupslivingnear each otheror simply coexistence,thatis, formerly and Reconciliation ofthetwo interacting working together. requiresthatmembers come to see the ofone another. It meanscomingto accepteach groups humanity otherandtodevelopmutualtrust. This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 377 Genocideand Mass Killing is difficult andtheveryidea ofitcan Thisalso requiresforgiving. Forgiving afterhorrible eventsliketheHolocaust,thegenocidein Rwanda,or be offensive formanysurvivors toconsider thegenocidalviolencein Tibet.It is evendifficult who have not members of the those personally particigroup perpetrator forgiving groupor because patedin violence,eitherbecausetheybelongto theperpetrator is important becauseitmakes Nonetheless, forgiving theywerepassivebystanders. in And when live as Bosnia andRwanda, reconciliation groups together, possible. of of the violence areever and without reconciliation, feelings insecurity danger present. totakeplace, Notonlyvictimsbutperpetrators needtohealforreconciliation Membersoftheperpeas do thosewhohavebeenbothvictimsandperpetrators. oftenbypriorvictimization, butattheveryleastas trator grouparealso wounded, Without a resultof theviolencetheyor othersin theirgrouphave perpetrated. are continue to blame and withtheirownpain,perpetrators likelyto engagement victims.Onlyas theybeginto healcan devaluetheirformer andpotential future shelltheycreatearoundthemselves weaken.Thisin theprotective psychological turncan open themto the people theyhave harmedand allow a processof tobegin. reconciliation and forgiveness mutuallysupporteach other.An Healing,reconciliation, andtogether, advanceineachcanfacilitate advancesintheothers.Separately they contribute to thefulfillment ofbasic humanneeds:forsecurity, positiveidentity, tootherpeople,anda comprehension ofreality thatoffers hope. positiveconnection and Reconciliationin Rwanda Healing,Forgiveness, Genocideand itsimpact.In 1994,in a 3-month periodfromAprilthrough June,perhapsas manyas 800,000peoplewerekilledin Rwanda,mostof them moderate"Hutus,or Hutuswho Tutsis,butincludingabout50,000 "politically wereregarded as enemiesforotherreasons.Thegenocidewasperpetrated primarbutalsobyneighbors andevenbyrelatives ilybythearmy, byparamilitary groups, of Tutsiswhowereeithermarried to Hutusor wereof mixedethnicbackground (des Forges,1999). The influencesleadingto the genocide,the evolutionof violenceoveran extended period,and(as notedearlier)thebehaviorofbystanders wereall consistent withthemodelpresented here(Staub,1999a). The greatimpactof thegenocideon survivors for providesthebackground efforts towardhealing,reconciliation, and forgiveness. On tripsto Rwanda I interviewed someTutsisurvivors whowerehelpedby Hutus.We gainedfurther information abouttheexperienceand impacton survivorsin thecourseof an in Rwanda(Staub& and reconciliation ongoingprojecton healing,forgiveness, in Pearlman, press).1 1ThisprojecthasbeensupportedbytheJohnTempletonFoundation. This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Staub 378 because ofoneyoungwomanwas killed.Shesurvived Everyoneinthefamily withanother when the This took shewas traveling family genocidebegan. family Another heras a slavelaborer. herinbuttreated woman,whosehusbandwaskilled, tookin a childwhowas leftfordead and stayedfordaysin a pileofcorpses.His even his capacityfor speech,has been severely psychologicaldevelopment, survived because his motheris Tutsi,butafterthe One man barely impaired. his father is Hutu.In additionto theimpactof had because genocide problems divisionsnowin betweenHutusandTutsis,therearefurther eventson therelation from thegenocideandthosewhoreturned RwandabetweenTutsiswhosurvived or their from earlier of violence Tutsis othercountries, against refugees periods inchargeofthegovernment. A helpful descendants. Thislattergroupis primarily is concernedwith,promotes, andhas initiated a influence is thatthegovernment and reconciliation." tofacilitate "unity program In our projectwe have trainedstafffroma numberof local organizations & Hagengimana, (Staub,Pearlman, 1999)thatworkwithgroupsinthecommunity on healing,or reconciliation, or helpingpeoplecome together to do agricultural efforts. The training includedexperiential work,or in othercommunity-building components, specifically havingpeoplewrite,or draw,orjust thinkabouttheir witheachother, experiences duringthegenocideandthensharetheseexperiences withparticipants also trainedin empathicresponding to others'stories.In the course of this,participants talkedabout verypainfulexperiencesduringthe such as genocide.The trainingalso includedpsychoeducational components, learningabouttheeffectsof traumaon individuals, examining pathsto healing, andlearning abouthowgenocideoriginates. This last componentseemedto have a profoundimpacton participants. theroleofthese Learningabouttheinfluences leadingtogenocide,andconsidering influences bothinothergenocidesandinthegenocideinRwanda,seemedtohave severalconsequences. seemedtofeeltheirhumanity reaffirmed: First,participants If thesethingshavehappenedelsewhere, and iftheseare understandable human then what in horrible as it does not exclude Rwanda, was, processes, happened themfromthehumanrealm.Second,some shiftin attitude towardperpetrators seemedto takeplace,as a resultof hearingaboutand discussingtheforcesthat to theiractions.If theperpetrators areaffected operatein leadingperpetrators by conditionsin societyand the natureof culturein comprehensible ways,then if perhapstheirevil actionsarenotsimplytheresultof an evilnature.Moreover, influencesthatled to thegenocideare comprehensible, thentherecurrence of violencemay be preventable. All theseshiftsin perspective mayenhancethe of not for but for Hutus as well.In addition possibility reconciliation, only Tutsis, tothediscussioninthegroup,changesinparticipants thatresulted from thetraining as a wholewereindicated information collected in bypreliminary questionnaires. We have begunto collectfurther information frommembersof groupsin the thattheparticipants in ourseminar workwith. community This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Genocideand Mass Killing 379 avenuesto healing, Althoughexperiencesin smallgroupscan be important thecreationof processesthatpromotehealingon a largerscale,involving more is essentialwhena wholesocietyis affected. Ceremopeopleorthewholesociety, andvictimgroupscan andmemorials canbe useful.Perpetrator nies,testimonies, join ingriefandsorrow.Thenatureoftheseeventsshouldbe suchthattheydo not andconnect buthelppeopleengagewiththeirexperiences reinforce woundedness, witheachotherin waysthatpointto a morehopefulfuture (Staub,1998). InRwanda,ata meeting ofwomen Othersocietalprocessesarealsoimportant. women the reconciliation the and commission, many expressed organized by unity fortheirfamiliesas partofthekindofjustice needfora better economicsituation A womaninourworkshop, whosehusbandwas thatwillhelpwithreconciliation. whenmylivelihoodwas destroyed andI cannot killed,said: "How can I forgive, evenpayfortheschoolingofmychildren." economic forpeople Although support is difficult in Rwandaandin otherpoorsocietieswherecollectiveviolencetakes place,an increasein socialjusticecan providea positivegroundforprocessesof inpress).Obviously, andforgiveness (Staub& Pearlman, healing,reconciliation, economicaid byothercountries canbe ofgreatvalue. WhentheEvolutionDoes NotIntensify inwhichtheevolution ofincreasing Therearesomeinstances violenceremains The I in inhibited. influences discussed causingand preventing masskillingand genocidehavea rolein this. Actionby bystanders is usuallyimportant. It was important in bringing to an endin SouthAfrica.The exclusionofSouthAfricanathletes from apartheid international eventscontributed, followedbytheimportant economicboycott. The ofnationshelpedto stopviolencein Bosnia,whenfinally, afterlong community NATO tookmilitary action. hesitation, Bothbystanders andinternal societalprocesseswereimportant ina number of instances.This was thecase in SouthAfrica.It was also thecase in Northern Ireland.The relatively limitedviolencein thisseemingly intractable conflict, just over3,000deathsfromthe1960sto thelate 1990s,was probably to a significant extentbecauseofthepresenceoftheBritisharmyanda substantial policeforce. BothBritainandtheUnitedStateshad significant rolesin starting andhelpingto maintain therecent hasimproved peaceprocess.Alongtheway,positiveleadership thequalityof lifeof theCatholicminority. Internal werealso active: bystanders betweenCatholicsand Community groupsandschoolshavecreatedmanycontacts Protestants (Cairns& Darby,1998). Similarly,violencebetweenIsraelisand Palestinians of external mayhave remainedlimitedbecauseof theinvolvement bystanders, especiallytheUnitedStates,as wellas bothinsideandoutsideparties workingon creatingpositivecontactbetweenJewsand Palestinians(Kelman, 1990;Rouhana& Kelman,1994). This content downloaded on Tue, 8 Jan 2013 11:33:36 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 380 Staub the I havenotedearlier,as an exampleof theunusualpowerof bystanders, to the evolution of of the international Baha'i violence community stop ability towardtheBaha'i in Iran(Bigelow,1993).Couldthispowernotbe exercisedby toprotest and violencetowarda persecution anypersonswillingtojoin together iftheyarewilling ofnations, group,andevenmorebynationsandthecommunity to speakandact? Conclusions ofcollectiveviolencerequiresa multifaceted The prevention approach.One essentialissue is to developknowledgeof how to do this.Anothereven more difficult is tomobilizetheinternational problem community-nations, nongovernmentalorganizations, concernedindividuals-totakeaction.Withoutan establishedsystemthathas thetaskofpreventing collectiveviolence,theactionsthat aretakenwillbe ad hoc,usuallytoolateforprevention, andofteneventoolateto haltviolenceonce itbegins.The essentialtaskof scholarsincludesfurther study oftheoriginsofcollectiveviolence,thedevelopment ofknowledge aboutprevenas activists tobringa preventive tion,andworking systemintoexistence. AUTHOR'S ADDRESS thisarticle shouldbe senttoErvinStaub,Department Correspondence concerning ofPsychology, TobinHall,University ofMassachusetts, MA 01003. Amherst, REFERENCES S. (1996). Traumaand recovery understateterrorism. London:Zed. Agger,I., & Jensen, C. (1995). Yugoslavia'sbloodycollapse:Causes,courseand consequences. 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